( . SOUTHERN WEALTH 
 
 atorthern profits, 
 
 AS EXHIBITED IIT • ,'. ; ] [ ' .\ ' '. >. ' 
 
 STATISTICAL FACTS AND OFFICIAL FIGURES: 
 
 SHOWING THE 
 
 NECESSITY OF UNION TO THE FUTURE PROSPERITY 
 
 AND 
 
 WELFARE OF THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 EY 
 
 THOMAS PRENTICE KETTELL, 
 
 LATE EDITOR OF TQE DEMOCRATIC RKVIEV. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 GEORGE W. & JOHN A. WOOD, 
 
 LAW BUILDING, 82 NASSAU-STEEET. 
 
 1860. 
 
^i 
 
 K' 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S60, 
 
 By GEO. W. & JOHN A. "WOOD, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern 
 
 District of New York. 
 
 RENNIE, SHEA & LINDSAY. 
 
 StKREOtVPEES AND ElECTBOTTPKES, 
 
 81, 83, ftnd 85 Centre-street, 
 Kew Yor.E. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Thk Emperor of the French has said, that "France is the only nation tlmt 
 goes to war for an idea." With more truth may it be said, tliat " the United 
 States is the only nation that goes to destruction for an idea." This appears, 
 however, to be the settled policy of a party at the North. The United States, at 
 the age of seventy years, have exhibited a degree of success in working out the 
 " experiment" of self-government, that has baffled the sagacity, while it has ex- 
 cited the admiration, of the most far-seeing statesmen of the Old Woild. This 
 great success manifests itself in the international peace that the country enjoys, 
 its rapid increase in numbers, the general wealth of the people, and the vast 
 aggregate which that wealth presents. 
 
 At the close of the War of Independence, the country was composed of ex- 
 hausted Colonies, having a population of 3,172,4G4 whites. The government was 
 heavily in debt and without credit, the channels of trade flooded with irredeem- 
 able and depreciated paper that had driven away specie, national bankruptcy 
 and individual insolvency were the rule. Tlie people were destitute of capital 
 and manufactures ; the employment of the shipping apparently destroyed, and 
 the future presenting but little hope. There were 751,363 black slaves, who 
 were without employment that would earn their own support, and their fate 
 and that of their masters gave ample cause of uneasiness, as well to statesmen 
 as to owners. To abandon the blacks to their fate, under the plea of philan- 
 thropy, suggested itself to many. The employment of Northern ships was 
 mostly the slave-trade, while the South, having daily less employment for the 
 blacks, was determined to stop their arrival, — a measure which tlie North re- 
 garded as depriving it of its legitimate business. Thus growing jealousy was 
 added to other evils. The lapse of seventy years has changed all that. The 
 North has come to rival the mother country in manufactures — her shipping is 
 the first in the world— capital of every description has become redundant— the 
 Federal debt is nominal, and local wealth superior in Mas.sachusetts to that of 
 any community of like numbers in the world. The condition of the South has 
 changed to one of the most brilliant promise. From a desponding jjosition, in 
 the possession of 600,000 idle blacks, she hii.s 4,000,000, whose labor is inade- 
 quate to the production of that staple which the civilized world demands from 
 her fertile soil. The blacks themselves have been gradually elevated in material 
 comforts and religious sentiment — not only far above tliosc of any other country, 
 but greatly and progressively above their own former condition. And tliis is 
 comprehended in the material fact, tliat their value, which was $200 by a.<fsc8S- 
 ment in 1790, is $550 in 1858. From a market value of $250, they have risen 
 ;o $1500 and $2000. This simple fact alone would show not only the great 
 yalue that their labor is to the Christian world, but that their owners have 
 thus, as it were, come under bonds in the sum of S1200 and $1800 each hand, to 
 jive them the best moral and material care. That rise in the value of the blacks 
 
Preface. 
 
 is also the index to the rise in the aggregate property of the Union, which has 
 become as follows, showing the ofncial assessed valuation : 
 
 North. 
 West . 
 South. 
 
 1850. 1858. 
 
 .^3,095,833, 338 § 3,426,i8o,3iS 
 
 . 1,022,948,262 2,111,233,345 
 
 . 2,947,781,366 4,620,617,564 
 
 $io,i58,o3i,i27 
 
 Total §7,066,562,966. 
 
 The valuation for 1850 is that of the census, and that of 1858 is from each 
 State census. In 1800, the whole valuation for the levy of a Federal tax was 
 619 millions. There has then been an increase of property valuation of 6,447 
 millions up to 1850, and of 3,072 millions from 1850 to 1858. How strong a 
 contrast does this present to the condition of affairs in 1790 ! ■ Tliis immense 
 property has been developed under the harmonious working of the Federal Con- 
 stitution, and the country has become the asylum and admiration of the Old 
 World, from the political contests of which it has remained aloof. 
 
 We have endeavored, in the following pages, to trace the gradual development 
 of this great wealth, to show its souires, the course of the resulting trade, and 
 the great profits derived from sectional intercourse, harmony, and dependence. 
 The mutual benefit will be found to be large ; and that, on the other hand, the 
 disasters of disunion would be only the more terrible for the greatness of former 
 success. In the midst of this prosperity, a wanton attack, by political and cleri- 
 cal agitators, is made upon sister States, a new idea of morality is conjured up as 
 a means of stirring up domestic strife, and wantonly destroying the source of all 
 this material good. Historians record with surprise the amazing folly of George 
 th6 Third and his ministers, who drove the colonies into rebellion for a system ! 
 But they wanted revenue. What will the future historian say of the North, 
 which destroyed its source of profit for a more trivial pretence ! The monkey 
 that persisted in sawing off the limb between himself and the tree, seems to be 
 the model of modern sagacity. We are told that there is no intention of destroy- 
 ing the institutions of the States — that the design is only to exclude the institu- 
 tion from territory where it would have been long since had nature permitted. 
 There is here, then, nothing practical— a mere pretence of agitating the popular 
 mind and engendering animosities, for the mere sake of those animosities. Tlie 
 national prosperity, the domestic peace, the safety of life and property, the very 
 existence of the nation, are jeopardized for an idea, admitted by the agitators to 
 be fruitless. The agitation has at the North no one practical application what- 
 ever ; while at the South, it has in the background servile insurrection, blood- 
 shed, and annihilation of person and property, involving ultimately the ruin of 
 the North. 
 
 This Republican hobby, so violently ridden, has at best but a feeble constitu- 
 tion. The idea of non-intervention where slavery exists, and of intervention 
 where it cannot exist, is certainly but a thing of straw ; yet this is the very head 
 of the pi-etence, while the popular contempt for slavery is stimulated by such 
 assertions as the following : 
 
 " The annual hay crop of the Free States is worth considerably more, in dollars 
 and cents, than all the cotton, tobacco, rice, hay, hemp, and cane-sugar annually 
 produced in the fifteen Slave States." 
 
 When we find that the South keeps 3,000,000 head of cattle more than thi. 
 North, without this vast expense for haymaking, the absurdity of this propositio: 
 in a partisan tale becomes apparent, and we recognize the hobby of the nursery 
 
 " His head was made of peas-straw, 
 His tail was made of hay.' ' 
 
Preface. 6 
 
 Europe looks on in surprifie, to see this " model Republic," this successful "ex- 
 ponent of self-government," this " eyesore to aristocrats," this " asylum of the 
 oppressed," this "paradise of industry, and demonstration of human equality," 
 voluntarily casting behind it all claim for human supremacy, all prospect of ad- 
 vancement, and seeking self-destruction, for the sake of wallowing in the kennel 
 with an inferior race. The philosopher demands if the persons who commit 
 this monstrous outrage upon human dignity are really entitled to those godlike 
 qualities that are generally ascribed to the intellect of man. Is man, after all, no 
 better than a brute, that he should libel his Creator for making distinctions be- 
 tween his creatures, and pretend to correct the errors of the Deity by voluntarily 
 resigning his rank in the scale of creation ? The statesman asks, if really the 
 " most intelligent" people of the world are so besotted as to take seriously the 
 political clap-traps of Europe, to pretend that they are no better than negroes, 
 and destroy themselves for a sentiment? That Europe, through her large interest 
 in American States, has been alarmed lest this should really be so, is manifest 
 in the London "Times," which, from a virulent assailant, has lately become the 
 efficient defender of American institutions, which were capital staples for abuse 
 while there was no danger of losing them, but they really cannot afford to have 
 the thing taken seriously. 
 
 The South views the matter in the spirit of Patrick Henry. " ITie object is 
 now, indeed, small, but the shadow is large enough to darken all this fair land." 
 They can have no faith in men who profess what they think a great moral prin- 
 ciple, and deny that they intend to act upon it. It was the principle of taxation 
 without representation that the colonies resisted, and it is the principle of the 
 '• irrepressible conflict," based avowedly on a " higher law," that the South resist.s. 
 She is now in the position of the Colonies eighty-four years ago, and is adopting 
 the same measures that they adopted, viz., non-intercourse. These are now 
 derided as they were then, and this even while the effects of the preliminary 
 movements are falling heavily upon the Northern workmen. A prompt retreat 
 from this dangerous agitation within the shadow of the Constitution, is the only 
 means of realizing the rich future, which will be the reward only of harmony, 
 good faitli, and loyalty to the Constitution. 
 
 T. P. K. 
 
 New York, March 6, 18G0. 
 
y 
 
CO'NTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I.— Origin of Capital 9 
 
 Labor the source of wealth — Accumulation is cnpitnl — Beginning of slavery — Capital mostly of 
 slave origin — Disposition of whites to work— Last white slaves of England — Queen Elizabeth 
 — Henry VIII.— ^Yhite emancipation — Negro enslavement— India — First English slave-ships 
 — Jainaica— End of slave-trade— Abolition— Profits of 274 years of slave-trade— Failure of 
 the abolition scheme— London Times — Exeter Hall — New England schools — Crop of aboli- 
 tion—The New Englai\d supersedes the Old — New England slave-traders — Commerce of New 
 England — Capital slave-earned — Forced into manufactures — Cotton employs shipping. 
 
 CHAPTER II. — Cotton Culture and Manufacture 19 
 
 Steam-engines— Cotton gin and jenny— 'Whitney-Judge Johnson— Condition of the South- 
 Gloomy prospects for slaves— Sudden opening of the future— Product and export of cotton 
 from ISOO to 1S60— Inventions— Start to manufacture— Manufactures in Europe and the Uni- 
 ted States— Varieties of cotton— Supply to England— India a consumer— French duty— Dr. 
 Livingstone— Cotton used per head — Manchester chamber of commerce — Lord Brougham — 
 I of Oxford— Lord Overstonc— London Times. 
 
 CHAPTER HI.— General Agriculture 42 
 
 New England navigation— Southern slave agriculture— Western free agriculture— Erroneous 
 notions about the Snuth — Food per head at the South — West — North- Southern preponder- 
 ance — Products per hand — Hay fallacy — Cattle kept— Sugar product per hand— Exchanieablo 
 value produced at the South — Exports to Northern cities— Northern expenses paid by the 
 South — Railroads — Persons employed at the South on railroads — Farm products sent to North- 
 ern cities^ent from N. York to Jamaica— Southern capital improved by local employments. 
 
 CHx\PTER IV.— Manufactures 5-1 
 
 New England naturally sterile — Shipping employments — Female eEfS^'loyment — Ch.inge in navi- 
 gation — Anne.xation of Louisiana — Erroneous views of Southern employments — Table of cot- 
 ton manufactures in each section — Goods produced South and North — Advantages of the South 
 — General manufacturer's table — New England sales to the South — Protection— Female em- 
 ployment — Slavery driven out of the North — South becoming an exporter- Relative increa«o 
 — Factories in Georgia — Girls employed — Immigration — Mechanii'S — Large capital brought by 
 immigrants — Manufactures sold South — Home manufactures in 17fi4— General Lyman — En;:- 
 land derided the colonies — New England derides the South — England could conquer the colo- 
 nies — The North would conquer the South— Defensive commercial measures at the South — 
 Enin for an idea, 
 
 CHAPTER V. — Imports and Exports G7 
 
 Growth of industry— Exports follow production — Carrying trade of New England— Slaves a<l- 
 jnsted the Southern balance- Exports grow with Southern products — United States imports 
 and export.s — Nature of external trado— Annual trade-balance — Operation of duties — United 
 States exports- Early exports — Embargo — Progress of cotton — Free trade in England— No 
 surplus manufactured for export — Superior natural advantiges of the South and West over the 
 North — Exports mostly of Southern origin — Analysis — Breadstuffs— Sales of poods to the South 
 — Profits of whites at the South — Number who come North— Trade account North and South — 
 Various interests concerned — North alone injured by separation — South has materiaLs food, 
 and markets — Clerical mischief-makers — Northern Slave States to supplant New England. 
 
 CHAPTER VI.— Tonnage and Railroads 77 
 
 Sbip-bullding early engages the North— Tonnage in ITth century— Sir Joshua Child— Ships built 
 in 1769— Tonnage in 1820— Increasing size of ships— Fish-eating In New Ensland— Cotton 
 supplants fish— Bounties on fish — North has the ships but furnishes no frt-lght- Brooms — 
 Tonnage built — Progress in 40 years— One ton to a bale— Fluctuation in tonnage— Cotton the 
 regulator— Demand for tons by famine— Mexican war — California— Clipper fhips— Owner- 
 ship of tonnage- Eel.itivo source of fnights— New Tork profits— Ship-building per 
 Comparative cost North and South— Railroads— North and South— Tabic of railroads. 
 
8 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VII.— Banking 89 
 
 Commercial charter of bankers— Course of produce— Cotton bills— Concentration of capital in 
 New York — Capital supplied from all quarters— Planters' bills— Capital pours into New York 
 for employment— Number and strength of banks— Bank balance— New York quarterly re- 
 turns — Fluctuation of balances — Specie in Southern banks — New York and New Orleans — 
 Current of specie South— Bills and specie in New Orleans— General exchange system— Effect 
 on the accumulation of capital — South beginning to accumulate — Profits of '•absenteeism'" at 
 the North— The aggregate would develop manufactures at the South. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII.— Population 99 
 
 Influence of population — Greater Increase of the South — Table of seven census returns — Sec- 
 tional progress and immigration — Nativities of each section— Capital brought by immigrants 
 — Irish and Germans perform domestic service— Domestic service degrading at the North- 
 Migration East to "West — Incendiary publications— More Northerners emigrate than Southern- 
 ers— Effect of diminished trade— Shoe trade— Export of shoes from Boston South— Climate- 
 Deaths — Attractions of the North — Employments of free people — Local industry at the South. 
 
 CHAPTER IX.— Black Race lOS 
 
 Principle of individual contribution — Society requires all to produce — Criminals — The white race 
 will work, the black will not— Fugitives in Canada— Black laws of the West— Paupers re- 
 quired to work — Connecticut laws — Paupers sold — Dr. Clianning — Illusion — Toussaint L"On- 
 verturc — English error and disappointment — London Times on Jamaica — Mango Park — 
 Lewis— West Indies — Negroes never known to hire — Capt, Hamilton — Memorial to the queen 
 —Blacks liberated— Coolies— State of the blacks— Governor Barkley— Parliamentary debates 
 — French Guiana — M. Vacherot — John Bigclow, Esq. — Blacks in United States per census 1790 
 to ISbO — Aggregate sectional progress— At the North very slow — Northern climate too rigor- 
 ous for blacks— Criminals — Black and white' — Blacks more vicious at the North — Irish more 
 oppressed— Exclusion of free blacks — The antipathies of races. 
 
 CHAPTER X.— Accumulation 126 
 
 South produces— Northern profits— Customs— Bounties— Manufactures-Annual drafts upon the 
 South — Fishing bounties — Helper's errors — Valuation of 179S — Progress to IS.'iO— Great in- 
 crease of the South— Farm lands — West— Northern valuations — City growth — Loss upon 
 Southern trade— All farms overvalued — Land tenaciously held in Europe — Not so in America 
 — "Bonds" for the free— Southern State returns for 1S5S — Immense increase — Western State 
 valuation for 1S5S— The Southern value sound— The Western value a wreck— Northern State 
 valuation — Bank capital — Tonnage — Railroads — Manufactures — Kecapitulation— Great prog- 
 ress of the South **• ■""• 
 
 CHAPTER XL— Apportionment 137 
 
 Formation of government — Ch.wgcd position of slaves — Struggle for power — Representation — 
 South on the defence — Northern taunts— Constitutional provisions — Original States all Slave 
 States- New England in favor of prolonged slave-trade— Disunion by Massachusetts— Renewal 
 — Opposition to new territories — Abolition at the North— Decline of Southern power — Increase 
 of Free States— Table of apportionments— Foreign element at the North— Concentration of 
 blacks— Texa.s— Increase of free blacks— Rise in slave value prevents political expansion- 
 Concentration of population promotes manufactures — New census — Western railroad interest 
 —Immigration diminished— Union is peace — But our interest "the union." 
 
 CHAPTER XIL— Conclusion 143 
 
 Surprising progress— Original States— Resume of facts— Population— Production— Property- 
 Northern profits— Federal loans and fin.mcial loans— Substitute of population at the North- 
 Foreigners mostly .servants and artisans— North concentrates wealth and cheap labor— Party 
 motives— .\ttcmpts to stir ps-ssions- Hon. W. H. Seward— Blacks are property— Early under- 
 standing of the constitution— Congress acts upon the idea of property— Mr. Jay— Federal act 
 of 1S07— The law determines property— Debate of 1799-Mr. Rutledge-H. G. Otis— Jihn 
 Adams— Constitution protects slaves—" Concessions "—Farewell Address— Loader of Repul li- 
 cans— Slaves in territories— Bald sham— System of irritation— Mas.<achusetts— Black laws of 
 the West— Mr. Hoar—" One policy "—Bales to blacks— Concentration of blacks— Blacks too 
 valuable to migrate— Duties— Mr. Calhoun— Mr. Webster— Change attitudes— Black tariff 
 compromise — Charles O'Conor, Esq. 
 
SOUTHERN WEALTH 
 
 NORTHERN PROFITS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ORIGIN OF CAPITAL. 
 
 The fact tliat labor is tlie source of all wealtli, has long been 
 demonstrated by all schools of economists ; so also have they 
 shown that what is called capital, in whatever shape it exists, 
 is the surplus of production over consumption. Tliese are very 
 plain propositions, but there is another quite as manifest : it is, 
 that the unaided labor of a man can jiroduce for hun very lit- 
 tle more than his own requirements. An individual in the oc- 
 cupation of a farm soon finds that unless he can procure other 
 labor than his own, no matter how fruitful may bo the earth, 
 he will have very little surplus at the end of the year, after 
 satisfying his own wants. In the early ages of the world, when, 
 as is supposed, there were fewer labor-saving machines than 
 now, this insufficiency of individual labor was the more marked. 
 A man's wealth was then increased in proportion to the num- 
 ber of sons he possessed, and who were then, as they are to this 
 day, legal slaves until the age of 21. Very soon the idea pos- 
 sessed a strong family to compel others to work for them. It 
 was speedily discovered that numbers of persons had no dis- 
 position to labor at all if they could help it. It was equally 
 obvious that if they did not produce they must still exist at the 
 expense of those who did produce. As this could not in jus- 
 tice be permitted, the remedy was to fierce them to labor. Tlic 
 production was thus increased, and the surplus enhanced by 
 taking care that those slaves should consume less than they 
 earned. That system of slavery, with many modifications, has 
 
10 Southern Wealth and If^orthern Profits. 
 
 prevailed doT\Ti to the present time ; and all the wealth or capi- 
 tal existing has been the result of slave-labor, or of the work- 
 ing of capital originally derived from slave-labor. The history 
 of the wealth and power of nations is but a record of slave 
 ])roducts. Tlie monuments of antiquity, the magnificence of the 
 modern world, tlje .power of states ; the position of nobles and 
 ^he-fortutifs'.afi'Hiitljviduals, are the results of slave-labor — the 
 aecuinulations from. forced servitude. In a free state each in- 
 diti];lvi4l.'ralJi-">}^4 A^. injich as he produces, and it is only when 
 men are compelled to work much, and enjoy comparatively but 
 little of the proceeds of their labor, that the task-master of many 
 accumulates wealth in proportion to the skill with which he 
 directs their services. The possessor of many slaves must have 
 a lucrative mode of employing them, or he will be ruined by the 
 expense of maintaining them. Tlie ancient world was main- 
 tained by slaves and enjoyed by patricians. In modem Europe, 
 serf-labor, imder the feudal system, was universal, and if the 
 nobles have now ceased to have an ownership in the man, they 
 do not the less surely exact from him his earnings through 
 the credit system which has replaced feudality. The soil of 
 Europe and of England was, however, unfitted to slave-labor. 
 K it was every^vhere owned by the nobles, it yielded but little 
 under the unintelligent cultivation of the serfs, and capital was 
 of very slow growth, notwithstanding that the condition of the 
 mass of people was miserable in the extreme. 
 
 It was soon discovered, in the progress of civilization, that 
 intelligent white men would produce more in a state of free- 
 dom than as serfs ; that the rewards of industry were a suffi- 
 cient stimulus to them to labor ; while tithes, taxes, and rents 
 were the ready means of exacting more of the proceeds of labor 
 from the freeman than could be obtained from the serfs. The 
 restraints upon individuals were then gradually relaxed, while 
 the most severe means were taken to compel idlers to work. 
 " Sturdy beggars" were not only visited with the severe penal- 
 ties of the law, but those who harbored and relieved them were 
 punished ; while " work-houses" were the recipients of those ai'- 
 rested and those who required alms. 
 
 Tlie slave system gradually faded out, — the sovereigns, as 
 they wanted money from time to time, selling freedom to the 
 slaves. The last record of transactions of this nature was in 
 1574, by Queen Elizabeth. Sixty years previously, " BlulF 
 King Hal," being short of funds, had " made a raise" on the 
 
Southern Wealth and jVot'thern Profits. 11 
 
 freedom of some of liis slaves. As this is a curious fact, but 
 little known, we transcribe the law. 
 
 A manumission granted by Henry VIII., to two persons, 
 ran as follows : 
 
 " Whereas, originally, God created all men free ; but after- 
 ward the laws and customs of nations subjected some under tlie 
 yoke of servitude, we think it pious and meritorious with God, 
 to make certain persons absolutely free from servitude who are at 
 present under villenage to us ; Avhcrefore we do now accordinijly 
 manumit and free from yoke of servitude Henry Knight, a tailor, 
 and John Erie, a husbandman, our slaves, as being "born in our 
 manor of Stoke Clymmy Slande, in our count}' of "Cornwall, to- 
 gether with all their issue born or hereafter to be born, so as 
 the said two persons, with their issue, shall henceforth be 
 deemed by us and our heirs free and of free condition." — 
 
 nea oy 
 leva, v., 
 
 Fmdera, V., xiii., p. 470. 
 
 This wonderfully pious prince became suddenly "republi- 
 can," it appears, when he found that Henry Knight would pay 
 for such an exercise of piety. It is a pity that this devout 
 mood should not have lasted 20 years later, to save the head of 
 Anne Boleyn from forfeiture for too much alleged freedom. 
 Sixty years later, the " Good Queen Bess," being sorely impe- 
 cunious, bethought her of the profitable piety of old Hal, and 
 directed a commission to her Lord Treasurer Burghley and Sir 
 Walter Mildmay, Chancellor of her Exchequer, for inquiring 
 into the condition of all her bondmen and bondwomen in the 
 counties of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, and Gloucester, or 
 such as were by " birth of slavish condition," by being born in 
 any of her manors ; and to compound with such bondmen and 
 bondwomen in those counties for their manumissioii, and to 
 enjoy their chattels, &c., as freemen. By this exhibition of 
 republicanism the respectable old spinster raised a consideraldc 
 sum of money for her own enjoyment. Those bondmen, how- 
 ever, fared worse than " black brothers" 260 years later, since 
 they had to pay for their freedom, and the " darkies" were dis- 
 charged and " hired over again at better wages." 
 
 It is a little remarkable- that the preamble of the law of 
 Henry VIII. begins with almost the identical phrase that heads 
 the Declaration of American Independence. It is to be sup- 
 posed that Mr. Jefferson had diligently followed the slow course 
 of human emancipation in England, and was duly impressed 
 with the fact announced by the king in respect of men; but 
 
12 Southern Wealth ai\d Northern Profits. 
 
 the idea does not seem to have occurred to either tliat before 
 the emancipation of " men" should have become perfected, 
 zealots would have descended a grade in the scale of creation 
 to embrace an inferior race in a common right of freedom. As 
 " Revolutions never go backward," race after race of animals 
 may expect their turn of emancipation, since the same argu- 
 ment, that all are born free, applies to all. Naturally, all were 
 born free ; but it was to serve the common end of creation that 
 tliey are made useful to man by domestication. In his free 
 state, amid the wilds of Africa, tlie negro, to this day, is no 
 more useful to man than the gorilla, the gorilla than the orang- 
 outang, the latter than the chimpanzee, and so down to the 
 little ape, which obeys the law of creation in being domesti- 
 cated to the service of the Savoyard organists. The discovery 
 of the usefulness of the negro was made at about the date in 
 which the respectable Elizabeth sold freedom to her white 
 slaves. Tlie use which England made of that discovery was to 
 prosecute it during 274 years, in the course of which 5,000,000 
 negroes were caught and put to labor. ]S"early all the com- 
 V tnercial wealth of England at this day is due to those negroes. 
 But that was not the only cause of the rapid increase of British 
 wealth in the last century. During countless ages there had 
 existed 200,000,000 laborious and frugal slaves to local despots 
 in India, Avhen Clive, with the vanguard of the English, burst 
 in upon them, in 1756. Tliose people had accumulated fabu- 
 lous wealth ; and the instant the English took possession, the 
 transfer of that wealth to England commenced. Numberless 
 individuals were sent thither to be enriched, and they returned 
 to England in great numbers, with vast fortunes. Tlie prop- 
 erty so transferred has been estimated, on data afforded by the 
 India trade, at 2000 millions of dollars, from the battle of 
 Plassy, 1757, to 1830. Tlie mere operations of the India Com- 
 pany were as nothing compared with the wealth acquired by 
 England in this transfer of private fortunes. Tliis process was 
 simultaneous with the vigorous prosecution of the slave-trade, 
 which gave such vast capital to the British Islands. 
 
 In the year 1561, Sir John Hawkins fitted out three vessels, 
 of 40, 60, and 120 tons, with English goods, for Guinea, where 
 he exchanged' the goods for negroes, sold the latter in His- 
 paniola, and brought home hides, sugar, and ginger. Tliis was 
 the origin of that immense trade which England prosecuted 
 with such success during 274 years. The profits in 16S9 were 
 
Southern Wealt/i and JV^ori/icni Profits. 13 
 
 already so large, and the trade had so extended the English 
 marine, that a convention was lield in London, by wliich Eng- 
 land nndertook to supply the Spanish West Indies Avith slaves. 
 From that time the trade took large dimensions. In ITlS'the 
 South Sea Company contracted to supply 4800 negroes per 
 annum, f(»r 30 years. The enormous development of the trade 
 may he estimated from an ofHcial letter of General O'llara, 
 Governtn- of Senegambia, in 1760. It states that for 50 years 
 past there had been shipped from the country " 70,000 negroes 
 per annum of its prime inhabitants," whence he concludes the 
 great population of the continent. In the year 1768, a British 
 report gives the number shipped for that year, from the west 
 coast of Africa, between Cape Blanco and Rio Congo, at 97,100, 
 of which 53,100 were by British, and 6,700 by American 
 vessels. 
 
 Under the convention with Spain the Island of Jamaica be- 
 came a great depot, and the island progressed as follows : 
 
 Neoroks. Populatiox. 
 
 Imported. Exported. White. Bhd-. 
 
 no2 7,644 
 
 to 1752 i52,323 
 
 " 1762 229,443 45,705 i5,ooo 146,464 
 
 " 1774 497.736 137, 1 14 16,000 220,000 
 
 " 1787 609.241 166,076 23,000 256,000 
 
 " 1791 708.318 
 
 " 1807 1,128,400 37,i52 373,405 
 
 These figures are from various British official reports. In 
 1719 a duty of 5^, per head was laid on the import into Ja- 
 maica; in 1720 it was raised to IO5., and 206'. on exportation. 
 In 1774 the number of blacks in the island had become alarm- 
 ingly large, and there was imposed a duty of £2 10^?., and 
 raised to £5 before the close of the year. This excited the o|> 
 position of the English slave-traders, and on their appeal to 
 Parliament the duty was abrogated. That movement, how- 
 ever, caused an inquiry by Parliament into the slave-trade, and 
 the movement, gathering force and strength by the example of 
 the United States, in prohilnting the slave-trade after ISdS, 
 finally resulted in its prohibition by Parliament, in 1807. Tims 
 ended the traffic that had been begun by the British in 15G1. 
 Tlie results of this traffic upon British wealth arc easily esti- 
 mated. As seen above, there were imported into Jamaica, in 
 the 18th century, 1,128,400 blacks, selling at an average, by 
 official tables, of £30 each. The number imported in the 140 
 years up to the 18th century is put at 600,000, and into all other 
 
14 Southern Wealth and Northei^ Profits. 
 
 colonies at 1,000,000; making, together, 2,728,400 negroes; 
 which, at £30 each, realized £81,852,000, or $450,000,000: but 
 if each black produced, during his life, but 8 times his own 
 cost, the amount of wealth sent to England was 3600 millions 
 of dollars, or a sum exceeding the present national debt. In 
 estimating the value of the island in 1788, the commercial ex- 
 port value was put down at £5,400,000 ; and 12 years' purchase 
 gave £64,600,000 as the value of the island. That rate, for 
 100 years, gives £540,000,000, and at half the rate for the pre- 
 vious 170 years, the aggregate would be £810,000,000, or 
 4000 millions dollars. We have, then, the following results of 
 the India and slave operations of the 18th century : 
 
 Realized from India §2,000,000,000 
 
 " " slaves and islands 3, 600,000, 000 
 
 Total capital $5,6oo,ooo,ooo 
 
 This vast capital poured into the lap of England Avas the 
 source of its greatness and of the sudden development of power 
 and wealth which took date from the middle of the 18th 
 century. 
 
 Tlie effects of this capital become surprising when we turn 
 to the British population tables. 
 
 Population of England and Wales. 
 
 Tear. Population. Year. Popxdaiwn. 
 
 jo86 1,000,000 I 1770 7,227,586 
 
 1670 6,000,000 1790 8,540,738 
 
 1695 8,000,000 I 1800 8,894,536 
 
 1700 5,i34,5i6 I j85o 17,907,409 
 
 1750 6,039,684 I 
 
 Tlie population, for 1086, is that of Doomsday book ; that of 
 1695 is by d'Avenant. Tlie figures for the 18th century are in 
 " Porter's Progress," vol. i., page 14. The result is, that up to 
 the close of the 18th century, the population of England and 
 Wales was stationary. It • required 700 years to rise from one 
 to five millions, showing the severe struggles for life the people 
 had, until the wealth we have pointed out flowed in upon 
 them. That wealth stimulated industry of all kinds, and, aided 
 by inventions, has so improved the condition of the people, that 
 the population gained more in the first 50 years of the present 
 century, 15 of them of war, than in the previous 800 years. 
 
 Although England discontinued the slave-trade in 1807, it 
 was not until 30 years later that slavery was abolished. The 
 islands had become stocked with laborers, and the false princi- 
 
Southei'ni Wealth and Korthem Profits. 15 
 
 pie was assumed, that, as the whites had become more indus- 
 trioiis and productive in a state of freedom than in a state of 
 slavery, the blacks would do so also, and thus develop a large 
 market for goods. This idea, in connection with the fact that 
 the British system of slavery was enormously expensive for the 
 suppression of insurrection, brought about emancipation. After 
 enslaving negroes for 274 years, they discovered that the black 
 was a " man and a brother." They freed him, petted him, en- 
 couraged him ; the papers and preachers lied for him. They 
 said, if he did not work, it was only the natural rest that one 
 generation wanted, after the fatigues of their progenitors. 
 A singularly long rest, certainly, and a new generation has 
 sho^vn a disposition to prolong the rest, while ruin stares them 
 in the face. At last, after 25 years' experience, the London 
 Times, which worked so hard to bring about abolition, finally 
 breaks down as follows : 
 
 " There is no blinking the truth. Years of bitter experience; 
 years of hope deferred ; of self-devotion unrequited ; of pov- 
 erty ; of humiliation ; of prayers unanswered ; of sufferings 
 derided ; of insults unresented ; of contumely patiently en- 
 dured, have convinced us of the truth. It must be spoken out 
 loudly and energetically, despite the wild mockings of ' howl- 
 ing cant.' The freed West India slave will not till the soil for 
 Avages ; the free son of the ex-slave is as obstinate as his sire. 
 He will not cultivate lands which he has not bought fur his 
 own. Yams, mangoes, and plantains — those satisfy his wants; 
 he cares not for yours. Cotton, sugar, cofiee, and tobacco, he 
 cares but little for. And what matters it to him that the 
 Englishman has sunk his thousands and tens of thousands on 
 mills, machinery, and plants, whicli now totter on the languish- 
 ing estate that for 3'ears has only returned beggary and debt. 
 He eats his yams, and sniggers at ' Buckra.' 
 
 " We know not why this" should be, but it is so. The negro 
 has been bought with a price — the price of English taxation 
 and English toil. He has been redeemed from bondage l)y the 
 sweat and travail of some millions of hard-working Englishmen. 
 Twenty millions of pounds sterling — one hundred millions of 
 dollars — have been distilled from the brains and muscles (»f the 
 free English laborer, of every degree, to fashion the AVrst In- 
 dia negro into a 'free, independent laborer.' ' Erce and inde- 
 pendent' enough he has become, God knows, but lal>ori>r he is 
 not ; and, so far as we can see, never will be. He will sing 
 hymns and quote texts, but honest, steady industry he not only 
 detests, but despises. AVe wish to Heaven that some jjeople in 
 England — neither government people, nor parsons, nor clergy- 
 
16 ■- Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 men, but some jiist-minded, lionest-liearted, and clear-sighted 
 men — would go out to some of the islands (say Jamaica, Do- 
 minica, or Antigua), — not for a month, or three months, hut for 
 a year, would watch the precious protege of English philanthro- 
 py, the freed negro, in his daily habits ; would watch him as 
 he lazily plants his little squatting ; would see him as he 
 proudly rejects agricultural or domestic services, or accepts it 
 only at wages ludicrously disproportionate to the value of his 
 Avork. We wish, too, they would watch him, while, with a 
 hide thicker than a hippopotamus, and a body to which fervid 
 heat is a comfort rather than an annoyance, he droningly 
 lounges over the prescribed task, over which the intrepid Eng- 
 lishman, uninured to the burning sun, consumes his impatient 
 energy, and too often sacrifices his life. We wish they would 
 go out and view the negro in all the blazonry of his idleness, 
 his pride, his ingratitude, contemptuously sneering at the in- 
 dustry of that race which made him free, and then come home 
 and teach the memorable lesson of their experience to the 
 fanatics who have perverted him into what he is." 
 
 Tlie great wealth acquired by England from slavery and 
 India enabled her to carry through the wars with I^apoleon, and 
 to put in motion the vast machinery which now manufactures 
 clothing for the world. It will be observed that simultaneously 
 with the receipts of the slave and India money began the credit 
 system. Tlie fortunes so derived were loaned to the govern- 
 ment, and William began the national debt. Tliat debt was 
 for the most part spent in England, employing labor, but cre- 
 ating a moneyed aristocracy which draws ^150,000,000 yearly 
 from the people. 
 
 The supplies of Blacks in the colonies were large, at a time 
 when there was no work like that of the cotton culture to give 
 unlimited expansion to their labor, and they were becoming a 
 burden. The cessation of the slave-trade caused a reaction, and 
 the demand for more labor has since increased to a positive in- 
 convenience. When British philanthropy, taking a lesson from 
 " old Hal" and " Bess," adopted the idea of investing in negro 
 freedom, it simultaneously set to work to operate upon the north- 
 ern classes, in New England, and that in the true Jesuit style. 
 That sagacious body of men always educated youth in the 
 principles they meant to spread. The Exeter Hall Jesuits did 
 not neglect that mode. The religious sentiment of New Eng- 
 land caused Sunday-schools to become very popular in that 
 section, and through those Exeter Hall operated. Teachers 
 
Soi(the7'ii Wealth a7id jVort/ie?'^} Projits. 17 
 
 were found, wlio, by tracts, precepts, lectures, readings, and in- 
 culcations of all sorts, impressed the youthful mind of the Nortli 
 with those sentiments, which they foresaw would, at no distant 
 day, produce fruits. The leaders of British aristocracy arc 
 foremost in recognizing the first budding of that stem, which, 
 if it produces only an apple of discord in this detested Ropul)- 
 lic, will have repaid the care in planting. Until party jiolitics 
 discovered the use which could be made of the sentiment tlius 
 long and laboriously sown and nurtured, it was hannless. Sin- 
 gularly enough, however, that Providence which formed the 
 black slave and his white master, and which so strangely inter- 
 poses at times for the salvation of the Union, has caused to be 
 demonstrated the slave nature of the black, through the ex- 
 periment of England, at the very moment their machinations 
 have brought the Union into danger. 
 
 ^ We have seen how rapidly the papulation and wealth of Eng- 
 land, after slumbering for TOO years, began to develop itself 
 under the influence of slave-accpiired capital. The American 
 Union presents a similar marvel, and from a similar cause. 
 Tlie bands of pilgrims who made settlements in different parts 
 of the country, early in the 17th century, had slowly multi- 
 plied their numbers up to ^the era of Independence. In 170 
 years, up to 1790, the Pilgrims of New England had increased 
 to 1,000,823 souls ; and in the same period — that is, from the 
 settlement of the colonies to the settlement of the federal 
 compact — the number in all the colonies had reached only to 
 3,331,730 white souls, and the blacks, under the active supply 
 kept up by the British merchants, had only reached 017,817. 
 Tlie capital of the country had hardly increased even in the 
 slow ratio of the population ; on the other hand, the colonies 
 came out of the war exhausted. Tlie moment the separati(»n 
 took place, however, Xew England became, to the South and 
 slave-labor, what Britain had been. The population and wealth 
 of the country have since advanced in a ratio which, in 50 
 years, has made the former equal to that of England, while, if 
 the wealth is not so great in the aggregate, it is better dis- 
 tributed, because a greater number of manufacturers partici- 
 pate in the profits of slave-labor. 
 
 Tlie Xortli American colonics were su])plied with slaves by 
 England, who drew thence the produce of their labor. AVliilo 
 600,000 slaves were at work raising produce to send to Eng- 
 land, she did not permit manufactories, and the colonies, after 
 
IS Southei'n Wealth and Iforthern Profits. 
 
 200 years of servitude, presented the same aspect as the "West 
 Indies. An enormons wealth had been produced here, but it 
 was conveyed to England, leaving the place of production as 
 poor as ever. It is urged, sometimes, that emancipation did 
 not injure Jamaica, since it was ruined before that event. 
 Tliat is no doubt true. It had been used only as an instru- 
 ment, and, after 200 years' labor, it still retained only worn-out 
 land and negroes. The ISTorth American colonies were in the 
 same position. Tlie wealth they had produced, ornaments 
 London and gilds St. James's. The dilapidated towns of Ja- 
 maica shelter idle negroes, who live on the spontaneous prod- 
 ucts of the earth, Ts^hile they relapse into barbarism. The 
 American colonies were equally exhausted after SOO years of 
 industry, but the 600,000 blacks have since been made steadily 
 to produce an increasing ratio of wealth, even as their numbers 
 have swollen to 4,000,000 ; and, instead of ruin, they vie with 
 the mother country in prosperity. The American colonies had 
 insisted upon a ce^^ation of the slave-trade, because they were 
 overrun with blacks for whom they had no adequate employ- 
 ment. The crown refused. The separation took place, and 
 from that moment the New England States assumed the po- 
 sition, in regard to slavery, which Great Britain had previously 
 occupied. Tlie IS'ew England States owned the shipping, and 
 enjoyed the slave-trade. They accumulated capital in both ; 
 and when the convention met to frame the Constitution, it was 
 as a concession to New England interests that the trade was 
 continued to 1808. The Duke de Rochefoucault Liancourt, 
 travelling in the United States in 1T95, remarks : 
 
 " Nearly 20 vessels from the harl)ors of the -^orthern States 
 are employed in the importation of negroes to Georgia and the 
 West India isles. The merchants of Ehode Island are the con- 
 ductors of this accursed traffic, which they are determined to 
 persevere in until the year 1808, the period fixed for its linal 
 termination. Tlicy ship one negro for every ton burden." 
 
 Tlie fisheries, the export of lumber and fish to tlie West 
 Indies in exchange for sugar and molasses, the carrying of 
 tobacco, indigo, &c., from the South to England, thence to 
 Africa, and home with a cargo of slaves, were the chief means 
 of emplo3dng the shipping of the New England and the Middle 
 States, which were owners of nearly all the shipping of the 
 Union. If the French wars^ by throwing the carrying trade 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profts. 19 
 
 into tlie hands of neutrals, were a great benefit to tlie sliip-owners 
 as well as to the farmers of the middle States, the difficulties 
 that led to the embargo of 1809, and subsecjuently the war f>f 
 1812, were felt only the more severely by that interest, since 
 both the slave-trade and the carrying trade were lost together, 
 and the war was denounced as the cause of all the difficulties 
 that resulted. It followed that the large capital that had been 
 accumulated in that trade, thus forcibly driven from com- 
 merce, betook itself to manufacturing, and the " free traders" 
 of New England became clamorous for " protection." Since 
 then the capital earned in commerce and in the slave-trade has 
 enjoyed a monopoly of navigating, importing, and manuf;ic- 
 turing for the South, getting large pay, swollen by protective 
 duties, in the proceeds of slave-labor. In the mean time, if the 
 South had ceased to employ northern shipping for the impor- 
 tation of negroes, it began to furnish a much more extensive 
 employment for it in the exportation of cotton. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 COTTON CULTURE AND MANUFACTUKE 
 
 "We have seen that England, in the course of her colonial 
 system, had, by furnishing goods and slaves, and enjoying the 
 carrying trade of her dependencies, acquired a vast capital, 
 while the colonies that produced that wealth had accumulated 
 nothing — they had, in fact, become poorer. Tlie operation was 
 the same as if an individual, owning a town-house and a farm 
 of perhaps 200 acres, should employ persons to work the hitter, 
 and draw from it all its proceeds for the use of his town-lious". 
 If the farm sliould give §(500 per annum, in ten years he would 
 have added §0000 to the value of his city mansion ; but at tlie 
 end of that time the fann would sini])ly be exhausted, its land 
 and implements worn out. It was thus with Jamaica and the 
 AYest Indies at the date of emancipation, and with tlie North 
 American colonies at the date of the sei)aration. At tliat date, 
 however, three events occurred which were to change the face 
 of the world. These were the inventions of the steam-engine, 
 the cotton-jenny, and the cotton-gin. The two former gave 
 employment to the vast capital of England in manntactures ; 
 
20 Southern Wealth and Northei^n Profits. 
 
 and the latter, while it supplied the material of that manufac- 
 ture, opened a new future to the United States, and laid out for 
 the blacks work Avhich has ever since increased before them, 
 Tlie blacks, numerous as they were at the South, had no em- 
 ployment that paid theii' support; cotton was indeed gi'own, 
 but the difficulty of cleaning it from the seed was so great that 
 a man could prepare but one pound per day for market. lu 
 1793, Eli Whitney invented a cotton-gin which would clean 
 350 lbs. per day. From that moment the cotton culture was 
 established, and work was laid out for not only the 600,000 ne- 
 groes then on hand, but for more than all the increase since in 
 their number ; at the same moment, nearly, a demand for the 
 cotton was created by the inventions of Watt, Arkwright, and 
 Hargraves, which furnished employment for the capital of Eng- 
 land, and a large portion of her population, in manufacturing 
 clothing for the world, and in employing her shipping in ex- 
 changing that clothing for the products of all nations. The 
 state of affairs that existed at the South at the moment of those 
 inventions, is well described by Judge Johnson, in his charge 
 in a suit brought by Whitney in Savannah, in 1807, to make 
 good his patent. 
 
 "The whole of the interior," said Judge- Johnson, "was lan- 
 guishing, and its inhabitants were emigrating, for want of some 
 object to engage their attention and employ their industry, 
 when the invention of this machine at once opened views to 
 them which set the whole country in active motion. From 
 childhood to age, it has jjresented to us a lucrative employ- 
 ment. Individuals who were dej^ressed with poverty and sunk 
 in idleness, have suddenly risen to wealth and respectability. 
 Our debts have been paid off, our capitals have increased, and 
 our lands trebled in value. We cannot express the weight of 
 obligation which the country owes to this invention. Tli(! ex- 
 tent of it cannot now be seen." 
 
 » 
 
 This clearly indicates the exhausted state in which 200 years 
 of colonial dependence had left the colonies, and also foresliad- 
 ows a future which, as we shall see, has been more than justi- 
 jied in the event. 
 
 It was the gloomy state of affairs then existing which caused 
 the fathers of the Revolution to take so desponding a view of 
 the future of slavery. They did not foresee the brilliant future 
 whicli cotton was to draw from that service. AYitli the opera- 
 tion of the cotton-gin the culture began to extend, but witii it:s 
 
Sodfhcim Wealth and I^^orthevn Projiis. 21 
 
 extension tlie price suftered a decline, for the rea.son that (L»v.-n 
 to v.ithin ten years the supply rather exceeded the demand. 
 X^ vertheless, the increase in value lias been enormous. 
 
 The value of cotton has always been much influenced liy 
 the state of the crops in Europe. When food is dear, as a 
 p:eneral thing, in a manufacturing country dependent \\\Mm 
 foreign supplies of bread, a short harvest causes such a rise in 
 it.s price as to absorb the earnings of the mass of people for its 
 purchase. It results from this that the purchases of clothing 
 are much lessened, the raw material is less in demand, and its 
 price falls. Naturally this decline acts upon wages, and there 
 is less employment, at lower rates. Thus the end of dear food 
 is the cause of less means to buy it ; a double distress is thus 
 produced, which tells powerfully upon the price of cottoji, Jis 
 well as of other raw materials. .Tlie column of prices follows 
 this rule. In 1845, the first famine year, the rate was 5.9 
 cents, and, as the price of bread fell, it rose to 12.1 in 1851, 
 and again fell as food rose during the Crimean war, and has 
 since well maintained its rate. 
 
 Tlie following table shows the crops, distinguishing the At- 
 lantic from the Gulf States, the exported quantity and value, 
 the price per pound, and the number of blacks at each census. 
 
 Product and Export of Cotton. 
 
 rwr. 
 
 AtlanUc. 
 
 CROP-B.A.LES- 
 
 GtUf. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Export. 
 lbs. 
 
 Export. 
 Valne. 
 
 Price. 
 U. StaUt. 
 
 i8oo.. 
 
 
 
 35,000 
 
 19.000.000 
 
 5,726,000 
 
 
 1824.. 
 
 '. 3 33 ,'2 53 
 
 i 75,905 
 
 509, 1 58 
 
 142,369,663 
 
 2i,9.'i7,4oi 
 
 29,674,883 
 
 Ha 
 
 i83o.. 
 
 . 522.062 
 
 348,353 
 
 870,415 
 
 298.459,102 
 
 ,'J 
 
 i835.. 
 
 . 493.405 
 
 760.923 
 
 1,535,054 
 
 1,254.328 
 
 387,35«.992 
 
 64,961,302 
 
 1.840.. 
 
 . 642,287 
 
 2,177,532 
 
 743.941.061 
 872.905,996 
 635,381, O04 
 
 63,870,307 
 51,739,643 
 
 8.5 
 
 1845.. 
 
 . 769.948 
 
 1. 635.0 1 5 
 
 2.394,503 
 
 5..,2 
 
 iS5o.. 
 
 . 751,271 
 
 1,345,435 
 
 2,796,706 
 
 71,984,616 
 Ii2,ii5,3i7 
 
 Hi 
 
 i85i.. 
 
 . 742. S46 
 
 1.612,411 
 
 2,333,257 
 
 927.237,089 
 
 12.11 
 
 i85?.. 
 
 . 839.625 
 
 2.175,404 
 
 3,015,029 
 
 1.093.230,639 
 
 87,965,732 
 
 8.o5 
 
 i853.. 
 
 . 871,712 
 
 2.391,170 
 
 3,262,882 
 
 1,111,570,370 
 987,833,106 
 
 iOQ,456,4o4 
 o3, 396,220 
 88,143,844 
 
 9.«5 
 
 1854.. 
 
 . 7^«.649 
 
 2,131.378 
 
 2.930,027 
 
 9-i7 
 
 1855. . 
 
 . 942,-766 
 
 1,904,373 
 
 2.847,339 
 
 1,008,424,601 
 
 8.74 
 
 1 856.. 
 
 .. 910,192 
 
 2,617,653 
 
 3.527.841 
 
 1, 35i. 431,701 
 
 128,382,351 
 
 949 
 12. .5 
 
 i.'<57. . 
 
 .. 775.116 
 
 2,164.403 
 
 2939,519 
 3,113,962 
 
 1,048.282.475 
 
 131,575,859 
 
 I83.S.. 
 
 . . 746,562 
 
 2,367.900 
 
 1,118,624,012 
 
 1 3 1,386,601 
 
 11.70 
 
 1809.. 
 
 ..1,111,954 
 
 2,739,427 
 
 3,85i,48i 
 
 1,386.468,542 
 
 161,434,92} 
 
 II. .0 
 
 i860.. 
 
 ..1,480,000 
 
 2,920,000 
 
 4,3oo,ooo 
 
 1,165,600,000 
 
 184,400,000 
 
 11.5 
 
 The value here given is the export value, according to the 
 offlcial returns of the Ti-easury department; the value ol" the 
 whole crop runs much higher, ITiat of this 3'ear, ISfjo, will 
 reach 4,300,000 bales— 8,200,000 having already been received, 
 and sold at a value of $54 \)(iv bale. At the same valuation, 
 the whole will l)e worth $232,000,000, or $G0 for every black 
 
22 Souih&ni Wealth and I^orthem Projits. 
 
 liancL/^liis value has grown up, as we sliall see, in addition to 
 ail omer agricultural produce, and in face of the constant de- • 
 cline in price. The war of 1812 affected prices much, produ- 
 cing a great difference in value between Liverpool and the 
 United States. That "perturbation" was the source of some 
 immense northern fortunes, by enabling those with means to 
 buy and hold for the peace, with the return of which the cul- 
 ture resumed its course, and the quantity, which had reached 
 509,158 bales in 1824, was doubled in 1831. In the ten years 
 ending with 1840 it had again doubled in quantity, involving 
 a very great decline in price. The discovery in those years 
 that the bottom lands of the valley of the Mississippi could 
 raise cotton much cheaper than the Atlantic States, caused a 
 great speculative excitement, which was fostered by the strug- 
 gle that took place between the late National Bank and tlie 
 federal government. The planters, many of them young, with 
 gangs of hands from the paternal estates, migrated to the new 
 lands and entered upon the culture, through bank aid. The 
 lands and the hands being mortgaged, these mortgages vrere 
 constituted bank capital under State charters, and State loans 
 were issued in aid of them. The loans were to a considerable 
 extent negotiated through the United States Eank, and it is 
 somewhat curious that the bank-charter mortgages upon ne- 
 groes by name found ready negotiation in London " at a price," 
 notwithstanding the anti-slavery furor which was then there in 
 its zenith. Loans upon American slaves were " as easy" as the 
 loan to free the West India blacks. The money thus borrowed 
 was loaned out to the planters, whose cotton was pledged to 
 the lenders. The extent of this operation may be estimated by 
 the figures furnished by the census and Treasury returns. The 
 following table gives the number of blacks and whites in the 
 cotton States, the crops of cotton, distinguishing the Gulf from 
 the Atlantic States, and the bank capital of the Gulf States. 
 
 In the table, the population of the four Atlantic States in- 
 creased regularly up to 1830, as did also that of the six western 
 States. Florida gave a return first in 1830, and Texas not un- 
 til 185(\ although before its admission into the Union that State 
 was a large recipient of blacks and whites, following the re- 
 vulsion of 1839. From 1830 to 1840, the four Atlantic States 
 scarcely increased at all, either in blacks or whites. In the 
 corresponding period, the western States increased TO j)er cent, 
 in slaves, and 40 per cent, in whites. 
 
Sout/ieni Wraith and Northeni Profits. 23 
 
 Tlio speculation subsided in 1S40, leaving a very liealtliy 
 state of affairs ; but it Avill be observed that the production did 
 not increase very rapidly in the ten years to 1850, altlioULrli tlie 
 value gradually improved. In the last ten years, however, an 
 immense progress has been made in the production and vahie 
 of cotton. Not only has the increased number of hands ad(k-d 
 to tlic production, but the number of bales per hand that ca;i 
 be raised has risen from 4 and 5, to 8 and 10 per hand in some 
 localities — while, as a whole, the South has been free fr()m 
 speculation, but has accumulated a large capital. 
 
 Population, Bank Loans, and Crop of (he Cotton States. 
 
 . 1S20. , 1S30 . 
 
 White. Black. White. Black, 
 
 Virfrinin 603,074 423,1 53 694,300 469,767 
 
 Xortli Carolina 419,200 -205,017 472,843 243,6oi 
 
 South Caroliiiii 237,440 258,475 257,863 3i5,4oi 
 
 Georgia 189,566 149,636 296,806 217, 53i 
 
 1,449,280 i,o38.3oi 1,721,812 1,248,290 
 
 Florida i8,335 i5,5oi 
 
 Ahibaina 96,245 47,439 190,406 117,549 
 
 Mississippi 42.176 32,8i4 70,443 63,669 
 
 Loiu6i.anu » 73.383 69,064 09,441 109,688 
 
 Arkans,a.s 12,679 ^Ml 23,671 4,676 
 
 Tennessee 339.927 80.107 535,746 i4i,6o3 
 
 Kentucky 434,644 126.732 617,787 i65,ai3 
 
 998,964 337,773 1,447,879 619,689 
 
 IS 10 , . 1S50. . 
 
 White. Black. White. Black. 
 
 Virginia 740,968 448,987 .894,800 472,628 
 
 North Carolina 484,870 246,817 .■533,028 288,648 
 
 South Carolina 269,084 327,o38 274,563 384,o84 
 
 Georgia '. 407,693 280,944 621,672 38i,682 
 
 1,892,617 1,302,786 2,243,963 1,627,742 
 
 Florida 27.943 26.717 47.2o3 39,3io 
 
 Alabama 336,i85 253,632 426,614 342,844 
 
 Mississippi 179,070 196,211 296,711 309,878 
 
 Louisiana i58,457 168,462 266,491 244,809 
 
 Texas 164,034 63.i6i 
 
 Arkansas 77, '74 19-935 162,189 47,100 
 
 Tennessee 640,627 183,069 766,836 239,439 
 
 Kentucky 690,263 182,268 76i,4i3 210,981 
 
 2,008,709 1,028,164 2,869,391 i,.<92,54J 
 
 INrtO. 1N40. 1S30. 
 
