M 'IK X ASIA 
 
 A.D. 1 757-i 858
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 EMPIRE IN ASIA.
 
 PRINTED P.Y r.Al.t.ANTYNK AND 
 F.IjINHrlC',H AN!) LONDO
 
 EMPIRE IN ASIA 
 
 HOW WE CAME BY IT 
 
 8 Boolt of Confe0i'cw<$ 
 
 W. M. TOR RUNS, M. P. 
 
 LONDON
 
 \A!l Kijits Rescr-rd}
 
 C N T E X T S. 
 
 I. TxTUoMVTIOX, 
 
 1 1. A FtMiTiroi.D NKAR Tin: SKA. . 
 
 111. I'.iJMNXixcs or A<;<;RKSSK>\, 
 
 I V. ]'i.rxi>i:i;iTi. TIMI:S. . 
 
 V. Tar; 1 >I:WAXNY. 
 
 \"I. I 1 !.!' HIT OF TUT: Plj i]M K, 
 
 VII. \\'AI;R i:x HASTIX..S. . 
 
 \"ill. PrxciiAYKT AND ADAWLFT, . 
 
 IX. Tin; 1!. .iiii.i. AS. 
 
 X. ni:XAKi.s AX:> ' )ri'K. . 
 
 XI. Ilvi.i :; Ai i, . 
 
 XII. IIiVAi. txniA r.n.i.s, 
 
 XIII. TYRANXY ON ITS K'xr.i'-, 
 
 XIV. Tin'.. SAM-., . 
 
 XV. Tin; LAXD SI:T n.r.M : v - . 
 
 XVI. L..KI. WKI.I KSI.I v.
 
 vi CONTENTS. 
 
 I" AGE 
 
 XVII. THE MAHRATTAS, ...... 237 
 
 XVIII. TlIK SWORD IN TFIK SuA MP.ARD, .... 
 
 XTX. SCINDIA AX1) Hoi.KAK, 
 
 XX. TJIIO PEISIIWA, ...... 
 
 XXI. LORD "\VII.LIAM UKXTINCK. ..... 
 
 XXII. AFGHANISTAN, ...... 
 
 XXIII. THK AMIRS OF SCINDI-:. ..... 
 
 XXIV. l^i'N.iAB AND l'i:<;r. ... 
 XXV. ZUI.M, ...... 
 
 XXVI. TAKING IN KINGDOMS, . ... 
 
 XXVII. TU-DAV ; AND TO-MORROW '. .
 
 EMPIRE IN ASIA, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ' It would be an ill lesson indeed for the people of India, that while they arc 
 subjects to Vizier or Suubulular we will protect them in their rights, that while 
 they hold of him we will stand forth in their favour. If lie attempt- to 
 oppress, you, we will rescue you fruiu the hands of your lawful master ; b:;t if 
 by compact or by any other means we become your sovereign, remember there 
 is none ean guarantee the treaty between you and us. The power of the 
 sovereign is all, the right of the vassal is nothing. You .are persons without 
 right, engagement, or any political existence, but our will and arbitrary 
 plea.-ure. That this doctrine is unjn>t. that it is inequitable, that it is mon- 
 strous, that it is detestable, is ^ clear that I am almo.-t a.-hamed of having 
 misspent time in showing how impolitic it is.'' 1 
 
 - -Cir.uir.r.s JAMKS Fox 
 
 A T thf beginning of the seventeenth ceiiturv. India may 
 be said to have been, to the people of Kurope. an 
 unknown land. Save to the learned who had ivad of its 
 ancient fame, or to such as listened to the wonder-weaving 
 legends that now and then made their wav from t ie s lores 
 of the Levant, its name was a sound that \\oke no echo 
 of individual hope or national solicitude. It was out of 
 reach : it was out of sight : from the cupidit v of ( 'hristcnt 
 it was saie. The command which said. " ^ e -hall
 
 2 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 covet," spake of a neighbour's goods ; for it is those things 
 that are pleasant to the eye to see, and pleasant to the lip 
 to taste, that stand chiefly in need of its inhibition. 
 
 ]>ut distance, which had hitherto left fair Hindustan 
 secure from European lust, seemed to lessen year by year, 
 after the Portuguese and Dutch mariners had proved that 
 the Cape of Storms could be safely passed in ships of 
 heavy burthen. The prolific isles of the Eastern Sea were 
 speedily lit upon by these birds of adventure; and the 
 loud satisfaction they were heard to express, invited by 
 degrees successive migratory expeditions of the rival or 
 kindred dwellers in the colder regions they had wandered 
 from. .Finding on their arrival that there was room enough 
 for all, certain of these latter set about the business in a 
 more methodical way, and strove by various regulations, 
 charters, laws. and, whenever needful, forge tfulness of 
 laws, to establish for themselves the most lucrative and 
 gigantic monopoly that the annals of commerce contain. 
 
 In the accomplishment of this gradually formed and 
 slowlv developed plan, thev were eminently successful. 
 Bv degrees thev drove the Portuguese, or first discoverers, 
 completely froin the field; and the Dutch, 'who came some- 
 what later, and who made a harder fight for their share, 
 were eventually reduced to so low an ebb, that they con- 
 tinue no\v rather bv sufferance than bv anv inherent power 
 of self-defence to retain a. remnant of their once ureat pos- 
 ses.-ions. The Spaniards were engrossed with their acquisi- 
 tions in the \Vest, but the lYeiich were easilv led to put 
 faith in fortune in the Kastern seas; and. at a later period, 
 fair proini-es of factories and fortresses, influence and 
 dominion, m A-ia, seemed likelv to be realised. I he 
 Kn;_!'li>h, for a time, la^vd slowlv in the race of gain and 
 Lflorv. Thev had come last, and thev stood loni>' at disid-
 
 INTRODUCTION. ? 
 
 vantage. Civil dissensions and the want of \\ strong and 
 wise (Government at Lome left them without material 
 support; and they had to be content, from tlie accession to 
 the overthrow <f tlie Louse of Stuart, to cliafl'er and l>arirain 
 as best they might witli the rulers and people of the laud. 
 
 The bravest hearts and clearest heads among them during 
 the seventeenth century, never dreamed that thev were 
 marking the site, if not laying the foundation, of an empire 
 not of tlie ocean merely, or its isles, not of trade alone, 
 with its infinite produce, but of territory won bv the 
 sword for its own rich, sake, and kept by the same for the 
 like reason. 
 
 Southern. Asia, in the days of AValpole and the elder 
 Pitt, was still ruled, like "Western Europe, by a number of 
 distinct and independent Governments din 1 bring in origin, 
 creed, power, and civilisation ; frequently at feud with one 
 another, and often suffering from overweening vanity and 
 ambition, just as if thev had been blessed with the paternal 
 swav of most Christian kings, august and apostolic kaisers, 
 or nio>t religious and gracious sovereigns of immortal 
 memorv : lut thev were practically self-ruled and locallv 
 free. Kven where the loosening ties of fcaltv to .Moslem 
 or Mahratta suzerain rendered states of a secondary rank- 
 dependent in diplomacy or war upon the superior will of 
 Peishwa or Padishah, the people of cadi separate province 
 st ill saw in the midst of t hem the camp and the court of the 
 prince whom thev obeyed; and. whatever may have been 
 the luirtlii'tis on their industry, they could not be uncon- 
 scious th.it its produce was lavish 
 their borders. 
 
 The whole ( if the vast 1'eglol] 1 V 
 
 and those of Imrmah, and 
 
 ('ape ('oiiiorin. l.j(.)0,UUl) square
 
 4 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 200,000,000 of inhabitants, consists to-day of revenue 
 districts under an English Minister, or of mediatised states 
 dependent for their continuance in that equivocal condi- 
 tion on his will. 
 
 No change like this, effected within a single century, is to 
 be found in the chronicles of conquest. It may be said to 
 have been begun in 1757, when India was but a geographical 
 expression, identical with no political unity, and to have 
 been completed in 1858 by the proclamation that her 
 present Majestv assumed thenceforth the rights, duties, and 
 responsibilities of sovereignty throughout the wide domains 
 partiallv or perfcctlv brought beneath her sway. As fore- 
 shortening is in art the means whereby the most vivid 
 sense of realitv is imparted, it is even so in history. The 
 intinitelv varied lights and shades that fall upon events as 
 they un IV) Id themselves in succession, render it difficult, if 
 not impossible, to realise as one the aggregate of facts 
 whieh we know to be indisputable. But it is instructive 
 as well as startling, to place for a moment the beginning 
 and the end of recent and contemporary changes in the 
 degree of ] iro.xiin it v, wherein from alar they will by and 
 by appear m the view of the historian. How will our 
 aeipii.-it ion of empire in the Kast, and our actual posirion 
 iip-re, look in tin 1 sight of those who shall conic after us 
 
 Mow does it |oo',< in the Sight of HeaVell 
 
 I hese are not meiviv eitr.oiis ijuestioiis lit to amuse the 
 speculative or idle. If public morals be a realitv, and if 
 there be such a thing as national conscience and national 
 accountabi ity. it behoves us. as a five people, to consider 
 how we came bv A.-iatic empire, and how, lor its sake, and 
 for our own. we oiiii'ht to d^al with it. 
 
 II the attempt of Napoleon to subjugate Kurope to his 
 amhoritv mav be said to have begun at (.'ampo Forniio. and
 
 INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 if we can imagine the course of victory rolling onwards at 
 his bidding until it readied at length the shores of the 
 Dardanelles and those of Lapland, the banks of the Vistula 
 and the mouth of the Tagus, we shall have something like 
 an accurate parallel, as far as space is concerned, and the 
 variety of creeds and Governments existing in that space, to 
 that which is now presented to the world bv the spectacle 
 of British India. (<reat and manifold as are the discrepan- 
 cies between the two, there are points of analogy not ascrib- 
 able to accident. Napoleon, when he conquered, did no; 
 always or general! v annex or seek to crush the memorv or 
 the spirit of separate political existence. lie pulled down 
 kings and set up his nominees in their room ; but he left 
 Naples. Spain. Holland, and Westphalia the titular dignity 
 and the municipal freedom of separate states, and was pru- 
 dentlv content with the absorption of comparative! v limited 
 acquisitions, ;itid their incorporation as provinces ot 
 1'Yance. No scruple would nssuredly have withheld him 
 from adopting an indiscriminate policy of imperial amal- 
 gamation. But we know from his public acts, and (rom his 
 private after-thoughts in captivitv, that his ambition was 
 not to be head con-table, but Lord Paramount of \\estern 
 and Southern Lurope. He was a fearless and a sdtish man. 
 but he had tin- discernment, foresight, and magnannuitv o; 
 genius; and to him il would have seemed purblind im- 
 pohcv and greedv blundering to have ailected to establish, 
 forsudi widelv-scattered realm-, one centralised administra- 
 tion in Paris (Mi the contrary, he -pent no ep,,! o| time 
 and toil in replacing liriulv. as he thought, the foundations 
 and the outworks of separate and l<>ca g<n rnnient in 
 nearly all the subordinated states over wh - power 
 
 extended. \\\< aim was to be suzerain app< ! lu'e in 
 
 peace, generalissimo in \var. But he thorough y uinl r-tood
 
 6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 that the vigour of the trio-antic system he essayed to form, and 
 
 O <_-<_/ i/ / 
 
 the chance of its prolonged existence, rested upon the degree 
 in which it might be possible to reconcile loyalty to empire 
 with the preservation of traditional and progressive ideas 
 of separate nationality and local self-rule. That this was 
 his splendid dream is demonstrable not merely from his 
 words, but from his actions ; and in truth, no other sup- 
 position is intelligible. Xor is there in any of his numerous 
 confessions of error and miscalculation, a trace to be found of 
 misgiving as to the wisdom of this characteristic portion of 
 his conduct. He fell through other causes, not from this ; 
 and the fact that his vast designs perished ere they were 
 complete, ought not to blind us to the lessons that may lie 
 gathered from the manner in which he made use of partial 
 
 SUCCeSS. 
 
 The spirit of conquest breathes so fearlessly through 
 every page of England's history, that it would probably be 
 reckoned by the majority of her people rather absurd to 
 attempt, by any timid or ingenious paraphrase, to hide 
 from vje\v the real nature of an attribute whereof they are 
 nationally not a little proud. From the earliest times, they 
 appear to have cherished a longing for foreign posses- 
 sions; and from the days when Edward and Henrv devoted 
 all the ilower of English knighthood, and all the contribu- 
 tions of English trade, to ''the conquest of France, to 
 those when tin 1 red fndian of America was proclaimed a 
 usurper o] t he hum ing-grounds his forefathers immemorial! v 
 had enjoyed, the love of territorial acquisition has been 
 deemed by most of our distinguished, roval. and. noble 
 authorities, wonh gratifying at anv cost which the nation 
 from time to t ime might } brought to think it could afford. 
 That manv notable attempts ended in memorable di-com- 
 lii ure is indeed most true. "tSuch/" as court chaplain- preach-
 
 INTR OD UCTION. 7 
 
 ing for a bishopric were wont to utter with a siidi, "arc 
 the ways of Providence!" lUit the history of European 
 Governments must be re-written ere Christendom can 
 honestly disclaim the practical belief that it is pleasant, 
 glorious, and profitable, when you can, to hold down a 
 neighbour bv the throat, and take his svrord and monev 
 i'rom him. The longing for forbidden fruit seems to be 
 ineradicable, and few of the great names we arc accustomed 
 to recall with admiration are wholly clear from the charge. 
 The pen that signed reluctantly, after six years' costlv and 
 disastrous war, the recognition of American independence, 
 traced an enlarged scheme of territorial compensation for 
 the loss, in .Hindustan. 
 
 Though Chatham in opposition scandalised all ood 
 society by exclaiming that " he rejoiced to hear the Colonies 
 had resisted,'' Chatham in olii.ce never would agree to let 
 t I em go. His greater son was by temperament averse from 
 \var, and disapproved, he said, of encroachments in tin- 
 East; but he never gave back anvthing his subordinates 
 had got bv fail 1 means or foul. In later times, English 
 statesmen have indeed taken credit for greater magnanimit y ; 
 and Lord Castlereagli in particular has been praised for 
 restoring .Java to the Dutch, and Sicilv to the Italians. 
 P>ut if in this respect, in Europe, he made a great character, 
 in A.-ia he took care to spend it like a gentleman. It \voiiM 
 lie useless to mulliplv examples, \vorse than useless to set 
 up invidious contrasts and recriminations. ( hir duty is LM! 
 to |ud'_i'e others, but ourselves; to beware of rovetousness. 
 and ol 1' ']!)_;' betraved into passive comphcitv l>v unpardon-
 
 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 hereafter be done in our name : and if upon investigation 
 which with honour and in conscience we are not at liberty 
 to elude we are convinced, with Burke and Fox, with 
 Cornwallis and Bentinck, with the elder Mill and Richard 
 Cobden, that a great debt of reparation is due to India by 
 this country, we are bound to use every just and fair 
 occasion to press for restitution to individuals of such rights 
 and benefits as can be restored to them, compatibly with 
 justice to others equally claiming our care, and for such 
 restitution of local self-rule to the nations of the East as 
 may not be incompatible with the preservation of peace 
 amongst them, and the maintenance of that suzerainty in 
 the English crown, which they, in common, never acknow- 
 ledged as due to any other single authority. 
 