 Bank capital J3, 736.6^3 $13, 214,023 $28,707,341 
 
 Gulf cotton crop 348,353 1,536,654 i,343.43i 
 
 Total 870,415 2,i77,83i 2,096,206 
 
 AVhen tlie cotton-gin of AVliitncy laid out the future work 
 of the blacks, the steam-engine of Watt, and the jenny of Ilar- 
 graves, with the improvements of Arkwright and Crompton, 
 laid out the future manufacturing industry of England and tlie 
 mode of employing her capital. 
 
 The old mode of preparing the cleaned cotton for spinning 
 
24 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 was by carding it between two flat cards in tbe bands of an 
 individual, in order to straigbten ont tbe fibres as mncli as 
 possible. Tbe material so carded was spun by a wbeel worked 
 witb one band to give velocity to a single spindle tbat spun a 
 tbread from tbe cotton beld upon a distaff in tbe left band of 
 tbe operator. Tlie tbread tbus produced was irregular, and 
 served only as a woof for linen warp. By a new invention 
 tbe cards were placed upon a revolving drum, wbicb operated 
 against several rollers also covered witb cards. Tbe action of 
 tbese rollers distributed tbe cotton in a fleecy web upon tbe 
 surface. Tbis was removed from tbe last roller by an instru- 
 ment wbicb caused tbe cotton to come off in long rolls ready 
 for spinning. Arkwrigbt added rollers tbat were to " draw " 
 tbese rolls as tbey were carded, so as, by making tbe fibres of 
 cotton more parallel to eacb otber, to increase tbe flneness and 
 regularity of tbe tbread. Tbe invention of Hargraves, in 
 1764:, was to put 8 spindles in a frame, and draw tbe ends in a 
 clasp beld by tbe operator. Tbe number was soon raised to 
 80 spindles. Samuel Crompton, in 17T9, added the " mule 
 spinner." Tbe effect of all tbese inventions was, tbat, wbcreas 
 one man could clean 1 lb. of cotton, anotber card it, and anotber 
 work one spindle, one man miglit now clean 360 lbs., anotber 
 card it, and tbe tbird work 2200 spindles instead of one. 
 
 Tliese English inventions were previous to tbe American in- 
 vention of tbe gin, and their utility depended altogether upon 
 the latter. Tlie anxiety then took possession of the mind of the 
 English manufacturer in relation to a supply of material, wbicb 
 now, after TO years, is as active as ever. Hitherto the demand 
 lias, as we have seen, developed black industry. 
 
 From that moment, the accumulated capital of England, 
 New and Old, became engaged in the gigantic operation of 
 clothing the world with cotton. Hand-loom goods were every- 
 where to be supplanted by those formed on tbe new principle. 
 When Watt started bis engine, mechanical genius seemed to 
 have sprung suddenly into life, and each subsequent year wit- 
 nessed some impjovement in machinery, by which the texture 
 of cloth has been improved, and its cost diminished. Chem- 
 istry has as rapidly multiplied the number and richness of 
 colors. Tlie art of apj)lying them, by steel dies and copper 
 cylinders, has improved, until 16 colors are imparted at one 
 impression, more perfectly than was one 40 years ago ; and the 
 perfection of the designs is equalled only by the excellence of 
 
Southern Wealth and Xorthcrn Projits. 25 
 
 tlie execution. With each improvement in texture and de.si^u 
 and colors, the fabric is produced at less cost, because a class 
 of persons wlio formerly did not produce at all, are now the 
 chief manufacturers. Steam-engines and young females clothe 
 the world. 
 
 The export of cotton goods from Great Britain, in 1800, was 
 valued at £3,602,4:88, official value. Since 1814, the accounts 
 have been kept in "declared" or real value, as well as in the 
 otiicial value, •which was fixed a century or more since. The 
 official value expresses more quantity than value, and a com- 
 parison of the official with the declared shows the decline in 
 prices. Tlie progress of the trade has been as follows : 
 
 Liveypnpl price qf 
 
 Official. Declared. Upland cotton, 
 
 i8i4 £17,655,378 £20,i33,i32 3od. 
 
 1820 22,531,079 16,516,738 ll'/n 
 
 i83o 41,050.969 19,335.971 6'/e 
 
 1840 73,124,730 24,668,618 6 
 
 i85o 113,718,401 28,257,401 qUi 
 
 i856 163,887,196 38,232,741 6 
 
 i858 169,201,107 42,797,000 7'/s 
 
 In 1814 the real was in excess of the official value. In 1850 
 the latter had increased nearly tenfold, while the real was only 
 24 per cent, of it. This indicates a progressive decline of 7G 
 per cent, in the price of the goods. 
 
 Tlie mode in which the manufacturers progress was thus 
 stated in a paper read recently by Mr. David Chadwick, l)efore 
 the Loudon Statistical Society : 
 
 " In 1859 the average rate of wages of a spinner on a ])air of 
 unimproved mules, of 400 spindles each, in producing No. TO's 
 yarn, are 5*. Id. per 20 lbs. ; his gross weekly earnings, 41.<f. ; 
 and deducting piecer's wages, 16s., the spinner's net wages are 
 25.<.'. The same workman, with a pair of ' double-deckers,' with 
 1600 spindles, and more piecers, earns Zs. ll^d. per 20 lbs., 
 5(».s'. 'iOd. per week ; or, deducting 20.«. for piecers' wages, a net 
 amount of 30.s\ lOfZ. weekly. Of the 3046 cotton factoi-ies in 
 England and Wales, in 1856, 1480 were situated in Lancashire : 
 23 new mills are now in course of erection in Blackburn and its 
 neighborhood, and, notwitli.standing various restrictions on the 
 employment of young persons, and the reduction of the lioure 
 of labor for adults (by the Ten Hours Act of June, 1847), from 
 69 to 60 hours weekly, the import of raw cotton increased 
 from 646,000,000 1bs., 'in 1844, to 1,034,060,000 lbs. in 1858 ; 
 •while the value of exports of cotton mamifactured good.-^, and 
 
26 
 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 cotton twist and yarns, increased from 26 millions sterling in 
 1844, to 43 millions sterling in 1858, — an extension of one 
 brancli of trade in 14 years unparalleled in the history of any 
 country in the world." 
 
 "While the British cotton trade has thus been developed, that 
 of the United States anii Europe has increased, also, until its 
 magnitude last year may be seen in the following table : 
 
 Cotton Manufactures of Europe and the United States. 
 
 No. of Hands Llfi. cotton 
 
 factories. employed. Spindles. used. 
 
 Great Britain 3,046 65o,ooo 21,000,000 990,000,000 
 
 France 2,600 274,830 5,5oojooo i4o,ooojooo 
 
 Switzerland i32 51,908 i,ii2,3o3 3o, 000, 000 
 
 Zollverein 208 110,190 2, 018, 536 65, 000, 000 
 
 Austria 99 82,010 ♦ 655, 000 25, 000, 000 
 
 Belfjinm 28 28,000 5io,ooo 3i. 000, 000 
 
 Loinbardy 33 29,000 140,000 jo, 000, 000 
 
 Sardinia 17 14,000 210,000 17,000,000 
 
 Kussia 55 60,000 i,ioo,ood 63, 000, 000 
 
 United States 90 101,000 6,000,00 426,719,000 
 
 i,35o,938 38,245,8?9 1,797,719,000 
 
 This number of hands embraces only those directly employed 
 in the manufacture, and is exclusive of all those who are en- 
 gaged in transporting the material to the spinners ; in distrib- 
 uting the goods produced, through all the gradations of trade, 
 to the hands of the consumers ; and also in the movement of 
 the produce and merchandise received in exchange for the 
 goods ; also all the banking, exchange, and insurance business 
 which grows out of this movement. 
 
 The quantity of cotton so consumed was nearly 300,000,000 
 lbs. in excess of the United States' production, yet the Southern 
 States are the sole dependence of England, Europe, and the 
 United States for a supply of cotton clothing. The question of 
 future cotton supply is one that, as the above figures indicate, 
 may well occupy the minds of the manufacturers. There arc 
 many sources of supply, but the United States alone furnish, 
 more than they consume., and alone produce the requisite qual- 
 ity. In order to understand this, we give the following paper 
 upon the subject, read by J. B. Smith, Esq., membei-for Stock- 
 port, before the Society of Arts. 
 
 " Every one seems adequately impressed with the desirable- 
 ness, not to say the necessity, of extending and multiplying to 
 the utmost possible extent, the sources whence we derive the 
 supply of this raw material of our greatest national manufac- 
 ture. But one branch of the question, though a most essential 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Projits. 27 
 
 one, appears to have been nearly overlooked. We need not 
 only a large supply and a cheap supply, but a supply of a pe- 
 culiar kind and quality. 
 
 " For practical purposes, and to facilitate the comprehension 
 of the subject by non-professional readers, -we may state in 
 general terms that the cotton required for the trade of Great 
 Britain may be classitied into three divisions — the long-staple, 
 the medium- staple, and the short-staple. 
 
 " 1. The long-staple (or long-iibrc) cotton is used for making 
 the warp, as it is technically called ; i. e., the longitudimil 
 threads of the woven tissue. Thes(; threads, when of the finer 
 sorts — for all numbers, say above 50's — must be made of long 
 staple-cotton ; for numbers below 50's, they may be made <)f 
 it, and would be so made were it as cheap as the lower (piali- 
 ties of the raw material. No other quality of cotton is strong 
 enough or long enough either to spin into the higher and finer 
 numbers, or to sustain the tension and friction to which the 
 threads are exposed in the loom. 
 
 '• 2. Tlie medium-staple cotton, on the contrary, is used 
 partly for the lower numbers of the warp (and, as such, enters 
 largely into the production of the vast quantities of ' cotton 
 yarn' and sewing-thread exported), but mainly lor the weft, or 
 transverse threads of the woven tissue. It is softer and silkier 
 than the quality spoken of above, makes a fuller and rounder 
 thread, and iills up the fabric better. The long-staple article 
 is never used for this j)urpose, and could not, however cheap, 
 be so used with advantage ; it is ojjdinarily too harsh. For 
 the warp, strength and length of fibre is required ; for the 
 weft, softness and fulness. Now, as the lower numbers of 
 ' yarn' require a far larger amount of raw cotton for their pro- 
 duction than the higher, and constitute the chief portion (in 
 weight) both of our export and consumption, and as, more- 
 over, every yard of calico or cotton woven fabric, technically 
 called cloth, is composed of from two to five times as nnicli 
 weft as warp, it is obvious that we need a far larger su|)i)ly of 
 tliis peculiar character of cotton, the medium-staple, than <»f 
 any other. 
 
 " 3. The short-staple cotton is used almost exclusively for 
 weft (except a little taken for candle-wicks), or for the very 
 lowest numbers of warp, say Id's and under. But it is ditl'er- 
 ent in character from the second description, as well as shorter 
 in fibre; it is drier, fuzzier, more like rough wool ; and cannot 
 be substituted for it witluait impoverishing the nature of the 
 cloth, and making it, especially after washing or l)leaching, 
 look thinner and more meagre ; and for the same reason it can 
 onlj- be blended with it with much caution, and in very mod- 
 erate proportions. But its color is usually goijd ; and its com- 
 parative cheapness is its great recommendation. 
 
28 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 " It will be seen, therefore, that while we require for the 
 purposes of our manufacture a limited quantity of the first and 
 third qualities of raw cotton, we need and can consume an al- 
 most unlimited supply of the second quality. In this fact lies 
 our real diliiculty ; ibr, while several quarters of the world 
 suppl^y the first sort, and India could supply enormous quan- 
 tities of the third sort, the United States of America alone 
 have hitherto produced the second and most necessary kind. 
 
 "1. The finest long cotton in the world is called the 'Sea 
 Island.' It is grown on the low-lying lands and small islands 
 on the coast of Georgia. 'Jlie quantity is small, and the price 
 very high. It is used mostly for muslin thread, and the very 
 finest numbers of yarn — say lOO's and upwards ; and price, in 
 fact, is of little moment to the manufacturers wdio purchase it. 
 It usually sells at about two shillings per pound. A quality 
 much resembling it, and almost if not quite as good, has been 
 grown, as a sample article, in Australia. But of this denomina- 
 tion of cotton the consumption is very small. Another species — 
 long, strong, fine, and j^ellowish — is grown in Egypt, and im- 
 ported in considerable quantities. An inferior quality — coarse, 
 harsh, bright in color, but strong — is imported from Brazil, 
 and a very small quantity from the West Indies. Doubtless 
 if the price were adequate, and the demand here very great 
 and steady, the supply from many of these quarters might be 
 largely augmented. But it is not of this sort that we need any 
 considerable increase, nor could we afibrd the price which 
 probably alone would remunerate the grower. 
 
 " 3. Our great consumption and demand is for the soft, 
 white, silky, moderately long cotton of America — the quality 
 usually called ' Uplands,' ' Bowed Georgia,' and ' New Or- 
 leans.' This used to be sold at prices varying from ^d. to Qd. 
 per pound (it is now from 6rZ. to %d.) : it can be consumed in 
 any quantity ; for it is available not only for weft but for 
 warp, except for the finer numbers. AYe need and consume nine 
 bags of this cotton for one bag of all other qualities put together. 
 
 '* 3. It is the insuflicient supply, or the higher price of this 
 cotton, that has driven our manufacturers upon the short-stapled 
 native article of India, commonly called Surat. If the price 
 of the two were equal, scarcely a bag of Surat would be cm- 
 ployed. When the price of American cotton rises, owing to 
 an inadequate supply, that of East India cotton follows it at a 
 considerable interval — the usual ratio being two to three — and 
 the import of the latter is greatly stimulated. It is always 
 grown in India in large quantities, and with improved means 
 of communication and more careful preparation, might be siip- 
 plied in time in indefinite and probably ample quantities. But 
 it is its quality that is in fa\ilt ; and, as far as the past is a 
 guide, it would seem incurably in fault. Many attempts to 
 
J^oid/wm Wealth and Xovthern l^vofits. 29 
 
 amend the character of this cotton liave been made. American 
 planters and American " saw-gins" liave been sent over, and 
 American seed lias been planted ; and the result has been a 
 sensible amelioration in cleanliness and color, and some slight 
 increase in length of fibre, bnt scarcely any change in specific 
 character. The dry, fuzzy, Avoolly characteristics remain. 
 Sometimes the first year's samples nearly resemble the Amer- 
 ican article, but the resemblance never" becomes permanent. 
 Hitherto (we believe we are correct in stating), either from 
 the peculiarity of the soil or of tlie climate, or as some say, 
 from adulteration by the air-borne pollen of the inferior native 
 plant, the improved and altered character of the cotton has 
 never been kept up. 
 
 "We are far from saying that this difliculty may not be over- 
 come, and American cotton be naturalized in our East Indian 
 possessions ; but certainly the results of our past efforts have 
 not been of favorable augury. So far as our own observation 
 and experience have gone, only from two other parts of the 
 world have we seen samples of cotton analogous in cliaracter 
 to that of the United States, and equally available for our pur- 
 poses : one of these was the west coast of Africa, where we 
 understand there is a considerable native growth, which doubt- 
 less our commerce might encourage and increase ; the other is 
 the opposite side of the continent, where Port Natal has ex- 
 ported some very hopeful samples, soft and silky, but not clean 
 nor of a very good color, but still decidedly American in quality. 
 
 " The point we have to bear in mind, then, is this : our de- 
 sideratum is not simply more cotton, but more cotton of the 
 same character and price as that now imported from the States. 
 If India were to send us two millions of bales of Surat cotton 
 per annum, the desideratum would not be supplied, and our 
 perilous problem would be still unsolved. \\ e should be al- 
 most as dependent on America as ever." 
 
 In accordance with this idea of procuring a supply of cotton, 
 the attention of English statesmen, manufacturers, travellers, 
 and commercial men has been directed to all countries where 
 cotton may be grown, and false hopes are continually raised only 
 to be disappointed. Tlie present sources of British supply arc 
 as follows : 
 
 Receipts of Cotton into Great Britain. 
 
 1S35. 1841. IS 15. 1S50. IS.17. 
 
 United States 28:i,855,38o 336,647,79^ 626,65o,/,i2 493,i53,ii2 654,73-^,o48 
 
 Brazil 27,5:io,3oo i5,:;88,974 2o,i57,633 30,299,982 29,910,832 
 
 Ecryptian 11,917,208 ii,i62,336 14,614,699 18,931,414 24,882,144 
 
 West Indies 2,5i8,836 10,739,840 88.394,448 228,913 1,443,568 
 
 Eastlndies 43,876,820 100,104, 5io 58,437.426 118,872,742 25o.338,i44 
 
 All other 725,336 2,090,698 7,986,160 
 
 Totallbs 368,698,544 474,063,453 721,979,953 669,576,861 969,318,896 
 
30 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 The influences at work in India, in Egypt, and the West In- 
 dies, favored by the rise in prices, developed the snpply. In 
 1841, the quantity shipped by India rose to a high point, be- 
 cause the China war turned much of it from its nsnal destina- 
 tion. After that event the snpply fell to a low figure from 
 that source. Of late it has steadily increased under the rising 
 value of the article, seemingly justifying the hopes of those 
 who looked to India as a source of suppl3^ There has arisen, 
 however, another feature, which, as far as the markets of the 
 world go, entirely neutralizes that Indian supply. It is to be 
 found in the fact, that step by step as the shipment of raw cot- 
 ton from India has increased, the demand there for goods has 
 improved. In fact, this demand has outrun the supply of the 
 material, and India is every year becoming more important as 
 a cotton consumer. The following table will show the quan- 
 tity of cotton goods sent from England to India, with the 
 equivalent weight in raw cotton, together with the weight of 
 cotton received thence : 
 
 Cotton Ex'ports from England to India. 
 
 Aggrer/ate, rata Raw coUon 
 
 Yorn. Calicoes. cotton to India. imported 
 
 lbs. yard-i. lbs. from India. 
 
 i835 5,3o5,2i2 54,227,084 16,000,000 43,876820 
 
 1841 i3,63g,562 I26,oo3,4oo 48,000,000 ioo,io4,5io 
 
 1S45 14,116,237 193,029,703 60,000,000 58,437,426 
 
 1857 20,027,809 469,958,011 i3o,ooo,ooo 25o,338,i44 
 
 iS58 36,889,583 791,537^041 223,000,000 132,722,57'j 
 
 The year 1857 was an exceptional year for imports of cotton 
 from India. In the year 1858 it appears 91,000,000 j)ounds 
 more cotton have been sent to India than was received thence. 
 If Ave were to include China in the calculation the result would 
 be still more remarkable, since China took in 1857, 121,000,000 
 yards of cloth. And as China derives a great deal of raw cot- 
 ton from India, if that article is sent to England for manufac- 
 ture, and then sent to China in the shape of goods instead 3f 
 as raw material, the result may be beneficial to English w^ork- 
 shops, but it does not increase the European supply of cotton. 
 
 If we turn to Egypt and Turkey, we find that in 1858 there 
 were derived thence 38,2-18,112 pounds of raw cotton, and there 
 were sent thither 10,389,353 pounds yarn, and 257,567,351 
 yards cloth; together equal to 62,000,000 pounds of raw cotton, 
 23,700,000 pounds more than was received. The fact is the 
 same in relation to South America. The United States alone 
 afford a net surplus of cotton above the weight of goods they 
 
Soiithtv'71 Wealth and XoHhcrn Profits. 'M 
 
 buy back. This process seems to be on llic increase, since all 
 those distant nations, as they progress in wealth, demand ma- 
 chine goods. Thdse are supplanting, apparently, the rude 
 hand-loom goods of China and India; and Avhere the clothing 
 of 200,000,000 is liable to nndergo this change, the prospect is 
 tliat, how great soever may be the increased i^roduction of 
 cotton, it cannot keep pace with the demand for goods. 
 
 Tlie French Emperor now proposes to follow the example of 
 England and Germany, and remove the dnty on cotton, as a 
 bonus to its manufacturers, in compensation of a reduction in 
 protective duties. This cannot fail to give a new impulse to 
 the cotton demand. 
 
 In the late debate in the House of Lords on the subject of 
 slave-grown cotton, great glorification was raised over the pro- 
 duction of cotton in Africa, and Lord Wodehouse read fnjni 
 Dr. Livingstone a letter, dated May 12, 1859, as follows : 
 
 " Cotton is cultivated largely, and the further we went the 
 crop appeared to be of the greater importance. The women 
 alone were well clothed with the produce, the men being 
 content with goat-skins and cloth made of bark of certain 
 ti-ees. Every one spins and weaves cotton. Even chiefs may 
 be seen with the spindle and bag, which serves as a distaff. 
 The process of manufacturing is the most rude and tedirms that 
 can be conceived. The cotton goes through five processes with 
 the fingers before it comes to the loom. Time is of no value. 
 They possess two varieties of the plant. One, indigenous, 
 yields cotton more like wool than that of other countries. It 
 is strong, and feels rough in the hand. The other variety is 
 from imported seed, yielding a cotton that renders it unneces- 
 sary to furnish the people with American seed. A point in its 
 culture worth noticing is, the time of planting has been selected 
 so that the plants remain in the ground during winter, and fivo 
 months or so after sowing they come to maturity, before the 
 rains begin or insects come forth to damage the crop." 
 
 If it were admitted that those blacks could raise and get to 
 market a considerable quantity of cotton — and the matter is 
 hardly possible — what would be the result? "Why, that all the 
 laboriously hand-made goods now used by them would be 
 superseded by machine goods, and the demand for these would 
 still exceed the supply of cotton. 
 
 The consumption of cotton in the three countries where it is 
 most used is as follows : 
 
32 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 Population. lbs. nsed. Per head. 
 
 France 36, 039,364 140,000,000 4 
 
 Great Britain 28,4i6,5o8 253, 000, 000 9 
 
 United States 3o, 000, 000 368, 000,000 I2 
 
 Eest of Europe 213,476,424 | 
 
 Asia 775,000,000!- 1,096,719,000 I 
 
 Best of America 29,411,000 ) 
 
 Africa 200,000,000 
 
 Total 1,217,887,424 1,797,719,000 
 
 These figures sliow the quantities that are consumed of ma- 
 chine goods. As the use of the goods extends in Europe, to 
 bring the rate per head up to the consumption of France will 
 require 900 million pounds more of American cotton. To raise 
 the consumption in Asia to that of France will require more 
 than double the present supply, and to take Africa into the 
 account, there will be still 800 millions more added. Thus 
 there is a prospective demand for 4700 million pounds more 
 cotton than is now grown, even to reach the French rate of 
 consumption. 
 
 Tliese results follow : 1. That while the use of cotton clothing 
 is rapidly extending throughout the world, the U. States 
 alone furnish more than they iise. 2d. That the extension of 
 the cotton manufacture in the South is taking proportions that 
 will soon enable her to refuse cotton at all except in the shape 
 of goods. Tlie South is master of the position. 
 
 As an indication of the extension of the British cotton trade, 
 the following table, from ofHcial sources, shows the destination 
 of cotton cloths : 
 
 Exports of Plain and Dyed Goods from Great Britain., in yards. 
 
 1846. 1S5S. 
 
 Hanse Towns 42,364,421 52,ii6,i5i 
 
 Holland 29,020,699 30,289,362 
 
 Portugal 38,068,792 56.234.370 
 
 Turkey, &c 76,702,784 243,875,534 
 
 Egypt 7,530,289 63,97o,3o5 
 
 United States 24,196,724 ]54,8i8,i34 
 
 Foreign West Indies 34,959,583 52, 843, 406 
 
 Brazil 108,900,77a 124,922,834 
 
 Buenos Ayres 2,660,178 28.657,209 
 
 Chili and Peru 46,373,072 65,578,796 
 
 China 73.561,889 138.488,957 
 
 Java 37,737,234 
 
 Gibraltar 17,491,264 29,311, 554 
 
 Briti.sh North America 28,556,3i8 27,910,772 
 
 British West Indies 35, 524,218 43,019,274 
 
 British Ea.st Indies 196,140,700 791,537,041 
 
 Australia 29,115,064 
 
 Other countries 193.472,277 352,352,5x9 
 
 Total yards 885,923,978 2,822,780,716 
 
 The increase in this period has been nearly 200 per cent. 
 Tlie progress of the trade has been mostly to the countries 
 
Smithcni Wealth and JVtnihovi Profits. 33 
 
 which furnish raw material in jjaynient. Europe lias taken hut 
 a small proportion of the increase. The countries of the East 
 are those which present the largest outlet. If we now look at 
 the number of bales of cotton taken for consumption on the 
 continent of Europe last year, we shall have results as follows : 
 
 Bales of Cotton taken for Consumption in Europe in 1859. 
 
 U. States. 
 
 Great Britain 1,907,000 
 
 France 452,ooo 
 
 Belgium 38,ooo 
 
 Holland 62.000 
 
 Germany 1 46,000 
 
 Triegte 3 1 ,000 
 
 Genoa 41 ,000 
 
 Spain 109,000 
 
 Surplus of export — G. Britain 94,000 
 
 Brazil 
 
 if: Ind. 
 
 Kind. 
 
 SgypU 
 
 TotaU. 
 
 IOD,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 177,000 
 1 5,000 
 
 S;o"° 
 
 2,294.000 
 
 5,000 
 
 17,000 
 
 523,000 
 
 
 1,000 
 
 25,000 
 
 
 64,000 
 
 
 3,000 
 
 59,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 123.000 
 
 
 5,000 
 
 61,000 
 
 
 212,000 
 
 
 
 14,000 
 
 21,000 
 
 66.000 
 
 
 
 11,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 53,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 
 1,000 
 
 
 118,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 
 79,000 
 
 1 5,000 
 
 194,000 
 
 124,000 
 
 32,000 
 
 442,000 
 
 173,000 
 
 3,65i,ooo 
 
 Total deliveries 2,880 
 
 Of 3,651,000 bales delivered for consumption in 1859, the 
 United States supplied 2,880,000 bales, and with those large 
 deliveries, the stock on hand at the close of the year did not 
 increase. Under these circumstances there is little surprise 
 that the question of cotton supply should become so anxiously 
 discussed. The " London cotton-supply reporter " of Feb. 3, 
 remarks : 
 
 "Upwards of 500,000 workers are now employed in our cotton 
 factories, and it has been estimated that at least 4,000,000 per- 
 sons in the country are dependent upon the cotton trade for 
 subsistence. A century ago Lancashire contained a population 
 of only 300,000 persons ; it now numbers 2,300,000. In the 
 same period of time, this enormous increase exceeds that on any 
 other equal surface of the globe, and is entirely owing to the 
 development of the cotton trade. In 185G there were, in the 
 United Kingdom, 2,210 factories, running 28,000,000 spindk-.'i 
 and 209,000 looms, by 97,000 horse-power. Since that i>eriod 
 a considerable number of new mills have been erected, and 
 extensive additions have been made to the spinning a7id weav- 
 ing machinery of those previously in existence. 
 
 "The amount of actual capital invested in the cotton trade 
 of this kingdom is estimated to be between £00,000,000 and 
 £70,000,000 sterling. 
 
 "Tlie quantity of cotton inqmrted into tliis country in l'^r»9 
 
 was 1,181^ million pounds' weight, the value of which at i)d. 
 
 per lb. is equal to £30,000.000 sterling. Out of 2,s-J9,110 
 
 bales of cotton imported into Great Britain, America has sup- 
 
 3 
 
) 
 
 1 
 34 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 plied lis with 2,086,341 — that is, 5-7 ths of the whole. In other 
 ■words, out of every 7 lbs. imported from all countries into Great 
 Britain, America has supplied 5 lbs., India has sent us about 
 500,000 bales, Egypt about 100,000, South America, 124,000, 
 and other countries between 8,000 and 9,000 bales. In 1859 
 the total value of the exports from Great Britain amounted to 
 £130,513,185, of which £47,020,920 consisted of cotton goods 
 and yarns. Thus, more than one-third, or £1 out of every £3 of 
 our entire exports, consists of cotton. Add to this the propor- 
 tion of cotton which forms part of £12,000,000 more exported 
 in the shape of mixed woollens, haberdashery, millinery, silks, 
 apparel, and slops. Great Britain alone consumes annually 
 £24,000,000 worth of cotton goods. Two conclusions, there- 
 fore, may safely be drawn from the facts and iigures now cited : 
 first, that the interests of every cotton-worker are bound up 
 with a gigantic trade which keeps in motion an enormous mass 
 of capital, and this capital, machinery, and labor depend for 
 five-sevenths of its employment upon the slave States of Amer- 
 ica for prosperity and continuance ; secondly, that if a war 
 should at any time break out between England and America, 
 a general insurrection take place among the slaves, disease 
 sweep oii' those slaves by death, or the cotton crop fall short in 
 quantity, whether from severe frosts, disease of the plant, or 
 other possible causes, our mills would be stopped for want of 
 cotton, employers would be ruined, and famine would stalk 
 abroad among the hundreds and thousands of work-people 
 who are at present fortunately well employed. 
 
 " Calculate the consequences for yourself. Imagine a dearth 
 of cotton, and you may picture the horrors of such a calamity 
 from the scenes you may possibly have witnessed when the 
 mills have only run on " short time." Count up all the trades 
 that are kept going out of the wages of the working classes, 
 independent of builders, mechanics, engineers, colliers, &c., 
 employed by the mill-owners. Railways would cease to j^ay, 
 and our ships would lie rotting in their ports, should a scarcity 
 of the raw material for manufacture overtake us." 
 
 Tlie Manchester Chamber of Commerce, at about the same 
 date, discussed the same question, and the chairman, in ad- 
 dressing the meeting, drew the attention of the members to the 
 state of the cotton trade itself; to the amazing increase in the 
 trade during the last year ; and to the necessity there was for 
 forethought for seeing where they stood. "He had made, at 
 
Sout/icrn Wealth and Nmihcrn Projix 
 
 some trouble, a calculation of the probable cxporlj^ij^r* .thp 
 present year. Tliese would very nearly amount to £40,000'; 
 which would be nearly an increase of £3,000,000 on last year, 
 and of £5,000,000 upon the year previous. Tliat was a start- 
 linii; increase ; but on coming to look whence it arose, it would 
 be seen that it was due solely to one portion of the world — 
 India and China. Looking at the whole state of the cotton 
 trade, we had not yet recovered from the dejpixciation before 
 1857. If it had not been for the increase of the exports to In- 
 dia, the cotton trade would not have stood in as good a position 
 as it was previous to the crisis. The cause of the great increase 
 in the demand for goods for India arose in the amazing increase 
 in the capital sent out to that country, which, during the last 
 three years, would not amount to less than £60,000,000. AVe 
 must not consider the present state of the cotton trade as the 
 normal one, for unless these loans were continued wo should 
 not find the incz'ease of exports continue to the East. If so, the 
 state of our cotton trade would be much changed in twelve 
 months. Tlie export to India this year would amount to up- 
 wards of £17,000,000, and from this it would be seen that tlie 
 proportion of our cotton exports to the East was £17,000,000 
 out of £46,000,000. If our cotton trade was to be increasc<l it 
 must probably be with the East, and this Iwought him to the 
 question of the policy of the Indian government. The report 
 stated that they had sent a resolution protesting against any in- 
 creased duties on manufactures to the East. There was a rumor 
 afloat that these duties were to be increased, and if they were 
 they would materially affect our prosperity. Nothing could 
 be more unsound in policy than increased duties on manufac- 
 tured goods, going into a part really of our own country. It 
 was burning the candle at both ends, so to speak ; taxing (»ur- 
 selves for exports from India, and for the imports of these same 
 cotton goods again." 
 
 This condition of the Indian trade is no doubt correctly 
 stated. The system of transferring capital to England had 
 nearly exhausted the country, and the cpiestion presented itself c»f 
 abandoning the country, or endeavoring to restore its activity. 
 Capital had become cheap in England, and dear in India; fol- 
 lowing the law of trade, therefore, it returns, and with its return 
 revives the demand for goods, which thus far outruns the pro- 
 duction of cotton. As the prosperity of India increases, the 
 demand for goods will become still more considerable. The 
 
36 Southei'ii Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 discussion in the House of Lords, Jan. 27, was to the same 
 effect. 
 
 " Lord Brougham, in rising to move, according to notice, for 
 returns relating to the importation of cotton, said lie understood 
 there would be no objection on the part of the government to 
 granting them. He thought it would be most satisfactory to all 
 to know, that since the repeal of the duly upon cotton there 
 had been such an enormous increase in the importation of cot- 
 ton, from 63,000,000 lbs. to 1,024,000,000 lbs., an increase of 
 sixteen-fold, and the importations from the United States alone 
 had risen from 23,000,000 lbs. to 830,000,000 lbs., or an in- 
 crease of thirty-two-fold. This enormous increase in the impor- 
 tation of cotton — so advantageous to our manufacturers and the 
 community generally — had been accomplished at the trifling 
 cost of £500,000, which was the amount of the duty upon cotton 
 previous to its remission. Lie hoped the fact would be an en- 
 couragement to us to repeal duties without any regard to what 
 was called the reciprocity system, but to repeal them simply 
 beca,use we wished to get rid of the burden imposed upon us 
 by those duties. Tliere were now no less than 480 articles upon 
 which excise or customs duties were levied, to the great dis- 
 comfort of trade, and the injury of those who dealt in those 
 articles, while the total product to the revenue was under 
 £1,000,000 ; indeed, he believed it was only aboiit £630,000. 
 He rejoiced in the benefits which had resulted to the people of 
 the United States from our repeal of the duty on raw cotton ; 
 but it should not be forgotten that some of our own colonies 
 presented great facilities for the growth of cotton, and he hoped 
 that in British Guiana, Jamaica, and in Africa, every encour- 
 agement would be afforded by the government to the cultiva- 
 tion of this most important material. Above all, he trusted 
 that a trade in cotton would be opened up on the coast of 
 Africa, in the districts explored by Dr. Livingstone, for upon 
 the high land of that country cotton to any amount, and of the 
 best quality, might, with a slight encouragement, be raised. He 
 was told that a capital of £20,000, judiciously directed there, 
 would be sufficient to secure this very great advantage ; and he 
 did hope that if it wei-e inexpedient for the government to in- 
 terfere in such matters, his wealthy friends at Manchester and 
 Liverpool would lend a hand to raise that sum of money." 
 
 After much vituperation of the United States on the part of 
 the noble lord — 
 
Souf/icrn W('alt/i and Xorthern Profits. 87 
 
 ''Tlic Bishop of Oxford hatl heard with satisfaction what liad 
 fallen from the noble duke. It was quite true that it was not 
 the custom of the British government to engage in direct 8]>ec- 
 ulations to promote the trade in any article, but with regard to 
 the growth of cotton, the British government liad rendered 
 great assistance in another way — namely, by making the high- 
 ways of the great continent of Africa — the rivers — accessible to 
 Kuglish merchants, so that cotton might be cultivated on each 
 side of them, and the traders have a safe passage up and dcnvu. 
 Tlic difticulty whicli was experienced in other countries, of ob- 
 taining free labor to produce cotton, did not exist in AlVica, 
 where there was an abundant native population, whose c\dti ra- 
 tion of cotton would be attended with the additional advantage 
 of introducing a wholesome and la^\i:ul commerce, which would 
 absolutely destroy the slave-trade ; for the only way by Avhich 
 that trade could be ultimately destroyed was by teaching tlie 
 African chuffs that the ein]ploymcnt of their dejpendent people in 
 the production of the raw raater'ml of cotton., woxdd he more ad- 
 vantageous than the selling them, into slavenjfor tranqyortation 
 to other p>arts of the icorld. He therefore earnestly trusted that 
 the attention of the ^overmnent would be directed to the main- 
 tenance and even to the increase of efforts for opening the great 
 rivers in Africa, especially the Zambesi, the opening of which 
 he believed the government was about to aid, and the Niger, 
 which for years the government had assisted in opening. 
 (Hear, hear.) 
 
 " Lord Overstone believed that a question of more importance 
 than that relating to the extension of the som-ce for the supply 
 of the raw material of cotton could not be brought under the 
 consideration <^f the Legislature. (Hear, hear.) He had there- 
 fore heard Nfith satisfaction the statement of the noble duke, 
 that the attention of the government was directed to this sul)- 
 ject, and that every encouragement consistent with sound prin- 
 ciples would be afforded to extend the su])ply of cotton. ( IJeur, 
 hear.) Tlic noble and learned lord had stated that within a 
 short period the importation of cotton had multijdied thirty-1 wr^ 
 fold in this country, and when their lordshi]>s considered li"W 
 extensive was the demand for cotton goods throughout the 
 world, they would at once perceive that it was a serious matter 
 to have for the supply of the raw material only a single source, 
 liable to be affected by the uncertainties of climate, to sny 
 nothing of the obstacles which any unfortunate state of politi- 
 
88 Smdhern Wealth and Hoiihern Profits. 
 
 cal relations might raise up in the way of onr merchants apply- 
 ing to that source. (Hear, hear.) He trusted that no efforts 
 would be omitted by the people of this country to promote 
 every rational enterprise for the supply of cotton in every 
 quarter where it could be obtained, and that all the encourage- 
 ment which the government could legitimately give would be 
 afforded. (Hear, hear.)" 
 
 The coolness with which the Bishop of Oxford states that 
 cotton could be made by " free labor" if the " African chiefs 
 would employ their dependent jpeeyple^'^ instead of " selling them 
 into slavery," is amusing. If, instead of selling the man, or 
 eating him, he compelled him to grow cotton, the bishop, it 
 appears, would be satisfied with the progress of freedom. The 
 discussion was narrowed dowm to hopes that Africa might 
 grow cotton. If we reflect that the supply of other materials 
 for clothing increases much less than cotton, the importance 
 of the question will appear to be gi'eater. 
 
 The five chief materials for human clothing are hemp, flax, 
 silk, wool, and cotton. Tliese have been imported into Eng- 
 land as follows : 
 
 Imports of Raw Materials for Textile Fabrics into Great Britain. 
 
 Total 
 
 Jlemp. Flax. Silk. Wool. four articles. Cotiim. 
 
 i835.^fe. 72,352,200 81,916,100 4,027,649 4i,7i8,5i4 160,014,468 826,407,692 
 
 1840... 82,971,700 189,801,600 3,860,980 50,002.976 276,187,236 531,197,817 
 
 1845... io3, 416,400 i59,562,3oo 4,866,528 76,818,855 344,258,785 731,979.953 
 
 i85o... 119,462,100 204,928,900 5,411,984 74.826,778 404,187,912 714,502.600 
 
 i855... 186,270,912 145,511,487 7,548,659 99,800.446 888,681,454 891,751,962 
 
 i856... 142,618,525 189,792,112 8,28fe;685 116,211,892 456,868,714 1,028,886,804 
 
 1857... 169,004,562 209,953,125 12,718,867 129,749,898 521,426,452 969,318,896 
 
 i858... 184,816,000 144,489,332 6,635,845 127,216,978 462,6o8,i5o 1,076,519,800 
 
 Price of Upland Cotton in Liverpool.— \\\ i835, loVid.; 1840, 6d.; i845, 4'Ad-; i85o, 
 4V4d.; i855, SVid.; i856, 6d.; 1857, 7V4CI.; i858, 7V4CI. 
 
 This table gives in pounds weight the quantities of raw ma- 
 terial imported into Great Britain from all coimtries in each 
 yiear. It does not include the avooI used of home growth, or 
 the increasing supply of Irish flax, but it indicates the demand 
 that England has annually made upon the countries that pro- 
 duce raw materials for the means of supplying the large de- 
 mands made upon her factories for goods. The stimulus every- 
 where given to the production of exchangeable values, and the 
 diminished cost of transportation, as well as the more liberal 
 policy of governments, has left to the producer a larger share 
 of the products of his own industry, and this has shown itself 
 in a demand for clothing. It is to be observed in the table, 
 
Sout/iern Wealth and Xoii/u:m Profits. 39 
 
 that lip to 1S50 tlie ])roportion of the tour other articles in- 
 creased faster than cotton. 
 
 Since that date the cotton demand has again become larger, 
 and the value of all raw materials has risen in an important 
 degree. The future increase of supply in human clothing must 
 come altogether from cotton, and every effort to increase the 
 supply of that article ends only in a despairing appeal to the 
 United States. Tlie discussion of the cpiestion draws that fact, 
 and practical English sense shows itself strongly in the follow- 
 ing rebuke, contained in the London Times, to Lord Brougham 
 and his confreres : 
 
 "The importation of cotton into this country has, since the 
 import duty was abolished, increased sixteen-fold. 1 Living f- 
 been 63,000,000 pounds, it is now 1,000,000,000 pounds. This is 
 one of those giant facts which stand head and shoulders higher 
 than the crowd — so high and so broad that we can neither 
 overlook it nor aifect not to see it. It proves the existence of 
 a thousand smaller facts that must stand under its shadow. It 
 tells of sixteen times as many mills, sixteen times as many 
 English families living by working those mills, sixteen times 
 as much profit derived from sixteen times as much capital en- 
 gaged in this manufacture. It carries after it serpiences of in- 
 creased quantity of freights and insurances, and necessities for 
 sixteen times the amount of customers to consume, to our profit, 
 the immense amount of produce we are turning out. There are 
 not many such facts as these, arising in the quiet routine of in- 
 dustrial history. It is so large and so steady that we can steer 
 our national policy by it; it is so important to us, that we 
 should be reduced to embarrassment if it were suddenly to dis- 
 appear. It teaches us to persevere in a policy which has pro- 
 duced so wonderful a result ; its beneficent operation makes it 
 essential to us to deal carefully with it now we have got it. 
 Some years ago an island arose in the Mediterranean, and we 
 were all discussing it, and quarrelling about it, and keei)ing 
 up a brisk fire of diplomatic notes over it, when one fine morn- 
 ing the disgusted island suddenly went down again, and ships 
 sent out to survey it sailed over the site it had occui)ied. Wo 
 must not do any thing to disgust this huge lump of proiitable 
 W(»rk which has suddenly arisen among us. We are inclined to 
 look at it with a respectful and superstitious tenderness, rather 
 as a gambler does upon a run of luck at cards, hoping it may 
 last forever. 
 
40 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 " Lord Brougham and the veterans of the old Anti-Slavery 
 Society do not, we fear, share our delight at this great increase 
 in the employment of our home population. Their minds are 
 still seared by those horrible stories which were burnt in upon 
 them in their youth when England was not only a slave-own- 
 ing, but even a slave- trading state. Their remorse is so great, 
 tliat the ghost of a black man is always before them. They are 
 benevolent and excellent people ; but if a black man happened 
 to have broken his shin, and a white man were in danger of 
 drowning, we much fear that a real anti-slavery zealot would 
 bind up the black man's leg before he would draw the Avhite 
 man out of the water. It is not an inconsistency, therefore, 
 that while we see only cause of congratulation in this wonder- 
 ful increase of trade, Lord Brougham sees in it the exao^crera- 
 tion of an evil he never ceases to deplore. We, and such as 
 we, who are content to look upon society as Providence allows 
 it to exist — to mend it when we can, but not to distress our- 
 selves immoderately for evils which are not of our creation — 
 we see only the free and intelligent English families who thrive 
 upon the wages which these cotton bales produce. Lord 
 Brougham sees only the black laborers who, on the other 
 side of the Atlantic, pick the cotton pods in slavery. Lord 
 Brougham deplores that in this tremendous importation of a 
 thousand millions of pounds of cotton the lion's share of the 
 profit goes to the United States, and has been produced by 
 slave-labor. Instead of twenty- three millions, the United States 
 now send us eight hundred and thirty millions, and this is all 
 cultivated by slaves. It is very sad that this should be so, but 
 we do not see our way to a remedy. There seems to be rather 
 a chance of its becoming worse. If France, who is already 
 moving onwards in a restless, purblind state, should open her 
 eyes wide, should give herself fair play by accepting our coals, 
 ii-on, and machinery, and, under the stimulus of a Avholesome 
 competition, should take to manufacturing upon a large scale, 
 then these three millions will not be enough. France will be 
 competing with us in the foreign cotton markets, stimulating 
 still further the produce of Georgia and South Carolina. The 
 jump which the consumj)tion of cotton in England has just 
 made is but a single leap, which may be repeated indefinitely. 
 There are a thousand millions of mankind upon the globe, all 
 of whom can be most comfortably clad in cotton. Every year 
 new tribes and new nations are added to the category of cotton 
 
Soufhei-^n Wealth and Northern I^rojit.s: 4 1 
 
 ■wearers. There is every reason to believe that the sujiplv of 
 this universal necessity will for many years yet to come fail to 
 keep pace with the demand, and, in the interest of that lar^e 
 class of our countrymen to whom cotton is bread, we must con- 
 tinue to hope that tlie United States will be able to supply us 
 in years to come with twice as much as we boui^ht of them in 
 years past. 
 
 '• ^ Let us raise up another market,' says the anti-slavery 
 people. So say we all. We know very well that the possi- 
 bility of growing cotton is not confined to the New Woi-ld. 
 The plains of Bengal grew cotton before Columbus was l)orn, 
 and we, with our mechanical advantages, can actually atford 
 to take the Bengal cotton from the growers and send it back 
 to them in yarns and pieces cheaper than they can make it up. 
 So, also, thousands of square miles in China are covered by the 
 cotton plant; and some day we may perhaps repeat the same 
 process there. Africa, too, promises us cotton. Dr. Living- 
 stone found a country in which the growth was indigenous, and 
 where the chiefs were very anxious to be taught how to culti- 
 vate it for a European market. Tliere is no lack of lands and 
 climate where cotton could be produced. It is said of gold that 
 no substance in nature is more widely diffused and more om- 
 nipresent 5 but, unfortunately, it is difiused under conditions 
 which make it seldom possible to win it with a profit. So it is ]/\^ 
 of cotton. The conditions under which it becomes available 
 for our markets are not often present in the wild cotton which 
 our travellers discover ; nor are they to be immediately sup- 
 plied. Kemember the efforts which the French have made to 
 produce cotton in Algeria, the enormous prizes they ofiercd, 
 the prices at which they bought up all the produce, the care 
 with which fabrics were prepared from these cottons at lloueu 
 and exhibited at the Paris Exhibition, and then note the miser- 
 able result after so many years of artificial protection. It will 
 come eventually ; as the cotton wants of the world ])ress 
 heavily and more heavily, it must come. We shall have cotton 
 from India, from China, and from Africa; we would advocate 
 every means within reasonable limits to quicken the develop- 
 ment. We would not even ask whether to introduce cotton 
 culture upon a large scale into Africa, would be to secure that 
 African cotton would not be raised by slave-labor. But even 
 Lord Brougham would not ask us to believe that there is any 
 proximate hope that the free cotton raised in Africa will, within 
 
42 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 any reasonable time, drive out of culture the slave-grown cot- 
 ton of America. If this be so, of what use can it be to make 
 irritating speeches in the House of Lords against a state of 
 things by which we are content to profit ? Lord Brougham 
 and Lord Grey are not men of such illogical minds as to be in- 
 capable of understanding that it is the demand of the English 
 manufacturers which stimulates the produce of slave-grown 
 American cotton. They are neither of them, we apprehend, so 
 reckless or so wicked as to wish to close our factories and throAV 
 some two millions of our manufacturing population out of 
 bread. Why, then, these inconsequent and these irritating 
 denunciations ? Let us create new fields of produce if we can ; 
 but, meanwhile, it is neither just nor dignified to buy this raw 
 material from the Americans, and to revile them for pro- 
 ducing it." 
 
 CHAPTER HL 
 
 GENERAL AGKICULTUKE. 
 
 J The New England States, from the first, were mostly en- 
 gaged in navigation and manufactures. It was there that 
 capital first accumulated from application to those employ- 
 ments. Agriculture spread in two directions, viz., across the 
 mountains to the west, and southwest from the south Atlantic 
 States. These two agricultural branches divided naturally into 
 free and slave labor, and both sections held the same position 
 to ]^ew England as all the colonies had before held to the 
 mother country. Tlie manufacturing and navigating States, 
 as a matter of course, accumulated the wealth which the other 
 sections produced, eacli in proportion to its productions. To 
 estimate correctly the effects of slave-labor, therefore, it is not 
 to be compared to a manufacturing section, but to a free agri- 
 cultural section ; it is in the same employment that the rela- 
 tive results of free and slave labor are to be justly compared. 
 "We shall find that the latter has largely the advantage over the 
 former — that the productions of the individual free man is not 
 greater than that of the slave ; but his wants and necessities 
 are greater. He consumes more, while his labor lacks that 
 concentration of co-operation that marks slave-labor. Tliis re- 
 sult is very much opposed to the common idea, which supposes 
 
Sout/urn Wealth and Xorthern Profits. 43 
 
 the South to produce cotttni only. Tlic i^reat prominence of 
 that article in a manner overshadows other products, which 
 come in a degree to be overlooked. Tims the following re- 
 marks, and similar ones, are frequently encomitered in the 
 daily press : 
 
 " Such is the mutual dependence of the South and the Xortli, 
 that, were it not that the latter supjdies to the former its ]m-(>- 
 risions, clothing, and agricultural implements, the South would 
 not be able to supply any cotton for export, but could scarcely 
 supply the home demand." 
 
 The fallacy of this idea may be at once demonstrated l)y an 
 inspection of the census returns, which show a larger quantity 
 of food per head produced in the South than elsewhere, and 
 ■from its abundance it furnishes food to the North. To tV)rm a 
 just comparison between the three sections, a table is formed 
 from the national census returns of 1850, in which the (puuiti- 
 ties produced in each section are given in separate columns, 
 ■with the area and population of each section. The " North'- is 
 composed of N'ew England^ New Yorl\ Nev} Jersey^ Pennstjl- 
 vania. The "West" of Ohio^ Michigan^ Illinois^ Indiana^ 
 Wisconsin, loica, California, Minnesota, and the Territories. 
 Tlie "' South," of Maryland, Delaware, District of Coliimhia, 
 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alahama, 
 Louisiana, Florida, Texas, Missouri, Mississijjjn, Kentucky, 
 Tennessee, and ArkoMsas, making, together, all the States and 
 Territories. To the quantities, transcribed from the national 
 census, in aggregates for each section, we have appended the 
 values, as given by Professor Tucker in his " Progress of the 
 Nation," as exhibited in the national census, from 1790 to 1850. 
 Tlie value is useful in arriving at the aggregate relative value i>ro- 
 duced, but the quantity of food per head is an imi)ortant i)oint. 
 
 Area, Pojyulation, and Livestock of the Union. 
 
 South. Wkmt. .NOutii. 
 
 Area— Acres 871, /,53 1,417,991 '^,747 
 
 Population 9,664,656 4,900,369 8,626,85a 
 
 Horses 2,044,377 i,2ao,7o3 i,073,63o 
 
 Asses and mules 517,224 34,454 7,653 
 
 Milch cows 2,9^>3,237 1,363,253 2,o5H,6o4 
 
 Oxen 2,«35.358 341,883 .;.);. a8o 
 
 Othercattle 5,632,717 2,236.o56 i.''!i.397 
 
 Sheep 6,821,871 7,396,331 7.)o').oi8 
 
 Swine 20,008,964 6,874,70 3, '168,469 
 
 Total licad of stock 40,823,748 19,967,176 i6,44i,958 
 
 Valneofstoek $251, 793,330 $ii2,563,85i 1173,812,690 
 
44 Southetm Wealth and Nortliern Pr 
 
 Agricultural Productions of the United States., per official Census o/1850, 
 distinguishing the South, North, and West. 
 
 Wheat.. SiwA. 
 
 Oats .^ 
 
 Corn 
 
 I'otatoes 
 
 Kye 
 
 Barley 
 
 Buckwheat . . 
 
 Quantities. Value. 
 
 27,878,815 25,090,933 
 
 49,882.979 17,459,035 
 
 349,057,501 ?i9,534,5oo 
 
 44,878,403 17,951,371 
 
 1,608,200 1,608,200 
 
 161,907 145,716 
 
 405,357 202,678 
 
 ^ WE.ST. -. 
 
 Quantities. Value. 
 
 41,394,545 37.255,088 
 
 37.122,774 12,992,971 
 
 186,384,139 111,830,483 
 
 14,416,390 5,766,556 
 
 774,5d5 774,555 
 
 842,402 754,161 
 
 1,578,578 789,289 
 
 . North. ^ 
 
 Qvar^titie.s. Value. 
 30,761,941 27,685,746 
 59,477,597 20,817,175 
 56,234,511 33,740,706 
 44.616.780 17,846,712 
 11,800,068 11,800,068 
 4,166,611 3.747,65o 
 b,c)ji,bbi 3,485,833 
 
 Beans and | 
 peas. ) 
 
 7,637,227 
 
 i3, 365,147 
 
 313,278 
 
 548,237 
 
 1,229,017 
 
 2,i5o,778 
 
 Clover, &c., { 
 «eed. ) 
 
 123,517 
 
 370,551 
 
 142,764 
 
 428,292 
 
 619,501 
 
 i,858,5o3 
 
 Flaxseed .... 
 
 Value garden 
 
 " orchard 
 
 Rice lbs. 
 
 203,484 
 
 254.355 
 
 1,377,260 
 1,355,827 
 8,612,539 
 
 307,328,112 
 
 240,2IQ 
 
 664,3o3 
 1,640,028 
 
 300,273 
 
 664.3o3 
 
 1,640,028 
 
 118,704 
 
 148,374 
 3,o5o,3o2 
 5.692,886 
 
 2i"5,3V3',497 
 
 
 173,744,236 
 
 132,024,727 
 
 Tobacco.. ZA«. 
 Wool 
 
 85,023,906 
 12,797,829 
 
 18.505,390 
 3,839,348 
 
 12,358,879 
 17,675,129 
 
 1,236,888 
 5,302,538 
 
 2,383,208 
 21,972,082 
 
 238,320 
 6,591,624 
 
 Oieese ) 
 
 68,634,224 
 
 6,863,422 
 
 98,266,884 
 
 9,826,688 
 
 251,593,899 
 
 25.109,389 
 
 Hay tons. 
 
 Hops lbs. 
 
 Heiiip...fc?!s. 
 
 Fla.x lbs. 
 
 Cocoons 
 
 Maple sugar. 
 
 1,137,784 
 33.780 
 34,673 
 
 4,768,198 
 5,374 
 
 2,088,687 
 
 11,377,846 
 
 5,067 
 
 3,883,376 
 
 476,619 
 
 53,740 
 
 104,434 
 
 3,227.253 
 
 194,961 
 
 i5o 
 
 1,330,859 
 
 2,340 
 
 10,889,722 
 
 32,272,530 
 
 29,244 
 
 7 
 
 i33,o85 
 
 23,400 
 
 544,486 
 
 9,473,605 
 
 3, 268.215 
 
 443.370 
 
 1,717.419 
 
 3,129 
 
 21,272,077 
 
 94,736,o5o 
 
 490,232 
 
 22.178 
 
 171,742 
 
 31,290 
 
 i,o6i,6o3 
 
 Honey and 1 
 wax. j 
 
 7,964,760 
 
 1,194,714 
 
 3,401,078 
 
 5io,i4o 
 
 3,487.290 
 
 523,093 
 
 Value slaughtered 1 
 animals. f 
 
 |46,3o3,95o 
 54,398,015 
 
 
 549,879,006 
 22,473,786 
 
 e 
 
 129,025,521 
 34.5i6,45i 
 
 
 $4o8,o3o,077 
 
 $246,097,028 
 
 $295,566,699 
 
 Per head of iiopulation. . . 
 
 ... $42 
 
 
 $5o.25 
 
 
 $34.26 
 
 From this table we learn that of those grains' which consti- 
 tute food, and are common to all sections, the South raised in 
 value equal to about $30 per head of its whole population, in- 
 cluding the slaves. Tlie value raised in the northern section 
 was equal only to $15 per head, a quantity unequal to the 
 support of life, but the large manufacturing interests of that 
 section enable it to command food from the West and South 
 in exchange for merchandise. The product of food at the West 
 is equal to $35^ per head. If we were to include the whites 
 only, the quantity per head at the South would reach $48 per 
 head, a quantity in excess of their wants, and of which they 
 indeed export largely. The quantity of corn alone raised per 
 head is 37 bushels, or the same as at the West. The wheat 
 product at the South gives 4|- bushels per head of the white 
 population, a quantity more than sufficient for its service, and 
 
Sout/iern Wealth caid Xortherii I'rojiis. 45 
 
 it exports of the surplus largely to the New EugluiKl States. 
 Tlie aggregate of agricultural productions, it ai)pears, is $42 
 at the South, embracing the same articles which at the AVest 
 give $50.25 per head, and at the North $34.2G per head. 
 Tlie South, however, produced in addition, in the year 1849, 
 978,311,690 lbs. of cotton, which was sold in 1850 at 11 cents 
 per lb., according to the United States Treasury reports, mak- 
 ing 8101,834,616. It also produced 237,133,000 lbs. of sugnr, 
 valued at $16,599,310; and, in addition, naval stores to the 
 value of 82,107,100. 
 
 The aggregate results are as follows : 
 
 SotTii. West., North. Total. 
 
 Slaughtered animals.... §54,398,013 $22,473,786 $34,5i6,45i $111, 383,252 
 
 Grains 307,328,112 173,744,236 132,026,727 613,099,075 
 
 Other 46,3o3,g5o 49,879,006 i2g,025,52i 225,208,477 
 
 Cotton, 978,31 1,600 ^J.*... 101,834,616 
 
 Sugar, 237,133,000 " .. i6, 599,310 
 
 Kaval stores 2,107,100 
 
 Total $528,571,103 $246,097,028 $295,568,699 $1,070,236,830 
 
 Per head $54 $5o $34 
 
 Value of live stock $253,795,33o $ii2,563,85i $173,812,690 $538,171,871 
 
 If now — supposing that the black laborers raise the cotton, 
 sugar, rice, and naval stores — we compare the aggregate agri- 
 cultural products in the above table with the number of Mhite 
 persons employed in agriculture, according to the same census, 
 we have the relative production as follows : 
 
 North 
 
 South 
 
 A'b. employed 
 in agriculture. 
 
 823,171 
 
 840,285 
 
 Value produced. 
 
 $295,568,699 
 
 409030,07-7 
 
 246,097,028 
 
 ?q5o,695,8o4 
 
 P«y hand. 
 
 $359 
 
 481 
 
 West 
 
 Total 
 
 728,127 
 
 2,400,583 
 
 335 
 
 This gives the absolute fact that the AVest, a peculiarly agri 
 cultural section, with very prolific soil, produces a value per ^ 
 hand employed, less than even the comparatively sterile soil of 
 the North and East. Tliis strongly illustrates the fact to which 
 we have previously alluded, viz., that free-labor, even with 
 the fruitful soil of the West, unaided by machinery, can pro- 
 duce no surplus. These iigures unexi)hiined, however, em- 
 brace a fallacy, and one which has attracted much attention 
 of late. It is, that the Northern and Eastern section has in- 
 scluded in its aggregate $94,736,000 worth of hay, which article, 
 if deducted from all the accounts, would leave tlie Eastern ])ro- 
 duction less per hand than any other section. This crop uf iiay 
 
 ^ 
 
46 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 has, liowever, been vaunted as a crop of great value, even as 
 " rivalling cotton" in magnitude, and offsetting that crop in its 
 Importance as a national product. Tliis view of the subject is 
 more specious than real, liowever. Tlie object of making hay 
 is to cure the grass so that it can be transported to cover, and 
 feed cattle through those rigorous Northern winters, which 
 prevent the cattle from seeking their own food in its natural 
 state. Where those winters do not exist, that necessity does 
 not arise, but the cattle have not the less food. The making 
 of hay is, then, not a valuable labor, but an expense in the 
 keeping of cattle, imposed by climate. Accordingly we find, 
 as we proceed South, the winters being shorter, less hay is 
 made in proportion to the number of cattle kept. In Maine, 
 755,889 tons of hay were made, and there were 385,115 head 
 of cattle and horses to feed. This is a ratio of nearly two tons 
 per head. In Illinois, 601,952 tons of hay were- made, but 
 1,190,264: head of cattle were kept, or rather more than half a 
 ton per head. In Alabama, 32,685 tons of hay were made, 
 and 915,911 head of cattle kept, or about one ton to 30 head 
 of cattle. In the aggregate, the hay-crop of the country, and 
 the number of cattle kept, was as follows : 
 
 No.ofcatUe. Tons hay c%it. lbs. per head. 
 
 North 5,460,820 9,473,605 ,3,460 
 
 West 5,161,895 3,227,253 1,260 
 
 South. 13,475,689 1,137,784 170 
 
 Total 24,098,404 13.838,642 
 
 Tliis crop of hay, therefore, is a tax upon the labor of the 
 Northern farmer, proportioned to the number of cattle he seeks 
 to winter, and the rigor of the winter he has to provide for. 
 To count this expense among the advantages of free-labor, is 
 certainly a very fallacious mode of convincing the laborer of 
 its blessings, and would leave the inference that free-labor in, 
 Maine is much more profitable than in other free States. The 
 advantages of the Southern climate are, that not only is natu- 
 ral fodder more abundant, enabling the same land to support 
 more cattle, but the labor which at the Korth is applied to 
 making that fodder available, is at the South applied to other 
 productions. The labor which at the North will give 100 mil- 
 lions of hay, will at the South, not being needed for that pur- 
 pose, give 100 millions of cotton, while the cattle are feeding 
 themselves. It is for this, among other reasons, that the ag- 
 gregate productions of the South are so much more per hand 
 
Southern Wealth and Xorthern Projits. 47 
 
 tliau ut the North and AVest. Tlic chief reason is, howi-viT, 
 tliat the habor at the Sonth is collective, while the free-lahor at 
 the "West depends upon its own resources, and is not able to 
 hire the needful help in sowing and harvest seasons. Improve- 
 ments in machinery have been a great help in that respect, 
 enabling the farmer to get more into, and more off the ground, 
 than his unassisted labor could effect. 
 
 As an example of the productions of hands em[»loyed in tlie 
 South, we take the sugar product and number of slaves in each 
 sugar county of Louisiana : 
 
 Louisiana Production of Sugar, Corn, and Rice. 
 
 Corn, J!ic«. 
 
 ?ihds. Slaves. bush. lit. 
 
 Rapides I7,i33 ii,34o 
 
 Avoyelles 6,4 1 3 5,i6i 
 
 West Felieiaiia 6,471 10,666 
 
 Pointe Coupee i8,2i3 7. 811 
 
 East Feliciana 1,370 9,5i4 
 
 West Baton Rouge 2i,683 4,35o 
 
 Ea.st Baton Rouge 1 2,255 6,35i 
 
 Iberville 38,87() 8,606 
 
 Ascension 28,444 7,266 
 
 St. James 27,302 7,75i 
 
 St. John the Baptist 11.271 4,54o 
 
 St. Charles 9,146 4,i32 
 
 Jefferson 3.143 6,196 
 
 Orleans and St. Bernard. ...~ 6,566 20,391 
 
 Plaquemines 12,433 4.779 
 
 Assumption, Bavou Lafourche 32,725 5,34 1 
 
 L.ifourchc Interior 8,866 4,368 
 
 Terrebonne 22,8i5 4.328 
 
 St. Mary, Attakapas 44.634 9.85o 
 
 St. Martin, Attakapiis i3,548 6,489 
 
 Vermillion, Lafayette 862 1 ,067 
 
 Lafayette 1,286 3,170 
 
 St. Landry, Opelousius 7.388 10,871 
 
 Cistern bottoms 9,252 
 
 357,480 
 
 4.500 
 
 310,985 
 
 360,385 
 
 291,350 
 
 8,000 
 
 5» 
 
 16,840 
 42,670 
 
 226,942 
 
 fyOO 
 
 i5i,75o 
 
 4,009 
 
 371,065 
 
 
 368,500 
 
 35,5oo 
 
 334.480 
 
 68,5oo 
 
 188,390 
 178.0S0 
 197,849 
 32,180 
 
 314.200 
 
 619,000 
 
 122,000 
 
 40.000 
 
 149,090 
 
 1,536.740 
 
 564,303 
 
 99.770 
 
 227,Ol5 
 
 187,420 
 305,290 
 
 466,900 
 
 140 
 
 517,401 
 
 3,700 
 
 46.061 
 
 \.(M 
 
 288,358 
 
 a,i68 
 
 372,180 
 
 6,144 
 
 Total 362,296 162,018 6,327,88a 4,911,680 
 
 Value of supar 924,998,424 
 
 Value of molasses 6,470.817 
 
 Total $31,399,241 
 
 Tlie result is $200, in average value of sugar, for each hand. 
 In some sections the product is immense. In St. Mary, the 
 sugar was worth $3,000,000, without counting molasses, or 
 over $300 to each hand, llie labor of the slave in this em- 
 ployment is greatly aided b}- machinery. Tlie nund)er of 
 slaves is the total fcvr the counties, which, however, ])rodnce a 
 great agricultural wealth in addition to their sugar. Tlius 
 their slaves j)roduce 40 bushels com per head, and 30 ll)s. rico 
 per head. Tlie cash value (»f these two cro]>s was $5,000,000. 
 
 It follows, from these facts, that the South lias a far larger 
 
48 
 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 surplus to export than any otlier section, and that the value 
 of that surplus per hand annually increases. It supplies the 
 wants of the ISTorth in naval stores, rice, tobacco, sugar, hides, 
 wool, cotton, and annually swells the aggregate exports of the 
 Union to foreign countries. The surplus which has thus poured 
 out of the country manifests itself in the following table, which 
 is compiled from the annual reports of the Secretary of the 
 Treasury : 
 
 Southern UxjJorts from the United States, Numher of Slaves, and Value 
 per Hand. 
 
 1800.. 
 1810.. 
 1820.. 
 i83o.. 
 1840.. 
 i85o.. 
 i85i.. 
 1859.. 
 
 Naval 
 Stores. 
 
 460,000 2,435,000 6,220,000 
 47.3,000 2,626,000 5,048,000 
 292,000:1,714.9231 8,118,188 
 
 Sugar, 
 
 i,5oo,ooo 
 3,000,000 
 5,200,000 
 
 321,01911,986,824! 8,833, 
 
 602,520! 1,942,0761 9,883,957 
 1, 1 42^7 1 3 2, 63 1, 557 9,95i,023 i4,7p6,i5o 
 11,063,842 2,170,927! 9,219,351 i5,3a5,i85 
 '3,695,474 2,207,148 2i,o74,o38 31,455,241 
 III 
 
 slaves. 
 
 Prod. 
 
 per 
 hand. 
 
 5,25o,ooo 14,385,000 893,041 16. i_ 
 i5, 108,000 23,255,000 i,i9i,364Ji9.5o 
 26,309,000 37,934,111 i,543,688|24.63 
 44,058,025 48,225,838 2,009,053' 29. 11 
 74,640,307 92,292,260 2,487,355137.11 
 101,834,616 i3o,5o6,o5o' 3, 179, 509143.51 
 1 37,3 1 5, 3 1 7,1 65, o34,5 17 3, 200,000! 51.90 
 204, 1 28,493 262, 560,394 '4, 000, 000 65 . 64 
 I i I 
 
 These figures for naval stores, tobacco, and rice, are the offi- 
 cial export values. The figures for cotton are the crop valued 
 at the export rate in official returns. Those for sugar and 
 molasses are those of the New Orleans prices current. As all 
 these products are the results of slave-labor, in addition to what 
 supplies food for consumption, they are very nearly the ex- 
 changeable values produced per hand, and the increase has been 
 in regular progression. The exportable value per hand that 
 was $16.10 in 1800, has risen to $65.6i in 1859, and was $43.51 
 per hand in 1850, the date of the census, when, as seen in the 
 above table, the food production in that section equalled th.at 
 of the West, which had no other production. This large value, 
 amounting to $262,560,374, is remitted to the North, either in 
 the shape of sterling bills drawn against that portion sent di- 
 rectly in Northern ships to Europe, or in produce sent to the 
 North. The value of the raw cotton taken by Northern spin- 
 ners in 1859, was 760,000 bales, worth $40,000,000. Tliere are, 
 unfortunately, no statistics for all the produce sent north from 
 the South, but much may be gathered from the statistics of the 
 several cities. Thus, Louisiana sent north in 1859, 280,000 
 hhds. sugar, valued at $19,000,000. The city of Kichmond 
 sent north $4,000,000 worth of tobacco. 
 
Soufheni Wraith and Korthcrii Profits. 49 
 
 value in lumber, Scq. Tlic Boston Post reiiiiirks in volution 
 to the Southern trade of that city — 
 
 " "What does Xew Eiigland huy of the South to l<eep lier 
 cotton and woollen mills in operation — to supply her lack t»f 
 corn and flour, to furnish her Avith sui^ar, rice, tobacco, hnnber, 
 etc.? Boston alone received from the Slave States in 1859, cot- 
 ton valued at $22,000,000; wool worth $1,000,000; hides val- 
 ued at $1,000,000; lumber $1,000,000 ; flour $2,500,000; corn 
 $1,200,000 ; rice $500,000 ; tobacco estimated at $2,000,000. 
 We thus have $31,200,000 in value, only considering eight 
 articles of consumption. Nor have we reckoned the large 
 amounts of portions or all of these articles which arrived at 
 Providence, New Haven, Hartford, Portland, and other places. 
 Nor have we reckoned the value of other articles that arrive at 
 Boston, very considerable though it be, such as molasses, naval 
 stores, beef, pork, lard, and other animal produce, hemp, early 
 vegetal/les, oysters and other shell-fish, game, peaches, etc. 
 May we not estimate then, with good reason, that New England 
 bu^'s of the South her raw materials and other products to the 
 amount of $50,000,000 annually? In 1858, about one-third of 
 all the flour sold in Boston was received from the commercial 
 4)orts of the Southern States, and in the same year seven-iifths 
 of all the corn sold in this city was received direct from the 
 States of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. Tlie value of the 
 product of sugar and molasses, principally produced in Louisiana, 
 in 1S5S was about $33,000,000; and though but a snuxll portion 
 of it came to New England, nearly one-luilf tlie cro]) is con- 
 sumed in the Northern States, reaching the jxtints of consump- 
 tion by the Mississipj)i river." 
 
 The cities of Pliiladclphia, New York, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, 
 and of the Ohio and Mississip])i rivers, receive (piantitics that 
 swell the figures to $200,000,000, indei)endentiy of the articles 
 mentioned in the above table, which, being added, makes an 
 aggregate as follows : 
 
 Scut North in bills and raw matcrinlM $362,560,394 
 
 bent North in other produce 200,000,000 
 
 Total to tho credit of the Soiilli, per niiiiiun $462,560,194 
 
 Tliis is probably an under-valuation of the amount of means 
 
 sent jS'ortli by Southern owners and producers. Tlie pro<hicc 
 
 and tlie bills drawn agaiiist foreign fehi])ments form the credits 
 
 against which the Southern banks draw, and these credits fonn 
 
 4 
 
60 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 an important item of deposits in all the Xortliern banks, bnt 
 particularly in those of New York city, where the " balance 
 due banks " swells from IT millions to frequently 35 millions 
 in the summer, when the crops are mostly realized. The vast 
 movement of produce also gives premiums to the NortlK;rn 
 Insurance Companies, whose swelling dividends and premium- 
 shares have been so tempting of late. If the South produces' 
 this vast wealth, she does little of her own transportation, bank- 
 ing, insuring, brokering, but pays liberally on those accounts 
 to the Northern capital employed in those occupations. Those 
 who visit the North in the summer months, crowd the hotels 
 and watering-places, and scatter the proceeds of Southern labor 
 broadcast among shopkeepers and trades-people in return for 
 manufactured articles. 
 
 In the last few years of speculative excitement at the West, 
 whence such floods of bonds have been sent to New York for 
 negotiation, the presence of the proceeds of Southern crops 
 lying in the New York banks, and by them used to sustain the 
 stock-market, has been a great aid in the negotiation of those 
 Western credits, which were applied to the construction of rail- 
 roads. That large expenditure reilected upon the Western trade, 
 j)roducing an unusual demand for goods, which disappeared 
 ywhen the railroad expenditures ceased. A very considerable 
 /portion of the capital created at the South was applied to the 
 consumption of Western produce, since the thousands of men 
 who were employed in building railroads at the West caused a 
 large local demand for that produce on one hand, while tlie}^ in- 
 creased the demand for goods on the other. There has doubtless 
 been a large amount expended for railroad construction at the 
 South, but this has not been speculative. We shall in a future 
 chapter see that although there are as many miles of railroad 
 in operation at the South as at the West, they have cost hardly 
 more than half the money per mile, and their influence in de- 
 veloping local resources has been immense. We shall see that 
 more than 20 per cent, of Western railroad obligations is dis- 
 lionored, while none of the Southern roads have failed to j)ay. 
 The reason is, the superior cheapness of the latter. It is also a 
 peculiar feature of the Southern roads, that their stocks and 
 liabilities are nearly all owned at home. The dividends and 
 interest do not therefore form a drain upon Southern resources, 
 while at the West that drain has reached a very serious extent, 
 vy^ and must lead to the breaking up of numerous companies. 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Projits. 51 
 
 The employment of such numhers of men at tlie Soutli as \ 
 are requisite to work 9058 miles of railroad, is, of itself, an im- 
 portant item of expenditure, and aftbrds a local market for pro- 
 duce not previously enjoyed, while they have a great influence | 
 in swelling the surplus delivered at the seaboard for ex2K)rta- 
 tion. The extension of manufactures also at the South imparts 
 an increasing demand for local produce. The census gave 
 103,904 persons engaged in manufacturing at the South, and 
 the progress of that industry is, as we shall sec in a succeeding 
 chapter, rapid. These are causes which would naturally tend 
 to diminish the quantity of produce the Soutli would have to 
 send ISTortli, unless the production was proportionately increased. 
 This appears to be the case, and the supplies that go forward 
 by steamboat are continually increasing. An interesting branch 
 of this subject is the quantities of farm produce received early 
 and late in the year, in the Nortliern markets, by steamboats 
 from the Soutli. New York, particularly, owes nearly all its 
 supplies of early and late vegetables and fruits to the Southern 
 slave productions received by steam. Tlie tables of the rich, 
 and those ample boards spread by the hotels, famed through- 
 out the. world for the profusion and variety of their bills of 
 fare, are indebted to the farm labor of the South for the enjoy- 
 ment of those luxuries ; and these items amount to many mil- 
 lions per annum. It is a little curious that while New York 
 draws so largely upon the slave-labor of the South for the sup- 
 ply of the table, it also furnishes the same articles, to some ex- 
 tent, to free negro Jamaica, in exchange for the spontaneous 
 products of that fertile island ; and Northern vessels do the car- 
 rying trade at a proflt. Tlie South has, nevertheless, prospered 
 in the trade, and has taken in exchange a large quantity of 
 hats, shoes, clothing, <fcc., that arc manufjictured by the arti- 
 sans in New York, and who would severely feel the want of 
 >nch a demand should it by any untoward event be cut off. In 
 the nature of things, manufacturing must grow rapidly at the 
 South, for the reason that the mere expense of transi)ortation'» 
 will, of itself, be an inducement, when the capital shall have 
 been acquired, to prosecute these undertakings. The unfortu- 
 nate difficulties that have recently sprung up have given a 
 great spur to the attempts of manufacturers at the South. 
 
 The progress of these, with the oi)eration of the raih-oads in | 
 employing thousands of hands, is the first step towards accu- 
 mulating capital at the South, where so much is produced. 
 
52 Sonthern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 JIANUFACTHRES. 
 
 The Nortlieni or ]^ew England States are endowed by na- 
 ture with a mountainous and sterile soil, which but poorly re- 
 wards the labor of the husbandman. However, its wooded 
 slopes, and tumbling streams, which fall into commodious har- 
 bors, early pointed out to the restless energy of the first settlers 
 the direction in which their industry was to be employed. 
 Ship-building and navigation at once became the leading in- 
 dustry, bringing with it more or less wealth. The harsh rule 
 of the mother country forbade a manufacturing development, 
 and that branch of industry had never got a footing in the col- 
 onies. The act of independence which opened up that Held of 
 employment, also provided, by freedom of intercourse, a large 
 market for the sale of manufactures to the agricultural labor- 
 ers of the more fertile fields of the Middle and Southern States. 
 The genius of Northern industry was not slow in applying the 
 capital earned in commerce to the prosecution of this branch of 
 labor, and with every increase in numbers, and every extension 
 of national territory, the New England States have had only a 
 larger market for their wares, while the foreign competing 
 supply has been restricted by high duties on imports. The 
 mountain torrents of New England have become motors, by 
 which annually improving machinery has been driven. These 
 machines require only the attendance of females, but a few 
 years since a non-producing class, to turn out immense quanti- 
 ties of textile fabrics. In the hands of the male population, 
 other branches of industry have multiplied, in a manner which 
 shows the stimulant of an ever-increasing effective demand. 
 
 At aboHt the time that New Englaad became free to manu- 
 facture, the discoveries in navigation wrought that singular 
 change in commerce by which Charleston, S. C, was no longer 
 regarded as the nearest port to Europe, and New York assumed 
 its proper position, as the central marine point. Tlie commerce 
 of the Middle States rapidly increased, and witli that increase a 
 larger demand for the manufactures of New England was cre- 
 ated. "When population spread west of the AUeghanies, and the 
 annexation of Louisiana opened the Mississippi river to a mar- 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Pi'ojlts. 53 
 
 ket for AVestcrn produce, thus putting an end to that Western 
 discontent, wliich liad made separation from the East, and con- 
 solidation with the hnvcr countries of the Mississippi for tlie 
 sake of an outlet, imminent, a new demand for New England 
 manufactures was felt, and this was further enhanced hy the 
 opening of the Eric canal. In later years, the vast foreign im- 
 migration, pouring over new lands opened up by railroads, has 
 given a further stimulus to consumpti(»n ; more, however, 
 through the enormous sums of money sent in that direction to 
 build railroads, than by any legitimate development of West- 
 ern wealth. The South, in the mean time, has progressed regu- 
 larly and solidly, not by help of borrowed capital, but by 
 means of the actual sale of its swelling crops, at still rising 
 prices. It is to be supposed, that although New England was 
 the original source of manufactures, yet, with the progress of 
 the national wealth, those manufactures would gradually spread 
 towards the markets of consumption, and this in proportion to 
 the wealth and enterprise in localities. 
 
 The extraordinary hallucinations that exist in relation to the 
 Southern population, and theself-gloriiication with which North- 
 ern writers dwell upon Northern industry, are somewhat sur- 
 prising. Tlius the Tribune of Feb. 13 bestowed two columns 
 upon its readers ; and the basis of the homily were the follow- 
 ing assertions : 
 
 "We were apprised, by the official returns of 1850, that the 
 lands of the South were lield by a small number of proprietors, 
 and the residue of the white citizens were without property, 
 and therefore were in a serfdom, or, I might say, more than 
 that, for the serfs in European countries are at least the culti- 
 vators of the soil, and have certain inherent privileges attached 
 thereto; in other words, they are ^adHcripti (jkha-' — the ten- 
 ants of the soil; but the white population of the South, other 
 than the great land proprietors, have no interest in the soil, 
 nor does it appear what proprietary interest they have in any 
 sort of property. Manufactories scarcely exist at the South; 
 mechanical industry, distinct from agriculture, has hardly any 
 existence." 
 
 Tliis is the sort of declamation witli which, for ]»oliti<'al pur- 
 poses, the Northern ear is dinned. It is probable that the 
 writer never saw the census returns; but, like candidates for 
 the most responsible offices of tlie government, when confronted 
 with their signatures affixed to treasonable documents, excuse 
 themselves by saying they " signed without reading," because 
 
54 
 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 some "power beliind the throne" required them to do so. We 
 find, on examining the census for ourselves, that all such state- 
 ments are without foundation in truth. 
 
 In illustration of the progress of manufactures in the whole 
 Union, we take aggregates from ofiicial returns. In March, 
 1855, the Honorable James Guthrie, Secretary of the Treasury, 
 .appointed Messrs. R. C. Morgan and W. A. Shannon to report 
 ti.e manufactures of each State from 1790 to 1850. From page 
 87 of that report to the Secretary of the Treasury, June 30, 
 1855, we extract the following table of the cotton manufactures 
 of each section at four periods, and the aggregate of all manu- 
 |actures for 1840. 
 
 1 
 
 1S30. 
 
 '. "l5l',2b(> 
 
 101,232 
 197,925 
 
 274,03 I 
 17,222 
 
 4,666 
 125,266 
 14,000 
 
 . 5;885,6o8 
 
 4,502,224 
 
 243,268 
 35,750 
 735,512 
 154,547 
 
 555,673 
 988,157 
 49,S82 
 
 $3,991,834 
 4,359,553 
 
 5,400 
 
 "$567715 
 772,819 
 
 Coi 
 1S30. 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 mamifac's. 
 
 1840. 
 
 1S40. 
 
 1S50. 
 
 
 
 i7,§47 
 
 382,260 
 16,637 
 100,000 
 538,439 
 49.920 
 2,i35o44 
 273,439 
 
 4.236,000 
 
 Arkansas . 
 
 
 1,473.715 
 
 Columbia, D. C... 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 
 
 
 3io,ooo 
 
 332,272 
 
 2.563, 218 
 
 587.167 
 
 4.63i,i9i 
 
 12.182,786 
 
 Georgia 
 
 
 304.342 
 
 329.380 
 
 18.900 
 
 i,i5o.58o 
 
 1,744 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 
 
 8.641.439 
 i2,43o,866 
 
 
 
 2,120,504 
 
 3o,5oo 
 142,900 
 831.342 
 748,338 
 510.624 
 1,486,384 
 
 $9,367,331 
 9,664,656 
 
 4,257.522 
 2,596,356 
 19,712,461 
 8.83o,6i9 
 1,109.524 
 3,591,989 
 5,322.262 
 6,447,120 
 196,100 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 
 2,386,857 
 4.5o5,i86 
 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 
 438,900 
 359,000 
 325,719 
 446,063 
 
 $3,724,447 
 7,334,434 
 
 2,7i5,q64 
 970.397 
 16,553,423 
 4,i42,3o4 
 2,086,104 
 3,640,237 
 5,013,007 
 7,116,792 
 113,000 
 
 6 824,3o3 
 
 
 
 4.111,247 
 8.089,992 
 19,317.214 
 
 §93,362,202 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 
 Virginia 
 
 
 Total 
 
 
 
 Population 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 5,848,3o3 
 
 1,853,296 
 612.636 
 7,754,803 
 2,447.634 
 1,879,180 
 2,706,920 
 2,099,715 
 2,645,081 
 225,550 
 
 19,971,228 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Kew Hampshire . . 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 New York 
 
 71,010,703 
 10,052,598 
 18,479,444 
 88,574 35o 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Ehode Island 
 
 Vermont 
 
 59,140.480 
 13.428,287 
 6,579.086 
 
 
 Total goods. . . 
 Total population.. 
 
 Illinois 
 
 S22,224,8l5 
 
 5,442,381 
 
 $42,35i,23o 
 6,761,082 
 
 §52,062,953 
 8,626,852 
 
 $301,028,326 
 
 5,956,327 
 8.138.274 
 
 
 
 135,400 
 
 44,200 
 
 Iowa 
 
 
 347,713 
 
 
 
 
 
 3,327,671 
 
 Ohio 
 
 
 139,378 
 
 394,700 
 
 27,681,570 
 1,468,723 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Utah 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 $274,778 
 2,953,737 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 ?438.900 
 4,903,368 
 
 $46,920,286 
 
 Total population . . 
 
 1,575,3.36 
 
Sout/iem. Wealth and X&rthcryi Profits. 55 
 
 It is to 1)0 reiuarked; in relation to this cotton manufacture, 
 that in the early part of the century nearly all clothini; ^vas 
 home-spun, or made in families. As the art of manufacturins; 
 progressed, and cotton became abundant, the quantities of all 
 kinds of clothing made in families gradually diminished, being 
 supplanted by the machine or power-loom goods, until the 
 quantity so made in 1850 had become unimportant. The cot- 
 ton manufactures of the West did not prosper up to 1850, 
 when the population of that section was equal to that of the 
 South in 1820. On the other hand, the cotton manui'acture 
 in the South had taken a long stride in the ten years ending 
 with 1850. The product was about $1 per head of the ])o])u- 
 lation: a larger ratio than that of the North in 1820. Tliere 
 are no official returns of the progress of the cotton manufacture 
 since then ; but it is shown that in 1859 the spinners of that 
 section took 98,000 bales of cotton, or an increase of 50 per 
 cent, over the quantity used in 1850. At the same rate of 
 valuation for cloth, the manufacture in 1859 would be valued 
 at $14,000,000. Tlie rate of progression was far greater than 
 in the North and East, where the increase was 25 per cent, 
 only, from 1840 to 1850. The manufacture thus shows a strong 
 affinity for. the neighborhood of the raw material and the mar- 
 ket fur the goods. " Producers and consumers"' attract each 
 other. 
 
 According to the census returns, the quantity of cotton pur- 
 chased by the Northern spinners in 1840 was 82,077,200 
 pounds; again, in 1850, it was 518,039 bales, of 400 pounds 
 each. Tlie quantity was therefore 207,215,600 pounds ; and 
 the price of the year averaged 6^ cents, according to the treas- 
 ury returns of exports, making a value of $13,469,000. Tliis 
 year the quantity taken by the same interest was 760,218 bales, 
 which, at 460 pounds to the bale, gives 349,701,280 pounds, 
 which, at 11 cents average, makes $38,467,140. If we take the 
 cloth produced at 4 yards to the pound, at the average of 10 
 cents per yard, the results are as follows : 
 
 Lbs. used. Value. Goodn produced. ofyoodK. 
 
 1840 82,077.700 6,()-ib,5b2 4o,3')o,453 3o,3i3,89i 
 
 i35o 207,215.600 13,469,000 58,369,185 38,467.434 
 
 ib39 349,701,280 38,467,140 140,000,000 ioi,53j,86o 
 
 Tims the profits actually fell in this ].eriod (1840 to 1850), 
 but since then there has been a general ini}»rovemcnt. In re- 
 
56 
 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 lation to tlie latter circumstance the above official returns give 
 the following facts : 
 
 Value of Goods Produced in certain States. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Geor<ria 
 
 Maryliind 
 
 Missouri 
 
 North Carolina. 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Alabama 
 
 §332.272 
 
 3o4,3o2 
 
 i,i5o,58o 
 
 -Southern. ^ 
 
 lO. 1S50. 
 
 $538,439 
 2.1 35.044 
 
 2,I20,5o4 
 
 142,900 
 83 1, 342 
 748.338 
 5(0,624 
 1,486,384 
 882,260 
 
 438,900 
 359,000 
 329,715 
 446,063 
 17,547 
 
 1840. 
 
 Indiana $1 35, 400 
 
 New Jersey 2,086,104 
 
 New York 3,640,247 
 
 Khode Island 7,116,792 
 
 Kentucky 829,380 
 
 1850. 
 
 -^44,200 
 1,109,524 
 3,591,989 
 6,447,120 
 
 273,493 
 
 Total §3,378,379 §8,895,835 
 
 Increase 5, 517, 466 
 
 Decrease 
 
 $13,307,923 §11,466,326 
 $1,841,597 
 
 This is a singular result, and shows that the cotton manufac- 
 ture does not increase in the Middle and Western States, but in- 
 creases North and South. In the following states the highest 
 increase has taken place : 
 
 18 10. 
 
 Connecticut §2,715,964 
 
 Maine 970,397 
 
 Massachusetts 16, 553, 423 
 
 New Hampshire 4,i42,3o4 
 
 Vermont 11 3, 000 
 
 Total New England §24.495.088 
 
 " South 3.378,379 
 
 " other States 18,476,986 
 
 §46,350,453 
 
 1S50. 
 
 §4,237,522 
 2,596,356 
 19,712.461 
 
 S,83o,6i9 
 196,100 
 
 §35,593.058 
 8,895,835 
 17,380,291 
 
 §61,86^184 
 
 §1,541,558 
 
 1,625,959 
 
 3,1 59.088 
 
 4,688,3 1 5 
 
 83,100 
 
 §11,097,790 
 5,517,466 
 
 The cost of the cotton is found by adding to the market 
 price the value of the waste in spinning ; and the difference be- 
 tween the value and the selling price of the goods per pound 
 shows the margin out of which is to be paid " profit," labor, 
 interest, and other expenses of production. Thus the cost ol 
 cotton has been as follows : 
 
 
 1853. 
 
 1854. 
 
 1855. 
 
 1856. 
 
 1857. 
 
 Fair, per lb 
 
 . .. 6.3o 
 
 6.18 
 
 •77 
 
 =:S 
 
 6.61 
 .95 
 
 7.78 
 ■97 
 
 Waste, Vsth 
 
 78 
 
 Cost to trade 
 
 
 6.95 
 9.45 
 
 6.72 
 9.41 
 
 7.43 
 
 9.02 
 
 8.75 
 
 10. 2D 
 
 89 inch domestics — 261/2 lb 
 
 .... 9.53 
 
 Marffin 
 
 .... 2.44 
 
 2.49 
 
 2.69 
 
 . 77% 
 
 1.40 
 
 Thus, in 1854, the margin was 2^6?. per pound, and this 
 year less than l\d. per pound. If the profits of 1854 were 1^. 
 per pound, then the mills must, in the year 1857, have been 
 running at a loss of -^^d. per pound, and were consequently 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Prnftfi. 57 
 
 compelled to work short time. The state of affairs so adverse 
 in Great Britain is the same in this country, and affects more 
 particularly those coarser descriptions which require more cot- 
 ton. In those years when money and labor is cheap, and the 
 material dear, the factories save themselves by running on tiie 
 tine numbers, and the reverse in years w^hen cotton is cheap 
 and money and labor dear. In the Southern States, the choice 
 of fresher material direct from plantation, less the cost of 
 expensive transportation, gives great advantages, and is ma- 
 terially drawing — with the aid of steam — the mills to the 
 neighborhood of plantations, where the supply and choice of 
 the best cottons are at hand. The long-stapled Sea Island cot- 
 ton — indispensable for numbers above 50 — is grown nowhere 
 but in Georgia ; but the soft, silk}^ fibre of New Orleans dc- 
 6cri])tions is suitable for all descri})tions of work below 50, and 
 this cotton is grown nowhere but in the United States. The 
 South has developed a capacity for manufacturing that cannot 
 be denied ; and while the progress of the coarse numbers is to 
 the Soutli, the capital and skill of the North is progressing 
 in the finer business. 
 
 If now we take the aggregate of all manufactures, we find 
 the i-esults as follows. 
 
 The statistics of manufactures of the Union, as completed 
 under the direction of Jos. E. G. Kenned}-, Esq., results in the 
 following abstract report of the Secretary of the Interior to 
 Congress, January 21, 1859. If we compare the aggre- 
 gates with the i)opulation of each section, we have results as 
 folloAvs : 
 
 , South. ^ , Nor.Tii. > , Wkmt. , 
 
 Pnpidation. Value. Population. Value. Population. Value. 
 
 1840 7,334.434 193,362.202 6,761,082 |3oi,o28,326 2,953,737 $46,920,286 
 
 i85o.... 9,664,656 164,379,937 8,626,852 715,846,142 4,9O0,368 138,780,537 
 
 18-IO. 1850. 
 
 Total population 17,069,453 23,191,876 
 
 Total value $23,191,876 $1,019,106,616 
 
 Tlie South, it appears, is not so entirely destitute of manu- 
 factures as the popular mirul has been led to believe. 
 
58 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 Manvfactures of the United States. 
 
 Estahlish- Cost ofrnw M(\U Female Cost Value 
 
 SouVi. States. ments. Capital. materials, hands, hands. of labor. of product. 
 
 Alabama 1,026 $3,45o.6o6 ?2, 224.960 4,397 589 $i,io5,834 $4,328,876 
 
 Arkansas 261 3o5,oi5 213,789 812 3o 138,676 537.908 
 
 Maryland.... 3,726 i4,764.45o 17.394.436 22,678 7,483 7,385,832 82.591.802 
 
 Delaware 53i 2,978.943 2,864,607 8,287 65i 986,684 4,649,296 
 
 D. ot'Colum.. 4o3 1,001,373 1.405,871 2,086 534 737.584 2,690.268 
 
 Florida io3 647.060 220.611 876 ii5 199,462 668.385 
 
 Georgia 1.622 6,466,482 8,404.917 6,65o 1,718 1,709,664 7,082.076 
 
 Kentucky 3,6oq 11,810,462 12,165,076 19,676 1,900 5,106,048 21,710.212 
 
 Louisiana 1,008 5,082,424 2.459,608 6,468 769 2,088,928 6,779.418 
 
 Mississippi .. 947 1,816,820 1.276,771 8,046 108 771,328 2,912.068 
 
 Missouri 2,928 8,676,607 12,798,861 14,880 928 4,692.648 24824.418 
 
 N. Carolina.. 2,687 7,221,746 4, 602, 601 10,680 1,704 1,784,604 8,861,026 
 
 S.Carolina... 1,429 6,o53,265 2,787,584 6,992 1,074 1,127,712 7,046,477 
 
 Tennessee... 2,887 6,627,729 6,116,886 11,080 964 2,247,492 9,726.608 
 
 Texas '809 689,290 894,642 1,042 24 822.868 i,i65.538 
 
 Virginia 4, 740 18,109,148 18,101,181 26,790 8,820 6,484,476 29,602,607 
 
 Total 27,087 94,996,674 87,779,090 129,672 22,272 86,692,812 164,679.937 
 
 Western States. 
 
 Illinois 3,162 $6,217,766 $8,969,827 10,066 498 $3,182,886 §16.534,272 
 
 Indiana 4,892 7,760,402 10,869,700 18,748 692 8,728,844 18,726,428 
 
 Iowa 622 1,292,876 2.366, 681 1,687 20 478,016 8,661,788 
 
 Ohio 10,622 29,019,688 84,678,019 47,064 4,437 18,467,166 62.691,270 
 
 California 1,008 1,006,197 1,201,164 3,964 8,717,180 12,862^622 
 
 Michigan 2,028 6, 563, 660 6,186,828 8,990 864 2,716,124 11,169,002 
 
 Wisconsin... 1,262 8,882.148 6,414,981 6,798 291 1,912,490 9,298.068 
 
 Minnesota 5 ' 94,000 24,800 68 18,640 58, 800 
 
 N.Mexico... 28 68,3oo 110.220 81 20,772 249,010 
 
 Oregon 62 848,600 809,660 286 .... 3S8,62o 2,286.640 
 
 Utah 14 44,400 887,381 5i 9,984 291,220 
 
 Total 24,096 166,888,945 69,997,168 116,067 6,297 80,164,078 188,780,687 
 
 Eastern States. 
 
 Maine 8.974 $14,699,162 $18, 553, 144 21,868 6,167 $7,486,688 $24,661,067 
 
 Massachusetts 8,269 88,867,642 86,866,771 96,261 69,677 89,784.116 161,187.146 
 
 N.Hampshire 3, 211 18,242,114 12,746,466 14,108 12.9S9 6.128,876 28,164.603 
 
 New Jersey.. 4,106 22,188,680 21.990,286 28,647 8,762 9,202,680 89.711,206 
 
 New York ... 28,553 99,904,408 184,656,674 147.787 61,712 49.181,000287.697,249 
 
 Pennsylvania. 21,606 94.478,810 87,206,877 124,688 22,078 37,168.822 166,044.910 
 
 E. Island ... . 863 12,928,176 18,188.909 12,887 8,o44 5,oo8,666 22.098,268 
 
 Vermont 1,849 6,001,877 4.172,662 6.894 i,55i 2,202,468 8.670.920 
 
 Connecticut.. 8,482 23,890,848 28,689,397 81,287 16,488 11,696,286 46,110,102 
 
 Total.... 71,842 882,866,782 897,847,669 487,898 197,363 170,908,674 716,846.142 
 
 Grand Total... 123,025 £33,245,851 555,123,822 731,107 225,922 2-36,755,464 1,019,1(.G,G1C 
 
 In tlie table of manufactures the largest item is flour and 
 grist mills, reacliing $136,056,736. This manufacture is com- 
 mon to all sections, and Virginia ranks the fourth State in that 
 respect. If we draw^ off from the official report the proportion 
 of leading manufactures in each section, the results are as fol- 
 lows: 
 
Sout/ie?'n Wealth and J^orthem Projits. 59 
 
 East. Wkst. Sol-tii. Total. 
 
 Boots and shoes $45,250,305 $2,179,086 16,529.017 $53,967,408 
 
 Hats and caps 13,043.495 449,556 826,813 14,319,864 
 
 Clothiers 33.837,691 4,037.900 io,436,ii8 48.311,709 
 
 Ciitleiy and tools 3,382.320 251,370 i79,35i 3,8i3,520 
 
 Distilleries 8,420,747 5.36i,3o4 1,987,189 15,770,240 
 
 lron-tbr<;es 6,429,160 831,692 1,741,843 9,002,703 
 
 Iron foundries 13.969980 3,3i3,i52 2,828,'385 20,1 11, '117 
 
 Iron furniiccs 8,380,674 1,714,902 3,196,322 13.491,898 
 
 Hardware 6,725.720 164,010 78,040 232, 030 
 
 Nails 6,796,335 68,254 797,555 7,662,144 
 
 Iron railing 5.340,570 197,500 1.593.011 6,936,081 
 
 Liunbcr 31.897.614 14,243.265 12,379,083 38,520,966 
 
 Cabinet ware 9,376,371 3,023,423 5.261,260 i7,663,o54 
 
 Carpenters and InuKkrs 11,080.491 931.882 4,874,446 16,886,819 
 
 Taniurs and cm-riers 27,136.467 3.808.637 6.757,209 37.702,333 
 
 Woollens 35,9)0.609 2.3i8.io2 1,379.846 39.848,557 
 
 Cottons 52,062.953 438,900 9,367,331 61,867,884 
 
 Total ^319,430.632 §43,334.955 §62,212,821 $455,226,769 
 
 Flour mills $67,329,922 $25,4i5,o48 $43,111,766 $i36,o56,736 
 
 If we deduct tlie flour product from the ag<2^reg{ite of luanu- 
 factures, the remainder is $883,050,880; and tlie 17 heads of 
 manufactures here enumerated, it appears, are rather more 
 than one-lialf of that amount. Of the aggregates of these 17 
 leading articles the South manufactures 50 per cent, nmrc than 
 the "West. In clothing of all kinds the South exceeds the West 
 in tlie manufacture. But in the article of rum the AVest seems 
 to have the advantage: whether that manufacture, like that of 
 hay, is to be taken as an indication of superior thrift, or moral- 
 ity, or philanthropy, in the free-labor section over the slave- 
 labor region, may be determined by the disposition of those 
 wdio have the matter under consideration. 
 
 If now we compare the white population of.each section with 
 the number employed in manutactures, and give the product 
 per liead of the whole j)opu]ation, the results are as follows : 
 
 WhiU Ilnnda 
 
 pnpnliition. employed. Product. P«r head. 
 
 South 6.222,4i8 i5i,944 $164,579,937 $26. 5o 
 
 West 4.900,:'.68 122,354 138,780,537 38.00 
 
 North 8,620,852 684,761 725,846,142 83. 00 
 
 Total 19,749,633 959,069 $1,019,106,616 $5i.6o 
 
 If it is assumed that the quantity produced in this country is 
 equal to its consumption of domestic manufactures, then the 
 average consumption is, it appears, $51. GO i)cr head, of the 
 whites; but it is probable that the North and Ea.st consume 
 more per head than the other sections, and that the South, by 
 reason of the negroes, consumes more than the West. If we 
 take Northern consumption at $G0 per head, the Soutlicrn at 
 $50. and the AVest at §40, the results will be as follows : 
 
60 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 Comumed. Made. Surplus. Deficit. 
 
 North §517,601,120 $715,846,142 $198,145,022 
 
 South 311.120,900 164,579,937 146.520,163 
 
 West 196,014,720 138,780,537 57,234,183 
 
 Total §1,024,736,740 §1,019,206,616 §198,145,022 §203,754,346 
 
 Tims tlie balance of Soutliern purchases from tlie jSTorth, in 
 manufactures, would be $146,520,163 per annum, and of West- 
 ern $57,23-1,183. This balance is composed of dry-goods, shoes, 
 hats, hardware, &c., as their chief items. 
 
 The Boston Post contains a long and able article, showing 
 the extent of the trade between New England alone and the 
 South, from which we make the following extract : 
 
 " The aggregate value of the merchandise sold to the South 
 annually we estimate at some $60,000,000. The basis of the 
 estimate is, first, the estimated amount of boots and shoes sold, 
 which intelligent merchants place at from $20,000,000 to 
 $30,000,000, including a limited amount that are manufactured 
 •with us and sold in New York. In the next place, we know 
 from merchants in the trade, that the amount of dry -goods sold 
 South yearly is many millions of dollars, and that the amount 
 is second only to that of the sales of boots and shoes. In the 
 third place, we learn from careful inquiry, and from the best 
 sources, that the fish of various kinds sold realize $3,000,000, 
 or in that neighborhood. Upwards of $1,000,000 is received 
 for furniture sold in the South each year. Tlie Southern States 
 ai'e a much better market than the AVestern for this article. It 
 is true, since the establishment of branch houses in New York, 
 Philadelphia, and other cities, many of the goods manufactured 
 in New England have reached the South through those houses ; 
 but still the commerce of New England with tlie South, and 
 this particular section of the country receives the main advan- 
 tage of that commerce. And what shall we say of New Eng- 
 land ship-building, that is so greatly sustained bj' Southern 
 wants? What shall we say of tliat large ocean fleet that, by 
 being the common carriers of tlie South, has brought so large 
 an amount of money into the pockets of our merchants? We 
 will not undertake to estimate the value of these interests, sup- 
 ported directly by the Soutli. If many persons have not be- 
 come very ricli by them, a very large number have either found 
 themselves well to do, or else have gained a living." 
 
 This estimate of the Post for New England alone, is about 
 half the aggregate that the census indicates as the sales of 
 Northern manufactures to the South. 
 
Southern Wealth and Northeni Projits. Gl 
 
 The South manufactures nearly as niucli per licad, of tlie 
 white population, as does the "West. Both these sections hold, 
 however, a provincial position in relation to the East. As we 
 have seen, heretofore, the first accumulations of capital in the 
 country were at the East, from the earnings of navigation and the 
 slave-trade. These were invested in manufaciures, " ])rotected" 
 by the tai-ifFs imposed by the federal government. The opera- 
 tion of these tariffs was to tax the consumers in the South and 
 West, J9W rate, upon what manufactures they purchased of the 
 East, and, by so doing, to increase Eastern capital at the ex- 
 pense of those other sections. The articles mostly protected, 
 and of which the cost is enhanced to the consumers, in prop<u-- 
 tion to the duties, are manufactured at the East to the extent of 
 $320,000,000, of which $200,000,000 are sold South and West. 
 This gives an annual drain of $50,000,000 from the consumers 
 of those sections, as a bonus or j^rotection to the capital em- 
 ployed in manufacturiug at the North. The claim for this pro- 
 tection is based upon the necessity of protecting home manu- 
 factui'cs against the overwhelming capital of England. The 
 manufacturers of the South and AVest have to contend, how- 
 ever, not only against the overwhelming capital of New Eng- 
 land, created in manufactures, but against the drain of capital 
 from each locality, caused by the protection to Eastern goods. 
 In spite of this disability, as we -have seen in the tables, the 
 manufactures of those sections increase, and at the South faster 
 than at the West. There is another feature of this manufactur- 
 ing industry which deserves attention. It is, that one-third of 
 the hands employed at the East are females, and the product of 
 their labor is made efficient by steam-machinery. If we take 
 the relative numbers employed in each section in the cotton 
 trade, the result is as follows : 
 
 North. West. South. Total. 
 
 Male 27,392 334 5,569 35.2o5 
 
 Female 53,i84 5i3 8,960 62,661 
 
 The Northern labor is largely performed by females, and 
 this element of labor is supplied by immigration in nearly its 
 whole extent, a very large proportion of the females em])l«»yed 
 in the fixctories being Irisli. At the South, female labor is 
 taking the same direction with great success. 
 
 If we compare the M'hole number of persons employed in 
 manufactures of all kinds at the South. Mith thot-e to (■iiij)loyed 
 
62 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 at the "West, as seen in the above census table, we find at the 
 South the number employed is 151,944, or one in 41 of the 
 white population. At the West the number so employed is 
 122,364, or one in 40 of the population. These figures give no 
 advantage to the free-labor section, as opposed to the slave-labor 
 section. There is here no evidence that the existence of slavery 
 is in any degree opposed to the development of white industry. 
 It is only another evidence in corroboration of that afforded by 
 the history of the Northern States. The theory has been ad- 
 vanced against the extension of slavery into the territories, that 
 slavery degrades labor, and drives out free industry. In 1Y90 
 the New England and Middle States had 1,968,455 inhabitants, 
 of which 40,372 w^ere slaves. Did that slave-labor drive out 
 white labor % or has not the latter extinguished the former, and 
 cast adrift the then well-cared-for negroes, to starve in little 
 bands on the outskirts of the towns and villages, their former 
 happy homes, the wasting monument of the incapacity of a 
 race, and of the selfishness of that philanthropy which found a 
 pecuniary relief in conferring the blessings of liberty on their 
 henceforth useless servants ? 
 
 What we do find in these figures is, that the South, having 
 become possessed of capital, is prosecuting manufactures at a 
 rate which will soon make a " home market" for its raw mate- 
 rials, and place it foremost in the rank of exporters of goods. 
 The figures show that it is fast supplanting Northern and im- 
 ported goods with its own industry. It will not, like the 
 North, however, have provincial markets to supply, but having 
 all within its own border, will annually diminisli its purchases 
 from the North. It will have foreign markets for its surplus. 
 The countries of South America and Asia will be open to it, 
 and if it there encounters British and New England competition 
 it will have the advantage of having, unprotected, developed 
 its manufactures in face of the competition of Northern goods 
 in the home market, and therefore become able to meet those 
 goods in any market. If, in a few years, it does not become a 
 seller of cotton goods to the North, on a large scale, as it already 
 is on a small sctde, since Georgia and Alabama cottons are fa- 
 vorites in New York, it will take none from them. The North 
 will, however, still require food and materials, and the scale of 
 dependence may vibrate. 
 
 We have here confined our remarks to the actual figures of 
 the census of 1850. It is to be borne in mind, however, that 
 
Soutliern Wtalf/i ,it7ul Xorf/tcni Prof is. (53 
 
 industry of all kinds has made nii)id strides in all ])arts cf the 
 Union since the date of that census. There arc, however, un- 
 fortunately, no general official figures for the state of industry 
 since. The States of Massachusetts and Kew York give State 
 returns for the year 1S55, and those returns, as compared witli 
 1S50, show prodigious progi-ess. 
 
 . 1S50 , , IS.M. . 
 
 Capital. Hands. Value. Capita. IIiukU. V,ilui>. 
 
 Mass 83,357,642 165,948 i5i.i37.i45 120.693,258 243,908 293,820,682 
 
 New York.. 99,904,403 199,449 237,397,249 106,349.977 214,899 3i7,428,33i 
 
 Total.... 183,262,045 365,397 388,734,394 227,o4",235 460.S07 613,249.014 
 
 Increa.se 43,781,190 95,410 224,514,020 
 
 This rate of increase has been immense. Those two States, 
 according to the national census (»f 1850, produced more than 
 half the whole amount of Northern manufactures. If they 
 hold the same proportion uow, the Northern manufactures will 
 reach 81,230,000,000, and of these the sales to the South will 
 reach 8300,000,000. On the other hand, the Southern manu- 
 factures will have increased in as rapid a ratio — the demand for 
 goods being in the double proportion of increasing numbers, \ 
 and of greater wealth per head. We have seen that the agricul- \ 
 tural wealth of the South swells annually in volume. A late 
 number of the Ncio York IL:rald contains, from a corre- 
 spondent, the following ligures in relation to mills near Co- 
 lumbus, Georgia: 
 
 "The Eagle mills, established since 1850, use 300,000 lbs. 
 wool, and 736,000 lbs. of cotton. It has 130 looms, employs 
 70 girls, who earn 50 cents to %\ per day. It employs 225 
 hands, and pays 10 per cent, dividends. Other mills are as 
 f<.)llows : 
 
 Spindle*. Looths. Hands. Good*. 
 
 Y.:vj]o i36 225 Cotton and woollen. 
 
 Howard 5,ooo ... 200 Cotton. 
 
 (Jnint ... 100 " 
 
 i.'oluiiibus ... JOO " 
 
 Ovrvetta 2,700 ... 75 " 
 
 Macon ... 180 " 
 
 I'lanter-s 3, 200 ... 75 " 
 
 MiUodscville 3,i36 ... I2e " 
 
 .Meelwater 6,000 80 200 '' 
 
 Rover.-* ... 5o " 
 
 Athens 2,5oo ... 5o " 
 
 I'rinccton 2.424 ... 70 Cotton and woollcD. 
 
 Mars Hill 35o 12 ... Cotton. 
 
 Whites 1,740 20 ... " 
 
 Schlevs 
 
 Rowe\l 10,000 . . . 35o " 
 
 Aiiwiista 10,000 200 400 " 
 
 ^ 
 
64 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 Broad River 
 
 Spindles. 
 . . 5 000 
 
 Looms. 
 
 '36 
 40 
 
 '26 
 26 
 
 Bands. 
 
 100 
 
 70 
 65 
 
 ■50 
 40 
 3o 
 5o 
 
 Goods. 
 Cotton 
 
 Eaton 
 
 Richmond 
 
 Troup 
 
 Franklin 
 
 Wavnians 
 
 Flint River 
 
 1,836 
 
 i,5oo 
 
 i,6oo 
 
 1,320 
 
 1,664 
 
 i,56o 
 
 U 
 
 Thomaston 
 
 .. I 260 
 
 ,{ 
 
 Rock Mills 
 
 600 
 
 u 
 
 Brothers .... 
 