 It will be necessary that we should briefly recall the 
 commencement of the intercourse between England and the 
 Eastern peninsula. Xor will it, perhaps, be thought waste 
 of time if we try to retrace the stealthy steps by which 
 strangers got a permanent footing in the country, and how 
 they stood, contrasted with the people and the native 
 (lovernments of India, at the period when, properly speak- 
 ing, the struggle for ascendancy beu';:n.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 A FOOTHOLD NEAIl THE SEA. 
 
 15001700. 
 
 -1 cannot think that, if all the ranks of the different communities of Europe and 
 India are comparatively viewed, there is just ground for any arrogant I'celin.' 
 on the part of the former." 
 
 Sill J. MALCOLM. 1 
 
 TN the reign of Emnmio], King of Portugal, a fleet of 
 -*- four armed vessels was sent forth on an expedition 
 of discovery, and the. command of it was given to Vasco de 
 (Jama. Steering his venturous course bevond Madeira and 
 the const of Guinea, lie reached at length the southernmost 
 point of Africa : and Relieving that a path to India lav through 
 those waters, whose insincere repose, invited him to trust his 
 weary lleet upon their bosom, lie spread his sails once more, 
 and with a prosperous voyage attained the coast of Malahar. 
 After a lirief stav, ])e (!ama returned to Europe. I [is 
 countrymen were intoxicated with jov. The kev of the 
 East was found, infinite wealth, imperishable fame, was. 
 theirs. Let new fleets lie equipped and launched without 
 delay. A\ ho or what should hinder their pmsperitv ' ~ 
 
 This was the morning time of Eastern discovery, and 
 every object wore a glittering and exaggerated firm. 
 Ignorance lay like a soft haze over all things, and in tho 
 distance anything might dwell, waiting to be revealed. 
 1 .Memoirs of India. - !!.:. ;u'.- Ii; ".i I .
 
 io EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 As the clearer light of information grew, the dreams of 
 dawn passed reluctantly away. There were no treasures 
 to be had for merely asking ; but there was abundant scope 
 for industry and enterprise. The people of Hindustan were 
 not timid savages, capable of being robbed or swindled by 
 whoever chose to try; they were a great and intelligent 
 race, acquainted with commerce and the arts, and ready 
 t< exchange the various produce of their skill for objects 
 of Western workmanship. By degrees these soberer but 
 far more lucrative advantages arising from the discovery 
 of De Gama became understood, and the Portuguese sue- 
 
 O 
 
 ceeded in establishing relations of commercial friendship 
 with the minor princes of the East, and finally with the 
 imperial court of Delhi. They confined their ambition 
 to mercantile pre-eminence, and engaged in naval war- 
 faro only with those European powers who sought to 
 interfere with them. 1 Among these, the Dutch, for a 
 while were the most conspicuous, and eventually the most 
 successful. In 10 11, they worsted the Portuguese fleet, 
 and forcibly took possession of Surat, By degrees they 
 gained a complete ascendancy over their forerunners, 
 and tliev would probably have sought more extensive con- 
 tinental possessions than those adjoining their factories at 
 Orniux and at (loa, had not their attention soon after been 
 engrossed bv the culture of those garden isles that stud the, 
 Indian Sea. .Meantime the English and Ereiich began to 
 seek- their share of \\ traflic which promised to lie so pro- 
 fitable. The design of an East .India Company 2 was 
 among the manv schemes of Colbert for developing the 
 maritime power of his country; and, though ill-conducted 
 and sustained, the plan of establishing a like association was 
 not forgotten bv the .Ministers of England, 
 
 .\;iliTS'jn'.s Ilis'iury oi' C'uimneree, aihl lU-y,.:... - In HIM.
 
 A FOOTHOLD NEAR TJfE S/'.A. n 
 
 Little more than two centuries have elapsed since a few 
 English merchants humbly solicited i'rom the princes of 
 
 * ' */ 
 
 India permission to tratHe with their people. ' ( >ur domin- 
 ion now embraces nearly the whole of that vast region 
 which extends from Cape Comorin to the mountains of 
 Thibet;" sueh are the significant words in which the great 
 
 historian of English power in India opens his narrative. The 
 first charter to a Company trading to the East was granted in 
 the year 1(500. Its provisions are in no way remarkable, 
 but it may be recalled, as an apt illustration of the exclu- 
 sively mercantile, character of the undertaking, that when 
 the. Government of that day endeavoured to impose a 
 court favourite upon the first expedition as a sinccurist. the 
 committee of the Company declared that they desired " not 
 to employ any gentlemen m anv place of charge, and 
 requested that they might be allowed to sort their business, 
 with men of their own qualitie." Eor manv veal's after- 
 wards, they were content with lit ting out a few Vessels, 
 adapted to the commerce of the East; and thev deemed 
 themselves fortunate when their annual adventures proved 
 remunerative. The Port ugiiese and Dutch, their only rivals, 
 possessed several factories or entrepots of trade on different 
 parts of the Indian coast. It became an earlv object with 
 the KtiLj'lish Coinpanv to gain similar places of securitv for 
 their goods; and as the jealousy between them and the 
 Dutch grew warm, their anxiety to get a footing on t:. 1 
 continent increased. James I. addressed a letter to his 
 " illustrious brother, the Mo-nl, commending them to . - 
 protecting care. Jehangir siitivred them to found 
 ments at Surat, Cambav, and Alunedabad. am in I'iio 
 i.-sued a lirnian confirming them in t tese po.-ses.-ioiis. 
 Sir Thorn a > Uoe was sent as ambassador to the 
 : Mill's Hi.<-.r. ul hi'lb. !. ! ,. k !. \ i. :.
 
 12 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Delhi in 1615. and was received with honour and hospitality 
 there. Another faetory was founded in the following year. 
 In 1 Gl G the Company had established themselves at Calicut 
 and Masulipatam. In 1G24 they obtained a grant of juris- 
 diction over their own servants, it being as difficult to keep 
 order in a distant factory, amidst a foreign community, as 
 among the crew of a ship at sea. The Padishah, being a just 
 man and wise, understood their needs, and yielded what they 
 asked, little dreaming that the time would come, when, from 
 such root of title, they would claim jurisdiction over his 
 subjects and successors, and, as the penalty of resistance, 
 decimate the one, arid imprison the other for life as guilty 
 of rebellion. 
 
 In 1G30 Fort St George was founded, and eventually 
 raised into what was called a Presidency or residence of those 
 who were intrusted with the chief direction of the Com- 
 pany's a flairs in those distant regions. From the outset the 
 ( 'onipany maintained the strictest principles of monopoly. 
 Anv ships but their own, whether manned by their country- 
 men or by foreigners, were causes of complaint, and, when 
 unarmed, of pursuit and capture. They grumbled at being 
 undersold bv the. Dutch, ;md the English who ven- 
 tured on in dependent traffic thev designated and treated as 
 pirates. The horrors of this system have been often told. 
 The I hitch resented the cruelties practised upon their 
 countrvmen, and every school history recounts how several 
 Englishmen were put to the rack at Ambovna. Hut the. 
 truth, says an old chronicler, founding his statements 
 upon English authorities of the period, was, "that thev 
 themselves at this very time were in tin; habit of perpetrat- 
 ing tortures upon their own countrvmen, even then- own 
 servants. lie fore thev were intrusted with the powers of 
 martial law. tliaj made it a rule to whip to death or starve
 
 A FOOTHOLD NEAR Till'] SEA. 13 
 
 to death those of whom they wished to get ru; ; and the 
 power of executing for piracy was made use of to murder 
 private traders." 
 