 ... I 000 
 
 n 
 
 Joy 
 
 
 " 
 
 " Th e operatives in all these factories are whifp. ppop lp^ 
 chie5[j"girlsjind bojs from twelve t o twenty ,years of a ^e. On 
 ail average they are better paid, and worked easier than is 
 usually the case in the North. Country girls from tlie pine 
 forests, as green and awkward as it is possible to find them, 
 soon become skilful operatives, and ere they have been in the 
 mills a year they are able to earn from four to six dollars a 
 week. They are only requii'ed to woi^k ten hours a day. Par- 
 ticular attention is paid to the character of the operatives, and 
 in some mills none are received but those having testimonials 
 of good moral character and industrious habits. Churches and 
 Sunday-schools are also attached to several of the manufacto- 
 ries, so that the religious training of the operatives may be 
 \ properly attended to." 
 
 The movement of population is to be taken into the account, 
 in connection with this subject of the manufactures and sec- 
 tional industry. We have already stated that the New Eng- 
 land female labor is largely foreign. TVe may now turn to 
 the official statistics, and take therefrom the number of aliens 
 who arrived in the country in 20 years, ending with 1850, and 
 we find it is 2,466,200 souls. Of these, very few went South. 
 The number, according to the census, living at the South, of 
 foreign origin, was 316,670. Of these, a considerable number 
 were annexed by the purchase of Louisiana and Florida. The 
 number living at the North, of foreign origin, was 1,923,865. 
 Of these, 601,928 dwelt at the West. The greater proportion 
 of these emigrants at the North were mechanics of various de- 
 scriptions, and very many of them brought their own capital 
 into the country. The estimate of what each brought has not 
 been less than $100, which would give $60,192,800 carried 
 into the West, and $132,183,700 located North and East, or 
 very nearly two hundred millions of the capital of the North 
 
Sout/wrn Wealth and XoHherii Profits. C5 
 
 and West was brought in by iinniigrants, who prosecuted witli 
 it those small trades, the products of which found euch ready 
 market from Southern buyers. German liatters, cabinet-ma- 
 kers, tailors, etc., swarm in the Northern cities, A " turn-out" 
 of 3000 German tailors alone took place on one occasion in 
 Ifew York ciXj. Although these persons arc located at tlic 
 North, their employment comes almost altogether from tin; 
 South. Indeed, without the growing capacity of the South to 
 absorb larger amounts of goods annually, the North would be 
 utterly unable to keep einployed the crowds of foreign artisans 
 which arrive each week. While the South gives them the 
 employment, their arrival is a blessing to the whole country. 
 In the North, the female portion of the community have, as 
 we have seen, also become producers. Tliis immigrant move- 
 ment has added an element to Northern and Western progress 
 which the South has not received, but it has nevertheless well 
 maintained its relative position. 
 
 Tlie sales of Northern manufactures to the South, as part 
 of the oifset to the large receipts of Southern produce, may 
 he placed at 8150,000,000, and from the West at possibly 
 830,000,000 ; making $180,000,000 worth of domestic mer- 
 chandise purchased by the South, in addition to the imported 
 goods. 
 
 The efforts which are being now made at the South to foster 
 the production of goods there to the exclusion of Northern 
 wares, are very similar to those which were made by the 
 New England colonies, when dissatisfaction began to run high 
 against the mother country. In the year 1761, there had been 
 imposed restrictions upon trade which gave great offence. 
 Tlie colonies, therefore, determined to wear no more Englisli 
 cloth, but to manufacture for themselves, and liome-spun be- 
 came the fashion. " Associations were entered into to retrcncli 
 all superfluous expenses (and particularly funeral mournings), 
 and to encourage every species of manufacture ; and they uc- 
 tnully set about it with so mucli ardor, that they soon pro- 
 duced such specimens as caused them to think they could do 
 without the foreign trade." — McPhcrson. 
 
 In the year 17C7, General riiineas Lyman api)licd for a 
 grant to settle the Oliio country as a military colony, and his 
 metiiorial states : " The time will doubtless come when North 
 America will no longer acknowledge a de])endencc on any 
 part of Europe. P.ut that i)eri(Kl seems to be so remote, as 
 5 
 
66 Southern ^Yealth and NortTiern Profits. 
 
 not to be at present an object of rational policy or human pre- 
 vention ; and it will be made still more remote by opening new 
 scenes of agriculture, and widening the space which the colo- 
 nists must first completely occupy." 
 
 Twelv^e years after the rude "specimens" of manufacture were 
 produced ; and nine years after General Lyman''s remarkable 
 letter, the separation, which all treated as chimerical, took 
 place, and the facts are a lesson to the existing times. That 
 North Avhich, ^6 years since, was derided by the English for 
 adopting home-spun in self-defence, is now deriding the South 
 for a similar determination. The North derides Southern sepa- 
 ration, and, in the lead of purblind politicians, is pushing dis- 
 satisfaction to an extent as great as did the absurd ministers 
 of George III,, but for far more futile reasons. England 
 sought revenue. The North, now in the enjoyment of evei-y 
 possible advantage, seeks, in the mere wantonness of prosper- 
 ity, to enforce abstractions upon the South, that must prove 
 as fatal to that section as to the whole Union. The South is 
 not now in the destitute condition that the colonies were. 
 They have, as we have seen, a large manufacturing industry, 
 and they have already begun to apply to it that spur which 
 was so effective with the colonies. Our ancestors smiled 
 when a swaggering Colonel in Parliament assured ministers 
 that " with a single regiment lie could march through the 
 colonies, from one end to the other, with fire and sword." In 
 our day, a swaggering Congressman asserts that the "eigh- 
 teen millions of people at the North will not permit separa- 
 tion." The fatuity of our day is expressed in the same lan- 
 Sfuaee as was that of Lord North. Gov. Pettus has recom- 
 mended to the Legislature of Mississippi the imposition of five 
 or ten per cent, taxes on all wares offered for sale in that State, 
 which are not made in it. The Governor of Yirginia has made 
 a similar proposition. In Louisiana the following language is 
 held : "Better rely upon encouragement than repression. Of- 
 fer five, or some other per cent., upon every thing made in the 
 State, and manufactories would soon spring up which would 
 gradually shove the manufactures of other communities out of 
 the market. At the same time it would lead to no litigation, 
 cause no bad blood, produce no sectional reaction elsewhere, 
 and oppress no portion of the people of tlie State. It would 
 have a tendency to create home manufactures, and thus make 
 the State independent. 
 
Sout/uni Wealth and Northcni P i'ojiti>.^^^Z][pr)'n^''\ ■^* 
 
 " Let the Legislature of Louisiana adopt the encouragiiig 
 s\-stoui, rather thau the system of repression. Tlic latter is ex- 
 ceedingly difficult to enforce, and generally fails of its objects 
 at Last." ^ 
 
 All the States are active in this direction, and great results 
 will follow. If there is no more serious consequences fru!n 
 tlieir movement*, a large increase of manutactures will supply 
 the local demand, and a struggle take place between the North- 
 ern and the local manufacturers. In the long run the latter 
 must trini\iph, even if the Northern States should adopt the 
 French system, and give a drawback upon exports from the 
 States. 
 
 It certain!}' is one of the most extraordinary spectacles of 
 the age to see a great, intelligent, and manufacturing people 
 voluntarily permitting a few political aspirants to attack their 
 best customer, and seek to destroy his means of purchase, and 
 merely for a chimera. The French Emperor has proclaimed 
 that France alone " goes to war for an idea." But America 
 presents the spectacle of a people who go to destruction for an 
 " idea." That political party which threatens with fire and 
 sword every Southern hearth, with violent death every South- 
 ern man, and with dishonor every Southern female, amid a 
 saturnalia of blood, receives countenance from merchants whose 
 trade depends upon the good-will of their threatened neighbors, 
 and yet vainly hope that they will continue to buy Northern 
 wares, and make no effort to prepare for that hour which the 
 tendency of that party, for the last 30 years, makes inevitable. 
 
 CIlAPTEPv Y. 
 
 rMI'ORTS AND EXI'OUTS. 
 
 In the preceding chapters we have observed the extraordi- 
 nary progress which the Union as a whole has made, since the 
 formation of the government, in material well-being. In (50 
 years its w^hole agricultural ]n-<>duction has risen from an unim- 
 portant sum to $1,070,000,000, and its manufactures from 
 nothing to $1,019,000,000. All sections have contributed more 
 or less to this progress, which has met those popular wants tiiat 
 
68 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 have increased in the double ratio of greater numbers and 
 affluence. It follows from this immense increase in the prod- 
 ucts of industry, that a considerable surplus of many articles 
 above the wants of the people remained for exchange with tlie 
 products of foreign nations. We hnd accordingly year by year 
 as the production went on, that external commerce extended 
 itself. In 40 years last past the imports and exports from an 
 aggregate of $39,500,000, rose to $681,000,000. The surplus 
 of the country flowed off in exchange for such articles of 
 foreign origin, as were wanted to supply necessaries or pamper 
 increasing luxury. 
 
 The nature of international trade is for two countries to ex- 
 change such products as each by peculiarity of climate or nat- 
 ural facilities can pi-oduce to the best advantage. "Where two 
 countries having nearly the same soil and climate occupy them- 
 selves with the same pursuits, an extensive trade between them 
 is not possible. Each produces for itself a sufficiency of what 
 the industry of the other tunis out. This was very early recog- 
 nized in the case of the Kew England colonies and was the 
 leading motive for prohibiting them from manufacturing. They 
 were confined to catching fish, and selling it, with lumber, ifec, 
 to the West Indies, for tropical products, to send to England, 
 in payment of the manufactures she furnished them. 
 
 The trade of the liorth American colonies with England up 
 to the time it was interrupted by the growing diflBculties with 
 the mother country, may be seen in the figures for the year 
 1Y64 : 
 
 Imported from Erporied to 
 
 England. Mngland. 
 
 IS'cw England 459,765 88,137 
 
 New York 5i3,4i6 53, 697 
 
 Pennsylvania 435,191 36,258 
 
 Total £1,410,372 £168,112 
 
 Virginia and Maryland 5i5,i92 559, 4o3 
 
 Carolina 3o5,8o8 341,727 
 
 Georgia i8,388 3i,325 
 
 Total £839,388 £932,460 
 
 Grand total £2,249,760 £1 , 100,572 
 
 It is here observed that the " balance" against the I^orthern 
 colonies was very large, M'hile there was a balance due the 
 South. The Northern colonies at that time, as ever since, had 
 nothing fitted to the English market, and yet they purchased 
 largely of England, and paid well. They managed to do this 
 
Scrutheni Wealth and Norihern ProfU. GO 
 
 b}" sending; small, clieapl_y-bnilt vessels to the \V"c^;t India 
 islands, laden with the inferior sort of fish, caught by rlieir 
 fisliei-s, beef, pork, butter, horses, i)Oultry, corn, flour, cidor, 
 apples, cabbages, onions, &c.. and these were sold mostly fur 
 coin, which was remitted to England. They also sold the host 
 fish to the Catholic countries of Europe, and remitted to Lon- 
 don the bills drawn against it. This was the sim])lc business of 
 New England. The trade of the Northern colonics with 
 Euroi>e and the West Indies stood thus : 
 
 ErporUdlo Imports from 
 
 New England 407.3 1 4 340.339 
 
 New York ii8,524 ii3,o46 
 
 New .Jersey 2.33i 1090 
 
 Pennsylvania 382,64i 194,841 
 
 Total §9ij,oi3 $65o,2i6 
 
 The exports of the South paid for all they imported, and 
 trade being then far more direct than it has since become, the 
 real state of their balances could easily be distinguished. The 
 New England vessels returning from Europe made the Alricari 
 coast for slaves, which tlie3^ sold in the Southern ports, and by 
 so doing, absorbed the balance due those colonies from England. 
 
 When the American Union was formed, and the North em- 
 barked so eagerly in manufacturing, that circumstance of itself 
 would soon have brought all trade between New and old luig- 
 land to an end, if the former could not have commanded produce 
 to send thither. Accordingly, we find that the growtli of the 
 trade has been almost altogether in Southern produce, swollen 
 from time to time with some AVestern grain, when famine abroad 
 caused an e.xtra demand for food, and latterly California gold 
 has increiised the exports. The growers of the Southern prod- 
 uce ai-e they who hav^e required the imports. As the Colonies 
 had obtained Southern produce for slaves, so the States ex- 
 tracted it in exchange for numufactures. The aggregate im- 
 ports and exports have been as follows, since the accounts 
 began to he regularly kept : 
 
 United States ImjxirU and Brjwrfs. 
 
 Import*. pomrntic erportn. 
 
 1821 $23,iHo.862 ^16,339,1.19 
 
 i83i 4i.854,3j3 28.841,43^ 
 
 1841 45.i3o.oo7 44,184,357 
 
 i85i 90,612,23s io5, 121,021 
 
 1837 360.890.141 348,043,615 
 
 1859 338,768,i3o 342,279-^' 
 
 The general trade of the country is governed by the amoimt 
 
70 Southern Wealth and Nortliern Profits. 
 
 of domestic j)rodnctioiis to be sold. Thns a certain amount of 
 cotton, tobacco, rice, wheat, corn, &c., is reqnired for the con- 
 snmption of the people. The quantity produced beyond what 
 is reqnired for those wants, or beyond what the people can pay 
 for, is exported to meet the wants of other nations, and it goes, 
 through the unerring skill of the merchants, to those coinitries 
 that want it most. Of cotton and tobacco there is not enongli 
 raised to meet the demand, and those countries get it whicli 
 pay the best for it. In some years this is the case with food. 
 In 1846, 'T, and 1854, '5, there was not enough, and all countries 
 bid against each other for it. The United States sold largely, 
 except in 1855, when there was no surplus here beyond the 
 wants of the people, and none was sold. In usual years a good 
 deal of grain can be spared. These raw products, nearly all 
 furnished by the South, compose two-thirds of the domestic 
 merchandise exported. The proceeds of all return into the 
 country mostly in the shape of manufactures. The amount is 
 increased by the earnings of American ships abroad, and also by 
 the sums sent to this country for investment. From this aggre- 
 gate is to be taken the interest due abroad, and the expenses of 
 American travellers there, or nearly as follows, for the last year. 
 
 Exports — domestic produce §1278, 392,080 
 
 Surplus California gold product 42,000,000 
 
 ■ Freight earnings — estimate 3o, 000,000 
 
 Total to credit _. |35o,392,o8o 
 
 Interest due abroad ^30,000,000 
 
 Expenses of travellers 20,000,000 
 
 — '■ 35,000,000 
 
 $315,392,080 
 Actual net imports, 1859 316,823,370 
 
 This gives the amount of goods that are received in exchange 
 for produce sold. It is obvious that unless the ]3roduce is giveji 
 away, something must be taken in payment. As we produce 
 gold in sums larger than we require, that cannot be imported 
 to advantage. We have food and raw material in excess, and 
 can therefore, if we trade at all, take only such foreign wares 
 as those Avho buy of us can supply to the best advantage. The 
 food, the gold, and the cotton which we sell, Europe must have, 
 and sales of these regulate the quantities of goods, pretty nearly, 
 tliat come back. The kinds of goods so received depend, in 
 some degree, upon their ability to compete with tlie Northern 
 manufactures, which have the preference. If a Massachusetts 
 factory can make a certain style of cotton goods as cheap as the 
 
Sout/itni Wealth and Xorihcrn Projit'^. 71 
 
 English, it has a duty of 20 per cent., unci lo per cent, charges, 
 or 30 per cent, preference over the English, which insures it 
 the market at a large profit. The account is sometimes dis- 
 turbed by credit. As in the case of the recent railroad specu- 
 lation, large sums are sent from England here for investment. 
 If these in one year reach, say, §30,000,000, goods to that 
 amount ma}^ be, and are, imported, in addition. It also hap- 
 pens, at such seasons, that sellers supply goods on credit to 
 other than regular merchants. Those dealers sustain them- 
 selves by bank operations until explosion takes place. The 
 trade then settles back to the real staple exports of the coun- 
 try ; and these, as we have said, are of Southern origin. 
 
 The leading exports from the country, from time to time, 
 have been as follows : 
 
 United States Exiwrts. 
 
 
 
 
 Flour and 
 
 
 
 
 Year. 
 
 Cottoti. 
 
 Tobacco. 
 
 provision-!). 
 
 Rice. 
 
 Jfanu/aciuret. 
 
 ToUiL 
 
 1790.. 
 i8o3.. 
 
 42,285 
 
 4,349,567 
 6.20Q.000 
 
 5,991,171 
 I3,o5o,ooo 
 
 1,753,796 
 2.453.000 
 
 
 i9,6f36,ioi 
 
 . 7.920.000 
 
 2,0O0,00« 
 
 42.205,961 
 
 1807.. 
 
 . l4.232.O00 
 
 5.476,000 
 
 15,706,000 
 
 2,307.000 
 
 2,309,000 
 
 48,699,392 
 64,781.896 
 
 1816.. 
 
 . 24,106,000 
 
 12,809,000 
 
 20.587,376 
 
 2,378,880 
 
 2.33i,ooo 
 
 1821.. 
 
 . 20,137,484 
 
 5,648,962 
 
 12,341.360 
 
 1,494,387 
 
 2,752,631 
 
 43,671.894 
 59.218,583 
 
 i83i.. 
 
 . 31,724.682 
 
 4,8^2,388 
 
 12.424,701 
 
 2,016,267 
 
 5.086,890 
 
 i836.. 
 
 . 71.284^925 
 
 10,038,640 
 
 0,588,359 
 
 16.902,876 
 
 2,548,730 
 
 6,107,528 
 
 106.916.680 
 
 1842.. 
 
 . 47,593,464 
 
 9,540,733 
 
 1,907,387 
 
 7.102,101 
 
 91,799.242 
 150.374,844 
 
 1847.. 
 
 . 53.4 1 5.848 
 
 7,242,086 
 
 68,701.921 
 
 3,605,896 
 
 10,351,364 
 
 i85i.. 
 
 .Ii2,3i5,3i7 
 
 9.219,251 
 
 21,94.8,631 
 
 2,170,997 
 2,207,148 
 
 20,136,967 
 
 178.620,138 
 
 1809.. 
 
 .161,434,923 
 
 21,074,038 
 
 37,987,395 
 
 82,471,927 
 
 278,392,080 
 
 These figures are from the Treasury tables. In 1790 the same 
 genei-al state of trade existed as before the war. The tempo- 
 rary free trade with France had given some little impulse to 
 business, but the Northern ships no longer enj(»ycd the same 
 privileges in the English ports, and the slave-trade was injured 
 by the want of coast goods, and by the great depres-sion in tite 
 value of blacks in the South. AVith the French wars, however, 
 the carrying trade became active, and a large market for pro- 
 visions was opened up on the continent. The Middle States and 
 New England then supplied considerable quantities, and in 1.S03 
 business was flourishing. In 1.S07 the trade was large. The em- 
 bargo was to take i>lace in the following year, and produce was 
 hurried forward, and cotton, tobacco, and rice were one-iialf the 
 whole. The embai-go and the war luid a serious eflect upon 
 Southern staples; but the events of those years conferred fortune 
 on many aXortheru merchant. New York has just imried one 
 of her oldest merchants, whose princely t'ovtmu'. was l>egun l»y the 
 large profits on cotton. The princely Girard *)wed his fortune to 
 
72 Soicthern Wealth and Nortliern Profits. 
 
 the slave accumulation of St. Domingo ; and there are few " old 
 families" JSTorth whose fortunes are not dated from slave con- 
 nections. With the return of peace, in 1816, the exports were 
 largely developed; the produce accumulated during the war 
 went forward in great affluence. The ISTew England States 
 had, however, then embarked in manufactures, and the popu- 
 lation of the ISTorth, soon absorbed in those employments, con- 
 sumed all their own provisions and breadstuffs, and there was 
 little to export beyond that sent from the South to the South 
 American States. "With the great development of manufac- 
 tures in England and Western Europe, the same circumstances 
 occurred, and an outside supply of provisions became yearly 
 more necessary. The West nearly reached a condition to sup- 
 ply this demand when the "free trade" policy was adopted by 
 England, in 1842. The famine of 1846 carried the export of 
 breadstuifs and provisions from the TJ. States to its highest 
 point ; and it has since subsided because in some cases the sur- 
 plus growth of the West did not suffice to feed the Eastern 
 States, even with the aid of the South, and leave any thing for 
 export. 
 
 The manufacturers of the north have not afforded much sur- 
 
 )/' plus for export. They were bred up under the protective sys- 
 tem, avowedly because they could not compete with the 
 English manufacturer in this market, and it was not to be ex- 
 pected that they could, under such circumstances, do so in a 
 third njarket. The greatest increase that has taken place in 
 
 *■ manufactures has been in cotton goods, and these have in- 
 creased in the proportion in which, as we- have seen in a former 
 chapter, the progress of manufactures at the South has occu- 
 pied the home market. The South atfords the material for that 
 manufacture. The exports of breadstuffs and provisions are 
 also due to the South, since but for the quantities of these 
 which are sent ISTorth to feed the Eastern States, little or no 
 Western produce could be spared for Europe, even at high 
 prices. In this respect the West is situated like the English 
 AVest Indies. There is prolifrc land enough to raise abundance 
 for export, but no labor. The introduction and use of labor- 
 saving machines alone enables the West to export at all. The 
 use of these requires more capital than the agTiculturalists 
 generally possess ; but with time, no doubt, they will increase. 
 The West enjoys within its bosom almost limitless supplies 
 of raw material for every description of manufacture except 
 
Soidhcrn Wealth and Xorthevii Projiti't. 73 
 
 cotton. Its metals, coal, lumber, building nuitorials, raw ma- 
 terials, every thing exists in abundance; requiring only capital 
 to develop them rapidly. In this it contrasts strongly with the 
 barren hills of New England, which are as destitute of metals 
 as of fertility. They afford no materials for the employment 
 of her busy people, not even a sufficiency of wool. Tiiey have 
 hitherto had their food and materials brought to them, and 
 have sent back goods in return, manufiictured under cover 
 of those protective tariffs which all consumers have submitted 
 to for their benefit and the convenience of the Federal Union. 
 That state of things cannot last; the West will acquire ca})ital 
 and numufacture for itself. The South is making long strides 
 in the same direction, and all the sooner that the North insists 
 upon manufacturing morality as well as woollens, and fitting 
 the South with new principles as well as new shoes. 
 
 If we analyze the export trade of the country in respect of 
 the origin of the exports, we shall find that more than one-half 
 the Avhole is exclusively of Southern origin ; that of those arti- 
 cles that are common to all sections, one-half goes directly 
 from the South ; and that of the Northern nninufactures that 
 are exported, much of the raw material is also of Southern 
 origin. 
 
 Tiie following exports for the years 1857 and 1859 distin- 
 guish the origin : 
 
 United Slates Exports for 1857 and 1859. 
 
 Of Southern or-igin. ISSr. 1S59. 
 
 Cotton $i3i,575,85g $i6i,43.',.923 
 
 Tobacco 21,707.799 21,074,038 
 
 Rice 2.290.400 2,207,148 
 
 Naval stores 2.494.53o 3,695,474 
 
 Snjrar 190.012 196,735 
 
 Molasses io8,oo3 75;699 
 
 Hemp 33,687 9i227 
 
 Total ?;i57,402,29O $188,693.49^ 
 
 Other from South 24.308,967 8,io8,63j 
 
 Cotton inanufactures 3.669,106 4,989,733 
 
 Total from South f i85,47o,263 $198,389,351 
 
 From the Nortli 93^i6,35o 78,217,202 j 
 
 Totalmerchandi.se $278,886,613 $278,393,080 ~ 
 
 Specie 60,078,352 57,5o2,3o5 
 
 The cotton manufactures ex})orted in 1S57 amounted to 
 $0,115,177. The raw material was valued at GO per cent., or 
 $3,609,100 as the interest of the South in that export. The 
 " other exports" were con)posed of breadstuifs, c^'c. Thus the 
 
7-i Southern Wealth and JVortJiern Profits. 
 
 wheat and corn exportation in that year reached the following 
 figures : 
 
 Wheat. Flour. Corn. Total. 
 
 From South $4,143,787 §7,888,167 $1,225,098 $i3,259,o52 
 
 " North 18,094,070 17,994,149 3,939,567 40,047,786 
 
 Total $22,240,357 $23,882,816 $5,184,665 $53,3o6,S3S 
 
 The quantity of these articles (40,047,786) which went direct 
 from the ^Northern States did not exceed the quantities which 
 that section received from the South and from Canada. The 
 fact was, therefore, that with the exception of manufactures, 
 the South furnished nearly the whole, or substitutes for the 
 whole exportations of the country. 
 
 On the other hand, if the larger portion of the importations 
 were made at the North, for the reason that capital, shipj)ing, 
 and geographical advantages are there concentrated, the desti- 
 nation of those goods has been largely in the direction of the 
 sources of the exports of the country. The goods swelling the 
 current of manufacture, that sets South through ]^ew Yorl'^ and 
 Philadelphia by means of coasting tonnage and railroads, helps 
 to cancel the large debt which the North annuall}^ contracts. 
 
 ^The annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury for the year 
 1856, page 101, gives the amount of imported goods consumed 
 in the United States in 1850 at $163,186,510, or $7.02 per head 
 of the whole p)opulation. The distribution of that amount was to 
 
 L,the South, $43,000,000 ; West, 35,000,000 ; North, $85,180,000. 
 In the past year these importations have risen to $317,882,050, 
 or a consumption of $10.59 per head, which would give, in tlie 
 same proportion, for Southern consumption, $106,000,000 ; 
 for Western, $63,000,000; and for the North and East, 
 $149,000,000. If, then, the sales of domestic manufactures to 
 the South were, in 1850, $146,000,000, according to the data 
 furnished by the census, and as we have seen on other data, tlic 
 manufacture at the North has since increased 50 per cent., while 
 tlie means of the South to pay have increased in even a greater 
 ratio, the trade of 1859 would give Northern manufactures 
 sold to the South $240,(100,000 ; imported goods sold to the 
 South $106,000,000 ; brokerage, interest, freight, commissions, 
 insurance, &c, on Southern produce and funds 15 per cent., 
 or $63,000,000. The number of whites at the South over 20 .| 
 years of age is about 3,000,000. It is estimated that if 50,000 
 come North every year, their expenditure, at $1000 each, \ 
 would amount to $50,000,000, disbursed for Northern board, i 
 
Sout/ieni Wealth and Northern Profits. 75 
 
 goods, fares, etc. If we then recur to tlie Suutliern credits 
 given in a preceding chapter, the account ^vill stand thus : 
 
 Sent North. Sent South. 
 
 Bills and raw materials $262,560,394 
 
 Other produce 200,000,000 
 
 $462,560,394 
 
 Domestic goods $240,000,000 
 
 Imported " io^),ooo,ooo 
 
 Interest, brokerage, &c . . . 63, 200,000 
 
 Soutluyir travellers 53,36o,394 
 
 Total $462,560,394 
 
 This is the vast trade which approximates the sum of tlie 
 dealings between the Xorth and the South. These transactions 
 influence the earnings, more or less direct, of every Northern 
 man. A portion of every artisan's work is paid for by S<^uth- 
 ern means. Every carman draws pay, more or less, from the 
 trade of that section. The agents who sell manufactures, the 
 merchants who sell imported goods, the ships that carry them, 
 the builders of the ships, the lumbermen who furnisli the ma- 
 terial, aud all those who supply means of support to them and 
 their families. The brokers, the dealers in Soutliern produce, 
 the exchange dealers, the bankers, the insurance companies, 
 and all those who are actively employed in receiving and dis- 
 tributing Southern produce, with the long train of persons who 
 furnish them with houses, clothing, supplies, education, re- 
 ligion, amusement, transportation, &c., are dependent upon 
 this active interchange, by which at least one thousand mil- 
 lions of dollars come and go Ijetween the North and South in 
 a year. The mind can with difficulty contemplate the havoc 
 and misery that would be caused on both sides by the breaking 
 up and sundering of such ties, if indeed it were jjossible. If 
 we were to penetrate beyond a rupture, and imagine a peace- 
 able separation, by which the North and South sho\dd be sun- 
 dered without hostilities, we miglit contemplate the condition 
 and prospects of each. From what has been detailed above, 
 as revealed to us from the returns of the census, it is (piite aj)- 
 parent that the North, as distinguished fnjm the South and 
 AVest, would be alone permanently injured. Its fortune de- 
 pends upon manufacturing and shij>ping; but, as has been 
 seen, it neither raises its own food nor its own raw nuiterial, 
 nor does it furnish freights for its own shipping. The South, 
 on the other hand, raises a surplus of food, and supplies the 
 world witli raw materials. Lumber, hides, cotton, wo(j1, in- 
 digo — all that the manufacturer requires — is within it.s own 
 circle. The requisite capital to put them in action is rapidly 
 
\y 
 
 76 /Southern Wealth and JS^orthern Profits. 
 
 Taccnmiilating, and in the long run it would lose — after recov- 
 ering from first disasters — nothing by separation. The North, 
 on the other hand, will have food and raw materials to buy in 
 order to employ its labor; but who will then buy its goods? 
 It cannot supply England ; she makes the same things cheaper. 
 The West will soon be able to supply itself. The South, 
 while having the world as an eager customer for its raw prod- 
 uce, will not want Northern goods; but she will supply with 
 liQi* surplus manufactures the Central and South American 
 countries, as now with her flour. As the world progresses, 
 manufacturing nations will deal less with each other, because 
 they make the same things. Their customers must be tropical 
 and agricultural communities. But if they quarrel with the 
 manners and customs of those countries to the extent of at- 
 tempting to force upon them a new system of morality, their 
 piety will be its own reward, and the crown of commercial 
 martyrdom may be mistaken for a zany's cap. 
 
 There is probably no wish on any side to separate. Each 
 section is steadily growing in wealth and strength, and each 
 develops its natural resources in the same ratio that its popu- 
 lation and capital increase. Tliere is this difference : both the 
 South and West have vast natural resources to be develoj)ed, 
 and the time for that development is only retarded by the pres- 
 ent profits that the North derives from supplying each with 
 those things that they will soon cease to want. Tlie North has 
 no future natural resources. In minerals, both the other sec- 
 tions surpass it. In metals, it is comparatively destitute ; of 
 raw materials, it has none. Its ability to feed itself is question- 
 able. Its commerce is to the whole country what that of Hol- 
 land once was to the world, viz., living on the trade of other 
 people. Its manufactures occupy the same position, awaiting 
 only the time when the other sections will do their own work. 
 When that moment arrives, Massachusetts, which now occupies 
 the proudest rank in the Union, will fall back upon her own 
 resources, and still claim to be an agricultural state, since her 
 summer crop is granite and her winter crop is ice. This period 
 the North supinely permits a few iinscrupulous politicians, 
 clerical agitators, and reprobate parsons to hasten by the mo^t 
 wanton attacks upon the institutions of their best customers. 
 They are forcing the Northern Slave States to assume to the 
 South the same position that New England held to the South 
 on the formation of the Union. They are holding out to them 
 
Sout/ieni Wealth and ^'cw'^/uvvi Profits. 77 
 
 the bright prize of becoming the iiuuuufivcturcrs, importers, and 
 carriers for the South, as the North h\s been. They oifor them 
 this brilliant premium to cut their eoAiection with the Nortli, 
 in order to enjoy those branches of indaistry in relation to the 
 South which have conferred such wealth and prosperity upon 
 Kew England and the Middle States. / England became rich 
 by the colonies — repelled them. Ilei} mantle fell on New 
 England; she has become rich, and in her turn repels the 
 South in favor of the Northern Slave ^jtates. These latter sec 
 the prize falling to them, and may bi\come eager to grasp it 
 before the North shall have awakened to its danger. 
 
 CHAPTER YI. 
 
 TONNAGE AND KAILROADS. 
 
 The early occupation of the Northern States being naviga- 
 tion, they have pursued the art of ship-building until they have 
 become models of the world. In doing so they have ac<juired 
 large capital, and are the owners of an immense tonnage. 
 
 The development of this industry of tlie North American 
 colonies, and their trade, was probably the first real opposition 
 on the ocean that tlie Dutch received. So much did it iiourish 
 in the 17th century that. Sir Joshua Childs, writing in 1070, 
 Btates that " our American plantations employ nearly two-thirds 
 of our English shipping, and thereby give constant subsistence 
 to, it may be, 200,000 persons here at home." In 1G76 Sir 
 William Petty states the shipping of the American trade at 
 40,000 tons. 100 years later, in 1769, the vessels built in the 
 colonies were as follows : 
 
 Ships built in the Colonies in 1*709. 
 
 Squarf' Sloops and 
 
 rigged. sclwoners. Tonnagt. 
 
 New Hampsiiire i6 2g 2,452 
 
 Massachusetts 4o 97 8,01 J 
 
 Rhode Island 8 3i 1,428 
 
 Connecticut 7 43 1,542 
 
 Kew York 5 i4 955 
 
 New Jersey i 3 83 
 
 rennsylvuina i4 8 1,469 
 
 Maryland 9 11 i ,3 <4 
 
 Virf^inia 6 21 ',269 
 
 Nortli Cnrolitja 3 9 607 
 
 South Carolina 4 8 789 
 
 Georgia 2 5o 
 
 Total ii3 276 20,001 
 
78 Southern WeaVh and Northern Profits. 
 
 i 
 
 The number of tons buUt in the United States in 1820 was 
 47,780, not a large increpse^over the business of 1769, In the 
 40 years that succeeded 1820, the tonnage built rose to 583,450 
 tons in one year, step bj^ step, with the increase of cotton. The 
 employment of the colo,nial sliips, during nearly 200 years, M'as 
 lisli and slaves, — the fi'^li for the Catholic countries of Southern 
 Europe, and the slaves for the South, and the West Indies. In 
 all that time the construction reached up to 20,001, or 389 sail, 
 of an average of 50 tqns each. In 1820 the tonnage rose to 
 47,780, for 534 vessels./ or 90 tons each ; in 1855 there were 
 bnilt 2,034 vessels of 5^3,450 tons, or 290 tons average, show- 
 ing the change in construction from the small cheap vessels 
 built for the West India trade, to the large ships required for 
 cotton transportation. The fisheries were the chief business of 
 the ISTorthern colonists, and they had not only the benefit of the 
 large" sale to the AVest Indies and to the Catholic countries of 
 Europe, but the eating of fish in England had, by tlie law of 
 Elizabeth, in 1563, been ordered on Wednesdays and Satur- 
 days, for the encouragement of seamen, thus afi'ording a large 
 market, from which foreign fish were excluded. The same law 
 became a custom down to our day, it being still almost univer- 
 sal in New England to eat fish on Saturday. Indeed, so strict- 
 ly was this custom observed, that in the old slave days of Mas- 
 sachusetts, it being ordered that slaves should not be in the 
 streets on Sunday, a black was arrested on the Common. He 
 denied that it was Sunday, and proved his point by showing 
 that " massa no hab salt fish yesterday." With all this en- 
 couragement the tonnage in 200 years made slow progress, 
 until the union of the States and cotton growing began to open 
 a broader field for navigation, and they have since not only 
 carried the large produce of the South abroad, but have con- 
 veyed it coastwise. As this business has increased, the ship- 
 building at the North has followed its expansion, and it has 
 been fostered by the bounties of the federal government, paid 
 to the fishermen of that section. Up to 1860 these bounties 
 had reached nearly $12,966,998, paid out of the national treas- 
 ury to encourage shipping at the North. 
 
 The fisheries being the great business of the North, when the 
 Union was formed, a law of July 4, 1789, alloM^ed a drawback 
 on fish exported equal to the supposed quantity of salt used. 
 This law in 1792 was changed to a bounty per ton on the ves- 
 
Southern Wtcdth and Xorthern Projii^. 79 
 
 the present time. The amount of tonnage and allowance paid 
 to the fishing-vessels in the last 12 yeai*s was as follows : 
 
 Federal Bounty to Fisheries. 
 
 Tonnage ofvesseU 
 
 engaged in AUorcanct paid to 
 
 Year. cod-Jtukeries. fithing vetaelt. 
 
 1848 82.652 1=243,434 
 
 1849 73,882 287,604 
 
 i85o 85.646 286,796 
 
 i85i 87,476 328,267 
 
 i832 102,659 304,569 
 
 i853 99.990 323, log 
 
 i854 102,194 374,286 
 
 i855 102.928 346,196 
 
 i856 95;8i6 271.838 
 
 1857 104,573 464,178 
 
 i858 119,254 389,500 
 
 1859 129,637 426,962 
 
 Twelve years 1,186,717 $4,046,929 ~ 
 
 Thus in twelve years the national treasury has paid out 
 $J:,046,929, as a direct bounty, to sustain one northern interest. 
 The whole amount paid has been $12,944,998, and the follow- 
 ing States have been the recipients of it : 
 
 States that receive the Federal Bountij. 
 
 Maine $4,i75.o5o 
 
 New Hampshire 563, 1 34 
 
 Massaclmsetts 7,926,273 
 
 Connecticut 1 82.853 
 
 Rhode Island 7S.S95 
 
 New York 18,319 
 
 Virginia 479 
 
 Total i\ 2,944,998 
 
 Thus Massachusetts has received two-thirds of the whole 
 amount, for the fostering of one of her interests. This bounty 
 is paid out of the national treasury, into which it is collected 
 from the Southern consumers of imported gof»ds. 
 
 This has greatly aided the develo])ment of ship-building, not 
 only in the branch of the fisheries, but in all others, and con- 
 firmed New England in its commercial predominance, and we 
 shall see, as we progress, that ship-building has remained al- 
 most exclusively with the North, which owns about 80 j)cr 
 cent, of the present tonnage. 
 
 "While they furnish the means of transportation, however, 
 they, as we have seen in preceding chapters, with the excep- 
 tion of the fisheries, furnish very little cm])loyment for the 
 shipping. There is probably no people in the world who do 80 
 much freighting, and derive so little of it from their own re- 
 sources. They, in this respect, resemble Holland in the days 
 
80 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 of Yan Tromp, when the inhabitants of the Flemish marshes 
 were, by the carrying trade of the world, enabled to wear a 
 broom at the mast-head. If the iN'ew Englanders have not 
 swept the seas with their guns, they have done so by superior 
 enterprise, and the enjoyment of the vast monopoly conferred 
 upon them by the South. The carrying of the cotton crop has 
 been the basis of the Northern freighting business, and the na- 
 tional tonnage has swollen in the following proportion, step by 
 step with the cotton product : 
 
 Tonnage oioned and built annually in the United States, and the Cstton^ 
 Cro]). . 
 
 Registered Cotton crop. Vessels 
 
 Year. Fisheries. Steam. and enrolled. bales. built. Tonnage. 
 
 1820 i58,43o 1,119,736 225,000 534 47,784 
 
 i83o 137,245 64,471 990,260 976,845 637 53,074 
 
 i835 234,437 I22,8i5 i,58o,48i 1,254,328 607 46,238 
 
 1840 233,112 198,184 1,709,318 2,177,885 872 n8,3o9 
 
 1841 229,282 174.342 1,691,0.^2 1,634,945 762 ii8,8o3 
 
 1S42 218,047 228,349 1.612,950 1,638,574 1,021 129,083 
 
 1843 219,192 236,867 i;668,27i 2,378,875 482 63,617 
 
 1844 262.961 272,178 1,707,160 2,o3o,409 766 io3,537 
 
 1845 282,142 325,988 1,769,387 2,394, 5o3 i,o38 146,018 
 
 1846 296,398 347,892 1,885,284 2,100,537 1,420 i88,2o3 
 
 1847 2g5,486 404,841 2,095,236 1.778,651 1.598 243,732 
 
 1848 318,822 427,890 2,261,804 2,347,634 i,85i 3i8,075 
 
 1849 297,010 462,393 2,527,772 2,728,096 1,547 256,577 
 
 i85o 309,773 525,946 2,609.544 2,096,706 i.36o 272,218 
 
 i85i 3i9,658 583,6o7 2,753,182 2,355,237 i;367 298,203 
 
 i852 368,982 643,240 3070,431 3,015,029 1,444 351,493 
 
 i853 342,942 604.617 3,388,637 8,262,882 1,710 425,572 
 
 i854 3i9,i36 676,607 3,747,212 2,980,027 1,774 535,6i6 
 
 i855 811,399 770,285 4,069,162 2,847,889 2,084 583, 45o 
 
 i856 3i5,i62 678,077 8.841.047 8,527.845 1,703 469,893 
 
 1837 328,740 705,784 3,862,812 2,989,519 1,434 878.804 
 
 i858 339,082 729,390 3,988,438 8.118.962 1.225 242.286 
 
 1859 847,646 768,762 8,977.970 8,85i,48i 870 136,602 
 
 i860, est 4,000,000 4,800,000 
 
 The sail vessels, under the head of "enrolled,'' as well as 
 "registered," are, to a considerable extent, employed in the 
 transportation of cotton. As a general rule, a registered ton of 
 shipping will carry three bales of cotton. A good deal of the 
 cotton is subject, however, to several distinct transportations. 
 It is delivered at the Southern ports, by steam and other boats, 
 lience sent to Korthern ports, thence again shipped to England, 
 or to manufacturing towns. This movement so governs the 
 shipping trade that whenever the quantity of shipping has been 
 stimulated beyond one ton to a bale of cotton produced, in the 
 aggregate, there has been, invariably, reaction and depression. 
 In 1820 the shipping was large, because there was in existence 
 the remains of the trade during the French "Wars, and the ton- 
 nage lost, condemned, and sold, had not then been fully mark- 
 
Sotdhern Wealth and Xorthcrii Profits. SI 
 
 ed oif from the official registers. Since then, the account lias 
 been accurately kept. The quantity built was snuill, up to 
 1830, when the proportion of one ton to a bale of cotton exist- 
 ed. From 1835, when the same jn-oportion was apparent, there 
 was little variation in the quantity built per annum, and the 
 proportion of shipping to cotton held good up to the large crop 
 of 1843, which immediately gave an impulse to the business of 
 ship-building, and tonnage increased annually up to 1840, when 
 the amount had again reached the proportion of one ton to a 
 bale. In that year, however, took place the Irish famine, caus- 
 ing- a demand for shipping all over the world, for transportation 
 of grain. This demand m-;\s aided by the Mexican war, for 
 which the government required much transport service. The 
 ship-building reached 318,075 tons in 1848, in which year 
 those two elements had ceased to act, and there was a heavy 
 depression in the trade, since the tonnage exceeded the propor- 
 tion of one ton to a bale, in 1850 and 1851. In 1852 the pro- 
 portion was recovered, but then took place the revolution in 
 ship-building, caused by California. Clipper ships, became the 
 rage, and the gold trade carried the tonnage far beyond the 
 regular cotton proportion. The result was the same as before ; 
 a terrible depression overtook the shipping, and the building 
 Avhich had been carried to its greatest height, in 1855, when it 
 reached 2,034 vessels, with a tonnage of 583,450, has year by 
 year, declined. The quantity " lost, condemned, and sold" to 
 foreigners has been more than equal to the production, and the 
 sail tonnage is now 91,192 tons less than at its highest point, 
 in 1855. The cotton crop has, he, 4-ever, increased, until it 
 has resumed its proportion of one bale to the ton. Tlicre can 
 be no clearer proof than these figures afford, of the utter de- 
 pendence of the Northern shipping upon the great Southern 
 staple. 
 
 If we turn to the official tables, distinguishing the three sec- 
 tions, we shall have tlie ownership of the tonnage as follows, 
 comparing the yeai-s 1830 and 1858, both cotton crop and ton- 
 nage having quadrupled in that peri(»d. 
 
 South 
 
 West 
 
 North 
 
 Iieoi»tered. 
 .. 109,182 
 54 
 . . 380.826 
 
 Enrolled. 
 Siiil. .Stffim. 
 
 82,849 33,6o5 
 
 2.090 219 
 
 471,682 20,010 
 
 556,621 54,o36 
 6 
 
 ItegiMfrfrl. 
 391,518 
 ' 50.236 
 
 1,781,369 
 
 3,223,133 
 
 Enro 
 Sail. 
 
 397,394 
 
 219,416 
 
 1,381,893 
 
 ,,898,693 
 
 Utd. 
 
 SUam. 
 
 339,180 
 
 5?» 
 
 Totul. 
 
 .. 490,063 
 
 651,36} 
 
S3 Southern Wealth and Northern Projiis. 
 
 It is not only the owners of that shipping that derive the 
 benefits of that crop, but the builders and their affiliated trades, 
 lumbermen, riggers, &c., who reap the benefit of the business. 
 If we turn to official sources, we find that the number and ton- 
 nage built in each section of the Union has been as follows : 
 
 Number of Vessels built in each section of the Union, with the aggregate 
 tonnage. 
 
 North. 
 
 1§49. IS55. t8.56. l§5y. 
 
 Ships i85 36o 286 228 ii4 
 
 Brills 1 29 120 93 39 36 
 
 Schooners 367 335 819 296 267 
 
 Sloops and canal-boats. 3i4 604 4o6 293 220 
 
 Steamers 96 i55 loi 128 102 
 
 Total 
 
 Tons 196,386 
 
 South. 
 
 Ships 
 
 Brigs 
 
 Schooners 
 
 Sloops and canal-boats. 
 Steamers 
 
 Total 
 
 Tons 
 
 West. 
 
 Ships 
 
 Brigs 
 
 Schooners 
 
 Sloops and canal-boats. 
 Steamers 
 
 1,090 
 
 1,574 
 
 i,2o5 
 
 
 983 
 
 739 
 
 96,386 
 
 497,069 
 
 376,647 
 
 294 
 
 ,472 
 
 170,570 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 223 
 46 
 61 
 
 6 
 
 54 
 
 ■si 
 
 56 
 64 
 
 
 .51 
 
 38 
 
 75 
 
 9 
 112 
 
 356 
 
 3o3 
 
 328 
 
 
 284 
 
 343 
 
 4o,oi5 
 
 ■ 54,252 
 
 45,538 
 
 47 
 
 ,83i 
 
 43,5^' 
 
 5 
 33 
 10 
 
 52 
 
 3 
 
 76 
 27 
 44 
 
 4 
 92 
 11 
 
 
 3 
 2 
 69 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 52 
 
 33 
 5i 
 
 Total loi i5o 190 i53 141 
 
 Tons 20,176 32,129 47,208 o6,5oi 29,140 
 
 Total 256,577 583,85o 469,393 378,804 242,286 
 
 ■ ■ The building of ships and brigs is confined almost entirely 
 to New England, with the exception of those that are built in 
 Maryland. The sloops and canal-boats of Southern construction 
 are nearly all in the District of Columbia. The construction of 
 shipping at the West has hitherto concerned river and lake 
 navigation only, but of late some sea-going vessels have been 
 ^there built. Flat-bottomed vessels have been built in Chicago 
 for the Sea of Azoff ; that trade is, however, comparatively un- 
 important. With every impulse given to ship-building, it is 
 the North which has derived the benefit. In the town of Med- 
 ford, in Massachusetts, from 1803 to 184G, inclusive, the whole 
 number of vessels there built was 382, which, at a valuation of 
 $45 per ton for hull, spars, and blocks (which items constituted 
 the original terms of contract), amounted to $5,995,035 — the 
 
Southern WiaJth and Northern Proff.f. S3 
 
 aggregate tonnage being nearly 133,225 tons. Tlie greatest 
 number of ships constructed in one year was in 1845, wlien 
 there were thirty, amounting in tonnage to 9,712 tons, and in 
 vahie to §437,040. In the five years preceding April 1st, 1837, 
 sixty vessels were built at ]\[edtord, npon which there were 
 employed two hnndred and thirty-nine workmen, and of which 
 the measurement was twenty-fonr thousand one hundred and 
 ninety-live tons, and the value one million one hundred and 
 twelve thonsand dollars. From April 1st, 1844, to April 1st, 
 1845, twenty-fonr ships were launched in Medford, npon which 
 were employed two hnndred and fifty men, and whose aggre- 
 gixio tonnage was nine thonsand six hundred and sixty tons, 
 ai:d whose value was half a million of dollars 
 
 Tlie valne of the tonnage bnilt in Kew England in 1855 was 
 820,000,000 ; in the South, $1,160,000 ; in the West, $980,000. 
 With the reaction of the " clipper" excitement, the New Eng- 
 land shipping indnstry fell to $6,800,000 in 1858, and the Sonfh 
 snfl'ered some reaction, bnt not in proportion. In 1855, the 
 South built 11 per cent, of the tonnage built at the North ; in 
 1858, 25 per cent. Tlie demand in that section for steamei-s 
 and schooners in the coasting trade was snpplied at, home. 
 The cotton crop requires an ever-increasing snpply, in spite of 
 the railroads. At the West, the falling off in the European 
 demand for breadstuffs at the time of great develoj^ment in 
 railroads, evid*itly injured the schooner-building. The fact 
 is apparent, that the Sonth is the only section which main- 
 tained its construction of enrolled tonnage, and it did so to 
 snpply the wants of its gi-eat staple. Tlie supply of tonnage is 
 now very large, bnt an unprecedented crop of cotton is coming 
 to market, and more active freighting induced by it, will again 
 give employment to Northern builders. Tlic value of the 
 4,000,000 sail tonnage in the Union is $160,000,000, divided 
 as in the following table, which also shows the proportion nf 
 freight furnished by each section. 
 
 ReglKtered Ejrient of freight* 
 
 Ton». Valu«o/»hipping. /urnUhed. 
 
 North i,78i,368 73,145,879 2,000,000 
 
 Sonth 3oi,5i8 17,618,111 24,5oo,ooo 
 
 West ;)o,236 2,360,620 i,5oo,ooo 
 
 Total 2,223,122 $93,024,700 ?28,0O0,O00 
 
 Tlie Sonth furnishes six-sevenths of the freight, but owns less 
 than one-sixth of the tonnage. Tlie North owns 80 per cent. 
 
84 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 of the tonnage, and supplies T per cent, of the freights. Tlie 
 yalne of these freights is given much less than the actual 
 amount. Thus, the cotton crop of the present year -will reach 
 2,070,000,000 lbs., and the present rate of freight is one cent 
 per pound, or 10 per cent, of the value ; this gives nearly 
 $21,000,000 freights for one transportation of the crop, and it 
 requires several. The other articles of export bear a similar 
 freight of the registered tonnage at the North. !New York 
 city holds one-half of the outward freights from New York. 
 A large portion of that put down to the West is supplanted by 
 Southern produce received coastwise, and it could not other- 
 wise be spared from Northern consumption. These are the 
 outward freights only. The return freights into the country 
 are also, to a considerable extent, on Southern account. At the • 
 same rate per cent, on the value as that paid by cotton, the 
 amount derived on the importations is $35,000,000 per annum, 
 of which pro rata $12,000,000 is paid by Southern consumers. 
 We have, then, $36,000,000 paid by the South to the shipping 
 J per annum, or a sum double the value of all the tonnage she 
 owns, and this without taking into account in any degree the 
 coasting freights. This large sum is distributed among the 
 merchants, owners, seamen, ship -builders, stevedores, carmen, 
 and all their business connections, as the value of the Southern 
 connection. That section consents to the profits thus enjoyed 
 by the North, while she has it in her power to Withdraw them 
 by a resort to her own forests and ship-yards. The North thus 
 monopolizes the freights, for the reason that she has hitherto 
 been able to furnish the cheapest ships. The South has no 
 doubt, however, profited by the cheap freights. Had the two 
 sections not been united by the bond of free trade, a very little 
 legislation would have caused ship-building to grow faster at • 
 the South than it has hitherto. Tlie evils of disunion would 
 be not unconnected with some benefit for the Maryland and 
 Delaware ship-builders in this respect. The coasting tonnage 
 is supported in nearly the same manner as the registered ton- 
 nage, and it is the North that draws tlie benefit. 
 
 The ofiicial Treasury returns give the tonnage built in 1850 
 at 272,218. The census returns give the distribution of the 
 labor as follows for that year : 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 85 
 
 Shii)-hidlding in i/ic United Statc.f, jKr Census. 
 
 OoKtof Co»t Valutqf 
 
 2To. Capital. materUiU. Hands. ofUtbor. product. 
 
 Connecticut 42 $289,400 $2o5,6oo 707 ^SiS.^U l^ii.i\o 
 
 Muine 172 887,886 981,750 2.o54 988,752 2.i/.6.:»8o 
 
 MHssachusetts 140 655,900 1,282,61^0 1.835 1,028.904 2,7ii,.S85 
 
 New Hampshire 5 29,800 574,833 349 187, 160 -liri.Mio 
 
 Vermont'. i i5o,ooo 60,000 100 36,720 120,000 
 
 Kliode Ishind 6 4i,4oo 43, 082 ii5 • 5i,i8o 117,730 
 
 New York I25 i,5i3,ooo 2,625,162 3,478 1,745,160 6,i5o,i85 
 
 New Jersey 27 91.310 65.497 i55 65,796 171,900 
 
 i'eniisylvunia. 192 478,253 574,963 i,5o7 585,636 1,424.909 
 
 North 7*10 4.136,949 6,413,599 io,3oo 4,9i5,j52 i4,3o4,779 
 
 Illinois I 100 25o 4 ',920 2.f)00 
 
 Indiana 18 Si.gSo 57,597 i57 55,i52 i53.363 
 
 Michigan i 200 80 3 900 1,210 
 
 Ohio 17 1 55,200 74,018 292 106, 3o8 209.360 
 
 West 37 236,35o i3i,943 456 164,280 366,533 
 
 Delaware 7 70,400 42,435 i35 54.5i6 124,0'io 
 
 Dist. of Columbia 2 7J700 12,000 33 7,800 25,o(>o 
 
 Florida 4 10,200 40 16,476 17,700 
 
 Georjria 2 5,5oo i ,697 1 1 4,776 8.000 
 
 Kentucky 7 25.5oo 8«,4oo 122 63.36o 182.900 
 
 Louisiana 7 167,500 107,361 129 100,620 231,701 
 
 Maryland 68 210,820 344,583 920 4i3,i6o 1,061. 23o 
 
 Missouri 4 i26,i5o 42,625 68 61, 344 i8i.7:'>o 
 
 North Carolina 8 77,95o 43,qoo i44 87,140 9^,000 
 
 Tennessee i 5oo 2,«oo 9 4.32o 3,400 
 
 Texas 3 3,ooo 2.720 8 4,320 14. ''oo 
 
 Virginia 32 102,700 59,286 289 72,192 132,020 
 
 South i45 808,660 740,857 1,867 843,o44 1,924,371 
 
 Total 892 5,182,309 7,286,401 12,623 5,922,576 16,595,683 
 
 The Bliip-building interest of the South far exceeds that at 
 the West, according to this return, which corresponds pretty 
 nearly with the return of tons built in the above table from 
 the annual navigation returns of the Treasurer's department. 
 There arc at the North, it appears, 10,300 hands cinph)yed 
 directly in ship-building; and as a curious incident of the grow- 
 ing availability of female labor, Vermont returns four fenuiles 
 engaged in ship-building, and Virginia reports two so employed. 
 The 10,300 hands of the North receive nearly 5 millions per 
 annum wages, or an average of $500 each. The material c<»sts 
 $6,413,()99, and is purchased of the 27,000 persons who, at 
 the Nortii, are engaged in getting out §31,897,000 worth of 
 lumber per annum. That is, the ship-builders take one-tifth of 
 their product in order to build ships to carry cotton. The 
 South has become ambitious of carrying its own produce, 
 and, as seen in the returns, it has 145 establishments f«»r ship 
 construction. These turned out 43,000 tons, at a value of 
 $2,000,000 ; and the lumber resources of Florida and Georgia 
 
86 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 are at hand to give tlie business an immense developiTient, 
 under the action of the growing capital of the Sonth. 
 
 Tlie growth of steam tonnage on the Western and Southern 
 rivers has been large; but this, as well as the sail tonnage, has 
 been much affected by the influence of railroads, which has 
 directed much produce from the water-carriage, changing the 
 direction, in many cases, from down stream to across the 
 countr}', thus influencing the jN'orthern roads in favor of the 
 Southern exports. The sugar, cotton, and tobacco of the South 
 finds its way, to a considerable extent, across the country into 
 the Western States ; and these roads have been built in the 
 western section, to a very large extent, with borrowed money. 
 They have consequently been expensively built — ^far more so 
 than those which have been built at the South. The aggregate 
 length and cost of railroads lias been, at two periods, as follows : 
 
 , 1S53. . . 1S60 . 
 
 Length. Cost. Length. CoKt. Per mile. 
 
 North 7,222 $287,691,587 9,665 §481,874,434 §5o,ooo 
 
 West 5,535 110,389,337 9,191 365,109,701 40.06O 
 
 Soutli 4,663 91,522,204 9,o53 221,857, 5o3 24,100 
 
 Total 17,420 ^489,603,120 27,909 §1,068,84 1, 63S 
 
 These returns, for 1854, are from the census returns, and 
 those for 1860 are from the Boston Bailway Times, compiled 
 by an eminent engineer. We have then the fact that the Soutli 
 has as many miles of railroad as either of the other sections, 
 and that they cost per mile less than half the cost of the ]S"oi'th- 
 ern roads, and two-thirds the expense of the Western roads, 
 a fact which shows the economy with which the Southern 
 roads were built. We now take from Stow^s Baihoay An- 
 nual the railroads delinquent on the interest of the bonds : 
 
 Amount. 
 
 South 3 companies. §2,023,000 
 
 North 9 " 39,000,000 
 
 West 21 " 68, 1 20,000 
 
 Total 33 companies. §109,215,000 
 
 The business of the South has, it appears, paid the cost of 
 9,053 miles of railroad, where the ISTorth has been unable to do 
 so, and the West has shown still less ability to sustain that 
 length of road. The capital supplied to the latter section for 
 construction of the roads came from England and the East, 
 and was expended in a lavish manner, stimulating business 
 and speculation, which has fallen through, leaving a disastrous 
 condition of affairs in all that region. The railroads themselves 
 show, in the'declining revenues, the fact that they owed their 
 
Southern Wealth and Xortheni Profits. 
 
 87 
 
 former prosperity less to the cliects of free labor than to tlio 
 factitious activity caused by a passini; speculation. The crops 
 of that region are not, like those of the South, in constant and 
 active demand, pressing always by the shortest road to nnirket, 
 Tliey depend for realization npon short crops abroad. In ordi- 
 nary seasons the price will not pay for transportation by rail, 
 while the Sonth becomes an active competitor with the "West 
 for the supply of the Northern and Eastern States by water. 
 
 In illustration of the great progress which the South has 
 made in the means of transportation afforded by railroads, we 
 take the following from the most accurate sources: 
 
 Kailkoads of tue United STATts. — Southe 
 
 Length. 
 
 2rt 
 
 3Sr 
 
 30 
 
 Annapolis and Elkridgc 
 
 Baltimore and Ohio 
 
 Baltimore and Pliila. Central.. 
 Ctiainbersburg and Uagers- 
 
 Ciimberland Coal and Iron, 
 
 Eckhardt 11 
 
 Cumberland ami Pennsylvania 23 
 
 Georijc's Creek Coal and Iron . 21 
 
 Nortliern Centr.il 142 
 
 Philadeln'iia, Wilmington, and 
 
 Baltinior.- 102 
 
 Western Maryland U 
 
 Sundry coa! railroiuls 40 
 
 Coit. 
 
 $462,000 
 
 24,S0i.C4o 
 
 1,650,000 
 
 395,000 
 
 500,000 
 
 S00,000 
 
 600,000 
 
 7,238,541 
 
 6,r)6S,36a 
 300,0(10 
 600,000 
 
 Ltvgth. 
 2-2 
 
 Toul Maryland 7S9 |46,1 1 6,555 
 
 Alcxnnd , Loudim. and Ilamp- 
 sliire 
 
 Clover Hill, coal 
 
 Xlana^i.'ias Can •. 
 
 Norfolk and Pel.Msbnrg 
 
 Nortbwe-stern Vir^'iniii 
 
 Oranse and Alexandria 
 
 Fredericksburg and Gordons- 
 villa 
 
 Petersburg and Lyncliburg . . 
 
 Petersburg and Koanoko 
 
 Biclimcmd and Danville 
 
 Eiohmond, Fredericksb'g. and 
 IVitomac 
 
 Ricbiiion.l and IVtersliirjr 
 
 Kiclimorid and York Uivcr .. 
 
 Seaboard and lioannkc 
 
 Virginia Central 
 
 Virginia and Tcniie&'ee 
 
 Winchester and I'oloniac 
 
 Washini.'ton and Ab-Xandria.. 
 
 Bundry coal raiiroa<U 
 
 |5On.6S0 
 299,999 
 2,>'43,4()3 
 1.45.3.723 
 5,!»2S,754 
 3,010,399 
 
 231,573 
 8,78G,3S7 
 1,204,115 
 3,487,584 
 
 1,817.179 
 
 1,20.5,41 1 
 
 393.272 
 
 1.46.',SiM) 
 
 7..M7,7CS 
 
 6.765.155 
 
 57.\4S5 
 
 150,iM 
 
 3011,000 
 
 King's Mountain 
 
 Laurens 
 
 Norllieaslern 102 
 
 South Carolina 242 
 
 Spartanburg and Union 25 
 
 ToUl South Carolina .... 77S 
 
 Atlanta and La Grange S6 
 
 AuL-usla and Savannah 53 
 
 Barnesviile and Tiiomaston .. 16 
 
 Brun.swick and Florida 31 
 
 Central of Georgia 191 
 
 Etowah 9 
 
 Georgia 232 
 
 Macon and Western lo2 
 
 Main Trunk (Atlantic and 
 
 Gulf) 4 
 
 Milleilsrevilie and Gonlon 17 
 
 Milledgeville and Eatonton .. 22 
 
 Muscogee 50 
 
 l;<ime and Kingston 20 
 
 Savannah, Albany, and Gulf. . 68 
 
 Southwestern . . .' 137 
 
 Western and Atlantic 13S 
 
 Colt. 
 
 196,M0 
 
 2l:{.47« 
 
 1.907,271 
 
 7.5^3,0:35 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 $1,171,708 
 
 l,t«0,IOO 
 
 2iHi,0tlO 
 
 MS, 649 
 
 3,750.000 
 
 112,500 
 
 4,1 74,49 i 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 68,787 
 
 2I2.5(»0 
 
 27.J.0OO 
 
 931.21.1 
 
 2.V),(H)0 
 
 1.151,750 
 
 3,031.839 
 
 5,901,497 
 
 Total Georgia 1176 ♦•24,297,713 
 
 $2,.'>oo.noo 
 450,000 
 
 Florida 104 
 
 Florida an<l Alabama 25 
 
 Florida. Ailantic, and Gulf 
 
 Central 15 
 
 Pcnsatola and Georgia 29 
 
 Tallahassee 21 
 
 Total Florida 
 
 198 
 
 Alabama and Florida 48 
 
 Alabama and Mississippi Uiv- 
 
 Total Virginia 1410 $12,070,674 Alabama and Tennessee Ulv 
 
 At'antio and North Carolina. . 95 
 
 No:ih Carolina 223 
 
 Bal- gh and Gaston 97 
 
 Roanoke Valley 22 
 
 West.rn, coal 43 
 
 "Wiliiiini.'ton ami Mancbe.-ter. 161 
 
 Wilmington and Wcldon .... 102 
 
 ToUl North Carolina .... 8u3 
 
 Blueliidge 13 
 
 Chark-toii and Savannah 29 
 
 Charlotte and South (;orolina. 109 
 
 Cberanr and Darlington 40 
 
 Greenville and Columbia 16-1 
 
 ers . 
 
 $1,8011.0)10 
 4.23.'S,0ii0 
 1,240.271 
 45<l,073 
 1S.IW7 
 2 379,108 
 2.776,404 
 
 Marlon 14 
 
 Mobile and Olrard 37 
 
 Mobile and Onio 324 
 
 Montcmnery and West Point. 117 
 Northeast and Southwest Ala- 
 bama 2S 
 
 Tonncasco and Ala. Central... 26 
 
 800,000 
 425.000 
 
 $4,675,000 
 
 $1,000,000 
 
 600,000 
 
 2,890.717 
 280.000 
 l..V«0.000 
 12,.VM),<W0 
 2.S22,97» 
 
 $12,899,423 Total Alabama . 
 
 $1,720.0-2.3 Delaware 
 
 l,onO,(MHi Newcastle and Frcnrbtown . 
 1.719,045 Newcastle and Wlimington 
 
 OUU.OUU ; 
 2,437,461 Tot»l Delaware 
 
 735 $rA;»62,033 
 
 71 $1,146.^10 
 
 16 -\\,XA 
 
 4 93,00« 
 
 91 $1,98V,««& 
 
88 
 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 Length, Cost. 
 
 Grand Gulf and Port Gibson. 8 $200,000 
 
 Mississippi Central 122 3,583,298 
 
 Raymond 1 95,000 
 
 Southern Mississippi S3 3,500,000 
 
 West Feliciana 26 620,000 
 
 Total Mississippi. 
 
 246 $T,99S,298 
 
 Baton Riinge. Grosse Tete, 
 
 and Cipelinisas 
 
 Clinton :ind Port Hudson 
 
 Mexican (rulf 
 
 Milnesbui-^' and Lake Pon- 
 
 cliartrain 
 
 New Orleans and CarroUton. 
 New Orleans. Jackson, and 
 
 Great Northern 
 
 New Orleans, Opelousas, and 
 
 Great Western 
 
 Ticksburg, Shreveport, and 
 
 Te-xas 
 
 Total Louisiana 
 
 Cairo and Fulton 
 
 Hannibal and St. Joseph 
 
 North Missouri 
 
 Pacific 
 
 Southwestern branch 
 
 8t Louis and Iron Mountain. 
 
 Total Missouri. 
 
 Central Southern 
 
 Cleveland and Chattanooga.. 
 Edgefield and Kentucky 
 
 $22.'),000 
 T50,6G6 
 662,911 
 
 212,398 
 497,220 
 
 7,142,503 
 
 3,877,525 
 
 929,418 
 
 $14,297,801 
 
 11 $210,000 
 
 162 8,.')33,22S 
 107 5,473.914 
 
 163 10,64-3,696 
 19 967,962 
 84 5,042,060 
 
 547 $30,871,360 
 
 4S $300,000 
 
 30 867,210 
 
 30 750,000 
 
 LfTiffth. Cost. 
 
 East Tennessee and Georgia.. 
 
 110 
 
 2,931,643 
 
 East Tennessee and Virginia. 
 
 130 
 
 3.208,133 
 
 Memphis and Charleston 
 
 287 
 
 6,024,642 
 
 Meni|ihis and Ohio 
 
 SI 
 
 2,500,000 
 
 Memphis, Clarksv'le,& Louis- 
 
 
 
 ville 
 
 73 
 
 195,864 
 
 ML-isi'Sippi and Central Ten- 
 
 
 
 nessee 
 
 55 
 
 1,294,275 
 
 Mississippi and Tennessee... 
 
 60 
 
 1,338,289 
 
 MoMinnville and Manchester 
 
 
 
 Nashville and Cliattanoosa. .. 
 
 84 
 
 558.959 
 
 Slielbvville branch 
 
 159 
 
 4,468,907 
 
 Na.shville and Northwestern.. 
 
 172 
 
 600,000 
 
 Tennessee and Alabama 
 
 43 
 
 1,0(10.000 
 
 Winchester and Alabama.... 
 
 15 
 
 300.000 
 
 Total Tennessee 
 
 1137 
 
 $■26,337,427 
 
 Breckenridge, coal 
 
 8 
 
 $312,000 
 
 Covington and Lexington 
 
 80 
 
 4,13.5,971 
 
 Lexington and Big Sandy.... 
 
 17 
 
 694,024 
 
 Lexington and Danville 
 
 13 
 
 824.483 
 
 Lexington and Frankfort 
 
 29 
 
 658,256 
 
 Luuisvllle and Frankfort 
 
 65 
 
 1,379,345 
 
 Louisville and Nashville, and 
 
 
 
 Lebanon branch 
 
 137 
 
 8,834,980 
 
 Maysville and Lexington 
 
 18 
 
 57.\000 
 
 Paducah and Mobile 
 
 26 
 
 800,000 
 
 Portland and Louisville 
 
 5 
 
 100,000 
 
 Total Kentucky 
 
 399 
 
 $13,314,059 
 
 Texas 
 
 205 
 
 $5,000,000 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 38 
 
 1,093,161 
 
 Total South 8171 $221,857,503 
 
 Northern and Weitern. 
 
 States, etc. 
 
 Length. 
 
 Maine 486.2 
 
 New Hampshire 653.0 
 
 Vermont 5.i7.6 
 
 Ma,ssachusetts 1327.8 
 
 Khode Island 101.1 
 
 Connecticut 601.8 
 
 New York 2726.2 
 
 New Jersey 5.53.6 
 
 Pennsylvania 2678.1 
 
 S0S5 
 
 Cost. 
 
 $19,315. 
 19,087 
 21.23.5, 
 63,691, 
 2,750, 
 2.\098, 
 
 1.35,314 
 24,SS6. 
 
 140,570, 
 
 t'^tates, etc. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Michigan .... 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Wisconsin — 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Length. 
 
 Cost. 
 
 2978 
 
 $124,r21,055 
 
 777 
 
 36,862.813 
 
 19.39 
 
 31.f,'65,603 
 
 2774 
 
 94,338,008 
 
 837 
 
 500,000 
 
 843 
 
 11,260,169 
 
 105 
 
 500,000 
 
 N. Interior States 10,706 $298,837,647 
 
 Total 27,562 $972,644,560 
 
 If the Soiitli lias not built as mucli tonnage as it required for 
 its business, allowing the North to cany its produce, it has not 
 been behind in the building of railroads. It has built them, 
 however, with its own capital. The effect of this large con- 
 struction at the South was to absorb the capital which, earned 
 by cotton, had of late accumulated, and prevent it from going 
 more into manufacturing. It will be observed that the South 
 built more miles of railroads in the six years to 1860 than did 
 the West, but they did not exhaust their means in so doing. 
 The West is prostrate under the effort, while the South was 
 never more solid. It has now before it the roads to assist in an 
 active development of other interests imder the influence of the 
 cotton proceeds. . • 
 
Southern Wealth and Kortha^n Profits. 89 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 Banking, in its legitimate commercial character, is confined 
 to the utilizing of funds, which, -without its intervention, ■would 
 for a certain time remain idle in the hands of merchants and 
 dealers. Thus, if we suppose a certain number of persons be- 
 ing possessed of means, buy a quantity of goods to sell again, 
 they will immediately be in the receipt of money from the sales 
 of a portion of their goods. "What each thus receives he would 
 keep by him until it became necessary again to purchase. In 
 this manner, the aggregate amount lying idle in the hands of 
 all, would be very large. Tlie contrivance of a common depos- 
 itory, called a bank, for all those funds, was obviously a great 
 invention. The ability to loan the money thus collected to 
 each dealer, at the time of making his purchases, in proportion 
 to his wants, greatly facilitated business, and virtually increased 
 the capital necessary to its conduct. As long as the business 
 could be confined to the simple transactions of those actually 
 engaged in trade, it was eminently safe and useful. The money 
 loaned to each merchant began immediately to be replaced by 
 his deposits, and there was no danger that a demand would 
 ever spring up except for the regular known purjjose of busi- 
 ness. The notes on which the loans were made were all repre- 
 sented by goods. The moment, however, that these funds, that 
 are supplied by trade, begin to be diverted to purposes of 
 S{)eculation, stock loans, &c., transactiitns which represent 
 only an inuiginary future value, the foundation of disaster is 
 laid. In agricultural regions the course of banking is different. 
 The agriculturists, who create the real wealth of the country, -^ 
 are not in tlie daily receipt of money. Their j>roducc is ready 
 but once in the year, whereas they buy supplies the year round, 
 of stores, and when the crop is ready it is turned into the stores 
 or factories, or sold to dealers. Tlie produce itself, after suj)- 
 plying the local wants, leaves a surplus, which seeks a distant 
 market, and becomes the mediimi by which alone all the goods 
 imported into the country or section can be i>aid for. Tho 
 storekeeper of every town has purchased goods, generall}- on 
 
90 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 credit, and lias sold them to those who raise the produce ; when 
 the latter is ready it mnst go forward to cancel the debt. To 
 effect this exchange money is required. Usually the dealer in 
 produce — possibly flour — will make a draft on New York at 
 60 to 90 days. For this the local bank gives him bank-notes : 
 with these the grain is purchased, floured, sent to New York, 
 sold, and the proceeds lodged in a New York bank to meet the 
 draft coming on for payment. In the mean time, the farmer 
 who received the notes for grain paid them to the store in set- 
 tlement of his bill for supplies. The storekeeper having his 
 payments maturing for the goods, buys of the local bank the 
 draft on New York at 60 to 90 days, forwards it to his creditor 
 in discharge of his account. In all this operation the produce 
 flnds a market, and the goods consumed by the growers have 
 been paid for, and all the paper created to efiect the exchange 
 has been cancelled. This operation is, at times, disturbed by 
 speculation, as in 1856, '57. Some of the Western merchants, 
 / when they received money, spent it for wild lands, and asked 
 the New York creditor to wait. Formerly the New York mer- 
 chants would take notes for goods, payable at the local banks, 
 because they thought the country dealer would pay promptly 
 to keep his credit good at home. . It was found, however, that 
 when the note fell due the payer would meet it by an accom- 
 modation note discount, which, although it made the payment 
 good for the New Y'ork merchant, still left due from the coun- 
 try bank to the city bank a balance, which was not always paid. 
 The rule was then notes payable in the city — the result of this is 
 to force all financial currents towards the general centre. All 
 the paper, foreign and domestic, growing out of the crops, to 
 the value of a1 least $1,000,000,000 per annum, draws directly 
 or indirectly upon New York, and, as a consequence, funds 
 tend in the same direction to meet the paper. The cotton crop 
 alone is the basis of at least $500,000,000, foreign and domes- 
 tic bills, operated upon in New Y^ork. A very large portion of 
 the cotton is shipped from the South, but it is sold in New 
 York, in tj'ansitu, and the bills are negotiated in New Y'ork, 
 for the reason that the larger proportion of goods are there im- 
 ported, and under the p;-esent exchange system the demand is 
 there for bills. In 1859 the whole importation of goods into 
 the country was $338,768,130 ; of this $229,181,349 was at the 
 port of New Y^ork. That is to say, of the $350,000,000 worth 
 of foreign bill^ drawn against produce shipped, a demand for 
 
 y 
 
Souf/urn Wialf/i ami J^\»'t/u'rfi Profits. 01 
 
 $220,000,000 existed from the Xew York importerH. The 
 market for bills grows out of that fact. 
 
 The whole banking system of the country is based prinuirily y 
 on this bill movement against produce. As the railways all ^ 
 tend towards Kew York, so do all financial transactions iblhiw 
 the same direction. 
 
 The concentration of capital at New York promotes its own 
 development, or " makes the meat it feeds on." The manufac- 
 turers of Europe, and of the East, and the agriculturists of the 
 West and the South, all send their capital to New York on 
 credit, and, singularly enough, to obtain credit. All Europe 
 contributes to her apparent capital, and swells the deposits in 
 her banks. The process is a ver}' simple one. The European 
 manufacturer ships to a New York factor dry -goods, consisting 
 of silks, laces, &c. He is apprised that long credits must be 
 given to insure a sale of these goods, say 8 to 12 months from 
 day of sale. Tlie factor disposes of these goods to the jobber, 
 taking his paper in settlement. This paper is generally at once , 
 placed on the market, and sold at nuirket rates for money. 
 Thus the factor is at once supplied with money, belonging, in 
 fact, to his European correspondent, which he can use in any 
 way he thinks proper, only taking care to be able to transmit 
 money to Europe at the time that the notes taken for the goods 
 fall due. The wholesale jobber re})eats the same oj)cration ia^ 
 his sale in like manner to the wholesale and retail merchant. 
 Their paper is at once turned into cash, giving to the jobber 
 great appearance of strength at his bank, and also a large cash 
 capital, to be invested in stocks, or shaving pai)er, or any other 
 manner fancy or judgment may dictate. The wholesale mer- 
 chant sells in like maimer to country merchants, whose pa})er 
 is also thrown on the market, where it is salable. Thus, the 
 same article, sold successively on time, furnishes the appear- 
 ance of real capital to several different merchants. The same 
 operation is repeated in the sale of the various other articles 
 imported from Europe to this country. In like manner the 
 manufacturers of New England furnish capital to New York. '*' 
 They, consign their manufactures to a New York agent, and 
 have a time draft on him discounted at their home banks. If 
 the agent succeeds in selling the goods promptly, he has the use 
 of the money till the maturity of the draft. Again, the money 
 to buy this paper is not by any means contributed ah>ne by 
 New York capitalists. Some of the'banks of South Carolina 
 
92 Southern Wealth and Xorthern Profits. 
 
 are charged with buying up the paper of Soiitheru men through 
 their agents in ISTew York. Large amounts of capital are known 
 to be sent on from Virginia, and other parts of the South, for 
 the same purpose. 
 
 With the Southern banks a preference is given to a four- 
 months' draft upon New York to a four-months' note on per- 
 sonal security. The manufacturers of tobacco are compelled, 
 in order to raise money to carry on their business in Virginia, 
 L- to have a Northern correspondent, upon whom they draw these 
 bills, and to whom their tobacco must be consigned. As the 
 bills are drawn on the consignment of tobacco, that iiiust go 
 forward, no matter what is the state of the market in New 
 York, and no matter how much depressed the article may be 
 by reason of want of demand or a glut in the market. 
 
 When the tobacco arrives in New York, the agent there sells 
 the tobacco as soon as he thinks proper, generally for an eight- 
 months' note. He immediately takes the note, places it in the 
 hands of a broker, who sells it at the current rates for similar . 
 paper. The proceeds, less the commission and a shave, are re-"^ 
 turned to the agent, who uses it in paying other acceptances 
 falling due, it may be to other parties, or he applies the nionej 
 to purposes of private speculation, thus being supplied with 
 capital by the Virginia banks. The value of the manufactured "" 
 tobacco is estimated at $15,000,000. 
 
 A planter in the South cannot; borrow money from the bank • 
 upon a pledge of his laud and negroes, or on good personal se- 
 \l curity, or even upon a promise to turn over to the bank the 
 proceeds of his crop when sold. (He can, however, borrow by 
 drawing on his factor, who sells his cotton. ^ These drafts, from 
 the nature of the case, fall clue during the early part of the crop 
 year. In like manner, the shipper of cotton to England cannot 
 obtain money except by drawing a sterling bill, which is a bill 
 payable sixty days after sight. Formerly, an advance to a 
 planter really m^eant M'hat it purports to be. Now, an advance 
 consists in the acceptance of a draft ; and if the planter's cot- 
 ton is not in time to protect it, long and loud are the complaints 
 against the dishonesty of planters in withholding their crops to 
 meet their just debts. It is easy to see how this mode of bank- 
 ing aft'ects the price of cotton, and depresses it beyond its true 
 value. No one expects to obtain any thing like full value from 
 a sale by a pawnbroker of a watch pledged for a debt, even in 
 prosperous times. Of course, when times are bad, the sacrifice 
 
Sout/i('ni ^Yealth and Xorthirn Profits. 0.3 
 
 j,reater. J\\\t the Soiitlioni people luivo made the / 
 
 movement of the sale of cottttii depeiuleiit, in a i^reat dej^rec ' 
 upon the condition of aftairs in New York. If there is no de- 
 mand for sterling bills in Xew York, caused either by their 
 want of ability or willingness to pay their debts to p]un»pe, then 
 our Southern banks cannot buy sterling bills, and the shipper 
 cannot buy cotton. Even when cotton is bought and shipped, 
 either to Xew York or Europe, it becomes completely in the*^ 
 power of the buyers to control the price of cotton. The banks, 
 refusing to give the acceptor of the bills any accommodation, 
 necessitates the sale of the article pledged on arrival to meet 
 the bill at maturity. However honest he ma}' be, and anxious 
 to promote the interest of the consignor, necessity having no 
 law, he is compelled to sell at prices dictated l)y the buyer. 
 
 The capital of all sections, in all shapes, is thus poured into 
 New York, through the hands of the bankers, and becomes the 
 means of floating a large amount of securities, of all descrip- / 
 tions. -The Southern produce which comes here pays a large 
 protit to agents of all kinds, through whose hands it passes, and 
 the goods which come here are, to a large aniount, sold to the 
 South on credit, on which Southern money lying in New York 
 is advanced, to be used in such purposes of speculation as fre-^^ 
 quently bring on a panic, and depress the price of both bills 
 and cotton. The summer is the season when the largest sup])ly 
 of Southern funds becomes apparent, and it is then the banks 
 are most anxious to make it draw interest. They lend it upon 
 stocks, and cause an inflation by speculators, who bid high fir 
 money. In the fall, when those funds are again wanted for 
 their legitimate purposes, they cannot be recalled from specu- 
 lation so readily, and the notes of the mercantile people arc 
 thrown out rather than that the paying loans to the speculatoi-s 
 should be disturbed. The pretence is that specie is going 
 abroad, and that it is the importers who send it. Their pajHr 
 is consequently thrown out, preventing them from buying lulls. 
 By the same operation the price of cotton is depressed. Tiius 
 at the same time the value of bills drawn against cotton is de- 
 pressed at the same moment that the price of the article itself 
 falls. 
 
 Tlie financial system of advances is one, no doubt, by which 
 the shippers of produce on advances are yearly victimized, llie 
 complaints were fui-merly loud and long against the " slaughter- 
 ing" of American tobacco and cotton in the foreign cities to 
 
94 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 which tliey were consigned on advances. Tlie merchandise was 
 
 gener 
 
 ally sold at the most nnfavorable moment and adverse cir-' 
 cnmstances, and not nnfreqnently bought in at the low figure 
 thns j^roduced by the acceptor, to hold for his own advantage. 
 / This is one of the evils of a want of capital in producing coun- 
 tries. They are the victims of the lenders ; and it is one of the 
 means by which the large capital of England has been increas- 
 ed at the expense of her colonies, and of the tropical countries 
 with which she deals. She buys for cash and sells on long 
 credits, and a large margin exists between the two prices. Tlie 
 operation of capital is not different in America from what it is 
 elsewhere ; and it is against this operation that the South is 
 required to contend. 
 
 In the vast circle of the States the 1500 corporate banks, with 
 a capital of 8^01,000,000 ; and the 800 private banks, with a 
 capital of $150,000,000, all base their operations upon New 
 York exchange, and the combined 2300 banking concerns, op- 
 erating on the circle, make ]S"ew York the focus of their bills. 
 To this point comes all paper, sooner or later, for negotiation, 
 and as a consequence, all surplus funds come here for employ- 
 ment. The banks and bankers of New York encourage this 
 tendency, as a matter of course, and their united strength is as 
 follows : 
 
 Xo. Capital. 
 
 New York corporate banks 55 §69.333.632 
 
 " private " 80 60,000,000 
 
 Total i35 $129,333,632 
 
 The Secretary of the Treasury, in his report for 1856, page 
 141, gave the capital of tlie private banks in New York City at 
 $41,500,000. By addition of firms the amount has since risen 
 to the figure stated. The course of business usually requires 
 the use of money to purchase the crops in the autumn, and for 
 
 y that purpose the distant banks discount or buy bills on New 
 ^ York at 60 to 90 days, by which time the produce will have 
 been realized, and the amount applied to the liquidation of the 
 bill. It follows that before much produce has been sold, the 
 demand for money is large." On the otlier hand, when the bulk 
 of the produce has been sold, the realization is greater than the 
 
 / demand, and money becomes plenty. In this operation the 
 Southern products— cotton, rice, and tobacco— play the chief 
 part ; and the proceeds of these crops accumulate in New York, 
 as the season advances, in the shape of " balances due banks." 
 
Southern Wealth and JV^ortno-n Profits. 05 
 
 Tlie j^uarterly returns of the Xew York banks Avill show the 
 course of this movement. 
 
 JVew Vork Banks. 
 
 Loans. Specie. Deposits. Due Bank* 
 
 1857, July §io3,q54,777 §i4,370,434 ?io4,35o.420 $27,310,817 
 
 " December... 162,807,376 29,3i3,42i 83,o43,357 21,268,562 
 
 1 858, March 170,436,240 31,071,074 93,738,878 28,710,077 
 
 " June 187,468,510 33,597,211 100,762,909 34,290,766 
 
 " September.. 194,734,996 29,905,291 103,481,741 33, 610,448 
 
 " December... 200,577,108 28,335,984 110,461,798 35,i34,o49 
 
 1859, June 185,027,449 22,107.782 99,597,772 30,175,320 
 
 " September.. 182,420,134 22.026,137 io3, 106,666 23,992,110 
 
 " December... 191,596,617 20,921,141 102,109,393 28,807,249 
 
 The cotton crop begins to come forward in September, and 
 causes a demand for money until about GO days have ehij)sed. 
 When the fii-st purchases begin to be reahz;ed, the sales fif 
 sterling bills on Southern bank account cause the balances in 
 the New York City banks to rise, as seen, December, 1857, iu 
 the table of corporate banks, when they were $21,208,562, and 
 continue to rise to $31r,290,TGr) in June, 1858. In that mouth 
 the crop is nearly all realized, and the bills sold. The idle bal- 
 ances are then large. The New York City banks, in order to 
 increase these balances, allow an interest of 4 per cent, on 
 them ; and they use them, not in legitimate banking, but in 
 ''loans' on call," on stocks, and other securities, in competition 
 ■with the private bankers, who at that season begin to su}»ply 
 the market with exchange at high rates, the supply against 
 cotton having run out. The proceeds of these bills tliey also 
 lend, and the competing lenders foster speculation, to be nipped 
 when the renewed demand for money to move the crops takes 
 place. The accumulation of funds in New York, and the fa- 
 cility witli which they are loaned, favors the negotiation of 
 paper, and state, city, and county bonds reach that point for 
 sale, and are made payable there for the same object. It is ^ 
 obvious that the amount of " balances'' in New York to the w 
 credit of the South depends upon two circumstances relatively : 
 first, the amount of crojjs to be sold; second, the quantity of 
 goods purchased. In 1858 the sales of cro[>s were large. The 
 cotton crop alone realized $100,000,000, and at the same time 
 the goods purchased were less than usual, it resulted that the 
 balances, after having reached an unusual sum in June, went 
 South in specie. In the past year the imports of goods have 
 been much larger, but the sales of produce still greater. The 
 cotton crop has realized $200,000,000, and the f^liipments of 
 
/ 
 
 96 Southern Wealth and NortTiern Profits. 
 
 coin to the South were active. The specie held by all the 
 banks of the Union, and by the Southern banks, has been as 
 follows : 
 
 1857. 1858. 1859. 1S60. 
 
 North $22,853,924 ^26,o65,5o3 S42,o38,635 $40,618,624 
 
 South 35,495,914 48,347,329 62,497,783 48,359,072 
 
 Totfal $58,34g~838 $74,412,832 $io4,5"37,878 $88,97^60 
 
 The South never held so large a proj^ortion of the aggregate 
 specie before, and in this respect it is exercising the power 
 which proceeds from its large crop production. 
 
 The continued large exports from the South, which will be 
 larger this year than ever before, exercise a" controlling power 
 upon IN^orthern funds ; and only a small decline in the pur- 
 chase of goods, or the amount of expenditure at the North, 
 would produce a great derangement of the present system. 
 The city of E"ew Orleans is the great centre of exports, and 
 iNTew York of imports. If we compare the imports of the one 
 and the exports of the other, we have results as follows : 
 
 Noxo York IT. Orleans Jieceipts from 
 
 Year, imports. Population. exportH. the interior. Population. 
 
 1804 10,739,250 60,489 1,392,093 8,o56 
 
 1810 14,198,204 96,373 1,753,974 17,242 
 
 1820 23,629,246 123,706 7,242,4i5 27,176 
 
 i83o 35,624,070 202,589 i3, 042, 740 46,3io 
 
 1840 60,440,750 312,710 30,077,534 43,716,045 102,193 
 
 i85o 111,123,524 5i5,547 38,io5,35o 96,897,873 116,373 
 
 1859 245,i65,5i6 900,000 100,734,952 172,952,664 175,000 
 
 v/ 
 
 These foreign exports from the port of ITew Orleans swell 
 with great rapidity, and they furnish the sterling bills against 
 40 per cent, of the imports into ISTew York, while the other 
 Southern ports give as large a quota. Against those bills, as 
 we have seen, run the large supply of inland bills. It is now 
 obvious that if the South is disposed to carry out its determi- 
 nation of reviving the old colonial non-intercourse as a means 
 /'of redress, that an immense financial balance would be thrown 
 against the North. It is true that the sterling bills then would 
 have but a limited market in New York, but what would fol- 
 low ? Precisely what followed when the panic produced the 
 result, that is exhibited in the following table : 
 
 i855. 
 1 856. 
 
 1857. 
 i858. 
 i85q. 
 
 Raten of Sterling 
 ■llH in New Orleans. 
 
 Bills on 
 
 
 Amount 
 
 Xeic York. 
 
 Imports of specie 
 
 in Panks of 
 
 Lowest. Highest. 
 
 Discount. 
 
 at K. Orleans. 
 
 N. Orleans. 
 
 107 lio'/a 
 
 I a 23/, 
 
 3,746,037 
 
 8,570,568 
 
 lo63/, 109V4 
 
 I'/i « 21/2 
 
 4,913,540 
 6 5oo.oi5 
 
 8,191,625 
 
 107 no 
 
 I'A a 2V3 
 
 16,811,162 
 
 91'Ai 109 
 
 I'/j a 6 
 
 i3, 268,013 
 
 10,370,701 
 
 107V4 no 
 
 iVs « 2 'A 
 
 15,627,016 
 
 16,218,027 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 97 
 
 The decline in the imports of 1858, followini^ the panic, had 
 an iniraonse effect npon sterling bills, wliich fell to 20 i)er cent, 
 below the actual par, and hills on New York to six ]»er cent, 
 discount, and became unsalahle at any price. The current of 
 specie went southward, broad and deep. That M-as ])roduccd 
 by " non-intercourse" through " panic," and diminished inter- 
 course from any other cause develops the same power of the 
 Southern crops over Northern finances. The table also dis- 
 plays the growing power of the Southern banks ; from an 
 amount of $1,845,808 in 1848, of specie lield by the banks, the 
 amount has risen to a sum larger than it was the custom of tiie 
 New York banks to hold before the panic ; and the New Or- 
 leans banks have shown great prosperity while carrying so 
 large an amount of specie. 
 
 The exchange system of the country favors this process of 
 centralization in New York. The whole external trade of the 
 country is based upon buying bills for remittance abroad, 
 while there hardly e;iists a market, in the countries with which 
 we deal, for bills on America. The produce of the country is 
 shipped and drawn against sup])lying, in round numbers, 350 
 millions of exchange. Nearly the whole of this amount is 
 sold to banks and bankers, who hold it as a sort of mono])<)ly, 
 awaiting the demand of merchants who, having iinj^orted 
 $330,000,000 worth of goods, nnist pay for them. There is 
 also 8^0,000,000 to be remitted for interest on debts, ])ublic 
 and corporate, and probably $30,000,000 more as the expenses 
 of Americans travelling abroad. Now the only mode for 
 making these remittances is to buy bills, and the remitters 
 must pay the price asked. In all the cities of Europe there is 
 a variety of counter-exchanges, by which the merchant may 
 arbitrate his remittances as he pleases. If in Paris he wants 
 to remit to London, he may buy a bill on London, or may 
 order his creditors in London to draw on him ; or he nuiy l)uy 
 a bill on any other city, to remit or order a draft on any other 
 city, to be sold. Tweni^y combinati.oiis may be calculated, and 
 the cheapest acted upon. The Anieiica!i merchant has but 
 one choice. He may give the banker his price for a bill, or 
 remit the coin himself. The effect of this monopoly of the ex- 
 change market by the bankers, aids tiic concentration of money . 
 in New York, and in a similar manner the internal exchanges 
 are more or less controlled. Tlie rate is always at a premiura 
 in New York, and that frequently when New York is in debt, 
 7 
 
 \y 
 

 98 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 the real rate of exchange being disguised in depreciation of 
 local currency. The Southern banks, having large deposits 
 in New York drawing interest, do not sell exchange against 
 those funds, but in some cases buy commercial exchange lor 
 depreciated notes, and then supply the market only as it will 
 bear a premium. If their funds did not draw mtei-est at the 
 North, and their own paper was payable on demand, actually 
 as well as nominally, the exchange rate would be as often be- 
 low as above par. At bottom, the same system exists as with 
 the external exchange, viz., always to draw and never to be 
 drawn upon. As we have seen in a former chapter the South 
 sends north per annum $522,000,000 in value, which becomes 
 the basis of at least 1000 millions of exchange, which the banks 
 monopohze ; and the proceeds are the basis of large moneyed 
 operations at the North. 
 
 It is not a matter of surprise, under all these circumstances, 
 / that notwithstanding the large production of wealth at the 
 South, capital accumulates there so slowly. All the prohtable 
 branches of freighting, brokering, selling, banking, insurance, 
 &c., that grow out of the Southern products, are enjoyed m 
 New York; and crowds of Southerners come north in tlie 
 summer to enjoy and spend their share of the profits. Ihe 
 profits that importers, manufacturers, bankers, factors, jobbers, 
 warehousemen, carmen, and every branch of industry con- 
 nected with merchandising, realize from the mass of goods 
 that pass through the Northern cities, are paid by Sonthern 
 consumers. There can then be no matter of wonder tlia^ the 
 North accumulates, or that the South does so slowly. _ AVhen, 
 however, people at the North reproach the South with these 
 advantages, derived from them as some of the "blessings of 
 free labor," the depth of ignorance and the sublimity of impu- 
 ■dence seem to have combined. Nevertheless capital does ac- 
 / cumulate at the South. As we have seen, her net-work of 
 ' railroads has been built well, and more economically than m 
 any other section, and with less foreign aid. Tlie bonds and 
 stocks are not only better paid, but lield at home ; and there 
 is no more efiicient means of building up local capital than by 
 the operation of 9000 miles of railroad, with its employees, and 
 $200 000 000 of certificates of cost, all paid from their tratbc. 
 The Growth of manufactures is another efficient aid to accumu- 
 lation If the South has a smaller leak than in the West m 
 the matter of interest and dividends, it has a larger one m the | 
 
Southern Wealth and JVort/iern Profits. 99 
 
 shape of " absenteeism," since a considerable portion of the 
 annual profits are spent North and in Europe. Tlio sums so 
 expended wouki, in ten years, give her more manufacturing 
 capital than exists at the Xorth, and multi})ly itself tliereafter 
 with great rapidity. That time is approaching, and the faster 
 by reason of the ill blood so wantonly stirred up by unprin- 
 cipled party-leaders and their abolition coadjutDrs. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 POPULATION. 
 
 In estimating the relative growth of the three sections, 
 population and its movement have a very important influence 
 upon the result. The South has depended only on its own 
 natural increase of whites and. blacks; while the North and 
 West have had immense accessions of men and capital from 
 abroad to stimulate their industry. 
 
 The census returns of the total white population, indicate the 
 fact that, including the blacks, the South has multiplied in 
 number faster than the North, notwithstanding that the latter 
 has had the whole benefit of immigration, with all the wealth it 
 has brought with it. 
 
 During the speculative years that ended, in 1840, with the 
 repudiation of many of the States, the South received much 
 money, from the North and from Europe, for the establishment 
 of banks, which failed, and the money was lost. The numbers 
 of Southern population were not increased by the movement. 
 The large immigration from Europe, on the other hand, not 
 only increased the numbers of the Northern and Western 
 population, but largely increased the wealth of those section.^, 
 by means of the capital brought in by tlie immigrants. Of 
 these latter, great numbers were mechanics and artisans, who, 
 remaining in the Northern cities, added greatly t(j the manu- 
 facturing productions. 
 
 The following table comprises the aggregate census returns 
 from the formation of the government, with the area of each 
 State : 
 
100 
 
 Southern Wealth and Neyrthern Profits. 
 
 ZTnited States Census. 
 
 North. 
 
 Area in 
 sq.mUes. 
 
 1790. 
 
 1800. 
 
 ISIO. 
 
 183©. 
 
 1S30. 
 
 1840. 
 
 1850. 
 
 
 3i,755 
 Q.280 
 
 
 
 228,705 
 
 298,335 
 
 399,455 
 269,328 
 
 501,793 
 
 284,574 
 
 533,169 
 317,976 
 
 NewIIaiupsliirc 
 
 i4i.8qq' iH3.7.'.2 
 
 2U,36o 
 
 244,161 
 
 Vermont 
 
 10,212 
 
 85,4i(>ji.)4,4(.5 
 
 217,713 
 
 235,764 
 
 280,652 
 
 291.948 
 
 3 14, 1 20 
 
 Massachusetts. . 
 
 7.H00 
 
 378,7.7 423.2 ',5 
 
 472 040 
 
 523,287 
 
 610,408 
 
 737,699 
 io8,83o 
 
 994, 5i4 
 
 Ehodc Ishmd . . 
 
 i,3o6 
 
 69,110 69,122 
 
 77.03. 
 
 83,059 
 
 97, '99 
 
 147,545 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 4,674 
 
 238, 141, 2 5 1. 002 
 
 262,042 
 
 275,202 
 
 297,673 
 
 309,978 
 
 370,792 
 3,097,394 
 
 New York 
 
 47.000 
 
 340. 1 20I 586,756 
 
 959,049 
 
 1,372,812 
 
 1,918,608 
 320,823 
 
 2,428,921 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 8,320 
 
 184,139! 211,949 
 
 245,555 
 
 277,573 
 
 373,306 
 
 489,555 
 
 Pennsylvania . . 
 
 46,000 
 
 434.373 
 
 602,365 
 2,(134,385 
 
 810,091 
 
 1,049,458 
 
 1,348,233 
 
 1,724,033 
 
 2,311,786 
 
 Total North.. 
 
 1G0,T47 
 
 1,908,455 
 
 .■l,4S'i,49C 
 
 4,839,063 
 
 5,582,383 
 
 6,761,082 
 
 8,620,851 
 
 Soutli. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Delaware 
 
 2,120 
 
 59,096 
 
 64,273 
 
 72,674 
 
 4J?;]g 
 
 76,748 
 
 78,085 
 
 91,532 
 
 Maryland 
 
 11,124 
 
 319,728 
 
 34 1, ')48| 380.546 
 
 447,040 
 
 470,019 
 
 583,034 
 
 Dist. ofColunih. 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 14,0931 24.023 
 
 33,039 
 
 39.834 
 
 43,7.2 
 
 51,687 
 
 Viri,nnia 
 
 61,352 
 
 748,308 
 
 38o,2oo 974,622 
 
 1,065,379 
 
 1,21 1, 4o5 
 
 1,239,797 
 
 1. 421, 66 1 
 
 North Carolina. 
 
 5o,7o4 
 
 393,751 
 
 478,103 
 
 555,300 
 
 638,829 
 
 737-987 
 
 753,4.9 
 
 869.039 
 
 South Carolina, 
 
 29,385 
 58 000 
 
 249,o7>3 
 
 345,591 
 
 4i5,ii5 
 
 502.741 
 
 58i,i85 
 
 594,398 
 
 668,507 
 
 
 82 548 
 
 
 252 433 
 
 340,987 
 
 5i6 823 
 
 691,392 
 
 54,477 
 590,756 
 
 906,185 
 87,443 
 771,623 
 
 Florida . . 
 
 59^268 
 50,722 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 34^730 
 309,527 
 
 Alabama 
 
 
 
 144.317 
 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 47,i56 
 
 
 
 8,85o 
 
 40,352 
 
 75,448 
 153,407 
 
 i36;62i 
 
 375,651 
 
 606,526 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 41,255 
 
 
 
 76,556 
 
 215,739 
 
 352,411 
 
 517,762 
 
 Texas . 
 
 2J7,5o4 
 52,198 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 212,392 
 
 200,807 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 
 
 
 14,273 
 
 3o,388 97,574 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 45,600 
 
 35,701 
 
 io5,6o2 
 
 261,727 
 
 422, 8i3 
 
 681,904! 829.2101,002,717 
 
 Missouri 
 
 67,380 
 
 
 
 20,845 
 
 66.586 
 
 i4o,455] 383,702! 682,044 
 687,917 779.828 982,405 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 37,680 
 
 73,077 
 
 220,955 
 
 4o6,5ii 
 
 564,317 
 
 Total South.. 
 
 871,458 
 
 1,961,372 2,C21,30U 
 
 3,480,994 
 
 4,522,224 
 
 5,803,019 8,340,531 9,664,050 
 
 West. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Ohio . . 
 
 39,964 
 33,800 
 
 
 45,365 
 4,875 
 
 230,760 
 
 24,520 
 
 58 1 434 
 
 937,903 
 343,o3i 
 
 1,519,4671,980,329 
 685,866' 988,416 
 476,183: 85i,470 
 212,267] 397,654 
 
 Indiana 
 
 
 147,178 
 
 Illinois 
 
 55,4o5 
 
 
 
 12,282 
 
 55,211 
 
 157,445 
 
 Michiijan 
 
 56,243 
 
 
 
 
 4,762 
 
 8,896 
 
 3 1, 639 
 
 'Wisconsin 
 
 53,024 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30.945I 305,391 
 
 Iowa 
 
 5o,oi4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 43,112 
 
 192,214 
 
 California 
 
 155,980 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 92,397 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 166,025 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6,077 
 
 New Mexico . . . 
 
 507,007 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 61,547 
 
 Orejvon 
 
 Utah 
 
 i85,63o 
 
 269,170 
 
 114,798 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13,294 
 ii,38o 
 
 Kansas 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 335,882 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Washington 
 
 123,022! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total West. . . 
 
 1,417,991 
 
 50,240 272,324 
 
 792,719 
 
 1,470,013. 2,967,840 
 
 4,900,869 
 
 Grand Total.. 
 
 2,4T0,19G 3,929,8i'T 5,3no,S25 7,239,814 
 
 9,G54,506 12,SGG,020 17,069,453 
 
 23,191,876 
 
 The progress of the white pojjulation in the three sections, 
 with the immigration decennialy, ran as follows : 
 While Population and Immigration. 
 
 South. 
 
 1790 1,271,692 
 
 1800 1,702,9^0 
 
 1810 2,208,785 
 
 1820 2,842,340 
 
 i83o 3,660,758 
 
 1840 4,632,640 
 
 i85o 6,221,868 
 
 i860 (est.) 8,097,000 
 
 
 
 Inunigration 
 
 Nor.TH. 
 
 West. 
 
 m lu years. 
 
 1,902,475 
 
 
 
 2,55i,585 
 
 49.740 
 
 
 3,383,259 
 
 268,870 
 
 
 4,225,692 
 
 783,679 
 
 i5o,ooo 
 
 5,407,170 
 
 1,434.127 
 
 128,502 
 
 6,616,761 
 
 2,738,317 
 
 538,38i 
 
 8,476,709 
 
 4,834,317 
 
 1,427,337 
 
 11,190,000 
 
 7,867,000 
 
 2,5i8,o54 
 
Southivn Wealth and Northcm Profits. 101 
 
 The estimate of the population for ISGO is based on tlie 
 known progress of the population in the previous returns, and 
 tlie known number of immigrants. The number of persons 
 who arrived in the country up to tlie cerisus^'df 1850, wtl:^ 
 given officially at 2,241.220, and the censijs reported 2,210,831) 
 as residing in the country, a number whioli vjfy 'iieaf^y/ac^j-t'c.^-, 
 but a large number of those who had arrived were, of course, 
 dead, and many had left the country. There were, also, num- 
 bers in the annexed territories who were born abroad, but who 
 were not reported as arrivals. The latter were mostly at the 
 South, and the census shows that of 2,210,839 persons living 
 in the U. States, and born abroad, there were 310,070 only at 
 the South. 
 
 Tlie census of 1850 gave the nativities of the population of 
 the three sections ; these we condense as follows : 
 
 United States White Population — 1850. 
 
 Living Liting Liring 
 
 SoHt/i. Xortk. Went. Total. 
 
 Bora South 5,510,687 69.501 660.142 6,24o,33o 
 
 " North 337.765 6,9/11, 5io 1.090,814 8.370,089 
 
 " West 57,296 19.696 3,060,177 3,137,169 
 
 " Abroad 316,670 1,292,241 601.928 ■ 2,310,839 
 
 Total 6,222,418 8,342,933 5,413,0.59 19,958,427 
 
 These numbers include only the white population, and it is 
 matter of much regret that the same detail was not preserved 
 in respect of the black population, since the origin of the free 
 black.-j, particularly those living in the West, is matter of nnicb 
 interest. The — in round numbers — two millions of foreigners 
 living at the North and West, at the date of the census, accord- 
 ing to the estimates of the Emigrant Commissioners, brought 
 in;o the country $200,000,000 in capital, which was applied br 
 them in prosecuting that productive industry which, in its re- 
 sults, so largely swells the sum total of Northern prosperity. 
 This is an element in which the South has not participated. It 
 is sometimes alleged that the reason the Soutli d<n'S not get 
 its share of the immigration is, that slavery is objected to by 
 the new-comei-s ; that is, however, a superficial rejison, since 
 they can know little of the institution, or of blacks, until they 
 arrive here. Tlie true reason is, probably, that they follow the 
 parallels of latitude to which they have become accustomed, 
 as do the emigrants from the Northern States. A considerable 
 number of alien laborers have, of late years, been enij)loyed 
 
102 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 Sontli in the winter, in drainage and sucii employments as 
 careful masters think too unhealthy for valuable blacks; these, 
 however, return jSI'ortli when the work is done. All that large 
 class of immigrants that are employed in domestic service at the 
 jiforth, certainly would find the same position filled by blacks 
 a th^ South ;: li-xit it is due to their presence at the North al- 
 most entirely that Northern housekeepers can find servants 
 at all. The Irish and Germans perform almost all the domes- 
 tic service of the ISTorthern cities, and the former form almost 
 the whole factory force. 
 
 The deSH'th of servants causes always a rise in the rate of 
 wages at the North, when immigration from any cause dimin- 
 ishes, as has been the case in the last few years. This is likely 
 to diminish still more, as the migration from Europe has taken 
 a turn which promises to dry up that source of a supply of 
 labor. The hold which is had upon the Irish, is the economy 
 of those already in service. These save and ronit a large por- 
 tion of their earnings to their friends, in order to aid in paying 
 the passages of relatives, who continue to seek service in the 
 Atlantic cities as the first means of livelihood. The amount 
 of money sent to their parents, brothers, and sisters, and other 
 relatives, by the Irish servant-girls in this country, may well 
 astonish the public. Eev. Dr. Cahill, who is now lecturing in 
 this country with so much eclat and success, took the pains to 
 ascertain the amount sent to Ireland in a single year. He 
 obtained returns from the different ofiices in this city which 
 transmit money to that country, and found that, in the year 
 1859, the aggregate sum amounted to $1,350,000 — one million 
 three hundred and fifty thousand dollars. But for this source 
 domestic servants would scarcely be had at all, since very few 
 of those born here will take service ; they eke out a scanty 
 living in the various employments which are dependent upon 
 Southern purchasers to pay at all, and consider service as quite 
 degrading. It is probably the case that this kind of work is 
 considered far more degrading than even at the South, where 
 it is mostly done by blacks. It is said that slavery injures 
 free labor by degrading work ; domestic service certainly is 
 held to be so degrading at the North that no natives will do it. 
 
 The West has one-ninth of its population born abroad, and 
 they have arrived with funds with w^hich they have bought 
 land, settled it, and added to the supply of surplus produce 
 exported. The mass of persons born at the North, who have 
 
Souf/ieni Wealth am? Northern Profits. 103 
 
 moved West, carried tliitlier u large amount of capital, applied 
 to agriculture, mauufacturcs, mines, ttc. The accession of 
 persons born South, it appears, was larger than that from 
 European countries. The figures show that the South has 
 mainly depended upon its own resources for increase of popu- 
 lation, since it has lost more to the North than it has gained 
 thence and from abroad. 
 
 The figures show that the South contains 711,731 not born 
 on its soil ; while there are North and "West 72y,G4.'] ])err;ons 
 born South. Its acquisitions have, therefore, nearly ecpuilled 
 its losses by migration. The North, on the other hand, has 
 lost largel}'' of its native population, and comparing it with the 
 South, the results are as follows : 
 
 NonTii. Sorrii. 
 
 Born 8,370,089 6.24o,33o 
 
 Living 6,941, 5io 5,310.687 
 
 Emigrated, 17 per cent 1,428,579 729,643, or 12 per cent. * 
 
 An incendiary publication, after showing that the census 
 gives as above a migration of 729,040 persons from the South, 
 remarks : 
 
 "This last table, compiled from the llOth page of the Com- 
 pendium of the Seventh Census, shows, in a most lucid and 
 startling manner, how negroes, plaver}', and slaveholders, are 
 driving the native non-slaveholding whites away from their 
 homes, and keeping at a distance other decent ];eoj)le. From 
 the South the tide of emigration still flows in a westerly and 
 northwesterly direction, and so it will continue to do until 
 slavery is abolished." 
 