 "When Bombay was overrun by the Mahratta chief Sivaji 
 in IdG-l, tlie English, under Sir E. Oxeiiden, the governor, 
 successfully defended Surat, and thereby laid the basis of 
 their reputation for constancy and prowess in the East. 
 Aurungzebe, who reigned at Delhi, sent to compliment 
 them on the courage thev had shown, and volunteered 
 further privileges as their reward. In the reign of Charles 
 II.. Bombay, which had been a Portuguese settlement, 
 was ceded to the King of England, as part of Princess 
 Catherine's marriage portion ; and it was thought of so 
 little value, that the open-hearted monarch conceded it 
 to his open-handed subjects the Coinpanv. 'llius, in the 
 progress of the first eightv vears of their intercourse with 
 the East, thev contrived to make some monev. to establish 
 I hi'inselves as colonists in several important places, to com- 
 mit an inl'miiv of misdemeanours of various degrees of 
 en<>rmitv npon friends and foes, but not as vet to excite 
 
 tile jealolisv of the ( h'iental ] lOWel'S. 
 
 Some years later, their rash and offensive demeanour at 
 Bombay provoked the .Mogul also to wage war against 
 them. lie issued order- declaring that it was no longer 
 compatible \vith the safety of his dominions tliat thev 
 should lie suli'tTed to remain for tlieir pnrpusi'S ot ein-roach- 
 
 gapatam. and other pace-: but thev h;id alreai v leani'-d 
 to diplomatise, and "stooped to the most ahjec! sulmiis- 
 siolis. ' : The L'Jllpel'or yielded to entreat V, ail' siltti-ivd the 
 restoration of Surat. He deemed the loss of ;:. r trade 
 1 Note to Mill. 1. look I. chap. ii. : M '. '
 
 i 4 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 likewise a consideration ; l and in the recent consciousness 
 of having brought them to the verge of extinction, he re- 
 lapsed into false security, believing that in case of renewed 
 dano-er he niiHit easily at any future day bridle their 
 
 O t~ / */ / 
 
 presumption again. 
 
 The chiefs of Bengal appear to have been more upon 
 their guard than the rest of their neighbours. They viewed 
 with alarm the insidious progress of the strangers in found- 
 ing and fortifying new positions along their shores. The 
 advantages of augmented revenue and trade they sus- 
 pected might be bought too dear ; and after numerous petty 
 misunderstandings with the Company, matters came to 
 an open rupture. Of the rights of the immediate quarrel 
 we are uninformed ; and it should be carefully borne in mind 
 that, until a very modern period, we are totally destitute of 
 statements upon any side but one. All we know is the 
 result of unwary admissions, or of the comparison and 
 translation into vulgar truth of official documents. Thus 
 we may be satisfied that, however dark the colouring seems 
 throughout the strange and eventful history we are enter- 
 ing upon, it is lighter than the revelation of much that 
 can never be dragged into the view of this world would 
 render it. 
 
 Hitherto the Company had everywhere professed to 
 be the humble -ervants of the princes of the East; but 
 when they fell out with the Xawab of Bengal, a new scene 
 opened. Thev ventured to question whether disguise had 
 not been worn long enough, and whether the policv they 
 had found so successful with their own countrvmen and 
 v,' ith the Dutch, might not answer also with the native 
 jiowers. Accordingly, in Ui.^j, they fitted out their tir>t 
 invading expedition, and sent it forth with orders to seize 
 1 Mill, book !. chap. v.
 
 A FOOTHOLD NEAR THE SEA. 15 
 
 Chittagong, and to do such further violein-e as nii'jht be, 
 practicable to those amongst whom they had hitherto dwelt 
 in peace. This premature attempt at open aggression failed ; 
 had it succeeded it might have opened the eyes of the 
 Governments generallv in Hindustan to the danger and 
 folly of temporising conduct. But it was fated otherxvise ; 
 and after seizing the island of Jujellee and burning the 
 town of Balasore, the raiders suffered a severe reverse ; 
 and the loss of their factories at Patna and Cosimbuzar 
 reduced them to seek for terms of accommodation. 1 
 
 From that day the designs of the Company were 
 changed from the mere pursuit of commerce to those of 
 territorial acquisition. In the instructions sent out from 
 England in 1GHD. we find the following significant expres- 
 sions : "'The increase of our revenue is the subject of our 
 care as much as our trade : it is that must maintain our 
 force, when txventv accidents mav interrupt our trade ; <t is 
 fft"f hi.'.ixt moke us a it'iffO/i in In'lx.i.i xx'ithout that xve are 
 a great number of interlopers united bv charter, lit onlv to 
 iradc where nobody thinks it their interest to prevent us. 
 And undeviat inglv were these instructions folloxved bv 
 successive generations of "Company's servants,' as thcx' 
 were stvled. Thenceforth trade xvas valued less for its own 
 >ake than as a diplomatic agent, or a well-appointed 
 pioiiei r to prepare the way for dominion. The experience 
 which had been lust upon the Padishah in their recent 
 cunlhcr xviih him was not thrown away mi the] 
 they persuaded him to grant them liberty 1" 
 new factories, and to creel forts boide them. 
 ever, says their historian, "they began cauln 
 not to alarm the native Governments. 
 
 The closing days of the centurv were sp
 
 1 6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Company's servants at the mouths of the Hooghly in 
 establishing themselves in three villages, Chuttanatti, 
 Calcutta, and Govindpur, which had been granted them as 
 a jaghire on the customary terms of fealty and tribute by 
 Azim-shah, when Soubahdar of Bengal. A rich present 
 had induced the grandson of Aurungzebe to make them this 
 concession ; and, with or without his leave, they lost no 
 time in erecting works, to which, in compliment to their 
 sovereign at home, they gave the name of Fort William. 
 
 Since the wolf's cub leaped over the mud wall on the 
 banks of Tiber, nothing so pregnant with consequences had 
 happened in the history of empire-building ; yet few things 
 attracted less of notice among the "Whig politicians of St 
 James's, or the Tory politicians of St Germain ; so little, 
 indeed, that the date is erroneously given in many popular 
 histories, the matter not having been thought apparently 
 worth accurately searching out. The Mogul, living far 
 inland at Delhi, probably heard no more for some time of 
 his new tenants-in-fee, who had come over the dark waters, 
 and humbly craved his permission to squat near the sea- 
 shore. If he was told of their planting stockades, and 
 putting a sort of fortification there, why should he trouble 
 himself regarding it ? Likely enough Ins native subjects 
 around them \vere jealous and disposed to be quarrelsome. 
 AVhy should not Feringhces defend themselves as best they 
 might Poor people, ! the\' had come a long \vay, and 
 seemed to work hard he would not interfere.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 BEGINNINGS OF AGGRESSION. 
 1701 175G. 
 
 " A new scene is nuw to open in the histcry of the East India Company, Befure 
 this period they had maintained the character of mere traders, and by humi- 
 lity and Mibmission endeavoured to preserve a footing in that distant country. 
 under the native powers. We shall now behold them entering the lists i.<r 
 war, and mixing with eagerness in the contests of princes. 7 ' 
 
 JAMKS MILL.' 
 
 A T thr beginning of the eighteenth century, the tics 
 which had held together the dominions ol' Aurung- 
 zebe were yisiblv beginning to decay. As in tin- depen- 
 dencies of Spain under I'hiJip 1.1., the infatuutiun of prosc- 
 Ivtism liad tended only to work the disintegration of the 
 scattered realm. In .Bengal especially this species of 
 impolicy had served to shake the loyalty of the people. 
 The poorer and more ignorant sort yielded to the harsh 
 dictates of their masters, and to some extent conformed to 
 the Mohammedan faith. The more subtle intellects of the 
 Brahmins resorted to evasion, and the wealthier classes 
 were able to purchase the Juxurv of keeping a conscience, 
 and of transmitting to their children the i - oi 
 
 Yi.-lmu. Elsewhere the bulk of the population adhered to 
 the rites and tenets of their fa! In rs : but I 
 Southern India, the silent process of alienation had ,-et in. 
 1 LIUt'jry of Dritidi [ndia, b ,!< I. chap i.
 
 1 8 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 Wherever the Mahrattas came, they unfurled the flag of 
 religious deliverance ; and to drive them back, the great 
 lieutenants of the empire found it expedient to revert to 
 the old ways of toleration. 
 