 If this very clear reasoning is true of the South, whence less 
 than 12 per cent, of the poi)ulation has migrated, what infer- 
 ence is to be drawn from the fact that 17 per cent, of those 
 born at the great, opulent, free North have emigrated? What 
 has " driven them away from their homes?" Is it slavery, (»r 
 the want of it? If this fact of migration proves any thing, it 
 is that the poor whites are better off at the South than at the ^ 
 North, since they show less disposition to avail themselves of 
 the promise of the AVest — a promise which, as yet, is very far 
 from being fulfilled. The attractions of the fertile lands of the 
 West have, no doubt, proved very powerful for great mimlicrs 
 in l)oth the Atlantic sections, but much more so to those who 
 dwell in the sterile reirions of the North, than to those «>f the 
 
104 Southern Wealth and NoHhern Profits. 
 
 sunny South. The numbers who have left the Northern sec- 
 tion have been replaced, it appears, by the immigrants ; for 
 these there has been less attraction at the West; the results 
 are as follows : 
 
 Born abroad 2,210,839 
 
 Living North 1,292,241 
 
 " South 316,670 
 
 " West 601,928 
 
 2,210,839 
 
 The north has received 136,138 less from abroad tlian she 
 has lost of her native population. The latter were agricultur- 
 ists, and the former were domestic servants, factory hands, and 
 artisans, who remain in the cities, and find employment in 
 furnishing goods to meet the demand from the South. That 
 they live at the North, is the case; but they are not the less 
 supported by Southern patronage. All those concerned in the 
 trades, would not the less promptly feel the effects of a non- 
 intercourse, because the proceeds of their labor find a market 
 through third hands. The state of the shoe trade is indicative 
 of what must result from a continuance of a restricted Southern 
 trade. A Boston paper describes this interest as follows : 
 
 " Commission houses, agencies, manufacturing firms, have 
 mcreased, and there are to-day over two hundred wholesale 
 and jobbing boot, shoe, and leather dealers, and over one hun- 
 dred hide and leather dealers in Boston, transacting a business 
 amounting to the enormous aggregate of about sixty millions 
 of dollars am^nually. The manufactures of one single city, 
 within seven miles of Boston, are in value between four and 
 five millions of dollars annually, more than the entire produce 
 of the State twenty-five or thirty years ago ; and that city, with 
 others like it, is pouring its wealth of home manufactures into 
 Boston for a market. Eighty thousand people in the Common- 
 wealth of Massachusetts are occupied in the manufacture of 
 hoots, shoes, and leather, of every conceivable and desirable 
 variety, style, and material; and from their workshops and 
 their factories there is an incessant transit to the metropolis of 
 hundreds of thousands of boxes and cases of boots and shoes." 
 
 The exports of shoes from Boston were as follows, during 
 the year 1859 : 
 
Southern WeaJih and NortJu-rn Profits. 105 
 
 Cases of Shoes Exported from lioslnn, 1859. 
 
 First Sfcond Third Fourth Total 
 
 quarter. quarti'r. quarter. qiinrt^r. ;/«//■. 
 
 To Baltimore i4,238 g,585 24,767 i3,o24 ^2.461 
 
 " Charleston 4,233 1.484 9.379 i,5Hi 17.177 
 
 " Louisville 7,870 1,373 8,872 2,004 21. no 
 
 " Loxinizton 768 239 958 160 2,1 58 
 
 " Meinpliis i,5i5 552 1,011 220 3,338 
 
 " Mobile 807 279 618 1,261 2,9Jo 
 
 " Nashville 4,3o2 921 7,267 1,291 '^.781 
 
 " Natchez 2 9 41 45 97 
 
 " Padiieah 184 96 689 177 1.146 
 
 " retcrsburs:h 23 72 33i 101 529 
 
 " Pine Bluft"; Ark 358 77 199 41 r>S3 
 
 " Richmond 681 219 522 1.432 
 
 " San Antonio 157 186 434 23 75o 
 
 " Savannah, Geo 610 458 i,323 i35 3,526 
 
 " St. Louis 24,246 4,347 28,956 8,21 5 35.774 
 
 " Vicksburg, Miss 75 82 227 87 371 
 
 " New Orleans 9,490 6,290 12,470 9,436 37,686 
 
 Total 69,559 27,070 97)756 89,182 233,567 
 
 " Other Southern towns. '7.79' 
 
 Total direct South. 25 1, 358 
 
 " Philadelphia 17,242 9,688 23,635 4,604 36.119 
 
 *' New York 29.288 43,469 55,2o8 22,287 183.207 
 
 " All others 228. J07 
 
 Total cases 2i5,886 186,612 260,829 105,714 7'7>99' 
 
 The decline in the quantities shipped in the fourtli quarter is 
 very marked. The total value sent South directly in the year 
 is about $12,000,000 ; hut a large portion of those cases that 
 were sent to New York and Philadelphia were to su])])ly the 
 Southern market ; at least half the whole quantity was taken 
 South, and the returns of the last quarter of the year shows a 
 decline of 154,615 cases ; and the depression in the shoe trade, 
 leading to the great strike, results from the diniini.<hed l)usiness. 
 The same general state of affairs shows itself, more or less, in 
 all the trades; because it is the slave earnings that all depend 
 upon for business. It is not to be understood by this, that there 
 is no other demand except that which originates South; hut 
 that demand is of so large a proportion that a diminution of it 
 makes lower prices, and strikes inevitable, "\yhcn there is less 
 work, the alternative is to discharge part of the liands, or to 
 work all short time ; when prices fall for the goods, lower cost 
 of production becomes inevitable, and this is reached by less 
 wages, which the workers resist. They make common cause, 
 and production ceases at their cost, until the lowered sujtply 
 overtakes the demand, and prices are restored. Under the 
 present circumstances, the remedy would be migration, or tlio 
 can-yiiig of the workshops nearer to the consumer. This, no 
 
106 
 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 doubt, will be the case when the prejudices in relation to 
 Southern climate shall have been overcome. The census gives 
 us the followino- view of the healthiness of climates : 
 
 Deaths in the Free and in the Slave States — 1850. 
 
 Free States. 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Maine 
 
 Massaclmsetts , 
 
 New Ilanipsliire 
 
 New Jt-rscy 
 
 New York". 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Ehode" Island 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Ko. of Patio to the 
 (ieni/is. No. living. 
 
 5,781 
 7.545 
 19.414 
 4.268 
 6.467 
 44.339 
 2S,3iS 
 
 North 121, 5o5 
 
 Illinois 11,619 
 
 Indiana. 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Michigan . . 
 Ohio 
 
 "Wisconsin. 
 
 West.. 
 
 [2,728 
 2.044 
 4,520 
 
 28.049 
 
 62,74^ 
 
 64.13 
 77.29 
 5i.23 
 74.49 
 73.70 
 69.85 
 8i.63 
 65.83 
 100. i3 
 
 71.04 
 
 73.28 
 77.65 
 94. o3 
 88.19 
 68.41 
 105.82 
 
 78.10 
 
 Slave States. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Lonisiana 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 North Carohna. 
 South Carolina. 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 Virginia 
 
 No. of natiotothe 
 deaths. No. living. 
 
 9,084 
 2,987 
 1,209 
 933 
 9,920 
 10, 206 
 
 11,948 
 9.394 
 
 8.711 
 
 12,21 I 
 10.207 
 
 7,997 
 11,759 
 
 3,046 
 19,053 
 
 84.94 
 70.18 
 75.71 
 93.67 
 91.93 
 64.60 
 42.85 
 60.77 
 69.93 
 55.81 
 85.12 
 83.59 
 85.34 
 69.79- 
 74.61 
 
 South i33,865 71.82 
 
 This does not give the true state of affairs, since those who 
 go to the West are robust emigrants, while they leave the 
 sickly at home ; by which means the mortality of the East 
 would show much larger than the West. The South, also, 
 would show a much larger mortality, for the reason that such 
 numbers who leave the North for their health, generally die 
 where they expect to find it. Massachusetts has less attraction 
 on the score of health than any State, except Louisiana, which 
 the tables represent as the most unhealthy State. There is, 
 therefore, nothing on the score of health which should deter 
 the migration of hands to the Southern markets, as capital 
 progesses there to encourage it. The attractions of the North 
 to those who go there to buy goods, are largely depended 
 upon as a means of preventing any very serious interi-uption 
 of the bonds of trade. There are, no doubt, many reasons 
 why a good understanding should continue to exist, since 
 mutual advantages result; but so thought the politicians 
 of the mother country in respect of the colonies. They 
 depended upon those advantages to hold the countries to- 
 gether while they pushed a distasteful course, until the dis- 
 advantages outweighed the advantages, awakening counter-in- 
 terests, and separation became inevitable. 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Proffs. 107 
 
 If we now take from the census the employ monts of tlie free 
 people m each section, we have results as follows : 
 
 Employments of Free People. 
 
 North. Wkst. South. Total. 
 
 Mimufacturing 684,761 122,364 i5i.9i4 o57,o5o 
 
 Commerce, trades, and mining. . . 230,282 226, 58i i8o,334 639,206 
 
 Agriculture ... 823,220 728,127 769,216 2.4oo.5S3 
 
 Labor 547,458 198,582 247.680 993,620 
 
 Navigation 79.675 10,093 26,573 ii6.34i 
 
 Domestic service. i3,86i 4.2b5 4, 177 22,243 
 
 Army 1,788 1.548 2,047 5,370 
 
 Professions 38,496 22.262 33.807 94,5i5 
 
 Government service 11.861 3.668 0,437 24.966 
 
 Other pursuits 37,522 16.073 36.939 95.814 
 
 " occupations i4,o53 2,322 5,779 22.159 
 
 Total employed 2.482,800 1,335,733 1.653,255 5,371,876 
 
 Population 8,342,938 5,4i3,o59 6,222,418 19,958,424 
 
 The proportion employed in these industries is, it appears, 
 larger at tlie South, in proportion to the white population, than 
 it is at the West, and tlie ratio falls but a little behind that of 
 tlie Korth. This, it will be remembered, refers to the free }!op- 
 ulation only, and while the population is as busily occupied as 
 at the North, and more so than at the West, there is, over and 
 above, the great slave population which carries on agricultural 
 labor on a scale superior to that of any other section. If the 
 number of workers is as large at the South in proportion to the 
 population as in the other sections, the capital so employed is 
 less, for the reason that the commercial system of the country 
 has given advantages to that at the Xorth. If we compare the 
 number of families and dwellings in each section, the results 
 are as follows : 
 
 North. Wkst. Soitii. 
 
 Families i,58?,95i 87^,748 1,128.534 
 
 Dwellin<,'s i,390,oo5 8J0.607 1,116,725 
 
 At the South, where dwellings are the least required, the 
 number per family is the greatest. In the large cities of the 
 North, the numbers that crowd into one house are frightful. 
 In respect to the number of dwellings, the South is at least 
 quite as well provided as the other Becti<»n8. 
 
 In respect to tlie morality of the i»eople, the census furnishes 
 some figures. It is to be borne in mind that tlie.^e cannot b« 
 very accurate, however, since much depends upon the manner 
 in which the law is admini.sterud. There may l)e more i>rompt- 
 ness in arrests, more iacility of conviction, in one |)lHce than 
 another, and various causes may interpose to ])revcnt tlu; actual 
 number punished from being a true test of the prevalence of 
 
108 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 'crime. I^evertlieless we liave given, in tlie chapter upon black 
 population, the numbers in jail, showing that the South has no 
 cause of shame on that score. 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 THE BLACK RACE AT THE NORTH. 
 
 The principle has been well recognized, that it is the duty, 
 not only of communities, but of individuals, to contribute each 
 its share towards the general well-being. The source of all 
 wealth being originally land and labor, no set of people have si 
 right to seize and witliliold from the service of humanity at 
 large any portion of the earth's surface. This is the question 
 that underlies land reform, and it is also that which underlies 
 servitude, as no race of men have a right either to monopolize 
 the gifts of Providence, or the right to live without labor. 
 Tlie exigencies of society require that all should, in a greater 
 or less degree, be producers, and in the early stages of society 
 slavery was universal, and ordered by the divine command, 
 for the reason that the masses of men had not learned to appre- 
 ciate industry. This coercion of labor prevailed very generally 
 down to very recent dates. It is only in modern times that 
 human intelligence, even of the white race, has induced men 
 to labor for the rewards it confers. The desire to possess prop- 
 erty was found to be a sufficient stimulus for the majority of 
 the white race to labor in a free state ; accordingly, servitude 
 ceased to be necessary. Indeed, it became detrimental to the 
 general interests, for the reason that the free worker produced 
 more than the servile laborer. This was not universally the 
 case^ however, but pauperism and crime were resorted to by 
 those who had a distaste for labor. The law of servitude held 
 good for these exceptions, and the workhouses and prisons of 
 most civilized countries are illustrative of its application. The 
 liistory of the poor-laws of England is fraught with instruction 
 upon this head. In the reign of Henry VIII., when servitude 
 was dying out, the laws against paupers were very severe ; not 
 only were " sturdy beggars" subjected to severe punishment, 
 but those who relieved or harbored them were also visited se- 
 verely by the law. With the progress of civilization, some 
 
Souf/uni Wealth an,/ \(>rtli,'rn I'roffs. lOf) 
 
 amelioration of these laws took place ; but, alas for human na- 
 ture, it was found that pauperism increased as relief was ex- 
 tended. Numbers of persons were content with idkMiess and 
 tlie sustenance afforded by law, and wrun*^ from the earnings 
 of the industrious. It was also sliowu in the Parliatnentary 
 reports that thrift and a disi)osition to save were checked by 
 the knowledge that, in the event of distress, tlie parish must 
 support the pauper. | Nevertheless, as a general tiling, the 
 white race will work eagerly for the reward of lal)or. In this 
 fact exists the broad distinction between the white and the 
 black race. The latter, it is sufficiently proved by the world's 
 experience, will not work at all if he can help it. Idleness is 
 his chief good, and pauperism and theft are for the race not an 
 imwelcome means of attaining their object. \ The vis inertia of 
 the black blood is so great, that even a large mixture of white 
 blood will overcome it only so far as to induce the individual 
 to perform menial offices, clinging to the skirts of white society. 
 It never suffices to impart energy or enterprise to the black 
 descendant. 
 
 The fact of the inertness of the black is singularly corrobo- 
 rated by a correspondent of the New YorJ: He raid of February 
 6th, who sought to apologize for the condition of the refugee 
 blacks in Canada. 
 
 '• It is not generally known to the world, that full one-half 
 of the arrivals from the South are children of wiiite fathers. 
 Startling as this declaration nuiy be, it is nevertheless true. 
 And some of them are men known and distinguished in our 
 national councils. Is it not a slander u])on these ilhistrioua 
 sires, to say they have begotten a race that cannot take care of 
 themselves? 
 
 " I have known whole families to arrive in Canada from the 
 South with scarcely a particle of African blood visible in thi-ir 
 faces. The i)hilosophy of the case is, therefore, clearly <»n the 
 side of the runaways." 
 
 Tliose only who have a good deal of white blood have sulli- 
 cient energy to migrate ; the true black, never. Enough oi 
 the black nature remains in the runaway, however, to unfit 
 him for any useful purpose. This fact is within the knowledge 
 of every citizen of the United States. In all the N<»rthern 
 States, there are hanging on the outskirts of towns and villages 
 pauper blacks, the miserable remnant of former well-fed slaves. 
 These are always a nuisance, and so well known is it that,, even 
 
110 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 Ohio — wliicli was settled on the territory given hy Virginia, 
 and devoted to freedom forever by Nathan Dane's resohition 
 in Convention — among its first laws, enacted one excluding 
 blacks from the State on any pretence. The white person who 
 brought in a free negro must give security in $500 for the be- 
 havior of that black, and that he should not come upon the 
 town. Illinois, and other States, enacted the same law, and 
 very justly. The free black, without referring to the fact that 
 he is here through no fault of his own, will not contribute his 
 share to the exigencies of society, and it is too much to impose 
 liis support upon the labor of industrious whites. He claims 
 to be free, but lives only to prey upon society. Why should 
 he be exempt from the rules that apply to similar white per- 
 sons ? Although the grown white man will work for support 
 and property, youth are, as a general thing, disinclined to do 
 so, because they have still a sense of dependence. The law, 
 consequently, provides for their coercion — every white male 
 may be bound by his parents or guardians, or overseers of the 
 poor, to a trade, and compelled to work for his master until 
 21, his earnings belonging to his parents. If he escapes from 
 service, he may be arrested and sent back. The police reports 
 of the city contain many such arrests. The provision of the 
 United States Constitution which provides for the surrendering 
 of persons escaped from service, applies as well to these as to 
 blacks, and is always executed without any clamor from " un- 
 derground railroad" agents, or demand for trial by a jury 
 of runaway apprentices or confederate idlers. Again, for ma- 
 ture white persons who are atflicted with poverty, the la"v^ 
 makes provision for their support, and also to compel them tc 
 labor where they are capable of it. Perhaps the most barbar- 
 ous laws in this respect exist in some parts of I^ew England— 
 especially Connecticut. Tlie rule is to sell the paupers annually 
 at so much^Der head, usually from $15 to $20. The "lot" is 
 put up at auction, and the man who bids the lowest sum to 
 keep these poor persons a year takes the lot. He then provides 
 as cheaply as he can for them, intending of course to make 
 money by the operation, and they are required to work for 
 him. Tlius, in the fishing section, they must clean fish and 
 feed on the ofi'al ; if they die in the course of this treatment, 
 so much the better for the contracror, whose interest under the 
 system is directly that they may perish before his year is out, 
 and there are none to make inquiries. 
 
Southeim Wealth and North, rn Profits. Ill 
 
 In reply to inquiries respecting tlie ])anper laws of Connec- 
 ticut, we received the following from high authority : 
 
 "It is the custom in many towns in Coiniecticut to set \\\t the 
 paupers at auction every year, and knock them off to the lowest 
 bidder; that is, to the man who will take them for the year at 
 the lowest price. This was the case, to my knowledge, in sev- 
 eral counties. I have always understood it to be a genei-al thing 
 in Connecticut. When we were in H. they were sold, to the 
 number of sixty, for the year, to our next-door neighbor, for 
 815 a head;' and he got all the work out of them that he 
 could, though most of tliem were infirm, and not able to do 
 nmch. They hoed his corn, and sawed Ins wood, and weeded 
 his garden ; and being an extensive fisherman, they assisted in 
 dressing his fish, and "did chores'" generally. They are nnide 
 to work all that they are able. In H. the contractor, as I said, 
 was a fisherman, and during the fishing season a principal 
 article of food for the paupers was tlie heads and tails of shad, 
 which were cut off when dressed for saltiiig. They were all 
 lodged in a little one-story house, with an attic not to exceed 
 25 by 30 feet ; were all stored in together, male and female, 
 with, as appeared to me, very little regard to decency. In 
 case of the death of any of them, the contractor got a specified 
 >um for their burial, and also, I think, secured the whr»le 
 amoiint contracted for for the year ; indeed, I believe the 
 })robable death of some of them was a contingency calcuhited 
 _»n in making the bid, so that the contractor had a direct inter- 
 est in starving them to death, or in neglecting them when sick." 
 
 This may be philanthropy, but the manner in which it works 
 is certainly food for philosophy. The person who officially 
 superintended the sale of the above-mentioned sixty white pau- 
 t'crs was some time after appealed to on behalf of a runaway 
 r>hive. His "phelinks" were so wonderfully stirred by the 
 <oh)r of the applicant that he gave him $10, took him home, 
 '•lothed and fed him, at an expense equal to what he had sold 
 ;i white pauper fellow-townwoman for under the hammer. This 
 virtue, however, proved its own reward, since the " runaway 
 slave" turned out to be a knavish wood-sawyer from a distant 
 town, wdio was making a raise on the "fugitive dodge." 
 
 That part of the white race which prefers crime to labor is 
 provided for in the prisons, and their coerced labor turned to 
 account. With the black race idleness is the rule. There is 
 no need of quoting authorities on this head, hince the public 
 
112 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 prints are full of them, corroborating every man's experience. 
 Fifty years since the idea was indulged that the black, like the 
 white, was possessed of ambition that would induce him to 
 work when free. Benevolent and large-hearted men eagerly 
 adopted the idea that the black race was different from tlie 
 white only in color of their skin, and he was eagerly adopted 
 as a " brother." This being once settled, the rules of white con- 
 duct were applied to him. Dr. Channing, on the West India 
 emancipation cpiestion, thus states it : 
 
 "The planters in general would suffer little, if at all, from 
 emancipation. This change would make them richer rather 
 than poorer. One would think, indeed, from the common 
 language on the subject, that the negroes were to be annihi- 
 lated by being set free ; that the whole labor of the South was 
 to be destroyed by a single blow. But the colored man, when 
 freed, will not vanish from the soil. He will stand there with 
 the same muscles as before, only strung anew by liberty ; with 
 the same limbs to toil, and with stronger motives to toil than be- 
 fore. He will work from hope, not fear ; will work for himself, 
 not for others ; and unless all the principles of human nature 
 are reversed under a black skin, he will work better than be- 
 fore. We believe that agriculture will revive ; worn-out soils 
 will be renewed, and the whole country assume a brighter 
 aspect wxiAox free laborP 
 
 Tliis has proved to be an illusion. The first who properly rec- 
 ognized this fact was Toussaint L'Ouverture, in St. Domingo. 
 The French republic had hastily emancipated the blacks, and 
 friglitful carnage succeeded. Toussaint, himself a slave, had 
 risen to control and respect by his capacity to swallow draughts 
 of blood and gunpowder at negro rites ; but, notwithstanding 
 all the attempts to glorify him, the only evidence of intellect 
 he displayed was in recognizing the necessity of labor, while 
 convinced of the unwillingness of the blacks to work ; and he 
 promptly re-enslaved the wh(Ue of them. The English com- 
 mitted a similar folly to the French, in their W. I. Islands, by 
 freeing the blacks in the expectation that they would work. 
 They now confess the bitterness of their disappointment, and 
 admit the error they committed in abandoning a territory so 
 necessary to the service of mankind as Jamaica and the other 
 islands to a horde of black savages, who will neither make the 
 land available nor permit otliers to do so. The necessity of 
 dispossessing or re-enslaving has become urgent. 
 
Southern Wealth and I^mihern Profits. 1 13 
 
 The London Times of January 6, 1860, in a long article upon 
 " The State of the Islands, by Mr. TroUope," remarks as follows: 
 
 '• Negroes, coolies, and planters — what is the position of cncli, 
 and what are the rights of each? In England it is too ninch 
 the custom to regard only the first of these. Floods of ])atlietic 
 eloquence and long years of parliamentary struggling hav<.^ 
 taught us to imagine that the world was made for JSambo, and 
 that the sole use of sugar is to sweeten Sambo's existence. The 
 negro is, no doubt, a very amusing and a very amiable fellow, 
 and we ought to M^ish him well ; but he is also a. lazy animal, 
 withijut any foresight, and therefore requiring to be led and 
 compelled. "We must not judge him by ourselves. That he is 
 capable of improvement everybody admits, but in the mean 
 time he is decidedly inferior — he is but very little raised al)ove 
 a mere animal. The negroes know this themselves. They have 
 no idea of country and no pride of race. They despise them- 
 selves. They know nothing of Africa, except that it is a term 
 of reproach, and the name which offends them most is that of a 
 nigger. So little coniidence havie they in any being who has 
 an admixture of their blood, that no negro will serve a mulatto 
 when he can serve a European or a white creole. In his pas- 
 sion he calls the mulatto a nigger, and protests that he is not, 
 never will be, like buckra man. These colored people, too, 
 despise themselves, and in every possible way try to deny their 
 African parentage. They talk contemptuously of the pure 
 blacks, whom they describe as dirty niggers, and nasty niggers, 
 and mere niggers. 
 
 "He is a very ftmny sort of animal, and there is something 
 interesting in a being so dependent as he is on the sympathy 
 of others; but it is evident that he is scarcely Uttcd to take 
 care of liimself. He has no care for to-morrow, and it is 
 enough if he can strut for a little hour in his iiiiery. His vir- 
 tues and his vices are alike those of momentary impulse. 
 Although he is desperately fond of life, yet if he can lie in the 
 sun for an hour without pain he will not drag himself to the 
 hospital to be cured of a mortal disease. All hough he loves 
 his children, he will in his rage ill-use them fearfully. Al- 
 though he delights to hear them praised, he will sell his daugh- 
 ter's virtue for a dollar. A little makes him happy, and he is 
 so entirely a creature of the present that nothing can make iiim 
 permanently wretched. Mr. Trollope comj)ares him to a dog 
 in his attachments. The dog is faithful to us, and so is tho 
 negro. In return for our protection the dogs give us all their 
 hearts, but it is not given in gratitude; and they abstain with 
 all their power from injury, but they do nor al)^:ain from judg- 
 ment. The master may use either his dog or his negro evei- so 
 cruelly — yet neither has any anger against him when the pain 
 
114 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 is over. If a stranger should save either from such ill usage, 
 there would be no thankfulness after the moment. Affection 
 and fidelitj are things of custom with him. As for the negro's 
 religion, our author has little faith in it. The negroes, he says, 
 much prefer to belong to a Baptist congregation or to a so- 
 called Wesleyan body, because there an excitement is allowed 
 to them which is denied in the Church of England. They sing, 
 they halloo, they scream, they have their revivals, they talk of 
 their ' dear broders,' and ' dear sisters,' and ' in their extatic 
 bowlings get some fun for their money.' 
 
 " A servile race, peculiarly fitted by nature for the hardest 
 physical work in a burning climate, the negro has no desire 
 for property strong enough to induce him to labor with sus- 
 tained power. He lives from hand to mouth. In order that 
 he may have his dinner, and some small finery, he will work 
 a little, but after that he is content to lie in the sun. This, in 
 Jamaica, he can very easily do, for emancipation and free-trade 
 have combined to throw enormous tracts of land out of culti- 
 vation, and on these the negro squats, getting all that he wants 
 with very little trouble, and sinking in the most resolute 
 fashion back to the savage state. Lying under his cotton-tree, 
 he refuses to work after ten o'clock in the morning. 'iSTo, 
 tankee, massa, me tired now ; me no want more money.' Or, 
 by way of variety, he may say : ' Ko ; workee no more ; money 
 no 'nutf ; workee no pay,' And so the planter must see his 
 canes foul with weeds because he cannot prevail on Sambo to 
 earn a second shilling by going into the cane-fields. He calls 
 him a lazy nigger, and threatens him with starvation. The 
 answer is — ' No, massa ; no starve now ; God»sent plenty yam.' 
 These yams, be it observed, on which Sambo relies, and on 
 the strength of which he declines to work, are grown on the 
 planter's own ground, and probably planted at his expense, and 
 Mr, Trolloj)e suggests an inquiry into the feelings of an English 
 farmer if our laborers Avere to refuse work on the plea that 
 there is plenty of potatoes and bacon to be had — the potatoes 
 and bacon ])eing the produce of the farmer's own fields. There 
 lies the shiny, oily, odca-ous negro under his mango-tree, eating 
 the luscious fruit in the sun. ' He sends his black urchin up 
 for a breadfruit, and, behold,' says Mr. Trollope, ' the fiimily 
 table is spread. He pierces a cocoanut, and, lo ! there is his 
 beverage. He lies on the ground, surrounded by oranges, ba- 
 nanas, and pineapples. Why should he work?' Let Sambo 
 himself reply. ' No, massa, me weak in me belly ; me no 
 workee to-day ; me no like Avorkee just 'em little moment.' 
 
 "The evil which thus cruelly embarrasses the planters is 
 chiefly felt in Jamaica, and in some of the smaller islands, 
 Grenada, Dominica, and St. Lucia, where the negro has the 
 chance of squatting. The negro imagined that his emancipa- 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern ProftJi. 115 
 
 tion "was to be an emancipation not merely from slaverv, but 
 from M'ork, and Britisli pliilantlirojiy proposes to protect liim in 
 liis laziness from the competition of the coolies.. 
 
 '' As far as Jamaica is concerned, wliat is ther© to tempt the 
 Englishman ? It is a fact that half the sngar estates, and more 
 than half the coffee plantations have gone back into a state of 
 hnsh, and a great portion of those who are now growing canes in 
 Jamaica are persons who have lately bonght the estates ' for tlie 
 value of the copper in the sugar-boilers and of the metal in the 
 rum-stills.' The Anti-slavery Society will scarcely believe in 
 the poverty and ruin of the planter, because they hear wonder- 
 ful accounts of his hospitality. ' We send word to the ]>eople 
 at home that we are very poor,' say the planters. 'They don't 
 believe us, and send out somebody to see. For this somebody 
 we kill the fatted calf and bring out a bottle or two of our best. 
 He goes home and reports that these Jamaica planters are 
 princes who swim in claret and champagne.' The planter ac- 
 cordingly makes the complaint, 'This is rather hard, seeing 
 that our common fare is salt fish and rum and water.' Mr. 
 Trollope advised the planters to produce their ordinary fare on 
 such occasions, but the reply was, ' Yes, and then we should 
 get it on the other cheek. We should be abused for our stingi- 
 ness. No Jamaica man could stand that.' " 
 
 The idea of working for pay never entered into black nature. 
 Mungo Park, in his da3% said : " Hired servants, by which I 
 mean persons of free condition, voluntarily working for pay, 
 are unknown in 4fn^a^'' — and no subsequent travellei-, down 
 to Dr. Livingstone, has reversed that judgment. 
 
 In " Lewis's West Indies," written 17 years before emancipa- 
 tion, it is remarked : 
 
 "As to the free blacks they are almost uniformly lazy and 
 improvident ; most of them half-starved, and only anxious to 
 live from hand to mouth. Some lounge about the highways 
 with pedler-boxes stocked with various worthless baubles; 
 others keep miserable stalls, provided with rancid butter, dam- 
 aged salt-pork, and other such articles ; and these they are 
 always willing to exchange for stolen rum and sugar, which 
 they secretly tempt the negroes to pilfer from their projjrietoi-s; 
 but few of them ever endeavor to earn their livelihood credit- 
 ably. Even those who profess to be tailors, carpenters, or 
 coopers, are, for the most part, careless, drunken, and dissi- 
 pated, and never take pains sufficient to attain any dexterity 
 in their trade. As to a free negro hiring hhmclf out for pUn- 
 tation labor, no instance of such a thing was ever I'nown rn Ja- 
 
116 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 maica / and probably no price, however great, would be con- 
 sidered by tliem as a sufficient temptation." 
 
 Captain Hamilton, on bis examination as a witness before a 
 select committee of Parliament, stated that Jamaica had be- 
 come " a desert^'' and being asked if he thouglit the term 
 " deserf was quite applicable to the state of things there, re- 
 plied : "I should saj, peculiarly applicable, without any ex-ag- 
 geraitonP 
 
 In a memorial, addressed by the council and assembly of 
 Jamaica, to her majesty, the Queen, dated February 19, 1852, 
 after alluding to the distressed condition of the island, and. the 
 probable complete abandonment of sugar culture throughout 
 the British Antilles, unless a remedy were provided, the moral 
 deterioration of the island is thus noticed : 
 
 " In conclusion, we would humbly entreat the consideration 
 of your majesty, to the moral eifects which must be produced 
 ,on the lower classes of the population of this island by the gen- 
 eral abandonment of property and withdrawal of capital, now 
 unhappily in progress. Convinced that in granting freedom to 
 the British slave, it never was intended to allow him to sink 
 into a state of barbarism and uncivilization, we still feel it our 
 humble duty to assure your majesty, that the downward prog- 
 ress of the agricultural resources of the colony has heen already 
 accompanied hy a retrogression in moral conduct on the part of 
 the lower classes, and we are assured that this retrogression 
 must and will, for obvious reasons, keep pace with the destruc- 
 tion of property, and the consequent expulsion from the colony 
 of all whom necessity may not compel to residence, events that 
 must speedily occur, unless your majesty shall be pleased gra- 
 ciously to receive our petition, and we obtain from the Imperial 
 Parliament efficient aid, ere ruin and desolation shall have taken 
 the place of prosperity and cultivation, and religion and morality 
 shall have been superseded by barbarism and superstition." 
 
 There were liberated 633.000 blacks in the West Indies — a^ 
 ■number equal to what these United States contained at the for- 
 mation of the Union, Yet the products of the West Indies 
 have nearly ceased, except what arises from coolie labor. 
 
 During the nine years between 1847 and 1856, 47,739 labor- 
 ers were introduced into the West India islands and British 
 Guiana.* These are just 47,739 protests against the abomina- 
 
 * Par. Kep., 18^, cited by Mr. Cave.— Kma, Z>ec. 28, 1857. 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profts. 117 
 
 ble laziness of the negro. The ^vorld has been scraj)ed and 
 raked to bring laborers to the West Indies, to eat the bread and 
 hoard the wealth ofteied to the black man ; laborers iVom 
 China, coolies from India, Portnguese from Modiiia, Africans 
 from Sierra Leone and from captured slave-ships, have all 
 been brought distances of from 5,000 to 15,000 miles to shamo 
 this degraded race ! — and still we arc told there is no induce- 
 ment for them to work, and that sntticient pay is not offered to 
 them. Is it a reasonable statement to make, to say that the 
 planters can fit out ships and send them to the antipodes for 
 laborers, under a contract to return them to their homes within 
 a given period, and pay them wages during all that period, and 
 yet that they would not rather pay the same money to a laborer 
 on the spot, and one, moreover, both stronger and better ac- 
 quainted with his duties than the other? The truth is, the 
 blacks will not work without coercion, and this is the cause of 
 West India distress and negro retrogression. In endeavoring 
 to hide the truth from our eyes, we are continuallj^ hunting up 
 causes, when the real cause is patent before us ; the sugar-du- 
 ties bill of 1846 is especially saddled with the burden of West. 
 Indian miseries ; but we do not know how this charge can be 
 better answered, or a higher authority cited in proof of the 
 idleness of the blacks, than by quoting the remarks of Ivirl 
 Grey, niade in the House of Lords on the 10th of June, 1852. 
 He stated, " that it was established, by statistical facts, that 
 before the measure of 1846 came into operation, all those evils 
 which were now complained of were in actual existence ; that 
 the negroes were becoming idle, and falling back in civll- 
 ization, and the like, and to what principal cause had that been 
 attributed ? It was attributed by every man who had looked 
 into the state of the colonies to this simple reason, that the 
 negroes had been relieved from the coercion to which they 
 were formerly subjected, and that they were living in a coun- 
 try where there was an almost unlimited extent of fertile land 
 open to them, where the climate did not render fuel or chithiiig 
 absolutely necessary to life ; that wa<jc8 were, so enormoudy 
 high as to enable them to live, as well as they desired to live, 
 upon the production of one or two days' labor in the fortnight, 
 and that they had consequently no earthly motive to give a 
 greater amount of labor in return for their subsistence. Tlio 
 demoralization of the negroes, and their disinclination to work, 
 arisinij from this cause, commenced luni; before the Act of 
 
118 Southern Wealth and JSForthern Profits. 
 
 1846. . . . Sir H. Light and Governor Barkly bad both shown, 
 in their verj able dispatches, that the true cause of the mis- 
 chief was the want of anj adequate stimuhis to labor on the 
 part of the negroes, from the manner in which the abolition of 
 slavery had been eifected."* 
 
 It is undeniable, then, that the majority of the free negroes 
 of the West Indies are living in idleness ; the proofs of this are 
 abundant and varied ; they are visible in the census reports, in 
 the dispatches of governors, in the list of exports, and in the 
 observations of travellers.f 
 
 The same experience has been earned by the French. They 
 emancipated their blacks when under the influence of the same 
 delusion. The same ruin attends their colonies. A work of 
 M. Yacherot, recently published in Paris, holds the following 
 propositions in relation to the free black population of French 
 Guiana : 
 
 " The idlers should be punished by fine. The small propri- 
 etor ought to be forced to produce in the same ratio in which 
 he would do when working on a large estate, at a salary. The 
 owner who will neither cultivate nor produce is a vagabond to 
 be punished. It is not enough that he remains at home, that 
 he begs from no one, he should be compelled to make the land 
 he owns produce its share. The landed vagabond is a greater 
 nuisance than the wandering vagabond." 
 
 These ideas are a very curious " capsizing" of the socialist 
 doctrines of 1848, '49. It was then asserted that the people had 
 a "right to labor;" that it M^as the duty of the government to 
 employ them. The constitution of 1848 declared it the duty of 
 government to provide for citizens " by procuring employment 
 for them." This was based upon the desire of the white to 
 work. The black, however, will not work, and the authorities 
 of Guiana claim the right to make him. How those " idle vaga- 
 bonds" are to be fined is, however not so clear. 
 
 In the United States there are 4,000,000 of these blacks, who. 
 
 * Par. Deb., Hansard, 3 S. V. 122, p. 384. 
 
 f Nearly a fourth part of the whole adult population of Trinidad are returned 
 by the last census as living in idleness. (See Lord Harris's dispatch, May 18, 
 1852.) If we compare this with Great Britain there are two hundred and fifty 
 persons among the poor population of Trinidad to eight amOng the wealthy of 
 Great Britain who are idlers— the difference is, the one race likes, and the other 
 hates work ; and a people who will not work must be slaves — or, as St. Paul says, 
 in substance, whoever will not work, let him not eat. 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 1 1 9 
 
 as slaves, are eminently useful to themselves and to Inimanity 
 at large. To emancipate them is to convert 4,000,000 jirodnc- 
 tive workers into as nmny idle paupers. Who is to support 
 those paupers in their idleness, which with them is synonymous 
 witli freedom? In the West Indies they eat the spontaneous 
 fruits of the earth. In the United States there are none for 
 them to eat. That the blacks are now kept to work as North- 
 ern white apprentices tuid paupers are kept to work, for their 
 own and society's benefit, is true. In that respect the institu- 
 tion operates as a great workhouse, where the naturally idle 
 are compelled to contribute their share to the services of man- 
 kind. 
 
 The highest rewards, political and social, have been,- in the 
 island of Jamaica, vainly held out to the black to induce him 
 to work. John Bigelow, Esq., in his letters to the Koehing 
 Post^ afterwards embodied in a book on the condition of Ja- 
 maica, with the best intentions ill the world to favor the black, 
 showed conclusively that labor is the last thing he will under- 
 take. The knd is, if not the most prolific, at least as much so 
 as any in the world. It may be bought from $5 to $10 per 
 acre, and the possession of five acres confers the right of voting, 
 and eligibility to public offices. The planters oft'er freely $1.50 
 per day for labor ; 16 days' labor will buy such a piece of 
 land, and the market of Kingston offers a great demand for 
 vegetables at all times. These facts, stated by Mr. Bigelow, 
 place independence within the reach of every black. Yet 
 what are the results ? There has been no increase of black 
 voters in the last 20 years. The land runs wild. Kingston gets 
 its vegetables from the United States, even from New York, 
 and 50,000 coolies have been imported to raise sugar on the 
 plantations — the sensual black, meanwhile, basking in the sun, 
 and feeding on yams and pumpkins. That is black nature. 
 The omnipotent Deity, who placed those blacks under white 
 control, will not hold those guiltless who have, from ho])C of 
 greater gain, shirked from the resj»onsibility of mastei's, and al- 
 lowed the blacks to sink back to their savage condition. 
 
 Freedom for the blacks in the United States is quite a dill'er- 
 ent affair, since they cannot there exist without labor. Never- 
 theless, the process of emancipation goes on at a rate of which 
 the public are not fully apjui^ed. The following table of num- 
 ber of free and bond blacks in all the States of the Union, is 
 composed of the returns of the federal census : 
 
120 
 
 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 i 
 
 
 
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Southern Wealth and Northern I*r(>Jit.'<. 1 l> I 
 
 This table comprises many singular facts not generally Ixtriic 
 in mind. The legal abolition of slavery at the North, it ap- 
 pears, did not extinguish the slaves. It also appears that the 
 free blacks gain rapidly on the slave population, even at the 
 South. Nor could all the black laws of the Nortlnvcst terri- 
 tory keep blacks out of Ohio and Illinois. The old, worthless, 
 and thieving blacks will penetrate across the borders, to prey 
 upon the white settlers. 
 
 The reniai-kable fact in the abo\c table is the increase of free 
 blacks at the South, where they choose to remain, notwith- 
 standing all the blandishments of the North. The increase of 
 that class in Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia, is worthy of 
 observation. In Delaware the black population may be said to 
 be all free. In Maryland they were 8 per cent, of the slaves in 
 1790, and have since gained at each census, until they are 80 
 per cent, in 1850. They do not migrate, and this fact is char- 
 acteristi.c of the race. Being without energy they dislike any 
 exertion, even the requisite daily employtnent, far more so mi- 
 gration to better their condition. If we compare the aggre- 
 gate progress of the blacks in the three sections, the result is as 
 follows : 
 
 Blacks in the United States. 
 
 , South > 
 
 NouTii. Wkst. Free. SLive. 
 
 ngo 66.080 32,635 637,047 
 
 1800 82.800 500 61.241 837. 0Q3 
 
 1810 103.237 3.454 108.265 1,163,854 
 
 1820 1 13.961 8,040 i35,3o4 1, 524.580 
 
 i83o I25,2i3 i5.8gi 182.078 2,oo5,475 
 
 ,840 144,321 2g.523 2i5.568 2.486,22£ 
 
 i85o i5o,i42 46,852 238,737 3,2o4.o5i 
 
 The Northern black population progresses at a very slow 
 pace, notwithstanding the aid it acquires by migration. The 
 free blacks at the South, on the other hand, increase rapidly, 
 notwithstanding some loss by migration. Nevertheless, the 
 aggregate increase at the North is fiir less than the natural in- 
 crease of the whites. If the black race have been petted any- 
 where on the face of the earth, it has been in Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, and Connecticut. Yet the fact shows that in 
 1820 t^re were in those States 18,559 blacks. 30 years after, 
 in 1850, there were 20,427, an increase of less than 10 per cent, 
 in 30 years. In Massachusetts alone there w'ere, in 1800, 0,452 
 blacks ; in 1850 these had increased to 9,060— of tliese only 
 5,699 were born in the State, 3,361 having come iVom oilier 
 
122 SoutJiern Wealth and Nm'thern Profits. 
 
 States, and thus the native blacks in 50 years declined 752 in 
 actual numbers. 
 
 It is no doubt the fact that the Is'orthern climate is too rigor- 
 ous for the black nature, and that they do not increase for that 
 among other reasons, but the great fact is, that no matter how 
 high negro worship may run at the E"orth, and how much so- 
 ever the people of Massachusetts are disposed to educate, patron- 
 ize, equalize, and evangelize the black race, they still inexoi-a- 
 bly require industry from him as one of the virtues. Tluit, 
 however, in the view of the black, counteracts all else that can 
 be done for him. To live in Massachusetts not only is industry 
 required, but a good deal of it, added to foresight and pru- 
 dence, three qualities entirely foreign to the black nature. 
 After all they have done for the black race, the New England 
 philanthropy can get only a very scant supply of house-servants 
 out of it. The fact of the small increase of blacks in a region 
 where so many advantages are held out to him, pontrasts 
 strongly with his rapid increase in sectir)ns where his white 
 friends allege he suffers great hardships. 
 
 The census of 1840 gave some very interesting facts in rela- 
 tion to the afflictions of the white and black race in respect of 
 being deaf and dumb, blind and insane. The following are the 
 jBgures taken from the census, arranged in parallels of latitude, 
 as nearly as may be : 
 
 Blacks. — Deaf and Diwib, Blind, and Insane. 
 
 Ratio of 
 
 Ko. Deaf & Dumb. Blind. Insane. In.-<ane. 
 
 Louisiana ig3,554 17 , 36 45 4,3io 
 
 Florida 26,534 2 10 12 2,211 
 
 Mississippi 196,580 28 69 82 2,897 
 
 Alabama 235,371 53 96 I25 2,011 
 
 Georgia 283,697 64 i3i i34 2,117 
 
 South Carolina 335,3i4 7^ i56 187 2,447 
 
 Latitude, 3o to 34 1,291,250 242 5i8 535 2,4i3 
 
 Virginia 493, io5 i5o 466 384 1,219 
 
 North Carolina 268,549 74 167 221 i,245 
 
 Tennessee i88,583 67 99 i52 1,240 
 
 Kentucky 189.575 77 141 180 i,oJi 
 
 Missouri 59,814 27 42 68 879 
 
 Maryland i5i,8i5 66 191 i4i 2 oo5 
 
 Delaware 19,324 8 18 28 700 
 
 Latitude, 34 to 38 .... 1,372,693 469 ' 1,124 I,i74 1,17° 
 
 Khode Island 3,238 3 i i3 249 
 
 Connecticut 8,io5 8 i3 44 184 
 
 New Jersey •. 21,718 i5 26 73 297 
 
 Pennsylvania ♦. . 47,918 5i 96 187 256 
 
 Ohio 17,345 33 33 i65 io5 
 
 Indiana 7,168 i5 19 75 955 
 
 Illinois 3.929 24 10 79 ^97 
 
 Iowa 188 4 3 4 47 
 
 Latitude, 38 to 42 109.609 i53 201 54c 2o3 
 
Smithern Wealth and Northern Projit.s. 
 
 123 
 
 No. Deaf Jk Dumb. Blind. Insane. Jniianf. 
 
 Maine i,355 i3 lo 94 ,4.4 
 
 Massachusetts 8,666 17 12 200 ii 3 
 
 New Ilampskirc 787 9 3 19 jsia 
 
 Vermont 780 2 2 i3 56.i 
 
 New York 5o,o3i 68 91 194 212 
 
 Miehigan 707 2 4 26 27!a 
 
 Wisconsin 196 .. .. 3 65.2 
 
 Latitude, 42 to 46 62,421 loi i32 049 ii5. 
 
 This table presents extraordinary results ; the number of 
 insane diminishes in the exact ratio in which we proceed 
 Soutli, with the exception of some of the "Western States, 
 wliere the blacks have mostly arrived in the State, and the 
 infirm class do not accompany the others. Talcing the paral- 
 lels of latitude, the ratio of deaf, dumb, and blind to llie whole 
 number is as follows : 
 
 Latitude, Latitude, Latitude, Latitude, 
 
 30 to 84. 84 to 3S. 3S to 42. 42 to 4G. 
 
 Deaf, Dumb, and Blind 1 to 1,200 i to 870 i to 309 i to 255 
 
 Insane i " 2,4i3 i " 1,170 i " 2o3 1 '■ ii5 
 
 These facts were disclosed by the census of 1840, and were 
 brought to the notice of the public in an article in the 
 "Democratic Eeview," in 1845, by the present writer. At- 
 tempts were immediately made to impeach the census return 
 five years after it M-as taken, in order to invalidate its testi- 
 mony. It was stated that in some towns of Massachusetts, 
 there were more insane blacks reported than the Mdiole black 
 population consisted of. The fact that the insane blacks had, 
 meantime, been removed to asylums, it was not, however, 
 thought worth while to mention. Nevertheless, the eifort pre- 
 vented a correct return for the seventh census. That some 
 errors did occur in taking the census is, no doubt, true; but 
 its truthfulness in the aggregate is manifest from the fact it 
 discloses. No, not only do the insane, but the other afilictcd 
 classes also increase in exact proportion to the climate, li' 
 important errors occurred, they could not have been made in 
 such regular gradation. The fact, however, of the greater 
 infirmity of the black race in Northern climes thus made 
 manifest, is only corroborative of the small increase of the 
 class, and of the testimony of the puljlic hospitals. It is to be 
 regretted that the Massachusetts State returns, generally so 
 useful and so accurate, should have ceased to distinguish ])c- 
 tween the black and white races. If the returns did so dis- 
 tinguisli, important scientific research would be aided, without 
 
124 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 in any degree degrading the blacks. Omitting to distinguish 
 thein on paper does not efface the indelible distinction which 
 the Almighty has imprinted on them. The endeavor to 
 smother up inquiry in relation to ethnological facts, savors 
 a good deal of fear lest theories are not founded on solid 
 foundations. If the truth makes against the black and mixed 
 races, why cling to error? If it makes in their favor, by all 
 means let it be developed. One reason of the greater infirmity 
 of the blacks at the E"oi'th is, that they are a liybrid race, and 
 have always the w^ell-known tendency of such races to die out, 
 and revert to the original stock. It is evident from the facts 
 collated, th^t the black race, even made entirely free, will 
 never come north if they can help it. 
 
 If we, however, take the numbers confined in the jails of 
 each section at the date of the census of 1850, we have the 
 following extraordinary results : 
 
 Blach No. in miite No. in 
 
 population. jail. One in population. jail. One in 
 
 North i5o,i42 478 3io 8,342.938 2,710 3,ooo 
 
 West 46,852 87 542 5.4i3,o39 760 7,000 
 
 South 3,442,788 323 10,000 6,222,418 1,288 5,000 
 
 ■ Total 3,639,782 888 19,978,395 4,758 
 
 The North again presents the most extraordinary results for 
 the morals of that race, in a region where they are by far the 
 most petted of the community. 
 
 The white criminals confined at the ISTorth were as one to 
 3,000 of the whole. It is true that a large portion of these 
 were foreign born, showing that if the North has advantages 
 from immigration, it has also disadvantages. At the West the 
 proportion is less than in the other sections for the white race ; 
 wdien we come to the blacks, however, we find that at the 
 Nortli one out of every 310 is in jail ; at the West, one out of 
 .542 is in jail; and the South, one in 10,000 of all; but con- 
 fined to the free blacks, it is one in 800. 
 
 The black race is more vicious at the North, as a necessity 
 of its position ; it will not work ; it cannot compete with the 
 white man, and crime is its ready support ! If they had suffi 
 cient energy to migrate at all, they would tend southward, 
 where nature will aid them in the indulgence of sensual idle- 
 ness. \ It is probable that the Almighty has in store singular 
 and severe manifestations of His wrath against those self- 
 righteous persons, who, in their own blinded folly, seek to 
 
SoutJiern Wealth and Northern Profits. 125 
 
 thwart His manifest intentions to exalt botli and all races 
 through the medium of black servitude to white intelligojico. 
 By so doing, they strive to carry both back to the barbarism 
 of the Middle Ages./ It is, no doubt, the case that the condi- 
 tion of servitude admits of many modifications for the better. 
 The most important improvement needed is to exact more in- 
 dustry from the blacks. Tliose employed in cities and as 
 house-servants are notoriously indolent. Persons who visit 
 the South are at once impressed with this fact. It is probably 
 owing, in some degree, to the enervating effects of climate 
 which takes from the energy required to direct black labor. 
 There are vices and hardships in the system, it is true ; but 
 there is no state of humanity exempt from these afflictions. 
 The separation of families, and the sundering of domestic tics 
 through the vicissitudes of life, are far less frequent among the 
 black than among the white races. The Irish nation endures 
 more misery from this source in a single year than afflicts the 
 blacks in a quarter of a century. The records of the courts 
 show that freedom is no bar against rape, seduction, and kin- 
 dred villanies. If the blacks suffer least in this respect, they 
 have also far less sensibility in relation to it when it occurs. 
 
 That the free black race is a nuisance in whatever section it 
 settles, is sufficiently manifest, not only from the natural repul- 
 sion of the community, but from the action of State Legisla- 
 tures. Ohio early adopted laws to exclude them from her soil, 
 but repealed them to suit political parties during the " free- 
 soiV campaign of 18.50. The Northern States of Indiana, Illi- 
 nois, Oregon, and Minnesota, have by law excluded them from 
 their territories. The Legislature of Missouri has pnssed a law 
 to the same effect. The State of Louisiana has also by law 
 forbidden any free blacks to come into the State, and Arkan- 
 sas has by law compelled the free blacks to leave the State or 
 be enslaved. This disposition is extending even with the small 
 number of negroes that are now free, and any accumulation 
 of their numbers would, as in the "West Indies, immediately 
 evolve a war of races that would only end in the extermination 
 of one. The antipathy is now strongly marked between them, 
 and it requires only an increase in numbers to develop those 
 characteristics of the blacks, which would make peace with 
 them impossible. 
 
126 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 ACCUMULATION. 
 
 We have followed briefly the progress which each national 
 section has made in the production of wealth, and have 
 shown that the greatest results, by all odds, have attended the 
 Southern system. When we turn, however, to accumulation 
 and possession, a different state of aflfairs presents itself. ITeither 
 the West nor the South hold much of what they produce. 
 Wealth once extracted from the soil by labor, evinces a strong 
 affinity for the l^orth and East, and there piles up in a magni- 
 tude which dazzles the observer. As the opulent always be- 
 come purse-proud, so does the affluent ISTorth regard with a 
 degree of haughtiness the very useful sections which pom- 
 riches into her lap. Exercising the prerogative of wealth she 
 assumes the right to dictate manners and morality to those who 
 are less thrifty in worldly matters. It is the nature of capital 
 to accumulate, and the more so when the laws are so framed 
 as to favor that accumulation. From the earliest i^eriod of the 
 government the federal revenues have been derived from duties 
 on goods imported. The duties have not been levied with a 
 single view to revenue, but have been so adjusted as to afford 
 the largest protection to Northern manufactures. In other 
 words, to tax the consumers of goods West and South for the 
 support of Eastern manufactures. The amount of customs so 
 collected in the past 70 years reaches 1100 millions of dollars, 
 a large portion of which was disbursed at the North. This sum 
 has been paid mostly by the South and West into the federal 
 treasury, on goods imported. The sum of these may be 20 per 
 cent, of the quantity home manufactured, and the value ot 
 which has been increased in the ratio of the duty. If, how- 
 ever, it is assumed that the home-made goods have been en- 
 hanced in value only to the extent of the customs revenue, 
 then the Eastern manufacturers have obtained 1100 millions of 
 dollars as tribute from the South and West. That large sum 
 ^las been taken from agricultural industry and added to manu- 
 facturing industry. The fisheries of the Eastern States drew 
 $5,000,000 as bounties paid to those engaged in them, out of 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Projits. 127 
 
 the federal treasuiy, to the date of the abolition of those boun- 
 ties. T]ie North enjoyed a monopoly of the carrying trade, 
 foreign vessels being exchidcd. These, and other circnni- 
 stanees drew the snrplns capital from the agricnltnrist into the 
 coffers of the manufactnrer. The accumnlation of cajjital thns 
 brought about, became invested in stocks, banks, insurance 
 companies, all of Avliich drew large profits on credits granted to 
 the other sections. The Nortli has $000,000,000 so invested, of 
 which $350,318,000 are in banks alone, which draws $00,0(10,000 
 per annum from the earnings of the other sections. The fre- 
 quent pilgrimages from all sections to the Eastern cities for the 
 purchase of goods, and in pursuit of pleasure, form a large item 
 of cost charged upon goods, that is paid by the consnmei-. The 
 profits of other business may be approximated as follows : 
 
 Bounties to fisheries, per annum $i,5oo,ooo 
 
 Customs, per annum, disbursed at the North 40,000,000 
 
 Profits of Manufacturers 3o,ooo,ooa 
 
 " Importers 16,000,000 
 
 " Shipping, imports and exports 40,000.000 
 
 " on Travellers 60,000,000 
 
 " of Teachers, and others, at the South, sent North. 5, 000,000 
 
 " Agents, brokers, commissions, &c 10,000,000 
 
 ' Capital drawn from the South 3o,ooo,ooo 
 
 Total from these sources Sj3i ,5oo,ooo 
 
 k This is an approximation of the annual load which Southern 
 industry is required to carry, and the means of paying it de- 
 pends upon black labor. The heavy drain of capital thus cre- 
 ated preN;£i^s art accumulation at the South, and promotes it 
 as eff'^ctively at the North, where every such accumulation 
 only accelerates the drain. If we take the aggregate of these 
 items for 10 years only, the result is the enormous sum of 
 $2,315,000,000, and allowing 20 per cent, of the sum only as 
 the aggregate of the 50 previous years, the amount is 2770 
 millions of dollars earned at the South, and added to Northern 
 accumulation. The fishing bounties alone, as we have seen, 
 reach $12,944,000, mostly paid to Maine and Massachusetts. It 
 is not, therefore, a matter of surprise if we find the North very 
 rich, and the South showing much slower accumulation. No 
 matter how great may be the production of wealth at the 
 South it pours off" into Northern coff'ers as rapidly as it is cre- 
 ated, and, singularly enough, the recipients of that wealth are 
 continually upbraiding the South with its creation. As we 
 have seen, in the quotation from the London Times, conlainod 
 in a fonncT chapter, ^'nglish common-sense detects the absurd- 
 
128 Southern Wealth and N'orthern Profits. 
 
 ity, not to say indecency, of such conduct, and is disposed, at 
 least, to be civil until they can do better. 
 