 From the death of Aurungzebe the strength and unitv of 
 
 O o -J 
 
 the empire thawed more rapidly. His successors were still 
 honoured with the title of "the Sun," but the power to 
 wither or bid flourish they had once possessed grew feebler 
 day by day. Large and remote provinces became unman- 
 ageable ; and being handed over to individuals of influence 
 and abilitv, were governed by them as tributary States. 
 
 * O i/ i/ 
 
 The title of Soubahdar or viceroy and the language of 
 political trusteeship, were scrupulously preserved ; but in- 
 quiry into misrule was too easily evaded, too easily defied, 
 to be attempted frequently ; and the reality of control was 
 silently abandoned by the Imperial Durbar, in the hope of 
 preserving the fragile show of supremacy. Taking advan- 
 tage; of the circumstances of the time, and of the errors of 
 their suzerain, the Soubahdars gradually sought to become 
 more independent of the court at Delhi. The Xizam, who 
 ruled over the Deccan, the Vizier of Oude, and the Xawab- 
 Nazim of Ik-ngal, aspired to found viceregal dynasties in 
 their respective provinces. They never tried to throw oil' 
 their allegiance to the ]\Iogul, to refuse him tribute, or to 
 question the validity of his acts of occasional interference 
 and supreme interposition; but, like the African JJevs of 
 our own time, they succeeded in asserting a qualified in- 
 dependence within their respective pashalics. Thev took 
 the title the J'adishah conferred on them, not that of 
 Majesty, which would have been incompatible with the idea, 
 and dutv of their station; but practicaliv they exercised 
 over their people all the real authority of government. 
 The Knuiish at .Madras found that it was with the Nizam
 
 P>E G INNINGS OF AGGR ESS I ON. 1 9 
 
 primarily and principally they must deal if they would 
 d\vcll securely ; and their fellow-countrymen at Calcutta, 
 understood, in like manner, that a good understanding 
 with the court of Moorshedabad or of Lucknow was of more 
 importance to them than friendship, however unruffled, with 
 that of Delhi. 
 
 In each of the Presidencies, power had been given them 
 to employ civil servants in their foreign settlements, to raise 
 such troops as might be necessary for their defence, and to 
 determine, without previous reference to the Government at 
 home, what native powers were to be regarded as enemies 
 or friends. The continual wars between England and 
 France had led both Governments to send, from time to 
 time, portions of their disposable force to India ; and thus 
 were the means afforded to the ambitious governors in those 
 remote possessions, of intermeddling in the contests of the 
 native chiefs. To reckless and irresponsible men with arms 
 at their disposal, a pretext will not long lie wanting for 
 emploving them. 
 
 The I'Yench were perhaps the first to conceive the project 
 of founding a territorial empire in the Indian peninsula. 
 Tor a long period their settlements were presided over by 
 Dupleix, a man thirsting for power, and eminently cjiudiiied, 
 by his subtle and adventurous disposition, to extend the 
 dominion of his employers. lie had married a native ot 
 ranis, who beside her fortune brought him the accession ot 
 local knowledge, and acquaintance with the \\avs ana aims 
 of the subordinate courts of the empire. H<T natiirj 
 abilities, it is said, were good; ami, educated in a school oi 
 political intrigue, .-he was ab!< i to conduct Ibr her hn.-band 
 the dailv correspondence and diplomacv whi'-h i e in 
 
 at that time ci>ul< 1 have attempted. Tin' siruu'u'le I or asceii- 
 dancv between the English and French s tilers u'as long
 
 20 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 and sanguinary. Lc Bourdonnais had, in 1746, worsted the 
 fleet of his opponents and taken Madras. But quarrelling 
 with Dupleix, he was ordered home, where, unable to 
 withstand the calumnies raised against him, he soon after 
 perished in the Bastile. For a time the genius of Dupleix 
 prevailed. Meddling openly in the strifes of the Deccan, 
 he espoused the cause of Chunda Sahib as claimant of the 
 throne of the Carnatic. The reigning prince sought help 
 from the English ; and Arcot, the capital of the province, 
 was more than once taken and retaken. 
 
 Among the earliest allies of the English on the Coro- 
 mandel coast was the Kajahj of Tanjore. In 17-12, the 
 reigning prince had been deposed by domestic revolution, 
 and Pretab Sing obtained the throne. The authorities at 
 Madras having no concern in the event, acknowledged 
 the new prince without hesitation. Their correspondence 
 with him was continued without any interruption, and 
 mutual expressions of fidelity and confidence were inter- 
 changed for more than seven years. At the end of this 
 period, Sahuji, the exiled rajah, solicited their aid in effect- 
 ing a counter-revolution, lie ottered, by way of recom- 
 pense if they should succeed, to grant them the fort and 
 Jaghirc of Devccotah, and undertook to pav all. expenx-s of 
 the war. They accepted (he, oiler. .Pretab was their ally; 
 thev had recently sought his assistance against the 1'Vench ; 
 they had no pretence of provocation to urge against him; 
 nevertheless "' they despatched an arniv to dethrone him." L 
 
 The expedition failed, but. a second was resolved on. 
 They determined, however, savs their apologist .Malcolm, 
 "'that the capture of Devecotah, not the restoration of 
 Sahuji, should be their Jh'st object/' The fort was ac- 
 cordingly invested and taken. And no sooner was this 
 
 1 .Mill, book IV. chap. ii. - Memoir of Lor<l Clivo, vul. i. ciuip. i.
 
 BEGINNINGS OF AGGRESSION. 21 
 
 accomplished, than they entered into a negotiation with 
 Pretab Sing agreed to desist from all further hostilities 
 not only to abandon him for whom thev pretended to have 
 theretofore fought, Imt engaged to si-cure his person and to 
 receive a iixed sum for his maintenance, on condition of 
 being suffered to remain undisputed masters of Devecotah 
 and the circumjacent territory. 1 This was the beginning of 
 the coiujuest of Hindustan. 
 
 In 1751, the French were successful everywhere; then 
 fortune veered : fresh troops were sent out from .England. 
 and nnobservedly a young adventurer about the, same time 
 threw down his writer's pen in one of tin; Company's offices 
 in Madras, and asked leave to join the ranks. It was that 
 young man who changed the destiny of the East, liobert 
 Olive was, in 17-10, an idle and passionate boy, engaged 
 chieily in acts of pettv plunder, and other mischief done 
 and suffered at his hands bv the quiet folk of ^Market 
 Drayton. His father being able to make- nothing of him. 
 got him a clerkship in the Company's service. The dull 
 routine of commerce was ill suited to his bent : he was not 
 indifferent to gain, but his love of excitement was greater. 
 lie fought from time to time a good many duels, but this 
 afforded him only casual occupation; and. gladlv seizing 
 the opportunity of escape from innocuous employment, he 
 went with enthusiasm to the wars. His intuitive skill aim 
 versatile daring were soon recognised; and it i- imt too 
 much to say that he was the means of saving his country- 
 men from extirpation during the period <>f Dupleix s vic- 
 tories. 
 
 The genera] peace of 17.")! left the rival i 
 possession of no u'reat increase of territorv.
 
 22 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 on the minds both of natives and Europeans, that the hosts 
 of the former were unable to contend with the arms and 
 discipline of the latter. " Xo valour could equalise the 
 combat, and the impressions produced by defeat were ren- 
 dered tenfold greater by a comparison of numbers. The well- 
 commanded and well-trained battalion moves amidst myriads 
 of opponents, " like a giant with a thousand hands which 
 defend arid strike according to the dictates of one mind," l 
 and to whom an ill-disciplined multitude fighting hand to 
 hand can offer effectually neither injury nor "resistance." 
 On the other hand, it is true, to use the words of Malcolm, 
 that " Hindustan could never have been subdued but by the 
 help of her own children." At first it was Xizam against 
 Arcot, and Arcot against Xizam ; then Mahratta against 
 Moslem, and Affghan against Hindu. Xor should it be 
 forgotten that to the early conviction of the amazing odds 
 which European arms and discipline secured, much of the 
 anxiety of the native princes to engage their assistance 
 must be traced. 
 