 If we take the census figures for the amount of wealth in the 
 Union, distinguishing real from personal, we have the follow- 
 ing results. To the figures as returned by the census-makers, 
 the ccnnmissioner, Mr. De Bow, added a " true" value. 
 
 Real. Personal. Total. True. 
 
 North $i,835,o63,6i3 §546,768,966 $2,881,782,579 $2,095,833,338 
 
 West 619.154.2S7 195.054.073 8i5.2o3,36o 1,022,948,262 
 
 South 1,445,008,447 1,381,727,523 2,825,735,970 •3,947,7^1.366 
 
 Total §3,899,226,347 §2,125,440,562 $6,024,666,909 §7,066,562,966 
 
 The Southern figures for personal pro^^erty include the slave 
 propert}^, and in illustration of the manner in which incendiary 
 partisan statistics have been propagated, we may refer to 
 " Helper's Crisis." The above oflicial figures give^ it will be 
 seen $1,445,008,447 as the real property at the South, and 
 $1,381,727,523 as the personal, including slaves. "Helper's 
 Crisis," p. 47, adds these two sums together, as follows : 
 
 Valuation at the South §2,936,000,737 
 
 Deduct value of slaves 1,600,000.000 
 
 True net value of the Slave States §1,336,090.737 
 
 It will be observed tliat in pretending to give the census 
 figures he deducts, for the value of "slaves" alone, a sum 218 
 millions greater than the census gave for all the personal prop- 
 erty, including slaves, and the operation is disguised by bring- 
 ing the real and personal valuations together. 
 
 The means of determining the increase of wealth are not 
 very definite. If there had been a valuation at the date of each 
 national census the task of comparison would have been light. 
 But this has not been the case. 
 
 On the 14th July, 1798, Congress by law imposed a tax of 
 $2,000,000 upon dwelling-houses, farm-lands, and slaves be- 
 tween the ages of 12 and 50. In consequence of this tax, a 
 valuation took place of lands and houses separately. In 1815 
 a new valuation of houses, lands, and slaves took place to- 
 gether. 
 
 The valuation of lands took place again by the census of 
 1850, and the comparison of 'the number of acres and valuation 
 at both periods, is as follows : 
 
■Southern Wealth and JSforthern Prvfts. 120 
 
 1798 . , 18SO . 
 
 No. of acres. Valuation. Jfo. of acres. Valuation. 
 
 New Hampshire 3,749061 $19,028,108 ■ 3,392.414 $55,245,997 
 
 Maine I t 83i 6j8 in"i^'o j /^.SnS.SoB 54.K64,748 
 
 Ma.-^sachusetts p,SJi,628 39,-.a3.6^2 ^ 3^336;o;j 109,076,^47 
 
 Rhode Island 565,844 8,o82,355 563,038 17.070,802 
 
 Connecticut 2,649,149 4o,i63,955 2,383.879 72,726,422 
 
 Vermont 4,9'8,722 i5, 165.484 4,125,822 63,367.237 
 
 New York 16,414, 5io 74.883,075 19,119,088 554,546,642 
 
 New Jersey 2,788.282 27,287.981 2,752,946 i2o,237,5ii 
 
 Pennsylvania 11,959,835 72,824,852 14,923,347 4o7.876,o<v) 
 
 Delaware 1,074,105 4,o53,248 956,i44 i8,H,So,o3i 
 
 Maryland 5,444,272 2i,634,oo4 4,634,35o 87,178,515 
 
 Virarinia 40,428,644 59,976,860 26,02, 3ii 216.401,444 
 
 North Carolina 20,956,467 27.909,479 20,996,987 67. 801.766 
 
 South Carolina 9.772,587 12.456,720 16,217,700 82,4,31.684 
 
 Georgia i3. 534.159 io.263,5o6 22,821,379 q5.753,445 
 
 Kentucky 17,674,634 20.268, 325 22,340,748 164,330,262 
 
 Tennessee 3,951,357 5,847,662 18,984,022 97,851,212 
 
 Total 163,746,686 $479,293,263 188,286,480 $2,275,730,124 
 
 Dividing the Kortliern from the Southern States, the airirrc- 
 gates of each compare as follows : 
 
 -&»• 
 
 , South. , , North. , 
 
 Acrei. Value. Acre*. Value. 
 
 1798 112,869,655 $162,409,811 5o,877,o3i $3i6,883,452 
 
 i85o i33, 113,641 820,718,319 55,172,839 i,455,oii,8o5 
 
 Increase $658,3o8,5o8 $i,i38,i28,353 
 
 The land at the North has increased $20 per acre, and the 
 land at the South has increased $4 per acre. The concentra- 
 tion of manufactures and commerce has given 1100 millions 
 of dollars to the value of land in the Northern States, in 50 
 yeai-s. At the South, where the eight States named embrace 
 about one-half the Slave States, the growing value of the ])rod- 
 \ict only has been relied on to raise the value of the land. If 
 we take the remaining Southern States, that have grown Mp 
 since the valuation of 1T98, but which are reported in the cen- 
 sus of 1850, the result is as follows : 
 
 Acres. ValuA. 
 
 Old States, as above Ii3,ii2,64i 1820,718,319 
 
 New " per census 47,371,907 234,7o3,237 
 
 Total South, i85o 180,485,548 $i,o55,42i,556 
 
 The South has thus added to the extent of its territory, and 
 raised the value of the whole to 1055 millions. Those 47,371. 'Jo7 
 acres that have been added since 1798, were bought of the Fed- 
 eral government foa- about $60,000,000, which has thus been 
 contributed to the Federal expenses by slave-labor. We now 
 come to the value of the slaves. These, by tiie law of 1708, 
 
 9 
 
130 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. . 
 
 were taxed 50 cents each. In 1815 the tax was again levied 
 upon slaves, and they were included, as the Secretary ex- 
 pressed it, because they increased the ability of the State to 
 pay. The valuation of the blacks was then at $250 each, as 
 follows : 
 
 Ko. Each. Value. 
 
 1708 
 
 
 $200 
 25o 
 55o 
 
 ^178,608,200 
 
 29[. 973,600 
 
 i,6o3, 758,656 
 
 i8?5::::::;:::. :::::::::;. 
 
 i85o 
 
 .. 1,163,854 
 .. 3,204,3i3 
 
 .. 2,311,272 
 
 Increase from 1798... 
 
 $i,425,i5o,456 
 
 Total increase in value 
 
 of land and sla% 
 
 es 
 
 .. 2,318,162,201 
 
 We have seen, in a former chapter, that the product of these 
 lands and slaves, sent out of the country, is $265,000,000, or 
 11 per cent, of the value. That is, the value here given is 
 equal to nine years' purchase ; but the other products of the 
 slaves and lands support the workers and their masters. Thus 
 this increased value of the land and hands is represented by 
 the actual exchangeable productions, although the proceeds 
 of those productions pour off into Northern coffers. At the 
 North, 55 million acres have increased $1,138,128,253, on ac- 
 count of their pi-oximity to those manufacturing and commer- 
 cial establishments that are employed by Southern expendi- 
 tures and purchases of goods. That value is the reflection of 
 Southern industry. The manufacturing capital that has ac- 
 cumulated at the North is to be added to the value of city 
 property. If we now take the value of Western lands from 
 the census of 1850, we have the sum of 67,420,583 acres, val- 
 ued at $760,299,733. We may now include in the valuation 
 the houses and improvements of the three sections, as follows : 
 
 Real Estate Valuation. 
 
 irOS. 1814-15. 1S50. 
 
 North ;?422, 271.673 ?>i,o36,3i9,5i3 Si,835,o63,6i3 
 
 South 197,705,574 533.990,496 1,445,008,447 
 
 West 6i,347,2i5 619,154,287 
 
 Total S;6i9,977,247 . §i,63i,657,224 §3,899,226,347 
 
 Such has been the progress of valuation in each section. 
 At the North, the same extent of land has received a value of 
 1400 millions additional. At the South and West, the area 
 has extended as it has increased in value. 
 
 If we turn to the census we find the valuation of farms and 
 farm implements in each section to have been as follows: 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Pr<>Jit.-<. \:\\ 
 
 Acres of Land Inqyrovcd. — Value of Farms and Farm Implements. 
 
 Acre>i Viilueof Value <(f 
 
 Arm. tmprored. farms. farmimpru. 
 
 Maine 2o,33o.24o 2,039,606 ^54,861,748 1:2,284,557 
 
 New Hampshire 5,939.200 2,25i,488 55,245.997 2,3i4,'i25 
 
 Vermont 6,535, 58o 2,601,400 63,367,227 2,739',282 
 
 MassiK'hnsitts 4.992,000 2,i33,436 109.076.347 3,209*584 
 
 Rhode I.-^laiid 825.840 356,487 17.070,802 497,201 
 
 Connecticut 2,991,360 1,768,178 72,726,422 1,892,541 
 
 New York 3o,o8o,ooo 12,408,964 554,546,642 22,084,926 
 
 New Jersey 5,324, 800 1,767,991 120,237,511 4,425,'no3 
 
 Pennsylvania 29,440,000 8,628,619 407,876,099 14,722,541 
 
 TotalNorth 106,459,020 33,956,i58 |;i, 455,008,796 $64,170,160 
 
 Ohio 26,676,960 9.861,493 368,768,603 12.760,685 
 
 Indiana 21,637,760 6,046.643 i36,385,i73 6,704,444 
 
 Illinois 35,359,200 5,039,545 06,133,290 6,4o5,6()i 
 
 Michigan 36,595,620 1.92^,110 61,872,446 2,891,371 
 
 Wisconsin 34,Dii,86o j, 040,499 28,528.663 1,641,668 
 
 Iowa 32,684,960 824.682 £6,667,667 1,172,869 
 
 California 99,827,200 32,464 3,874,041 103,483 
 
 Territories 631,021,740 320.416 4,976,839 36i,662 
 
 TotalWest 917,616,260 24,089,742 $697,186,522. |i32,o3i,533 
 
 Delaware i,366,8oo 680,862 i8,88o,o3i 610,279 
 
 Maryland 7,119,360 2,797.906 87,178,546 2,463,44J 
 
 District of Columbia 16,267 1,730,460 40.220 
 
 Virfrinia 39,166,280 io,36o,i35 216,401, 543 7,021,772 
 
 North Carolina 32. 460.660 5,463,976 67,891,766 3,93i,532 
 
 South Carolina 18,806.400 4,072.661 82,43i,684 4,i36,364 
 
 Gcorjiia 37,120,000 6,378,479 96,763.446 6,894, i5o 
 
 Florida 37,931,600 349.049 6,323,109 668,795 
 
 Alabama 32,027,490 4. 435, 614 64,323.224 5.i25,6(j3 
 
 Mississippi 30,179,840 3,444,358 64.738.634 6,762,927 
 
 Loui-siana 26,403,200 1,690.026 76,814,398 11,676,918 
 
 Texas £62,002,600 643,976 i6,56o,oo8 2,161,704 
 
 Arkansas 33,406,720 781,530 16,266,245 1.601,296 
 
 Tennessee 29.184.000 6, 176, £73 97,861,212 5,36o,2io 
 
 Kentucky..., 24,116,200 6,968,270 £36.021,262 5,169,037 
 
 Missouri 43,i23,2oo 2,938,426 63,225,543 3,98£,525 
 
 Total South 544,926,720 54,986,7£4 $i,f 19,380,109 $75,385,945 
 
 Toul 1,568,901,000 ii3,o32,6i4 $3,271,676,426 $i5i,587,638 
 
 These figures are from the census, and they show us tliiit 
 farm lands at the South are not much hehiiid the West, but 
 tlioy give an inordinate vahie to the farms of the Xorth. Seem- 
 ingly the lands are valued higher in proportion to tiieir sterility. 
 The average value of the farm lands of the North is $42 per 
 acre, at the West $29, and at the South $20 for improved lands. 
 The value of farm implements is as great at the South, nearly, 
 as in b)th the other sections. In Louisiana they nearly reach 
 the value of those in Ohio. Comparing the agricultural West 
 with the agricultural South, we have results as fdllows : 
 
 Improved VaUut/arm Valu* 
 
 area. landn. JmpUmenU. 
 
 West 24,089,742 $697,186,622 $32,o3i,53? 
 
 South 54,986,714 £,£ 19,380,109 76,386,945 
 
 In favor of the South .. . 30,897,972 $422,£93,587 $43,354,412 
 
132 Southern Wealth and Nwthern Profits, 
 
 The West, as we liave seen, has received 600,000 foreign im- 
 migrants, and a great number of Eastern immigrants, together 
 with hundreds of millions of dollars poured over her lands, 
 while the South has depended only on itself, and yet it has 100 
 per cent, more land under the plough, 130 per cent, more value 
 in farm implements, and 60 per cent, more value to its lands. 
 This is free and slave labor in the same business. These are 
 the means of production. It is the Northeast which retains 
 the accumulation. "With a far less area the value of lands is 
 much greater, but this includes the numei-ous cities and manu- 
 facturing localities, which are made valuable by Southern 
 traffic. "Tlie city of New York has a value of $551,928,122, or 
 equal to the whole State of Pennsylvania, exceeding that of 
 any Western State except Ohio, and of the Southern States ex- 
 cept Virginia. The trade and valuation of New Orleans, and 
 New York and Boston compare as follows : 
 
 
 ImporU and 
 exports. 
 
 Heal estate. 
 
 Pergonal 
 
 eitate. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Popu- 
 lation. 
 
 Boston 
 
 New York. . . . 
 New Orleans. 
 
 ^65.774,797 
 382,86i,7o3 
 117,413,044 
 
 $i53,5o5.3oo 
 378,9')4,93o 
 76,485,970 
 
 $101,208,800 
 172.961.192 
 28,370,942 
 
 $254,174,100 
 551.923.122 
 104,856,912 
 
 162,748 
 629.904 
 124,385 
 
 The business of New Orleans embraces the large river re- 
 ceipts of produce, which go to swell its exports, and its exter- 
 nal business is larger than that of Boston ; yet its personal 
 property is very small, and the value of its real estate nothing 
 in proportion to its business. The real estate of New York is 
 enhanced in value by the crowd of buyers from the South, to 
 catch whose business high rents are paid for desirable sites, and 
 the holders of the old Knickerbocker farms have grown im- 
 mensely wealthy by the confluence in Broadway of the Yankee 
 dealers and Southern buyers. The Western cities present no 
 such rise in value. Cincinnati, with a population of 155,000, 
 has its real estate valued at $55,595,825, or less than New Or- 
 leans. 
 
 The tendency at the North is to increase the wealth and pop- 
 ulation of the cities that enjoy the Southern ti;ade, while the 
 agricultural population diminishes by migration West. This 
 has produced a declining value of farm lands. The census 
 gave for New York the value of farm lands at $551,546,642, 
 while the real estate in New York city alone is $378,954,030, 
 or nearly three-fourths. The real estate in Boston exceeds the 
 value of farm lands in Massachusetts by 44 millions. The 
 sterile nature of the soil, as compared with that of the West, 
 
Southern Wealth and JVorthern Projlis. 103 
 
 while its valuation is so much greater, prompts migration. 
 Farm lands in Massachusetts are valued at $50 per acre, and 
 much better are had at the AVcst for $10. New York lands 
 are valued at §45 per acre, and produce far less than Western 
 lands at $5 per acre. 
 
 The valuations of land are, however, little to be depended 
 upon, a fact which the revulsion in the ]S[orthwest brings home 
 to the experience of vast numbers of individuals at the present 
 moment. At the North everywhere, farm lands are greatly 
 overvalued. It is true that nothing is more difficult than to 
 affix values to landed property, and the value of such pi-operty 
 varies rapidly. Thus, a farm of — say 100 acres — under fair 
 management, may give the owner his living in exchange for 
 his labor, and $600 per annum clear money. This would be 
 the interest on $10,000, and he might, under such circum- 
 stances, estimate his land as worth $100 per acre. This, how- 
 ever, is not the case ; very few farriis will, at the North, give 
 any thing beyond a meagre support of a family in return for 
 hard labor and care. Nevertheless, the universal valuation is 
 $100 per acre' for farms. Every owner feels that if he coidd 
 sell at that price, and place the money at seven per cent, interest, 
 he sliould be rich without working at all, compared with his 
 farm life. Hence it is that throughout the length and breadth 
 of the North and West, every farm is for sale. In EngUind 
 and Europe land is tenaciously held ; in this country no kind 
 of property is more readily parted with. This fact grows out 
 of tlie over valuation. In years of large exports of food, farm 
 profits, as a matter of course, rise, and the holder is enabled 
 to meet his mortgages readily ; for nearly all the farms ai-e 
 mortgaged. In a time of low prices, like the past year, the 
 mortgages are paid with difficulty, and when the land comes 
 to market $40 or $50 per acre is found to be nearer the realiz- 
 able value. The holders of mortgages are they who reap the 
 true value of the farm lands. The grasp which the money- 
 lenders and speculators have upon the free labor of the North 
 is universal and tenacious, and "financial talent" is always on 
 the lookout to mortgage other peoples' labor for their i>\\n 
 benefit. This was singularly the case with the Holland Land 
 Company in the State of New York. That company hehl a 
 large tract where the Western terminus of the Erie Raihvnid 
 now is. Tlie land was settled l>y numbers of industrious set- 
 tlers, wlio luid taken the lands of tlie conipany to inijirove 
 
134: Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 them, and to pay as they could. When they paid np, they 
 were to have deeds. These settlements were in a state of prog- 
 ress, when, in an evil hour, financial talent, in the shape of 
 William H. Seward, Esq., and his coadjutors, turned their at- 
 tention to the "free labor" of that region, and concluded to 
 make it available by " bonds." They agreed to buy out tlie 
 Holland Land Co. ; but in order to do it, they must enchain 
 the free laborers. They persuaded these simple-minded men, 
 who were paying up the principal on their lands as best they 
 could, to take deeds, and give mortgages with " bonds," bear- 
 ing interest inexorably twice a year. These mortgages the 
 financiers pledged with the American Life and Trust Co., for 
 loans with which to buy out the Land Co. The free laborers 
 soon found that they were in the hands of the spoiler, and 
 when they could no longer wring from the earth the inevitable 
 semi-annual interest, they were cleared, as the negro-loving 
 Duchess of Sutherland cleared her estates of pauper residents, 
 they being driven forth to new homes in the West. Tlieir 
 departure left the lands in the hands of those who knew how 
 to profit largely by the construction of the Erie Kailroad 
 over them. Thus it is that free labor is made useful to those 
 who understand the "higher law" of finance. The mortgage 
 holders generally are they who reap the profit of free farming 
 labor. E. D. Mansfield, Esq., the able Commissioner of Statis- 
 tics for the State of Ohio, gives the mortgages upon the lands 
 of that State at $50,000,000. 
 
 If we take from the State returns of last year the valuation 
 of such States as have been oflicially given, we get returns as 
 follows : 
 
 State Returns of Taxable Acres, Valuation., Slave Value., Other Personaly 
 and Total Valuation., 1858. 
 
 Acre.s Valur. of Slave Other Tidal 
 
 taxed. land. value. personal. valuation. 
 
 Virginia 87,000,000 $374,989,888 §3i3, 148,275 §355,827,763 §1,043,965,928 
 
 Georgia 33,739,233 181,677,194 271,620,405 156,292,277 609,589,876 
 
 riorida 2,265,5o3 13,910,981 27,25o,53i 8,299,932 49,461,466 
 
 Texas 47,937,537 86,539,3o6 71,912,496 33,935,573 192,387,377 
 
 Arkansas... 7,989.676 42,385,704 34,794,704 10,869.007 88,049,415 
 
 Tennessee... 25,362,726 166,417.907 82,319,723 11,381,981 260,319,611 
 
 Kentucky. .. 21,568,383 270,960.818 95,588,479 53,809,903 420,359,180 
 
 Missouri 26,325,338 235,892,792 45,090,028 89,072,373 820,055,193 
 
 Total ... 202,899,296 §1,872,774,597 §941,724,661 §669,688,811 §2,984,188,046 
 
 These are the figures for eight Southern States. The value 
 of the lands given in the above table from the census in these 
 same States was $629,000,000, an increase of $743,000,000 ! in 
 
Sonthern Wealth and N'orthcm Profits. 135 
 
 eight years following the rise in the vahie of tlie cotton crop. 
 It will be observed that the other seven Southern States, of 
 which we have uo official State returns, gave a value ot 
 $490,000,000 in the above census table. If these have in- 
 creased in the same ratio as those for which Ave liave returns, 
 and there is no reason to doubt it, then the wliole increased 
 value in the Southern States is $1,333,000,000!! There was 
 no speculation in these States ; but they were, to some extent, 
 acted upon adversely by the land speculation of the North- 
 west, which attracted capital thither even from the South. 
 If we turn now to the State returns of seven Free States, the 
 results are as follows : 
 
 Pergonal 
 
 Acres. Value. vcilite. Total. 
 
 California 5, 087, 557 56,o6o,35i 48,919,728 i3i, 306,269 
 
 Indiana 21,918,659 176,894,881 i4i,3io,o23 318,204,964 
 
 Illinois 42,100,000 395,663,459 111,813,908 407,477.367 
 
 Iowa io,445,oo3 98,101,200 4i, 943, 333 140, 044, 533 
 
 Ohio 19,800,000 590.285,947 25o, 314.084 84o,8oo,o3i 
 
 Michiiran 7,917,322 88,101,204 32.261,670 120,362,474 
 
 Wiseon.siu.. 17,411,319 i55,oi2,33o 13,607,893 152,537,700 
 
 Total 124,629,860 $1,560,119,372 §610,370,199 $2,111,233,345 
 
 The valuation of these same States in the table, page 131, was 
 $692,209,000, showing an increase of $807,910,000 as the 
 result of the vast migration from abroad and the East, with 
 the expenditure of many hundred millions in addition to the 
 railroad expenditure. The territories may have increased so 
 as to bring up the value to $1,000,000,000. 
 
 This increase is flattering, but what are the results ? The 
 West is bankrupt in face of that valuation ; capital flows back 
 from it as fast as it can be realized. Tlie money sent there is 
 sunk; the railroads do not earn expenses; and the lands, with 
 their high valuation, do not give back an interest u])on mort- 
 gages. The South, on the other hand, has attained that valua- 
 tion on a basis of the actual rise in value and sale of the jirodiicc 
 of the land. The annual produce not only amply pays the in- 
 terest, but it gives a higher value to the price of slaves, wliich 
 have risen to $1500 to $2000 for a good flcld-hand. There is 
 no "back set" in the values thus attained, while those of the 
 West are a wreck. In these figures for the SoiUhern States we 
 have also the fact, that there is personal property in those States, 
 over and above the value of slaves, more than equal to the 
 amount of personal in the Western States. The fact is a com- 
 plete refutation of that assertion which has been freely circu- 
 lated, to the effect that the South has no personal property be- 
 
136 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 sides its blacks. Tlie taxable valuation of the Eastern States 
 compare as follows : 
 
 Census, 1850. State, 1S59. 
 
 Maine 96,799,553 162,472.914 
 
 Massachusetts 55i,io6,824 597,9.36,995 
 
 New Hampshire 95.251,596 io3,8o4,326 
 
 Vermont 72.980483 86,775,218 
 
 Connecticut 119,088.672 211,187,683 
 
 lihode Island 77,758,974 111,175,174 
 
 New York 715,369.028 1,404.907.679 
 
 New Jersey i53,25i 619 179.150.000 
 
 Pennsylvania 5oo, 275.831 568,770,234 
 
 Total 82,381,782,690 $3,426,180,218 
 
 Increase 1,044,398,61 
 
 This increase has been mostly in city values. Thus, Yer- 
 mont gives the official value of lands in 1859 at $69,274,600, 
 and in the above census table, it was given at $63,367,227, 
 showing that six millions only out of an aggregate increase 
 of 16 millions is due to lands. As a result, the nine Northern 
 States give an increase of 1000 millions in city and personal 
 property. This increase has been in the face of the vast sums 
 that have been sent "West for investment, and the migration of 
 capital with settlers to that region. The South has supplied 
 the capital which has accumulated at the North, and which 
 has endowed the "West with such factitious prosperity. It is 
 to be borne in mind that very much of the personal property of 
 the North escapes taxation. 
 
 It is not alone in the valuations that the increased capital at 
 the North manifests itself, but in banks, ships, manufacturing, 
 corporate companies of all descriptions, of which the figures 
 can be realized. If we compare the bank returns for the pres- 
 ent year with 1850, we find the increase in capital as follows : 
 
 Bank Capital of the United States. 
 
 1S50. 1859. 
 
 No. Capital. 2i'o. Capital corporate. Private. 
 
 North 5i6 §121,909,000 934 $26i,773,83o $94,545,000 
 
 South 182 77,632,000 899 104,080,994 10,276,369 
 
 West 65 8,675,000 243 23,171,418 13,204,711 
 
 Total 753 $208,216,000 1,576 $388,976,242 Sii8,o36,o8o 
 
 The bank capital of the Union began to take a start in 1848, 
 having then recovered from the breakdown of the old revul- 
 sion. The increase of the capital was mostly North and East, 
 following the concentration of general business. The increase 
 at the "West was on a basis of Eastern capital, sent out with a 
 view to control business. The private banking capital is that 
 as given in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for 1856, 
 
/Southern ^^caUh and Xorthirn Profits, ^^o iTOn p -^^l '. 
 
 page 1-il. That capital liad mostly grown up within a few 
 years. The increase of corporate capital at the Nortli was, 
 in round numbers, 140 millions, and 90 millions of private, 
 making together 230 millions employed in a business which 
 ])ays 10 per cent, net upon mostly Southern connections. 
 The increase of tonnage at the North has been as follows : 
 
 JS^onTij. South. "West. Total. 
 
 i85o 2,653.975 760,841 140.678 3,535,454 
 
 1859 3,669,115 i,oo5.852 374.841 5,049.808 
 
 Increase 1,01 5, 140 245, 011 234, i63 i,5i4,354 
 
 The Avhole tonnage has iucre;ised, it appears, 1,514,35^ tons; 
 of this two-thirds, or 1,015, 1-tO, has been North and East, rep- 
 resenting a value of $45,000,000. 
 
 The railroads have increased North and West $700,000,000, 
 of which nearly the whole was owned in the Eastern States. 
 That a good portion of it was lost does not take from the fact 
 that it was there to invest. 
 
 Manufacturing capital has increased in a very rapid ratio. 
 Thus, the census report gave the capital in New York and 
 Massachusetts, invested in manufactures in 1850 at $188,184,097. 
 The state census of the two States give it at $227,042,000 in 
 1855, an increase of 20 per cent, in five years. The same ratio 
 would give an increase to 1859 of $142,000,000. 
 
 These items give a Northern increase of capital as follows : 
 
 Banking §232.ooo,oo9 
 
 Tonnage 43,ooo,ooo 
 
 Kailroacls 5oo.ooo,ooo 
 
 Manufacturing 142,000.000 
 
 Corporate companies 100,000,000 
 
 Total 81,019,000,000 
 
 This gives a ronnd amount of capital derived from Southern 
 business mostly, and employed in enterprises which derive a 
 profit from the same source. This cai)ital should i)ay 10 per 
 cent., which would give 100 millions per annum. That j.ortion 
 of it invested in "Western railroads will fall short of that in- 
 come for the reason that the Western resources will not pay 
 the investment. 
 
 The results of these figures ].]ainly show that whiK" the -y^ -^ 
 South produced vast wealth, the Northern profits have abs(.rl)ed 
 most of it. They also show that the South begins to accumu- 
 late itself. Its personal property begins to show a high figure. 
 Its railroads and manufactures begin not only to reimbui-se 
 capital but employ labor. In short, the South has commenced 
 
138 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 to make capital work at home, and, by so doing, not only to 
 propagate itself but to attract. In addition to its strength of 
 position and natural resources, it is rapidly gaining wealth, and 
 by so doing, creating a defence to the operation of ISTorthern 
 capital. To this growing strength the folly of the North has" 
 added desii-e. In an early chapter of this book we gave from 
 Judge Johnson's charge a description of the South in 1807. 
 Contrast that with the picture we have presented in these pages, 
 and it will appear that the South does not occupy a position to 
 be trifled with. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 APPORTIONMENT. 
 
 At the time of the adoption of the federal constitution the 
 condition of slaves was very different at the South from what 
 it has since become. At that time there was, as we have 
 shown in a previous chapter, no large branch of industry to en- 
 gage the blacks, and their future fate was matter of anxiety. 
 The progress of the cotton culture has changed that, and the 
 interests of million^ of whites now depend upon the blacks. 
 The opinions of statesmen of that day were formed upon exist- 
 ing facts ; could they have seen 50 years into the future their 
 views upon black employment would have undergone an entire 
 change. "]S>Tlie blacks were then prospectively a burden ; they 
 are now an absolute necessity. They then threatened Ameri- 
 can civilization; they are now its support. With multiplying 
 numbers they have added to the national wealth. They have 
 become the instruments of political agitation, while they have 
 conferred wealth upon the masses. 
 i|<; From the moment of the formation of the Fedei-al Union 
 there commenced a struggle for political power which has not 
 ceased to be directed against the Slave States. The instrnment 
 of union, while it provided for the extinction of the slave-trade, 
 which then formed so large a portion of Northern traffic, con- 
 tained also a provision for black representation in the Southern 
 States, stipulating that that representation should not be 
 changed until 1808, and thereafter only by a vote of three- 
 fourths of all the States. That provision has been the ground- 
 work of that constant jSTorthern aggression upon Southern in- 
 terests which has so successfully gained on the federal power 
 
Souther7i Wealth and Northern Projits. ir?!) 
 
 until now it imagines the desired tliree-fourtlis is within its 
 reach, when the South, with its interests, will be at the feet of 
 the abolitionists. The South has stood steadily on its defence, 
 but while the circle has narrowed in upon it, the North has 
 not ceased to clamor against Southern aggression ! Like Jemmy 
 Twitoher, in the farce, who, having robbed a passenger, loses 
 the plunder, and exclaims, " there must be some dishonest per- 
 son in the neighborhood !" The following are passages that 
 occur in the Constitution : 
 
 Akt. I., Clause id. 
 
 " Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among tlio several 
 States, wliich may be included within this Union, according to their respec- 
 tive numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of 
 free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and ex- 
 cluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." 
 AuT. I., Section 9, 1st Clause. 
 
 " The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now 
 existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by tiie Congress 
 prior to 1808 ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on sucli importation, not 
 exceediug $10 for each person." 
 
 Art. V. 
 
 "The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it neces- 
 sary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution ; or, on tlie application 
 of tlie Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a conven- 
 tion for proposing amendments, which, in either case, sliall be valid to all in- 
 tents and purposes as part of this Constitution, when rati tied by the Legis- 
 latures of tliree-fourths of the several Stjxtes, 
 
 " Provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 
 1808 shall in any manner affect the first and fourtli clauses in the nintli sec- 
 tion of the first article." 
 
 The original 13 States that ado])ted this Constitution were all 
 Slave States with the exception of Massachusetts, which, although 
 it then held no slaves had an interest in continuing the slave-^ 
 trade, in opposition to the wishes of the Slave States. The 
 struggle in the Convention in relation to the discontinuance of 
 the slave-trade, M-as between the New England States, that de- 
 sired the traffic, and Virginia and Delaware that wishe<l no 
 more slaves, while those Southern States that had but a few 
 blacks desired to import them without tax. On the vote New 
 Hampshire and Massachusetts voted to continue the trade until 
 1808, and Virginia and Delaware voted " nay," or for its im- 
 mediate discontinuance. No sooner had the Constitution been 
 adopted, however, than the annexation of Louisiana l)ecame a 
 necessity, in order to give an outlet to the sea fi>r the produce 
 
140 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 of the \Yest, but, notwithstanding the great advantage which 
 tlie annexation was to confer upon Massachusetts, she opposed 
 it to the point of threatening to dissolve the Union if it was car- 
 ried out. That, after the great rebellion of Shay within her 
 borders, was the first disunion threat, and the motive was fear 
 of the political increase of Southern strength. Those fears 
 were like all party pretences, short-sighted, since that territory 
 has given more Free than Slave States to the Union. This threat 
 of disunion was made while yet Massachusetts was engaged in 
 the slave-trade, that the State had voted to prolong to ISOS. 
 The same cry was renewed in respect of Florida, and again, 
 with greater violence, in the case of Missouri ; to be again re- 
 vived in respect of Texas ; and once more, Avitli circumstances 
 of greater atrocity in the case of Kansas. V It is remarkable 
 that while Free States come in without any great struggle on 
 the part of the South, the safety of which is threatened by each 
 such accession, the admission of Slave States is the signal of so 
 much strife, and this resistance to a manifest right of the South 
 is denounced as " Southern aggression." 
 
 The gradual abolition of slavery in the old JSTorthern States, 
 and the rapidity with which Eastern capital, following migration, 
 ha.s settled the Western States, has given a large preponderance 
 to the free interest in the national councils. Of the 26 senators 
 that sat in the first Congress, all represented a slave intei-est, 
 more or less : with the States and territories now knocking for 
 admission, there are 72 senators, of whoin 32 only represent the 
 slave interest. That interest, from being '" a unit" in the Sen- 
 ate, has sunk to a minority of four, and yet the majority do not 
 cease to complain of Southern "aggression." With this rapid 
 decline in the Southern vote in the great " conservative bodj"^" 
 of the Senate, the representation in the lower house has fallen 
 to one-third. How long will it be before the desired three- 
 fourths vote, for which a large party pant, will have been ob- 
 tained, and, when obtained, what will have become of those 
 Southern rights which are even now denied by party leaders to 
 be any rights at all. In the last 30 years 11 Free States have 
 been prepared for the Union ; a similar progress in the next 30 
 years and the South will have fallen into that constitutional mi- 
 nority which may deprive it of all reserved rights. This circle is 
 closing rapidly in upon it, amid a continually rising cry of aboli- 
 tion, ])ointed by bloody inroads of armed men. This is called 
 Soutliern "aggression." The apportionments have been as follows: 
 
Southern Wealth and Xorthern Profits. 141 
 Representation under each Census Apportionment. 
 
 Before 
 
 cenms. 1790. 1800. 1810. ISaO. 1830. 1840. 1850. 
 
 instates. 16 States, n Stcites. WSlaten. USlalea. XHtrttu. 26Slalai. SlSlaltt. 
 
 Maine .. .. .. 7 8 7 6 
 
 Massachusetts... 8 14 17 20 i3 12 10 11 
 
 New Hampshire.. 3 4 5 6 6 5 4 3 
 
 Vermont 2 4 6 5 5 4 3 
 
 Ehode Island i 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 
 
 Connecticut 57776644 
 
 New York 6 10 17 27 34 40 34 33 
 
 New Jersey 4 5 6 6 6 6 5 5 
 
 Pennsylvania 8 i3 18 23 26 28 24 25 
 
 NoETH 35 57 76 97 io5 112 94 92 
 
 Delaware i i i 2 i i i i 
 
 Maryland 68999866 
 
 Virginia 10 19 22 23 22 21 i5 i3 
 
 North Carolina. . . 5 10 12 i3 i3 i3 98 
 
 South Carolina. ..5 6 8 9 9 9 7 6 
 
 Georgia 3 2 4 6 7 9 8 8 
 
 Florida . . ' . . . . . . . . . . i 
 
 Louisiana .. .. i 3 3 4 4 
 
 Te.xas . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 
 
 Alabama .. .. .. 3 5 7 7 
 
 Mississippi .. .. .. i 2 4 5 
 
 Arkansas .. .. .. .. i i 2 
 
 Tennessee i 3,6 9 i3 11 10 
 
 Kentucky 2 6/ 10 12 i3 10 10 
 
 Missouri .. .^ . . i 2 5 7 
 
 South 3o 53 ^5 79 90 
 
 90 
 
 Ohio .. / I 6 14 19 21 21 
 
 Indiana .. I .. i 3 7 10 11 
 
 Illinois ...>.. .. 1 2 7 9 
 
 ilichigan ../ .. ,. .. i 3 4 
 
 Wisconsin . . / . . . . . . . . . . 3 
 
 Iowa .j .. .. .. .. .. 2 
 
 California .^. .. .. .. .. .. 2 
 
 West /. . i 7 28 29 \\ 52 
 
 Total 65 kiQ 142 i83 2i3 242 223 234 
 
 There are now iieArly ready to come in — Kansas, Minnesota, 
 Oregon, Washingtoa, Nebraska, Utah, New Mexico ; wliile tlie 
 vast imniigration of the hist ten years, reacliirig over 3,500,000 
 souls, will have ad(|ed to the Western nnnihers, inider the sup- 
 position that the estimate of population given for each section 
 in another chaptei\ on population of this book is correct, and 
 that nearly the salne number of representation is returned, 
 the representation will be: South, 81 ; North, -88; West, Uii ; 
 giving the South less than one-third. 
 
 With this future before it, and these manifestly hostile in- 
 tentions encouraged by party votes in favor of the leaders that 
 avow them, it certa,'inly is wise on the part of the South to seek 
 safety in prompt remedies. It is in vain that unscrupirfous 
 party leaders deny any design ulterior to the exelu>ion of 
 
142 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 slavery from new territories. That pretence ever was fraudu- 
 lent, since it is nature that decides the question, and has so de- 
 cided it against slavery in nine original ISTorthern slaveholding 
 States, and will always so decide it JN^orth. Public indignation 
 aroused by the evident dangers evoked by this partisan object, 
 compels a denial of abolition intentions ; but this denial is too 
 evidently a mask to deceive the mass of the people. The 
 immigration from Europe in the past few years has inured 
 almost entirely to the benefit of the North. The census of 
 1850 gave the nativities of the white population ; the figures 
 are contained in a chapter upon that subject. The immigrants 
 and their descendants number 5,000,000 souls, or one-fifth of 
 the entire white population, and these have swollen the Free 
 State representation ; while the population of the South, as well 
 black as white, has progressed only by natural means. It is 
 to be borne in mind, also, that the very prosperity of the 
 South, growing out of large crops, and higher prices for it, 
 operates against the political extension of the section, since 
 it tends powerfully to concentrate the population. We have 
 shown, under the head of cotton-culture, the remarkable ex- 
 tension which took place during the speculative excitement, 
 from 1830 to 1840, in the black population. The fertile lands 
 of the great valley were then discovered to bear more cotton 
 at less price than the Atlantic States, and that migration of 
 blacks took place which produced sp manifest a change in 
 the slave population in the several States by the census of 
 1850. In the table of black population^ given in the preced- 
 ing chapter, of the blacks who left the Atlantic for the new 
 States, a considerable number, when the disasters came on, 
 were run to Texas ; when that State was reannexed, these slaves 
 again appeared in the enumeration of 1850. The effects of 
 hat migration are very remarkable. In Delaware and Mary- 
 and the slave population fell from 106,286 in 1830, to 92,342 
 in 1840, a decline of 13,944 in addition to the natural increase. 
 The free blacks in the same time increased. 10,204. The census 
 of 1850 gave a slight increase of slaves in 1850. In the State 
 of Virginia the slaves declined over 20,000 up to 1840, but 
 recovered 23,000 up to 1850. In the nine j-ears that have 
 elapsed since the census, an immense addition has been made 
 to the cotton crop, and also to its value. Although the crop 
 doubled from 1830 to 1840, under the spur of the speculation 
 of those years, it remained nearly stationary in the ten years 
 
Southern Wealth and N'orthern Promts. U3 
 
 up to 1850, since then it lias again doubled ; that is to say, the 
 cotton raised in the five years ending with 1860 is 17,T3l\:1()7 
 bales, and in the five years ending with 1850 there wei-e raist-d 
 8,951,587, or 85,434 bales less tlum half; at the same time the 
 price per lb. at one time, in 1857, ranged 18 cents. Under 
 such circumstances, the value of cotton hands reached $2,000; 
 while they were nearl}^ as valuable for sugar culture. It is 
 obvious that, under such circumstances, no one can spare 
 blacks for the settlement of new States. On the other hand, 
 they are concentrated on the cotton lands of the old States 
 with great rapidity, and the census of the next year will sIidw; 
 the eflects of those influences upon the local populations. The 
 same causes that are operating to make black servitude annu- 
 ally more important to the world at large, are also operating 
 against the expansion of political power in the South. It need 
 hardly be said that concentration of population aids power- 
 fully in the development of wealth, giving a greater impulse 
 to manufacturing industry. By so doing, it becomes the more 
 important for ]^orthern and confederate States to avoid all 
 political aggression. 
 
 The concentration of hands in the cotton States must dimin- 
 ish the direct interest in the Northern Slave States ; but it in- 
 creases their interest in slave-labor, since they possess the 
 elements of supplanting the Northern Free States in the supply 
 of manufactured goods to the South. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the apportionment to take place 
 under the eighth census, to be taken this year, will indicate 
 a concentration of blacks; but in the last decade the arrivals 
 of emigrants from abroad have been over 3,000,000, a large 
 portion of whom have gone West, in company with consider- 
 able numbers from the Eastern and Middle States, drawn 
 thither by the railroad speculation, and the AVest will receive 
 a vast accession of power in the lower branch of the national 
 government. The interest of that section is less in common 
 with the South than is the East, since the South— if it affords 
 an outlet by the great river for Western produce — is not of it- 
 self a large customer for it. And the Northern railroads have 
 diminished much of the importance of the Southern waiter- 
 courses. The Atlantic States have sought to buihl up a 
 Western interest by large railroad expenditure, and it may 
 draw its food thence in exchange for mannfactures for a season 
 or until the West manuf-it:ture for itself. The West cannot 
 
144 Southern Wealth and Novtliern Profits. 
 
 afford it commerce, or raw materials, or an extended market. 
 The East is, therefore, the " natural ally" of the South, and the 
 two united would without difficulty hold their own against the 
 West. 
 
 It is to be borne in mind that the causes which, since the 
 famine of 1846, have given so great an impulse to immigration, 
 have now measurably ceased to operate. The condition of Ire- 
 land is reversed, and great numbers return thither every year, 
 while the prospect of peace and renewed prosperity in Europe 
 have operated in the past few years to check the disposition to 
 •migrate to America, and the cutting off those supplies of pop- 
 ulation will greatly affect the North. 
 
 It results that if the mere politician sees in the course of 
 events the chance of i-eaching power by riding the anti-slavery 
 hobby, he does it at the risk of concentrating Southern wealth 
 into fl powerful nation, that will be compelled to seek the safety 
 of its present institutions in independence. 
 
 The kind of argument which is used in support of this ag- 
 gressive policy, based upon violence, is beneath contempt. 
 The French Emperor exclaimed, " The Empire is peace ;" with 
 how much greater force is it asserted that " the Union is peace,'' 
 and also the converse, that " disunion is war?" When a mem- 
 ber of the national councils, probably after dinner, exclaims that 
 the I^orth is too strong to permit disunion,: — in other words, 
 that it will " compel" union, no matter how hard the condi- 
 tions, he gives an example of the " meeting of extremes," — his 
 zeal against slavery leads him to threaten the enslavement of a* 
 whole people. The North has but one interest, — it is to side 
 earnestly with the Union, and extinguish every public man Avho 
 dares to excite sectional prejudices in order to obtain votes for 
 his own aggrandizement. 
 
 CHAPTEK XII. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 In the preceding pages we have traced briefly, in several 
 branches, the surprising progress wliich the U. States have made 
 in population and wealth during the first 60 years of their ex- 
 istence. We have seen that the original States have increased 
 
Southeiii Wealth and Xortheni Profits. 115 
 
 from a valuation of $619,977,247 in 179S, to $3,899,226,347 in 
 1850, or thus : 
 
 1T9S. 1S50. 
 
 Valuation $619,977,247 ?3,899,226,347 
 
 ropulation 5,3o5,925 23,191,879 
 
 Value per head -. $117 $168 
 
 The real estate has improved 45 per cent, in value per Iiead 
 of a population that has quadrupled. The personal estate in 
 the sameperiod rose to $3,834,143,378, or about the same as 
 the real estate, making an aggregate of about $336 per liead of 
 the population. Such a rate of progression cannot indicate a 
 wrong system. The increase of Avealth has been prodigious, 
 and it has been well distributed through the jSTorthern States. 
 AVe find, however, this fact, that while the population of the 
 IS'orth has increased less rapidly than that of either of the other 
 sections, its ^\^ealth has increased more rapidly. 
 
 The following table presents a summary of the leading facts 
 set forth in the preceding chapters in relation to the production 
 and valuation of each section, with the population and area : 
 
 NouTH. West. South. Total. 
 
 White population 8,626,852 4,900,368 6,222,418 19,749,633 
 
 Prodxiction. 
 White hands in agri- 
 culture 823,171 728,127 849,285 2,400,583 
 
 Area, acres " 102.878,080 917,313,240 538,533,120 1,558,926.440 
 
 Product agriculture.. $295,568,699 §246,097,028 $528,571,103 $1,070,236,830 
 
 Hands in manufacture 684,761 122,354 i5i,944 959,069 
 
 Cotton inanufucturc. ?52,o62,953 $438,goo $9,367,33i $61,869,184 
 
 Total " .. 715,846,142 133,780,537 164,579,937 1,019,106,616 
 
 K.xports $78,217,202 $198,389,451 $278,392,080 
 
 Tonnajje 3, 481, 436 373,661 918,092 4,773,189 
 
 Kailroads, miles 8,685 10,706 '8,171 27,562 
 
 Propcrt]/. 
 
 Value of animals $173,812,690 $ii2,563.85i $253,795,33o $538,171,871 
 
 Capital in manufacture 382,366,732 i55, 883^045 94,995,674 533.245,822 
 
 Value of tonnage 17,407,180 i,868,3o5 4,290,460 23,865,9.',) 
 
 " ■' ' ..- . . -.' . . 72.6.i/,,.% 
 
 railroads 45i, 940,410 298,837,647 221, 8,07, 5o3 072 
 
 " Dank capital.. 186,668,462 16,978,130 97,730,5-79 3oi,J70,o7i 
 
 " private " .. 94,545,000 13,204,711 10,286,369 ii8.o36,oHo 
 
 Kcal C8tat,e i,835,o63,6i3 619,154.287 1,445,008,447 3,899;226,347 
 
 Personal estate 544,718,966 193,054,073 1,385,727,523 2,i23,44o,562 
 
 Total $3,638,532,053 $i,4i3,544,o49 $3,5i4,074,i85 $8,616,150,287 
 
 The Southern valuation includes tlic slaves. The Nortliern 
 agricultural productions include hay, which is ratlicr an ex- 
 pense than a product. Tlie valuations of real and personal es- 
 tate are tliose of the census returns, to which the commission- 
 ers affixed a corrected value, at $7,066,562,966. Of this the 
 Northern proportion was $380 per head ; the Southern $304; 
 10 
 
146 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 and the Western $200. That part of the country whicli had 
 tlie least natural resources accumulated the most wealth. This 
 has resulted from the workings of capital in aid of manufactur- 
 ing and commercial industry, favored by the laws of the federal 
 Uiiion. The bounties paid to fisheries, the protective tariffs, 
 giving to the Nortliei'ii factories a monopoly of supplying the 
 South and "West with goods ; the monopoly of the carrying trade, 
 and the expenditure of the government revenue mostly at the 
 !North, — these have all resulted from the operation of the fed- 
 eral laws, and the laws'of finance governing accumulated cap- 
 ital, have put the whole country under contribution to that 
 capital. The laws of trade have, by concentrating the markets 
 at the ISTorth, required a periodical Northern pilgrimage, which 
 has enriched the cities of the East, as Mecca is supj^orted by 
 the i:)ilgrimages of the faithful. The whole surplus production v' 
 of tlie' country has, therefore, centred at the Korth, making 
 the rich richer, and making " capital" the sole strength of the 
 North, as opposed to the "labor" of the South and West, 
 While this has been the case, a very curious change has been 
 going on in the populat'ion of the N"orthern States, as disclosed 
 by the census. The poor classes of native, mostly agricultural, 
 population, have emigrated in hundreds of thousands to the 
 West and South, and as many poor foreigners have filled the 
 space thus vacated to carry on small trades, and perform do- 
 mestic service. This change is apparent in the census returns. 
 
 Population of the North in 1790 1,968,455 
 
 " " ", i85o 8,626,85i 
 
 Increase 6,658,896 
 
 Native Northern emigration i ,428,579 
 
 Foreigners domiciled. 1,292,241 
 
 Excess native emigration i36,33S 
 
 These foreigners are mostly domestic servants and artisans. 
 If tliese were deducted from the I^orthern aggregate popula- 
 tion, the value of property per head Avould be so much the 
 greater. Thus the North has been dividing into a poor foreign 
 population and a Avealthy native population. The revenues 
 and profits of the latter are derived from the large productions 
 of the South and West, both of which contribute in a different 
 degree to the Northern profits. The South has, however, been 
 by far the most productive. As we have seen, its lands and 
 slaves have risen annually in value, step by step with the rising 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 147 
 
 value of their productions, and the resulting wealth is reflected 
 in the magnificence of the North. 
 
 The North has been concentrating wealth and cheap lahnr, 
 thus strengthening its position as manufacturer for the Union, 
 and paving the Avay for the export of a large surplus of manu- 
 factures, when the South and West shall have made furtlicr 
 progress in supplj'ing themselves. It has enjoyed the entire 
 markets of the Union as a means, so to speak, of learning its 
 trade. It has retained the whole carrying trade of the country 
 for its shipping. It has received a bounty in higli tariffs dni-ing 
 its weakness, to defend it from importation, and it has g-adu- 
 alh' acquired strength in experience, capital, and skill. It had 
 before it a most brilliant future, but it has wantonly disturbed 
 that future by encouraging the growth of a political party based 
 wholly upon sectional aggression, — a party which proposes no 
 issues of statesmanship for the benefit of the whole country ; it" 
 advances nothing of a domestic or foreign policy tending to 
 national profit or protection, or to promote the general welfare 
 in any way. It simply denounces the system of labor which 
 has conferred such prosperity upon the North, as a " moral 
 ■wrong." While it disavows any intention of interfering with 
 servitude at the South, it encoui-ages, in every possible way, ail . 
 that tends to undermine it. It enters the connnon national^ 
 dwelling, and scatters firebrands amid the most solemn protes- 
 tations of harmless intentions. It claims the right to explode 
 mines, without being answerable for the mischief that may re- 
 sult. If questioned as to the object of such conduct, it replies, 
 that it is one of its " inalienable rights" so to act, and tliat cer- 
 tain pei-sons who have combustible materials have had the ef- 
 frontery to express feare of the consequences, and therefore it is 
 tlie more bound to persist. It is for such reasoning as this tliat 
 the North has for more than ten years constantly allowed itself 
 to be irritated by incendiary speakers and writers, whose sole 
 stock in trade is the unreasoning hate against the South tliat 
 may be engendered by long-continued irritating misrepresenta- 
 tion. 
 
 From time to time in the liistory of the country tlie attempt 
 has been made to acquire party strength by stirring up slum- 
 bering passions, and these attempts have always been made 
 imder the cloak of philanthropy. These attempts have gener- 
 ally failed, but their repetition, with greater violence, from 
 time to time, has warped the truth in relation to the real posi- 
 
148 Southern Wealth and JVorthern Profits. 
 
 the monstrous doctrine has acquired strength, that one species 
 of property, recognized by the Federal Constitution, is without 
 protection on Federal soil ! Thus, the speech of William H. 
 Seward, Esq., in the national Senate, on the 29th of February, 
 laying down the platform of the party of which he is the chief, 
 remarked : 
 
 J " The fathers authorized Congress to make all needful rules 
 and regulations concerning the management and disposition of 
 the public lauds, and to admit new States. So the Constitu- 
 tion, while it does not disturb or affect the system of capital 
 in slaves, existing in any State imder its own laws, does, at the 
 same time, recognize evern/ human heing, when within any ex- 
 cktsive sphere of Federal jurisdiction^ not as cajpital^ hut as a 
 
 \person. 
 
 "What was the action of the fathers in Congress? They 
 admitted the new States of the Southwest as capital States, 
 because it w^as practically impossible to do otherwise, and by 
 the ordinance of 1787, confirmed in 1789, they provided for 
 the organization and admission of only labor States in the 
 Northwest. They directed fugitives from service to be re- 
 stored, not as chattels, but as persons. They awarded natural- 
 ization to immigrant free laborers, and they prohibited the 
 trade in African labor. This disposition of the whole subject 
 was in harmony with the condition of society, and, in the main, 
 with the spirit of the age. The seven ISTorthern States content- 
 edly became labor States by their own acts. The six Southern 
 States with equal tranquillity, and by their own determination, 
 remained capital States." 
 
 We have italicized the lines which contain the erroneous 
 assumption to which we have alluded. The spirit of the 
 assertion therein contained is contradicted in the succeeding 
 lines, which claims that Congress conferred slavery upon six 
 States, and prohibited it in seven — ^in a part of which it had 
 existed before the territory became the property of the Union. 
 Since the only powers possessed by the Constitution are those 
 especially delegated to it, the exercise of the power on the part 
 of Congress to "confer" involves that of "exclusion," If it 
 has power over any subject at all, it has the affirnuitive as well 
 as the negative. It is, however, with the iirst assertion that 
 we have now to deal, viz., that the Constitution recognizes 
 blacks only as " persons." This assertion is contrary to both 
 
Soxithern Wealth and Northern. Profits. 140 
 
 the law and the fact. At the time of the formation of the 
 Federal Constitution, the Law of nations recognized hiwi'ul 
 property in African shives tln-ongiiont the civilized worhl. 
 In tliis country, they had been so held in every part of it 
 from its earHest settlement. No colony was without ownei-s 
 of lilack property, and none doubted the legality of the liold- 
 ing. It M-as about that date tluit the agitators in England 
 began to question tjie humanity of the negro, and to seek to 
 raise him to the level of the white. With this experimental 
 idea, necessarily was born the doubt of the right to hold him 
 as property. England was then beginning that experiment in 
 humanizing blacks that has ended so disastrously, and which so 
 clearly demonstrates the fallacy of the theory of black equality. 
 It was not surprising that the generous-hearted of our own 
 statesmen should have adopted the seductive, but untried 
 theory, and hesitate about the rightfulness of " holding prop- 
 erty in man." ^Nevertheless, the fact of the property in negroes 
 existed, and the Constitution was framed in the recognition of 
 it. It has since been attempted to dispute whether the Con- 
 stitution recognized the blacks as property, or as persons on!}/. 
 The generally received opinion, when the Cpnstitution was 
 adopted, was that it recognized blacks as "proj^erty" only. 
 The ultra men of that day contended that the Constitution 
 regarded them as something more than property, raising them 
 to the level of " moral persons." Gradually ultra men denied 
 that they are property at all under the Constitution. Mr. 
 Seward and his party are of those who contend for the latter, 
 thus reversing the judgment which was held by the inen who 
 n'lade the Constitution. If we go back to the highest contein- 
 porancous-.authority, we find Mr. Jay, in the Federalist^ states 
 it as follows: 
 
 " We must deny the fact that slaves are considered merel}' 
 as property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true 
 state of the case is, that they partake of both these qualities, 
 being considered by our laws in some respects as persons, and 
 in other respects as property. In being compelled to hilx-r, 
 not for himself, but for a master; in being vendible by one 
 master to another master; and in being subject at all times to 
 be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body, by the 
 capricious will of his owner; the slave may appear to be de- 
 graded from the human rank, and classed with tlmsc irrational 
 
150 Southern Wealth and Nortlienm Profits. 
 
 animals -which fall imder the legal denomination of property. 
 h\ being protected, on the other hand, in his life and in his 
 limbs, against the violence of all others, even the master of his 
 labor and his liberty ; and in being punishable himself for ail 
 violence committed against others ; the slave is no less evi- 
 dently regarded by the law as a member of the society, not 
 as a part of the irrational creation ; as a moral person, not as 
 a mere article of property. The Federal Constitution, there- 
 fore, decides M'ith great propriety on the case of our slaves, 
 when it views them in the mixed character of persons and prop- 
 erty. This is, in fact, their true character ; it is the character 
 bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it 
 will not be disputed that tliese are the proper criterion." 
 