 A\ hen peace was signed in 1751, the first article of the 
 treaty bound the Companies of both nations '"' to renounce 
 j'or ever all hid inn government and dignitv, and to inter- 
 fere no more in the differences that might arise, between 
 the princes of the country.'' Chunda Sahib was dead, 
 and Mohammed Ali, the friend of the English, was acknow- 
 ledged Nawab of the Carnatic. 15 v wav of assuring the 
 unambitious efjunlilv of the riv;il colonies, the French con- 
 sented to relinquish four valuable districts of which in the 
 course of the war they had acquired possession. Jiut hardly 
 was the ink of this compact dry, when Mohammed Ali
 
 S OF AGGRESSION. -3 
 
 tempted the servants of the. English Companv \vith half the. 
 spoil which might le Avon, if thev would helj) him against 
 certain feudatories, whom he represented as owing him lar^e 
 arrears of tribute. The promise of booty dazzled them, and 
 they agreed. The French expostulated and appealed to the 
 terms of the treatv, and to their surrender of tlie four disi rids 
 as a pledge of their desire of peace; but all in vain. Thev were 
 driven onee more to arms. J5ut Dupleix was no longer at 
 the head of their affairs, and the onlv ollicer of abilit v thev 
 possessed at the time in that quarter of the world, was en- 
 gaged in maintaining a ])eriloiis position in the Deccan. 
 Their aifatrs grew desperate, and would have, been lost 
 without further struggle, had not events still more impor- 
 tant suddenly called the attention of their opponents to 
 another and more memorable scene. 
 
 Azim-shah, son of the Kmperor, tilled for a season the 
 post, of Soubahdar of Bengal. After him it \va< occupied 
 successively bv Sujah Khan and Seratfrez, \\\< adopted son. 
 Aliverdy I\han, one of the ( )mrah of Sujahs court, had tor 
 his abihtv been ap}>ointed Xaib of J'ehar. and eventually 
 lie rose in 17 ; V.' t'> the diu'nitv of Souhalidar. \\\< []- 
 soiial (jiialities were such, that though inexorably lirm as 
 a ruler, the hand of resentment was never up ifted a^aiTist 
 him. 1 1 is government for eighteen \'ears was one of pros- 
 perity and peace. .lie (jiielled the insubordinat'oii of le-.- 'i 1 
 chief's, and acquired a iv|mta( KUI ibr wisdom ainl humanit\" 
 greater than most of his contemporaries. \\hile the (' 
 pany kept to their proper business as traders. ie 
 liefrieiided them, [iroteeting their rights, and. c.\ i 
 their pn\ ileges ; but he brooked no disr oi h;s 
 
 auihoritx". and permitted no exaction or il!-u-a o; his 
 people to go u n redressed. 
 
 In 17-i'J, the merchandise of certain Armenian and
 
 24 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Hindu traders had been seized by the King's ships in the 
 Indian Sea, on the real or alleged ground that it belonged 
 to the French, with whom we were then at war. 
 Complaint was made to the Xawab, who thereupon 
 wrote to Fort "William a peremptory demand for restitu- 
 tion. " These merchants were the kingdom's benefactors. 
 Their imports and exports were an advantage to all, and 
 their complaints were so grievous, that he could not forbear 
 any longer giving ear to them. As the Company were not 
 permitted to commit piracies, he wrote them that, upon 
 receipt of this, they should deliver up all the merchants' 
 goods and effects to them, as also what appertained to him, 
 otherwise they might be assured of due chastisement, in such 
 manner as they least expected.''' The Xawab appeared to 
 be terribly in earnest ; for we find the Company's agents 
 recommending the gift of a fine Arab horse to his Highness, 
 and nuzzurs to his courtiers, to "keep him in temper." 
 The President at Calcutta tried to cajole the Armenians 
 into signing a paper expressive of satisfaction with the 
 Company s procedure, under threat of expulsion fmm the 
 settlement if they did not comply; but this they stoutly 
 n-fused to do ; and Aliverdv having seized the English 
 factory at Co.-imbuzar. tin- dispute was <mlv settled, after 
 niiieh negotiation, bv the payment as damage of twelve iaes 
 of rupees, .lie had oilier diiFerences with the Company ; 
 but regarding them as valuable customers, with whom it 
 was not for his interest absolutely to <juarrel, he took care 
 never to press matters to extremity ; and during his reign 
 their opulence increased, though they had encroached but 
 lit tie- beyond the n.'irrow confines allotted them at the 
 lie^'nining of the centurv. 
 
 According to the custom of adoption, Aliverdv. being 
 childless, designated hi.- nephew, Suraja "Dowla. as his heir;
 
 BEGINNINGS OF AGGRESSION. 
 
 and the court of Delhi, grateful for Jong and faithful ser- 
 vices, agreed to recognise him as the future Smbahdar. A 
 dispatch to tlie Court of Directors, September 18, 1.75: 1 , in- 
 forms them that Suraja had been waited on at Hoou-hly 
 hv the French, Dutch, and English Governors the last of 
 whom he had received with especial courtesy and distinc- 
 tion. The usual presents were made, and the Governor and 
 his coadjutors returned from the interview exceedingly well 
 satisfied. Thev wrote, " We flatter ourselves that the ex- 
 pense we have been at on this occasion lias procured you 
 great: favour, and will be the means of your honours' busi- 
 ness being conducted without any interruption from the 
 Government for some time to come." 
 
 Although not born in the land, these wise men of the 
 Kast were glad to bring their gifts of gold ; nor was the 
 frankincense of ilattery forgotten. ( 'ondesccnding to particu- 
 lars, they have set down the 1 cost of these propitiatorv olt'er- 
 i nil's at I f). .")('><> rupees ( I' I 55(5) in ivadv money alone. - Their 
 anticipations of future favour were, however, doomed to 
 disappointment. Tie voung Prince, though educated, it is 
 said, with especial, care by his uncle, inherited few of his 
 liiuh (jualilies; and on his accession to the Xizamut in 
 April 175(5, he was thrown without experience into circum- 
 stances that miii' I it have tried a judgment more mature, 
 lie ]KIS been accused of innumerable vices, and it is pr< 
 he had his share. Jjut it is somewhat remarkable t': 
 enemies, wiio had an interest, if ever men had >u< 
 establishing their eager accusations, failed to in;.d 
 enormities which their invectives lead us to . . 
 \\hateverniav tave been ihc defects of Ins di 
 undei'stamLing, the sudden lieiglit of j " '
 
 26 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 found himself raised, the hoarded wealth of which he became 
 master, and the homage paid to him as sovereign of a ijreat 
 
 7 O J- O O 
 
 and populous domain, were little calculated to teach 
 him patience, caution, or forbearance in the exercise of 
 'authority : and he had abundant need of them. The Com- 
 pany possessed several prosperous factories at Calcutta, 
 Cosimbuzar, and other places ; and the French had settle- 
 ments also at Hooghly and Chanderriagore. Just then the 
 prospects of the former were by no means hopeful. The 
 new Xawab was jealous of their position, and the French 
 were about making a vigorous effort to attack their rivals 
 in Asia. An expedition was known to be preparing at 
 L'Orient for that purpose. The force at Calcutta was small, 
 recruiting in England difficult, 1 and the long expensive 
 voyage made it impossible to reinforce the garrison to any 
 important extent. On December 29, 175G, we find the 
 Directors writing out, " AYe must recommend it to you in 
 the strongest manner, to be as well on your guard as the 
 nature and circumstances of your Presidency will permit, to 
 defi-nd our (.-state in Ilengal; and in particular, that you 
 will do all in your power t<> engage the Xawab to give you 
 his protection, as the onlv and most effectual measure for 
 tli'- security <>f the settlement and property." .Hut ere 
 these instructions arrived, the allairs of the Companv had 
 fa I '"ii from bad to worse. Suraja i )o\vla was not begotten 
 in the likeness of his \vise predecessor. The activity then 
 being shown in fortifying Calcutta aroused his suspicions, 
 which the explanation that they were intended io ket-p out 
 the French did not allay. In the midst of this distrust, an 
 officer of rank, who had been detected in malversation, sought 
 and found protection at the Fngli-h town. >Suraja demanded 
 the extradition of tin; fugitive; th'- Governor not only re- 
 
 ; Lvtter.s from the I); rectors.
 
 BE G INNINGS OF A G GRRSSION. 
 
 27 
 
 fused, but treated his envoy with open contumely. Incensed 
 at this demeanour, he declared he, would consider persever- 
 ance in such defiance of his power as a declaration of 
 hostilities. The Calcutta Council persisted, and without 
 further warning the. Nawab took the field with several 
 thousand troops on the oOtli May, and seized the factory at 
 Cosimbuzar. If* 1 does not seem on this occasion to have in- 
 cm-red the reproach of wanton bloodshed. Mr AVatts, Mr 
 Warren I last ings, and the rest of the Company's officers, wen- 
 detained as prisoners, but were otherwise well treated. 
 
 The panic caused bv this event at Calcutta is described 
 as being great. The garrison numbered but two hundred 
 regulars, and the militia, though more numerous, were 
 imperfectlv armed, worse trained, and without competent 
 commanders. A resolute and guiding spirit was indeed 
 their greatest want. The Council, with one exception, 
 slunk' awav on board ship lo a safe distance f r oin the place 
 thev were impotent to save, and thus made confusion 
 worse confounded. Mr Jlolwell. who alone, bravelv re- 
 mained, made a futile effort at organising a defence, but no 
 one seconded his efforts; and the troops, getting posses- 
 sion of the liquor stores, became drunk and unmana'jva i}e. 
 !b' th'Tefoiv threw a letter of capitulation over the ram- 
 parts, and on the Ll'Mii June 1.7T)') 1'Vrt \\ilham was 
 surrendered without a blow. The fallen Councillor and his 
 friends were taken bound into the ptv-ence of the N'awaK 
 \\ith a humanitv that" ill accords \viih t!ie i'-ym-it v imuuti'd 
 
 to turn, lie orderei I ! icir noil 
 
 his word as a soldier for their persona 
 
 catastrophe which followed in a few hours, if n<>! L; ' r 
 
 of accident, does not clear v connect it-elf wi t h h ;i!i as ;ts 
 
 deliberate author. At niu'ht, when it hecani' 1 \\<-> -ary (o 
 
 secure Mr !h>l\yc!l and the other prisoners. I Pj in ai!,
 
 2S EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 no place was, or was said to be, available but the garrison 
 prison, or " Black Hole," a cell only eighteen feet square, 
 and ventilated by two small windows securely barred. 
 Into this dungeon the 146 victims were thrust to pass the 
 hours of a tropical night. Tears, entreaties, persuasions. 
 bribes, could not move the pitiless sentries. In the morn- 
 ing, only twenty-three emerged from the cell, survivors of 
 the suffering of that memorable night. One hundred and 
 twenty-three victims perished by the stupid cruelty of an 
 unauthorised prison-guard : a sad sum of human misery 
 not to be forgotten of inhuman violence not to be ex- 
 tenuated. But if historv is anything better than an old 
 
 *j / O 
 
 wife's tale, it must keep accounts by double entry, and 
 keep them fairly. Men were still living at the time who 
 could remember how, by the orders of a Secretary of State, 
 the unsuspecting inhabitants of a peaceful glen in Argyle- 
 shire were beguiled into admitting a party of kings troops 
 into their dwellings, and were by them, at dead <f night, 
 butcher* '(1 in cold blood, and their wives and little ones 
 ilung out to perish in the snow. History does not record 
 that any inquisition for blood was made, or that any of the 
 princes, lords, and gentlemen who. before and after the fact, 
 were accessories thereto, were called upon to suiter for the 
 same. J'reerdent will not justify crime ; hut when excuse 
 is sought for invasion, conquest, and the permanent disfran- 
 frhiseini'iit of a people, in one rash and ruthless act. perpe- 
 trated without premeditation or authoritv, the in>torian. if 
 he he a true and faithful witness, will turn back a h-af or 
 two. and say, ''Let those that are without sin amongst vou 
 cast the Jirst stone. ' The niclandiolv fate of these persons 
 may be justlv deplored ; hut it is neither just to di.-tort or 
 misrepresent tacts, as too frequently lias been dune. .(here 
 is IKJ evidence that the Soubahdar knew of this transaction
 
 /?AY;AV.V/.\Y;.V OF AGGRESSION. : 9 
 
 iiniil it was past and irremediable; and then- is direct 
 testimony that no indignity or hurt was either before < r 
 after sull'i'ivd 1)\" anv of the prisoners at Calcutta or < 'osim- 
 bu/ar. \Vhv, if he desired the death of these, helpless 
 individuals, should the Xawab have suffered three-and- 
 twenty of them to go free to circulate the, appalling talc. { 
 The hands are unfortunately not clean that bring the 
 revolting charge. They who subsequently were at such 
 pains to raise an uproar of pitv, were those bv whose dis- 
 graceful abandonment the sull'erers were exposed to their 
 doom; and we shall presently see how quickly they could 
 forgive, when a selfish purpose was to be gained, the 
 calamitv for which they were in some degree answerable. 
 
 Tidings of the fate of Calcutta rapidlv reached Madras, 
 and for the 1 moment diverted all thoughts from Carnatic. 
 affairs. A force of 000 Europeans and 1500 sepoys und' r 
 Colonel ('live, with live of his Majestv's slii[is und<T 
 Adinii-al Watson, was collected for the recapture of the 
 i'v'ii'_ral settlement. Thev arrived in the Ifooghlv on the 
 ~2 i 'i ii I )ecember, and found the fugitive members of Council 
 and a. few others at Fulta, a small town a few miles iroin 
 ('alcutta. The few remaining davs of the vear \vero occu- 
 pied in the capture of a fort, in establishing a. base of 
 operations, and coneertnig nn/asures for the. iissaull on 
 Calcutta, \\-hich was retaken on the ^d -Fanuarv 1757. 
 Al'ler further defeats in the open lield. tinding the mili 
 nrowe-s of th( A Comiianv's trooiis under C'livc ton much for 
 
 Direciurs,
 
 30 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 "honourable and advantageous terms." In the same 
 month an offensive alliance was ratified ; Mr Drake and the 
 runaway Council were restored to their posts ; and, being 
 well paid for the damage done to their property in the 
 siege, were comforted. Olive's account of these gentlemen 
 is amusing. Writing confidentially to the Governor of 
 Madras, he bids him be on his guard " against anything 
 they say, for they are bad subjects, and rotten at heart. 
 Their conduct at Calcutta finds no excuse, even among 
 themselves, and the riches of Peru would not induce him to 
 dwell amongst them." 1 Ah, dive! don't be too virtuous. 
 The riches of Peru (being at the other side of the world) 
 might not tempt thce, but think of the riches of Bengal 
 here under thy hand, with nobody looking at thee, except 
 these comrades of thine " rotten at heart." Might not 
 these rotten hearts induce thee to stay thy departure, and 
 closer intimacy blunt thy chivalrous contempt of them ? 
 What a pity we made peace so soon ! True, the Soubahdar 
 is our ally now ; lie has been prompt to fultil every 
 promise ; he is saluted in all letters, speeches, and addresses 
 as " our friend." \Yhat of all this, if we can iind some new 
 
 \\ e have been paid, to be sure, and shaken hands of aiuitv. 
 But then, is he not very rich '( that is to say, is lie not a 
 tyrant: Ought we not to take humane and philanthropic 
 counsel together on ihe matter? And all the rotten-at- 
 heart responded - Yea. 
 