 This was the view of Mr. Jay in opposition to those who at 
 that day contended that slaves were property merely. There 
 is a long stride from that position to the present assertion of 
 the "Black Republicans," that slaves are "persons merely.^'' 
 The progress of this aggression upon tlie South and Southern 
 rights in property is thus verj^ clear. The Constitutional "prop- 
 erty" view of the black position was not left to be a barren 
 idea ; but undSr this view of " property" in blacks. Congress 
 proceeded to act. A law was passed March 2, 1807, of which 
 the 9th and 10th sections j^rovide in substance as follows : 
 " That the captain of any vessel of more than forty tons bur- 
 den, sailing coastwise from one port of the United States to 
 another, having on board persons of color, to be transported in 
 order to be sold or disposed of as slaves, shall make out and 
 subscribe duplicate manifests, describing those slaves, and 
 shall, with the owner or master, swear that they are not held 
 to service or labor contrary to any law of the United States, or 
 of the State." 
 
 The 9th section goes on to jDrovide that the Collector 
 shall thereupon grant a permit to the master, authorizing 
 liim to transport these slaves to the port where they are 
 to be unladen, and forfeits any vessel departing without the 
 manifest. 
 
 Section 10th provides — "Tliat the master of every vessel 
 having on board j^ersons of color, to sell or dispose of as 
 slaves, shall, upon arriving at his port of destination, before 
 'unlading these persons, exhibit a copy of the manifest to the 
 Collector." And the penalty for a refusal by the master of a 
 
Sou//tt'ni Wraith and Northern Profits. 151 
 
 •fcssol, laden as aforesaid, to deliver the inanitest to the Collec- 
 tor, is fixed at ten thousand dollars. 
 
 The laws of the United States have thus lawfully placed the 
 Blave on board a vessel of the United States, — have provided 
 \n what manner he shall be lawfully embarked, — in what man- 
 \ier he shall be landed at the port of destination, — rei,nilatin_<r 
 the trade altogether m the manner of "property," and that on 
 the high seas under the national flag. 
 
 The object of the law thus regulating the transportation of 
 black property, had special reference to the safety of that 
 property in positions where it might be imperilled, viz., on the 
 high seas, out of the jurisdiction of the State, but under the 
 national flag. The idea had, probably, not then been broached, 
 that the property of American citizens could be imperilled on 
 the soil of the common country, by persons, who, having aban- 
 doned their own similar "property," might seek to destroy that 
 of their neighbors. 
 
 We find, in a contemporaneous history, a debate which took 
 place Jan. 2, 1799, during the administration of John Adams, 
 and which throws some light on the views of Noi-theni 
 legislators of that day upon the same subject. On the day 
 mentioned, Mr. Wain, of Philadelphia, presented a petition, 
 praying for "a revision of the laws of the United States rela- 
 tive to the slave-trade; of the act relative to fugitives from 
 justice; and for the adoption of such measures as should in 
 due time emancipate the whole of their brethren from their 
 disagreeable situation." 
 
 Mr. Kutledge opposed the petition. " The gentlemen," said 
 he, " who formerly used to advocate liberty, have retreated from 
 their post, and committed the important trust to the care of 
 " black patriots ;" they tell the house they are in slavery : thank 
 God they are. They say they are nf)t represented : certainly 
 they ai-e not ; and I trust the day will never arrive when the 
 Congress of the United States will dis])lay a parti-colored as- 
 £embl3^ Too much of this new-fangled French philusoj)hy of 
 liberty and equality has found its way among these gentlemen 
 of our plantations, for which nothing will do but liberty." 
 
 "Harrison G. Otis, of Massachusetts, brought forward his 
 usual eloquence on this occasion. He said that thougli he pos- 
 sessed no slaves, he saw no reason why others might not ; and 
 that the proprietors of them were the fittest persons, and n(»t 
 Congress, to regulate that sj)ecies of property." 
 
152 Southern Wealth and JS/'orthern Profits. 
 
 Mr. Tliatcher, to the surprise of many, differed from his 
 countryman, and thought the petitions for black men deserved 
 equal consideration with those for whites.'' 
 
 " Mr. Brown, of Ehode Island, argued that the petition was 
 but the contrivance of a combination of Jacobins, who had 
 troubled Congress for many years past, and he feared never 
 would cease. He begged, therefore, that the gentleman who 
 put the petition on the table, might be desired to take it back 
 again. He was truly sorry to see such a dangerous paper sup- 
 ported by such a worthy member of the House, and good Fed- 
 eralist, as Mr. Thatcher." 
 
 This incident is curious, since it shows that the " Black Pa- 
 triots" of 1799 — a "• combination of Jacobins," who " never 
 would cease troubling Congress" — are the Black Eepublicans 
 of the present day, still troubling it. While Mr. Thatcher, " a 
 good Federalist," was the only one advocating the " troubling," 
 Mr. Harrison Gray Otis refei'red the " property" to its " pro- 
 prietors." The " Federalist" party, of which Mr. Thatcher was 
 a "good one," also passed, in the Massachusetts Legislature, 
 the resolution to "dissolve the Union," if Louisiana should 
 be annexed. That party has " dissolved" on the occasion of 
 every new Slave State added to the Union since the annexa- 
 tion, no matter what " name" the party may have assumed for 
 the moment. The free-territory question has ever been re- 
 vived when it was thought useful to " defeat the Democrats," 
 which seems to have been its leading principle on all occa- 
 sions, and at the present moment its " sole" principle. 
 
 John Adams was a shoemaker in Braintree, Mass. When 
 out of his time he studied law, on the advice of his uncle, a 
 schoolmaster. He became, after the Revolution, the leader of 
 the monarchal party, and his leading idea was " hereditary 
 rulers ;" and through his influence the alien and sedition laws 
 Avere enacted. The former gave the executive absolute power 
 over foreigners who arrived, and they were imprisoned and 
 expelled for no reason but the will of the executive. The law 
 of Congress in relation to the importation of such persons as 
 any other States chose to admit until 1808, was held to apply 
 only to negroes ; hence the alien law, originated by that 
 founder of* the party now known as the Black Republican 
 party, was allowed to operate against whites. 
 
 There was but one idea at that time in the countjy. All the 
 States of the Union, the Federal Constitution, the laws of Con- 
 
Soid/iern Wealth and Xorthivn J^roft.^. 153 
 
 gress, the popular mind, and the tlieories of legislator?, all 
 acknowledged property in slaves, and, as an inevitable conse- 
 quence, that the "property" was as much entitled to protection 
 under the national flag, or on the federal soil, as any other 
 possession. The slave-owner, with his property embarked 
 upon the high seas, had, by express statute, the national flag, 
 as an a^gis, thrown around him, to protect him from both the 
 foreign and domestic assailant ; and yet we are told that if ho 
 M-alked forth on the open prairie — on the national soil, owned 
 by the coumion government and regulated by its laws — that 
 he was therein without recognition, and without protection ; 
 that his property is the prey of the spoiler ; his civil rights 
 lost in the mire of free-soilism, and his complaints the derision 
 of those who there hold other property under laws that are 
 nugatory for him ! The doctrine is monstrous, and born only 
 of a desperate party faction, which seeks power by any means, 
 no matter liow dangerous, disreputable, or deceitful. The ter- 
 ritories of the government are said not to be States, but be- 
 come so only when a sufficient number of persons shall have 
 settled to entitle them to admission. Tlie flrst settlers, it is 
 said, carry into a new territory the laws of the States they 
 have left, and their affairs are so governed until a territorial 
 Legislature shall have devised laws that are subject to the re- 
 vision of Congress. It is, then, very clear that settlers upon 
 new territorj^ — not being in, any State, but having one before 
 them in the future — are in their passage from one State to 
 another, and slave property is under the special protection of 
 Congress in such circumstances. If, when the new State shall 
 have been formed, a majority abolish slavery in the exercise 
 of Stale sovereignty, as the Northern States have done, the loss 
 will fall upon the owner, he having passed without the pro- 
 tecting influence of the Federal laws. 
 
 That protection to Southern " property," recognized in the 
 Constitution as such, when on Federal soil outside of the States, 
 is the only offset that the South possesses to the special advan- 
 tages conferred on Northern interests and industry dm-ing 70 
 years past. The flsheries of the Xorth, as we have seen, re- 
 ceived nearly $13,000,000 hard cash— two-thirds paid to Mas- 
 sachusetts. The Northern manufactures have been ])rotected 
 by a duty which has laid all Southern consumers of Northern 
 goods under tribute to the manufacturers, and Northern ship- 
 ping has had a monopoly of carrying, by virtue of laws which 
 
154 Southerii Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 exclude foreign ships from the coasting trade. In return for 
 those special advantages, all the South has claimed is the con- 
 stitutional protection to her property nnder the national flag, 
 and that has been. denied. With these facts patent to the world, 
 Mr. Seward, in his late speech, had the effrontery to ask : 
 
 "What are the excuses for these menaces? They resolve 
 themselves into this, That the Republican party in the Kortli 
 is hostile to the South. But it already "is proved to be a ma- 
 jority in the N"orth ; it is, therefore, practicall}'^ the people of 
 the ISTorth. Will it not still be the same North that has for- 
 borne with you so long, and conceded to you so much? Can 
 you justly assume that affection, w^iicli has been so complying, 
 can all at once change to hatred, intense and inexorable ?" 
 
 Truly, a forbearing and conceding party that has been ! In 
 the same sense, the speaker denied that the party is sectionaL 
 In his view of it, it certainly is not. If the Eepublicans can 
 have the whole, and govern the whole, they go in for the 
 whole ; — there is no " sectionality" in that. If they cannot 
 have the whole, they will ruin the whole ; and no one will 
 perceive sectionality in that. 
 
 The Constitution also provides that slaves who escape into 
 other States " shall, in consequence of no laws or regulations 
 therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be 
 delivered up." Pursuant to this, a fugitive-slave law was one 
 of the first passed by Congress, and its operation was con- 
 tinued down to the adoption, by the " old Federalist party," 
 of the English anti-slavery sentiments, on the strength of which 
 tliey have become the " Black Republfcan" party. By this 
 party, armed resistance was offered to the execution of the 
 Federal law, affording an illustration of the following clause 
 from Washington's Farewell Address : 
 
 " The Constitution, which at any time exists till changed \^' 
 an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly 
 obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right 
 of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of 
 of every individual to obey the established government. 
 
 "All obstructions to the execution of the laws; all combina- 
 tions and associations, under whatever plausible character, with 
 the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regu- 
 lar deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are 
 destructive of this fulidamental principle, and of fatal ten- 
 dency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial 
 
So id horn Wealth and NortheDi Prnfit.-t. 155 
 
 and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delei^ated 
 ■svill of the nation the will of a party, often a small bnt artful 
 and enterprising minority of the comninnity ; and, according 
 to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the pub- 
 lic administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incon- 
 gruous projects of ftiction, rather than the organ of consistent 
 and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and uKxli- 
 fied by mutual interests. 
 
 " However combinations or associations of the above de- 
 scription may now and then answer popular ends, they are 
 likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent 
 engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men 
 will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to 
 usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying, 
 afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust 
 dominion." 
 
 The clear rays of Washington's sagacity thus, at a distance 
 of 54: years, accurately photographed the " Black Eepublican" 
 party. There is nothing wanting but to add the names of 
 Seward, Sumner, and Smith, to John Brown, Beecher, and 
 Brotherhood, to make it perfect. The party that these persons 
 represent and illustrate is, on its face, a bald sham. It pro- 
 fesses to respect the rights of sovereign States, and to have no 
 intention of interfering with the institution of slavery within 
 them. The chief of the party, in his recent speech in the 
 National Senate, stated : 
 
 " The choice of the nation is now between the Democratic 
 party and the Eepublican party. Its principles and policy are, 
 therefore, justly and even necessarily examined. I know of 
 only one policy' Avhich it has adopted or avowed, namely, the 
 saving of the Territories of the United States, if possible, by 
 constitutional and lawful means, from being homes lor slavery 
 and polygamy." 
 
 This " one policy adopted" is, it appears, to save territories 
 from the institution of slavery. The last word in the (piotation 
 indicates the late mission of Mr. Seward's editor to Utah. In 
 relation to the States the speaker remarked : 
 
 "But we do not seek to force, or even to intrude, our system 
 on you. We are excluded justly, wisely, and contentedly from 
 all political power and responsibility in your cajtital States. 
 You are sovereigns on the subject of slavery within yom- own 
 borders, as we are on the same subject within our Ijorders. It 
 
156 * Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 is well and wisely so arranged. Use your antliority to main- 
 tain what system you please. We are not distrustful of the re- 
 sult. We have wisely, as we think, exercised ours to protect 
 and perfect the manhood of the members of the State. The 
 whole sovereignty upon domestic concerns within the Union is 
 divided between us by unmistakable boundaries. You have 
 3'our fifteen distinct parts ; we eighteen parts, equally distinct. 
 Each must be maintained in order that the whole may be pre- 
 served. If ours shall be assailed, within or without, by any 
 enem}^, or for any cause, and we shall have need, we shall ex- 
 pect you to defend it. If yours shall be so assailed, in the 
 emergency, no matter what the cause or the pretext, or who 
 the foe, we shall defend your sovereignty as the equivalent of 
 our own. We cannot, indeed, accept your system of capital or 
 its ethics. That would be to surrender and subvert our own, 
 which we esteem to be better. Besides, if we could, what need 
 for any division into States at all ? You are equally at liberty 
 to reject our system and its ethics, and to maintain the superi- 
 ority of your own by all the forces of persuasion and argument. 
 We must, indeed, mutually, discuss both systems. All the 
 world discusses all systems. Especially must we discuss them, 
 since we have to decide as a nation which of the two we ought 
 to ingraft On the new and future States growing up in the great 
 public domain. Discussion, then, being unavoidable, what 
 could be more wise than to conduct it with mutual toleration 
 and in a fraternal spirit?" 
 
 The question of slavery in Territories settles itself according 
 to the adaptation of the soil to slave-labor. This is not a mat- 
 ter of sentiment or surmise, it is simply a matter of experience 
 and history. The whole of the Northern Free States were once 
 "the hojnes of slavery." They all possessed that "property," 
 and they all gradually abandoned it as of no practical value. 
 This process is now going on in the Northern Slave States. We 
 have seen in the table, page 120, that the free negroes in Dela- 
 ware were as 1 to 2 of the slaves in 1790, and as 9 to 1 in 1850. 
 In Maryland the free blacks were to the slaves, in 1790, as 1 to 
 13 ; and in 1850 they were as 1 to 1^. In Yirginia tliey rose 
 from I'to 20 to 1 to S|-. Nine States holding slaves in 1709 abol- 
 ished the institution within 30 years of that date. The reason for 
 doing so was not philanthropic nor yet political, but simply a mat- 
 ter of dollars and cents. Slave-labor in that region was not worth 
 having. This economical princii^le it is which governs slavery 
 
Southe7'^}i Wealth cmd Xorthei-n Profits. l.')? 
 
 in the Territories. Slavery will not go on to any of tlic })rosent 
 unappropriated Territory of the nation, for the reason that it 
 would not be profitable to go there. If it should do so it would 
 be certain to lose. Because the fntnre States would abolish 
 the institution on account of its inutility; and would, like Ohio, 
 Illinois, Indiana, and Minnesota, forbid blacks from coining in 
 at all. either bond or free. These are fixed and well-known 
 principles ; and when a party of political hucksters profess only 
 " one policy," that of keeping slavery out by virtue of their 
 acts, they profess only a bald sham, which is an insult to the 
 intelligence of the people whose votes they seek. As well 
 might a party of political traders point to the influx and eifiux 
 of the tide, and pretend that their efiforts alone prevent the 
 fiirm-lands of the Atlantic from being drowned at each recur- 
 ring flood. Barefaced as would be such an assumption, it is 
 not more baseless than the pretence that Kansas was " saved 
 to freedom" by Brown and Beecher. There is no man of in- 
 telligence who does not know that if Kansas had been made 
 a Slave State, and any number of slaves had been carried 
 into it, that a very short time only would elapse before those 
 slaves would have been emancipated by State laws, and conse- 
 quently "freedom" would have gained instead of losing. If, 
 then, we are to believe the assertion of the Black Hepublican 
 leader, the " one policy" only " of which he knows" is a gross 
 deception. It has no practical force or meaning beyond its 
 use, as a means of irritating the popular mind, in order to turn 
 votes to the party, on the strength of that exasperation ; yet he 
 denominates this sham "the great national issue between irca 
 labor and capital labor for the territories," that parties are 
 " conducting to its proper solution." 
 
 ^Notwithstanding these disclaimers of the leader in the jiart 
 of " moderator," seeking to retain those partisans who see 
 more danger than profit in the gratuitous agitation of .this de- 
 ceptive issue, the active partisans are earnest in their deifica- 
 tions of John Brown, and virulent in their hatred of the South. 
 
 Mr. Seward himself seems to have been as unfortunate in his 
 partnership with John Brown as he was with the Auburn rum- 
 seller during the Temperance campaign in Xew York. In the 
 latter case he put §2000 capital into i)ai-tnership to sell "i)aints, 
 oils," &c., but his zealous, money-making "young partner^' 
 construed the "tfec." into champagne and "fine old ])randies." 
 Mr. Seward, in his published apology, elicited by public sur- 
 
158 Southern^^Yealth and J^orthern Profits. 
 
 prise, stated that he had been overreached by his partner in 
 drawing the papers, and could not now help himself. History 
 does not record whether he pocketed the profits on the cham- 
 pagne and brandies, but the chances are that he did. The 
 North Carolina teacher, and shrewd New York lawj^er and 
 apostle of temperance, was turned into a rumseller by the will 
 of a journeyman painter. In the Free-soil business he was not 
 more fortunate. He went into business with John Brown, to 
 deal in freedom, &c., in Kansas. John Brown, however, hav- 
 ing got possession of his stock in trade, construed the " &c." 
 into invading Virginia, to rob and slaughter the whites, and 
 stampede the negroes. Mr. Seward is again in a dilemma with 
 his " young partner." John Brown's strong doctrine is as ob- 
 jectionable as the Auburn partner's strong drink, and he is 
 compelled to repudiate John Brown to satisfy the temperate 
 people, although the ]3artnership continues by contract, and the 
 profits will accinie in due time to the poor, victimized " sleep- 
 ing partner." 
 
 The system of irritation against the South has long been a 
 staple for Eastern agitation. Under the laws of the United 
 States blacks are not citizens. It is only of late years that the 
 attempt has been made to enforce that attribute of citizenship 
 upon them. The Western States, on their formation, nearly all 
 of them as we have seen, enacted laws excluding blacks from 
 their territories, and their right to do so has never been dis- 
 puted, although, as citizens, the blacks could not legally have 
 iDcen excluded. The Southern States have done the same thing 
 in many cases, and the coast States, where vessels navigate be- 
 tween the North and the South, found it necessary to restrain 
 such free blacks as came from the North in the capacity of sea- 
 men, while in Southern ports. Tlius, under the law passed by 
 Ohio, a vessel from Buffalo with a free negro in it, would be 
 subjected to $500 fine, and other punishment. A vessel arriv- 
 ing at Charleston, S. C, from Boston, with a free negro in it, 
 would only be required to restrain the negro of his liberty until 
 the vessel sailed. 
 
 The Free State law was much more severe than the Slave 
 State law, and neither treated the black as a citizen. Massa- 
 chusetts, however, never took any notice of the conduct of the 
 Western States, but picked a quarrel with South Carolina be- 
 cause they restrained a " Massachusetts citizen" of his liberty. 
 Every art was used in Boston to inflame the p\iblic mind 
 
Southern Wealth cnul Xorthern Profits. ir.D 
 
 against the "infamous" conduct of South Carolina, and Mv. 
 Hoar was sent thither as a commissioner from Massachusetts, to 
 bully South Carolina into repealing their laws, without success. 
 The United States courts have long decided that blacks are not 
 citizens, and it was as well known before Mr. Hoar's mission as 
 afterwards. The effect was, however, to sustain excitement for 
 party purposes, and with success. Mr. Sumner owes his polit- 
 ical rise simply to those factious irritations, and it was to 
 pander to those puerile and baseless passions, causelessly ex- 
 cited, that he made that famous speech, defamatory of South 
 Carolina, M'liich drew on him the wrath of Preston Brooks. 
 The people of South Carolina no more enacted those laws for 
 regulating the blacks out of hostility to Massachusetts, than 
 Illinois and Indiana did when they enacted more severe laws 
 of the same nature. She exercised her sovereign right of regu- 
 lating her affairs in her own way, and the attempt of Massachu- 
 setts to coerce her into relinquishing her sovereign rights may 
 be taken, possibly, for one of those concessions and forbearances 
 which the "Black Republican" leader boasts of in the national 
 Senate. A party that rests only on the fruition of such animosi- 
 ties, so industriously sown among different classes of the peo- 
 ple during so many years, and avowing but "one policy," which 
 is to concentrate these animosities on so transparent a flam as 
 the saving territory to freedom by law, can have but one real 
 object, that is, official spoils, at all and every hazard. 
 
 It is not alone the unfavorable nature of territorial soil which 
 checks that expansion of black labor, because there are now 
 vast tracts of lands in Slave States altogether unoccupied. It 
 is that the black" force is altogether inadequate to the work be- 
 fore it. The civilized world is pressing upon that small force 
 of blacks with an ever-increasing demand for that material 
 which they alone can produce. Under that demand the ]»ricc 
 of the product rises, and the value of the hand swells aunnally 
 in amount. As a consequence every straggler is turned into 
 the fields, to add ten more bales to the annual crop. If we 
 turn back to the chapter on the cotton cidture we find the fol- 
 lowing facts : 
 
 Crop, bales. J^o. slaves. Slaves per baU. 
 
 1800 35,000 837,095 24 
 
 1820 5o9,i58 1,524,580 3 
 
 i83o 870.415 2,005,471 2'/« 
 
 1840 2,177,532 2.48^J.226 i'« 
 
 2,796,796 3,204.03I !'/• 
 
 2,T 
 
 4,5^ 
 
 i860 4,5oo,ooo 4,000,000 Vii 
 
160 Soxithern Wealth and l^orthern Profits. 
 
 Thus the demand for cotton has gone on to increase from 
 one bale for 24 blacks, to 26 bales for 24 blacks, and the price 
 rises on this demand. The concentration of hands, upon that 
 labor is immense. In all directions of the Sonth the hands are 
 ^moving to a common point — the cotton-iields. In a recent 
 publication by John C. Abbott, Esq., describing a voyage from 
 Cuba, through iSTew Orleans to ISTew York, he remarks : 
 
 " When the De Soto was made fast to the levee, the wide and 
 extended plateau was thronged with laborers, but they were 
 nearly all Germans or Irish. Rarely could I see a dark skin. 
 It M'as tlie same in the streets as we drove Jhrough them. 
 Upon speaking of this to a very intelligent gentleman, he ob- 
 served that the slaves were becoming so exceedingly jDrofitable 
 upon the plantations that large numbers had been sold from 
 the city for that purpose." 
 
 It is not the cotton alone that demands the slave-labor, but 
 sugar, tobacco, and other interests require growing numbers of 
 hands, for which there is no sour(;e of supply but natural in- 
 crease. It is not, therefore, a matter of surprise that the blacks 
 should be taken from the non-productive employments of the 
 cities, and made to furnish the present profitable productions. 
 The ISTorth exhibits a contrast to this — while the cities are over- 
 run with poor who find no employment, the West is destitute 
 of hands for harvest. It is in vain that the papers preach to 
 the " free laborers" the importance and benefits of farm labor. 
 They cling to the cities, crowd tenement houses, and raise 
 numbers of pauper children, which in New York, to some ex- 
 tent, are collected in benevolent institutions,, sent West, and 
 •'bound out" to farmers for some years. Thus, on a small 
 scale goes on at the ISTorth what is found so generally necessary 
 at the South. 
 
 , The concentration of the blacks upon plantations leaves a 
 vacancy in the cities that is now being supplied, to some extent, 
 with Irish and Germans. It is obvious, however, that witli the 
 rising valufe of the black hands, and the necessity of their con- 
 tinued industry, under the imperative demands of the civilized 
 world, that there is little room for tlie occupation of new States, 
 least pf all such as those of Kansas, and others not adapted to 
 the cotton culture. It may probably require three times .the 
 number of hands that now exist to cultivate the available cot- 
 ton lands in the present States, and this supply, at the rate of 
 progress now going on, will not be reached in 70 years, by nat- 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 161 
 
 ural means, wliile the deiiiand upon tlicni for produce will, in 
 all probability, grow faster than their own nuyibcrs. l\\ otlier 
 words, their value will continue to rise. In this view, there is 
 no chance of exteiided removals to new States. It is true, at 
 this moment a considerable removal is going on from Florida 
 to the cotton lands of the valley ; but it is not important in a 
 general view. The migration tliat took place formerly into new 
 lands was when the employment of blacks was not so profita- 
 ble as now, and the richer lands of the Mississippi afforded 
 greater inducements. That will not be repeated, since the 
 richest lands are occupied, and lack of hands only prevents a 
 more extended cultivation of them. These general facts sliow 
 conclusively how absurd it is to pretend that the planters, with 
 their blacks so lucratively employed, would abandon these oc- 
 cupations to migrate into a new State, where there are no cot- 
 ton lands, and which are not adapted to slave labor, for the sole 
 purpose of an ephcnurul recognition of slavery under the pro- 
 spective State laws. Vet this is the ignis fatuus held up by the 
 Black Kepublican agitators, to bias the popular mind. This 
 puerile chimera is the " one policy" for which the North is 
 driven to forego its position, its profits, and prosperity. It is 
 goaded by specious falsehoods into distrust and hatred of the 
 South, which asks simply to hav6 its independent rights re- 
 spected, while it supplies materials, business, and wealth to tlio 
 North. 
 
 Among the great privileges that the North has enjoyed at the 
 expense of the South has been the operation of t}ie protective 
 tariff revenues. The South, with the full knowledge of their 
 injurious operation, consented to their imposition from purely 
 patriotic motives, as a sacrifice laid upon the national altar. It 
 has ever been watchful of the progress of the Union, and alter- 
 nately leaned to the side of the Federation when it was too 
 weak,^and to that of the States when it was too strong. The 
 Constitution of the Federal States provided that the Federal 
 Government, while it had the right to levy direct taxes ujjon 
 all the property of the country for its own use, also confei-red 
 upon it the exclusive right to levy taxes upon imports. Tliis 
 right has been the surest bond of union. The taxes laid under 
 it were originally for revenue purposes only. The manufac- 
 tures of the country were unimportant, and New England 
 interests being commercial, free trade was the rule, and very 
 low duties were imposed. It followed, as a matter of course, 
 
 11 
 
162 Southern Wealth and Nwthern Profits. 
 
 that that resource of revenue failed altogether in times of 
 embargo and wfir, while these circumstances gave an impulse 
 to manufactures. At the peace of 1815, the government was 
 $120,000,000 in debt; its revenues were small ; its credit not 
 great, and the effort to raise money bj direct taxation brought 
 it in conflict with the States in many respects. Instead of em- 
 ploying its own tax-gatherers, it apportioned the amount upon 
 the States, and it was then at their mercy to pay or not ; there 
 were no means of enforcing payment. In this state of affairs 
 the government became very weak, and was in danger of fall- 
 ing to pieces. It was then that Mr. Calhoun came forward 
 and devised a tariff, which not only gave large revenues to the 
 government, making it independent of the States, and enabling 
 it to pay off its debt — $10,000,000 per annum — but gave great 
 protection to manufactures. He devised what was called the 
 minimum system, by which merchandise was to pay ad valorem 
 down to a certain point, below which the duty should not fall. 
 Thus, cottons were to pay 20 per cent, duty as long as the duty 
 amounted to more than six cents per yard; but the duty was 
 not to be less than six cents. This was the great boon to E'ew 
 England (which repaid South Carolina subsequently by pick- 
 ing a qnarrel with her on the negro question) manufacturers, 
 as well as a great and indispensable aid to the Federal govern- 
 .meut, but a great sacrifice to the South, where the consumers 
 of goods were to pay the duty — nevertheless, it was a tribute to 
 patriotism ; but Mr. Seward numbers it among the " conces- 
 sions" of the Korth to the South. Mr. Calhoun received un- 
 measured abuse for his pains from the North, where the interests 
 were then navigation, and Daniel Webster was the great apostle 
 of free trade. A very few years served to make those two 
 statesmen change places. Under Mr. Calhoun's tariff, the Kew 
 England manufacturers prospered rapidly ; that interest came 
 to jjredominate over the commercial interest, and became 
 clamorous for more protection. Daniel Webster accordingly 
 became a protectionist in 1824, and the tariff" was raised. 
 Success stimulated cupidity, and the "black tariff" of 1828 
 .marked the growth of abuse. The power of the Eastern man- 
 ufacturers had become prodigious; the Federal debt was nearly 
 paid oft' ; the finances redundant, and power was rapidly con- 
 centrated at the expense of the States. The tendency of the 
 Fedei-ation, which had been centrifugal in 1815, had become 
 alarmi)igly centripetal in 1830. It was then that Mr. Calliouu 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 1C3 
 
 again stejiped forth. He stated that the South liad clieerfully 
 paid the enormous burden of duties on ir.iports Nvhcn Northern 
 manufacturers were young, and the government weak ; they 
 had continued to pay tliera sixteen years ; the manufacturers 
 had become rich, the government strong — so strong that State 
 rights were being merged into its overshadowing power ; ho 
 therefore demanded a recognition of State rights, and an 
 amelioration of those burdens that the South had so long 
 borne. To the gallant resistance of South Carolina, under 
 his lead, the country owes the compromise tariff of 1832 by 
 Henry Clay. It was thus that Mr, Calhoun supported the 
 government when it was too weak, and opposed it when it was 
 too strong. 
 
 The manufactures at the North had become firmly estab- 
 lished under the high duties, and did not flourish the less 
 under the reduction, the more so that prices rose steadily 
 under the financial inflation of the country. By the com- 
 promise of Mr. Clay, the duties were to undergo biennial 
 reduction, until a common level of 20 per cent, should be 
 reached on all goods in 1842. Before that year financial 
 revulsion made more revenue necessary for the welfare of 
 the Union, and the South again assented to an increase in 
 import duties, making another of Mr. Seward's " concessions 
 of the South." 
 
 The idea of " concessions" to the South, seems to have been 
 born of a most extraordinary degree of effrontery on the part 
 of political agitators. As we have seen, from universal slave 
 owning and slave trading, with a general recognition of blacks 
 as " property," and property only, there has been a gradual ag- 
 gression upon that institution. Tlie blacks were first claimed 
 as persons as well as prpperty, then as persons only, then as 
 citizens of a State, and finally as citizens of the United Stiites. 
 Their condition of slavery was gradually abolished at the 
 North, within the States that owned them, and then their pres- 
 ence on the common soil of the Union Avas denied, and the 
 abolition of the institution at the seat of the Federal Govern- 
 ment was clamored for. All the territory is now claimed as 
 exempt from slavery, and the abolition of slavery by force in 
 the States where it has always existed, is so fiir favored by a 
 class, as to require the most earnest denials from the leaders" of 
 the Republican party that it is part of their platform. In face 
 of this denial, however, the writers of the party favor the meas- 
 
164: Southern Wealth and Noi^thern Profits. 
 
 lire, and applaud the overt acts of the John Browns among 
 zealous adherents. "While "ideas" have been thus increasing, 
 by aggression upon Southern rights the political power of the 
 South has been greatly curtailed, and that process of curtail- 
 ment is now going on in the double ratio of the expansion of 
 the Free States and the concentration of the Slave States, as 
 a consequence of the enhanced value of the blacks. Every ag- 
 gression made upon Southern rights and equality before the 
 law, has been accompanied by louder pretences of "conces- 
 sions" to the South. The mere existence of the present party, 
 based upon hostility to the institutions of that section, is an ir- 
 refragable proof of the extent to which Nortliern aggresssion 
 is carried. The extent to which partisan feeling has been 
 carried, manifests itself in the attempts that have been made 
 to deprive new States of some of those sovereign rights which 
 were reserved to the Stated on the formation of the govern- 
 ment. Thus, the power over slavery was distinctly reserved to 
 the several States, each within its own territory. Any State 
 had the power to abolish or continue, or establish slavery at its 
 OM'U will and pleasure, and tlie IS'orthern States generally ex- 
 ercised the right to abolish. When Missouri presented herself 
 for admission into the Union, party spirit, running very high, 
 sought to deprive her of that sovereign right enjoyed by all 
 other States, and to admit her only as a vassal to the old States, 
 by compelling her to forego her right to slavery. That was a 
 long stride towards conscflidation of power in the Federal Gov- 
 ernment. All the parties to the Constitution were free and in- 
 dependent ; each enjoyed full sovereignty, except in regard to 
 those powers delegated to the government formed by the Con- 
 stitution. The government was a sort of joint-stock company, 
 into which political capital was contributed by each State, and 
 it possessed no more capital, or power, than had been so con- 
 tributed. When a new State presented itself for admission, a 
 new partner to the concern, it was required to throw away one 
 of its political powers, without conferring it upon the Federal 
 Government. The Constitution says, " all powers not conferred 
 upon the Federal Government are reserved to the States." 
 Missouri was required to forego its sovereignty over slavery, 
 and, by so doing, become inferior in sovereign powers to the 
 other States. That act of abnegation would not, however, con- 
 fer the abandoned power upon the Federal Government. It 
 would make the State weaker, and the Federation no stronger. 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 105 
 
 This attempt was resisted, and abandoned, and the ahaiuloii- 
 ment was called a " concession" to the Soutli. If Congress had 
 a right to call upon one new State to forfeit a reserved power 
 in respect of slavery, it might demand the abandonment of 
 any other, and new States might thus be stripped of all re- 
 served powers. 
 
 The mode of Northern " concession" shows itself in the dis- 
 position of the Territory of Louisiana, on the occasion of the 
 admission of Missouri into the Union. That territory was all 
 slave territory. The North demanded a division of it, so that 
 the northern half should become free. The Soutli assented. 
 New territory being afterwards acquired, the South proposed 
 a division again, and the North refused the South any share of 
 it. Tliis is called a " concession" of the North. 
 
 While the institution of the South has been thus pressed by 
 Nortjiern agitators, it was necessary that they should set up 
 some pretence to account for the manifest injustice of their 
 course. Accordingly, we find the leader of the Black Eepub- 
 lican party framing tlie following theoiy : 
 
 " In the field of federal politics, slavery, deriving unlooked- 
 for advantages from commercial changes, and energies unfor- 
 Been from the facilities of combination between members of 
 the slaveholding class, and between that class and other prop- 
 erty classes, early rallied, and has at length made a stand, not 
 merely to retain its original defensive position, but to extend its 
 sway throughout the whole Union. It is certain that tlie slave- 
 holding class of American citizens indulge this high ambition, 
 and that they derive encouragement for it from the rapid aiul 
 effective political successes which they have already obtained. 
 The plan of operation is this: By continued appliances of jnit- 
 ronage, and threats of disunion, they will keep a majority lavor- 
 able to these designs in the Senate, where each State has an 
 equal representation. Through that majority they will defeat, 
 as they best can, the admission of Free States, and secure the 
 admission of Slave States. Under the protection of the Judi- 
 ciary, they will, on the principle of the Dred Scott case, carry 
 slavery into all the territories of the United States now existing 
 and hereafter to be organized. By the action of the President 
 and the Senate, using the treaty-making power, they will annex 
 foreig:n slaveholding States. In a favorable conjuncture they 
 will hiduce Congress to repeal the act of 1 SOS, which prohibits 
 the foreign slave-trade, and so they will import from Africa, at 
 
166 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 the cost of only $20 a head, slaves enough to fill up the interior 
 of the continent. Thus, relatively increasing the number of 
 Slave States, they will allow no amendment to the Constitution 
 prejudicial to their interest; and so, having permanently es- 
 tablished their power, they expect the Federal Judiciary to 
 nullify all State laws which shall interfere with internal or 
 foreign commerce in slaves. When the Free States shall be 
 sufiiciently demoralized to tolerate these designs, theyj'easona- 
 bly conclude that slavery will be accepted by those States 
 themselves." 
 
 The reader might laugh at the barefaced effrontery that put 
 such statements as these before an assemblage of men accus- 
 tomed to think for themselves, if it were not for the gravity of 
 the designs disguised under them. We have seen how rapidly 
 Free States have been admitted, while every Slave State en- 
 countered fierce opposition at the threshold, until the latter 
 have fallen into a hopeless minority. The world knows that 
 . slavery goes only where it is profitable, yet we are told that 
 the owners will carry slaves where they will be valueless. 
 We are told that the owners of blacks worth $2000 each will 
 degrade the value to $20, for the purpose of sending them 
 where they will be of no value ; and finally, that the States 
 wdiich have already possessed and abolished slavery as of no 
 value, will be induced to resume it ! Such is the fog raised in 
 order to cloak the treasonable aggression which is meditated. 
 The idea of importing, at $20 per head, slaves enough to fill 
 up the interior of the continent, is certainly a great stretch of 
 a very sanguine imagination, and one attractive to ship-owners. 
 The above remarks were made by Mr. Seward at Kochestcr, 
 Oct, 25, 1858. In the same speech he announced the " irre- 
 jDressible confiict." That announcement w^e may compare with 
 a paragraph in his speech in the United States Senate, Feb. 29, 
 1860. 
 
 February, 1860. 
 "The whole sovereignty upon do- 
 mestic concerns within tlie Union is 
 divided hetween us by unniistakuble 
 boundaries ;" "you have your lit'teen 
 distinct parts; we eigliteen parts, 
 equally distinct. Each must be main- 
 tained, in order that the whole may 
 be preserved." 
 
 There is a very remarkable change in the views here enter- 
 tained. 
 
 Octoler, 1858. 
 It is an irrepressible conflict be- 
 tween opposing and enduring forces, 
 and it means that the United States 
 must and will, sooner or later, be- 
 come either entirely a slaveholding 
 nation, or entirely a tree-labor nation. 
 
Southern Wealth and Northa^n Profits. 1 G7 
 
 The great question that now agitates the old world is the 
 supply of labor for the colonies. The fact is rapidly develop- 
 ing itself, that future commerce, if it increase at all, must de- 
 pend, not on the exchange of goods between manufacturing 
 nations, but on the exchange of goods by manufacturing na- 
 tions with those which produce raw materials and tropical 
 products. Coifee, sugar, cotton, cocoa, which are articles of trop- 
 ical production, have become very necessary for the comfort of 
 the inhabitants of temperate climates and manufacturing coun- 
 tries. These articles have hitherto been produced by slave- 
 labor. The oi^eration of production was disturbed by tlie ex- 
 periment of emancipation. At the moment the demand for ' 
 those articles was receiving its greatest development, the pro- 
 duction was stopped by the emancipation pf the cultivators. 
 Tliis was done because it was firmly believed that the free 
 black would work. That belief was erroneous. The utmost 
 efforts have since been made to " supply labor." For this pur- 
 pose the Coolie trade has been mostly resorted to ; but, con- 
 ducted under a system more atrocious than tlie African slave- 
 trade, it is quite inadequate to the object. It has succeeded, 
 in the British AYest India Islands, only in maintaining a certain 
 extent of production. In the Mauritius, the facilities for pro- 
 curing Coolies have been great, and 142,53-1 are there em- 
 ployed, but the supply is quite insufiicient. This is the case 
 to a much greater extent in the West Indies, where the dis- 
 tance of transport increases the difficulty. England luis ob- 
 tained but about 50,000 Coolies for her colonies, and the supply 
 drags. She has used every effort to increase the supply of 
 blacks, and to do so, sends to the plantations the slaves she 
 • captures from other nations. The numbers, however, increase 
 but slowly, and the stimulus of will to work is wanting. 
 
 The future of commerce is therefore clouded by the prospect 
 that the tropical materials and products, which must conqtosc 
 the equivalents for goods sold, will not be forthcoming, and 
 the civilized white people of Europe, while they will liave no 
 market for their goods, will be deprived of those articles which 
 they have come to consider as necessary. A bountiful Provi- 
 dence has endowed those sunny climes with a soil of the utmost 
 fertility, and has created beings whose constitutions are adapted 
 to its development. He lias not endowed them with intelli- 
 gence, but they remain in their jiative Africa to-day what they 
 were at the date oi the deluge, an unprogressive and savage 
 
168 Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 
 
 race of cannibals. The white has emerged from the pastoral 
 state, and risen gradually to the highest development of the 
 human intellect. Providence has not endowed him witli the 
 physical capacity to develop the riches of those tropical climes. 
 It has endowed him, however, with the intelligence to appre- 
 ciate them, and has pointed out to him the means of making 
 them subservient, not only to the white, but to all other races 
 of men. The African, a docile and capable worker, was placed 
 in his hands. He educated him in the path of industry, made 
 him useful to humanity, turned him from the worship of idols 
 to the knowledge of the true God, and raised him from the 
 grade of an animal to the semblance of manhood. The 4,000,000 
 blacks and their descendants now in the United States, have 
 been raised from the cannibal and troglodyte state to a con- 
 dition far above that of many white men. This has not been 
 done by their own volition, but through the instrumentality of 
 the slave-trade, ministering to the wants of humanity under 
 the direction of Divine Providence. The system of slavery, 
 and tlie condition of the slave — moral, religious, and physical — 
 is continually on the advance in the United States, but that 
 advance is due only to the rigorous law of industry, which 
 must be compelled by white intellect. To say that the con- 
 dition of black servitude is wrong, because some vices and 
 evils attend it, is to condemn humanity and the whole scale of 
 creation, for no part of it is without what appears to feeble 
 human observation as excei^tionable. That the black is a de- 
 pendent race, to be taken care of, was never doubted at the 
 date of the formation of the government. The experiment of 
 making labor optional with them has been made, and has 
 failed. The United States, except Spain, are the only nation ^ 
 thai has not made this fatal mistake. France and England 
 arc now fearful that she may. They acknowledge their mis- 
 take. They are incumbered with pauper blacks, and are doubt- 
 ful of the future. The coarse of the United States upon this 
 matter was clearly put by Charles O'Conor, Esq., in his ad- 
 dress at the Union Meeting, New York, Dec. 19, 1859 : 
 
 " As a white nation, we made our Constitution and laws, 
 vesting all political rights in that race. They, and they alone, 
 constituted, in every political sense, the American people. 
 (Applause.) As to the negro, why, we allowed him to live 
 under the shadow and protection of our laws. We gave him, 
 as we were bound to give him, protection against wrong and 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. IGO 
 
 outrage; but we denied to him political rights, or the i»(.\ver 
 to govern. We left him, for so long a period as the cunimu- 
 nity in which he dwelt should so order, in the condition of a 
 bondman. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, to that condition 
 the negro is assigned by nature. Experience shows that his 
 race cannot prosper — that they become extinct in any cold, or 
 in any very temperate clime ; but in the Avarm, the cxti-cincly 
 warm regions, his race can be perpetuate<l, and with proper 
 guardianship, may prosper. He has am]:)lc strength, and is 
 competent to labor, but nature denies to him either the intel- 
 lect to govern or the willingness to work. Both were denied 
 him. That same power which deprived him of tlie will to 
 labor, gave him, in our country, as a recompense, a master to 
 coerce that duty, and convert him into a useful and A-aluable 
 servant. (Applause.) I maintain that it is not injustice to 
 leave the negro in the condition in which nature placed him, 
 and for which alone he is adapted. Fitted only for a state of 
 pupilage, our slave system gives him a master to govern him 
 and to supply his deliciencics : in this there is no in jus! ice. 
 Xeither is it unjust in the master to compel him to laboi-, and 
 thereby afford to that master a just compensation in retui-n for 
 the care and talent employed in governing him. In this way 
 alone is the negro enabled to render himself useful lo himscH' 
 and to the society in which he is placed. 
 
 "These are the principles, gentlemen, which the extreme 
 measures of abolitionism compel us to enforce. This is the 
 ground that we must take, or abandon our cherislied Union. 
 We must no longer favor political leaders who talk ahoiit negro 
 slavery being an evil; nor must we advance the indcrcJisihle 
 doctrine that negro slavery is a thing which, although ])erni- 
 cious, is to be tolerated merely because we have made a bar- 
 gain to tolerate it. "VVe must turn away from the teachings of 
 fanaticism. We must look at negro slavery as it is, remember- 
 ing that the voice of inspiration, as found in- the sacred volume, 
 nowhere condennis the bondage of those who are lit only for 
 bondage. Yielding to the clear decree of nature, and the (lic- 
 tates of sound philosophy, we must pronounce that institution 
 just, benign, lawful, and proper. The Constitution established 
 by the fathers of our Republic, which recognized it, must be 
 maintained. And that both may stand together, wc must 
 maintain that neither the institution itself, nor the Constitution 
 which upholds it, is wicked or unjust; but that each is sound 
 and wise, and entitled to our fullest supj^ort. 
 
 "I have maintained the justice of slavery; I have main- 
 tained it, because 1 hold that the negro is decreed by nature 
 to a state of pupilage under the donunion of the wiser white 
 man, in every clime where God and nature meant the lu'gro 
 should live at all. (Applause.) 1 say a state of pupilage ; 
 
170 Southevn Wealth and Northeim Profits. 
 
 and, tliat I may be rightly understood, I say that it is the duty 
 of the white man to treat him kindly — that it is the interest of 
 the white man to treat him kindly. (Applause.) And fur- 
 ther, it is my belief, that if the white man, in the States where 
 slavery exists, is not interfered with by the fanatics who are 
 now creating these disturbances, whatever laws, whatever im- 
 provements, whatever variations in the conduct of society are 
 necessary for the purpose of enforcing in every instance the 
 dictates of interest and humanity, as between tlie white man 
 and the black, will be faithfully and fairly carried out in the 
 progress of that improvement in all these things in which we 
 are engaged. It is not pretended that the master has a right 
 to slay his slave ; it is not pretended that he has a right to be 
 guilty of harshness and inhumanity to his slave. The laws of 
 all the Southern States forbid tliat : we have not the right here 
 at the Istorth to be gnilty of cruelty toward a horse. It is an 
 indictable oifence to commit such cruelty. The same laws 
 exist in the South, and if there is any failure in enforcing them 
 to the fullest extent, it is due to this external force which is 
 pressing upon the Soutliern States, and compels them to abstain 
 perhaps from many acts beneficent toward the negro which 
 otherwise would be performed. (Applause.) In truth, in fact, 
 in deed, the white man in the slaveholding States lias no more 
 authority, by the law of the land, over his slave, than our laws 
 allow to a father over his minor children. He can no more 
 violate humanity with respect to them, than a father in any of 
 the free States of this Union can exercise acts violative of hu- 
 manity toward his own son under the age of twenty-one. So 
 far as the law is concerned, you own your boys, and have a 
 right to their services until they are twenty-one. You can 
 make them work for you ; you have the right to hire out their 
 services and take their earnings ; you have the right to chas- 
 tise them with judgment and reason if they violate your com- 
 mands ; and they are entirely without political rights. Not 
 one of them, at the age of twenty years and eleven months 
 even, can go to the polls and give a vote. Therefore, gentle- 
 men, before the law, there is but one difterence between the 
 free white man of twenty years of age in the Northern States, 
 and the negro bondman in the Southern States. The white 
 man is to be emancipated at twenty-one, because his God-given 
 intellect entitles him to emancipation and fits him for the duties 
 to devolve upon him. The negro, to be sure, is a bondman for 
 life. He may be sold from one master to another, but where 
 is the ill in that ? — one may be as good as another. If there be 
 laws with respect to the mode of sale, which by separating 
 man and wife do occasionally lead to that which shocks liu- 
 manity, and may be said to violate all propriety and all con- 
 science — if such things are done, let the South alone and they 
 
Smither7i Wealth and Northern Profits. 171 
 
 will correct the evil. Let our brethren of the South take care 
 of their own domestic institutions, and they will do it. (A])- 
 plause.) They will so govern themselves as "to suppress acts of 
 this description, if they are occasionally committed, as perluips 
 they are, and we must all admit that they are contrary to just 
 conceptions of right and humanity." 
 
 This just view appeals to the understanding of every intelli- 
 gent man. There are none who do not admit that, in every 
 point of view, the black is better off in his servile state in 
 America than in his savage state in Africa. To deny this is to 
 deny all the merits of civilization, since the civilized man loses 
 a large portion of his personal liberty in submitting to the re- 
 straints and conventionalities that are necessary to the peace 
 and well-being of communities. If, then, the condition of the 
 black thus far has been progressive, what may not be expected 
 from a continued operation of the same influence, when his 
 value has so much enhanced? This question reduces itself to 
 a mere matter of dollars and cents. At the North, a horse of 
 $30 value has bestowed upon him a certain degree of care be- 
 cause of even that value ; but when the price of the animal 
 rises to 5 and 10 thousand dollars, the care he receives becomes 
 princely. He has expensive stables and special attendance. 
 His owner becomes anxious for his health and safety, and looks 
 after the faithfulness of those who have him in charge. Up to 
 1808, the IS'ew England traders would sell slaves in the South 
 at £30, $135, each. At a succession sale in West Baton Roug.", 
 a few days since, the following enormous prices Avere paid for 
 common field-hands : — One female negro and four young, 
 $5,650 ; one male, $4,400 ; do. do., $3,4-75 ; do. do., $3,400 ; 
 do. do., $3,305 ; do. do., $3,200. In Selma, Alabama, a liand 
 24 years old brought $2,245, a female $3,205, another liand 
 $2,050. These prices do not indicate merely that the hand is 
 worth so much more because his services to liunumity liave 
 risen in that proportion, but they indicate that he has so much 
 greater hold upon the consideration of his master. That not 
 only his material well-being will be better cared for, but all 
 cruelty, moral and j^hysical, that might affect his health or di- 
 minish his usefulness, will be more strictly prohibited ; that the 
 powers of overseers will be restrained ; tliat his moral culture, 
 as conducive to his physical usefulness, will be cared for, and 
 the path thus laid open to his higest mental and material de- 
 velopment. This is the process now going on under direction 
 
172 Southern Wealth and ISfortliem Profits. 
 
 of divine Providence, and the black, like the white Northern 
 minor, is legally required to exert himself in the furtherance of 
 the great end in view. This process is attended with immense 
 benefits to the white race at large and the American Union in 
 particular. Every part of it enjoys, as we have seen in forego- 
 ing chapters, the highest degree of prosperity, and all that is 
 required to prolong and heighten that favorable condition is to 
 preserve harmony, to bear and forbear, and to second Provi- 
 dence in its manifest designs for the welfare of his creatures. 
 If those blacks produced great wealth under white tutelage, 
 and in return for the great blessings bestowed npon them, it is 
 shared by all parts of tlie Union in a degree ; in return, each 
 lends its aid in protecting and fostering a dependent race and 
 promoting its improvement. The buyers of slave-grown prod- 
 uce are accused, in some cases, of encouraging, by so doing, 
 what some persons believe to be a sin ; but they are also, by 
 those purchases, making the value of the slave greater, and 
 thus compelling an amelioration of his condition. If, on the 
 other hand, he should be made free, his freedom, as the world 
 too well knows, would consist only in the unrestrained practice 
 of vices, a neglect of industry, an abandonment of all hope of 
 improvement, a turning of his back upon civilization, and a 
 resolute return to the brute condition, 
 f The theory of the agitators is that the South will not, in any 
 event, seriously resist the hostile action of the North, no matter 
 how much they may be oppressed ; that they Avill still cling to 
 the Union ; that the patriotism they have heretofore so uni- 
 formly shown will still induce them to stand by a Union be- 
 come valueless, since it deprives them of the right to property 
 they have so long enjoyed. The question with them is not, 
 however, one of mere political ascendency; it is one of exis- 
 tence. If the cotton-iields, sugar plantations, and tobacco 
 lands are deprived of hands — for that is the ultimate object of 
 the agitating party — of what value will the lands or their sur- 
 roundings be to those owners? It will then be too late for 
 them to resist, for they will already have been despoiled. It is 
 this necessity for timely resistance that begets the danger. The 
 only mode in which the ISTorth can realize the approach of that 
 danger we have endeavored to set forth in the preceding pages, 
 when showing the dependence of all industry upon the produc- 
 tive South. The preliminary measures have already been taken 
 in most of the Southern States to promote direct trade, and cur- 
 
Southern Wealth and Northern Profits. 173 
 
 tail purchases at the North. The lirdt pressure resuhiug from 
 these measures must fall upon Northern artisans, in the shape 
 of lower wages and diminished work. The non-intercourse, 
 carried to any extent, will naturally produce depression at tlie 
 North and a rise of prices at the South. If the latter is sus- 
 tained by any vigorous State legislation, it will give a great 
 impetus to manufactures, which will drain men and capital into 
 the Northern Slave States. The depreciation of property which 
 would follow at the North is matter for serious contemplation, 
 and it well behooves those interested to guard against it. 
 
 While the dangers and disadvantages that attend this sorrow- 
 ful issue are so great, what are the advantages that attend its 
 success ? Suppose the agitators reach the power-^they now 
 profess to have but " one policy," aud that a negative one. Is 
 it worth while to convulse the world in order to give offices to 
 those who seek them under a sham pretence ; who assert that 
 they oppose slavery in opposition to the law of the land, under 
 the dictates of a " higher law," and who, in making that asser- 
 tion, profess treason to the " higher law," in favor of States' 
 rights ? Is it not better to stand by the Constitution and the 
 laws, and avoid such issues as are based only on passions fac- 
 tiously excited, and to brand with infamy the man who seeks 
 office at the risk of disunion, anarchy, and servile war ? 1 
 
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