 A\ hen Suraja J )o\vla s attack on Calcutta was impending, 
 1 hough Fran re and Filmland, were then at war, the Council, 
 in their terror, applied lor succour (o the French as well as 
 to the Dutch, with \vhuin we were at peace. The latter 
 bluntly declined. The former agreed, if the Companv 
 1 Memoirs of Olive, vol. i. chap. ii.
 
 BEGINNINGS OF A GGRRSSR IN. 31 
 
 would exchange the settlement of Calcutta for theirs at 
 Chandernagore. The Council had no powers to entertain 
 such a proposition, and help at .Midi a price was declined ; 
 hut though an alliance on the part of tin; French with the 
 Soiihahdar at this juncture would have heen hiidilv einhar- 
 rassing, and might have gained for them material advan- 
 tages, they generously declined to aid in exterminating their 
 old competitors. Thev also wished to enter into a treaty 
 of neutrality with the Company, and articles of agreement 
 were aetuallv drawn up to that eifect. lUit Admiral Wat- 
 son, in command of the Jlritish naval stjiiadron, refused to 
 he hound Lv any such agreement. Fearing that the 
 chagrin of the French at the failure of the tivatv would 
 lead them to join the Nawah, (.'live recommended the 
 ruthless alternative of surprising and destroying the settle- 
 ment of Chandernagore. Admiral "\\atson did not <jmte 
 relish the proceeding, and at first actuallv opposed it. 
 dive wrote the Council on the -1th .March 17.37 :-- 
 " The immediate attack of ( 'handernagore hecomes in my 
 opinion ahsoltttdy necessarv, if the neutrality he reiused. 
 Do hut reflect, "vntlemeii. what will he the opinion of tin' 
 
 i~~ 
 
 world of these our late proceedings. Did we m>t. in con- 
 sequence of a letter received Irom the ({overnor and ( 'ouin-il 
 of Chandernagore, making offers of a neutrahtv within the 
 (lances, in a manner accede to it hv desiring they would 
 at we would gladlv come into such 
 a ml have we net since l In -i r a i 
 
 and agreed l hat cadi ; 
 
 sealed, and >v, orn !o : What v. ill 1 1 
 
 the promises made him on 'iir sn i .
 
 32 EMPIRE AY ASIA. 
 
 to guarantee this neutrality, lie and all the world will cer- 
 tainly think that we are men of a trifling, in significant dis- 
 
 v O 7 O 
 
 position, or that we are men without principle. You may 
 be assured the instant the French find their offers of neutra- 
 lity refused, they will immediately assist the Xawab in all 
 his designs against us, if he has the least intentions of not 
 complying with the late articles of peace. It may then be 
 too late to wish Mr Watson had been pleased to pay more 
 attention to our representations. I must therefore request 
 you will join with me in desiring Mr AVatson a third time 
 to ratify the neutrality in the manner agreed upon, and if 
 he refuses, to desire he will attack Cliandernagore by water 
 immediately, as I am ready to do by laud with the forces 
 under my command." So, as the Admiral would not con- 
 sent t<> an armed neutrality with our French neighbours in 
 the East, the next best thing to do was to fall upon them 
 suddenly and smite them hip and thigh. The Admiral 
 agreed, and the return for French, forbearance and desire 
 for peace was to be their extirpation from their factory, and 
 the demolition of their dwellings at Cliandernagore. But the 
 French were living peaceably in the Xawab's dominions, 
 
 O i- / 
 
 under the express guarantee of his protection; and it was 
 necessary to obtain his sanction to this breach of the peace. 
 On the 1st March, .Mr AYatts, the .Resident at Moor.-hedabad, 
 was directed to sound the Xawab on the subject. He justly 
 ivt'useil to recognise the pretext that the expulsion of the 
 French was necessary for the ('ompanvs safety in Brumal. 
 Admiral \Vatsoii ingeniously suggested that they were 
 bound by ilif treaty to aid one another. '* You are <j-< > i 1 1 _ 
 to L'atna you ask our assistance ; let us take Chanderna- 
 rfoiv, and we \vill go with you e\"en to I)elhi if you will, 
 i'ut have we not sworn reciprocally that the friends and 
 enemies of the one' should be regarded as such by the other /
 
 BE G INN INGS OF AG GRESSIOX. 3 3 
 
 and will not Cod, the avenger of perjury, punish us if we 
 do not fulfil our oaths ?' M The SouUtlnlar liad never uon- 
 teinplatcd such an interpretation of the. compact when he, 
 signed it, and lie refused to aid or countenance the deceit. 
 Cajolery failing, threats were tried. On the 7th March, the 
 Admiral wrote that "lie had sent for more, troops; and. he 
 would kindle such a ilaine in the countrv as all the. waters 
 in the (Jailers should not extinguish." : 
 
 Unwilling so soon again to hazard the chances of war, 
 Suraja yielded so i'ar as to sav that he would not interfere 
 in any measures the English mi^ht take "which were 
 strictly indispensable to their safety." This was deemed 
 sullideiit leave, and Chandernag'ore was taken and sacke<l. 
 only a lew indi'jvut widows' houses liein^ left standii!<_r. 
 'Die Xawal) was invailv incensed, and made little secret 
 of his sympathy with, the I-Vendi. lie n'ave the fugitives 
 iVom ( 'handernau'oiv an as\-lum. corresponded \\"ith the 
 1'Vench commanders, calling the ('oinpanv "tin- di.-tur- 
 lieis of his country,'' and expressing himself unable to 
 "write alioin their pevtidy. That there was no ju-t 
 ground ot complaint against" him, is evident iron) the 
 confidential letters of ( 'live, who said, he "had periormed 
 almost every article of the treaty; he had paid \\v\\ 
 three lacs of rupees ( L':>i),00(>) : In- had delivered up ai 1; 
 
 tl 
 
 shedaliad verv dili'ereiil !;;ii ;_::.,;:' \vas adih'e^sed. I 'nve, 
 wa-> now i ie iloniiiiani spii'it in the L'alciitta *'<>,.' 
 In nl en acijiii-ition of territory and political pn\\.r: hi 
 ai'i tile f. >r coin niest was v hetLi i. i:t ; ii
 
 34 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Xawab was to bo goaded into hostilities. The destruction 
 of the other French factories was demanded. Suraja's answer 
 was an indignant refusal, accompanied with vehement re- 
 proa dies. Next day his resolution wavered, and he recalled 
 the messenger with expressions of regret. Again he 
 refused, and again consented. The dark shadows of his 
 fate began to haunt him. He believed he was betrayed, 
 and that the Company would be satisfied with nothing short 
 of his ruin. Yet, urgent and natural as these mistnvino-s 
 
 7 o o O 
 
 were, he would have started had one whispered in his ear 
 that they were literally and speedily to be realised. It was 
 clear that Sura j a Dowla would be no pliant partner in 
 schemes for the aggrandisement of the Company. Early in 
 April, therefore, Ciive proposed to the President and Council 
 of Calcutta that they should enter into a secret engagement 
 with certain disaffected courtiers at Moorshedabad for the 
 purpose of hurling their sworn ally from the inusnud of 
 Bengal. 
 
 Ungifted with the stability of mind and administrative 
 talents of his predecessor, Suraja's reign Lad not been one 
 to please his people. Discontent was widespread, and at 
 Moorshedabad lie was surrounded by false friends and dis- 
 sembling favourites. Like James II., liis chief ojlicers and 
 nearest kinsfolk were readv 1o abandon him. N>r \vere 
 there wanting features o]' resemblance in the means em- 
 ployed and methods used to compass revolution. Tnlil 
 assured of foreign aid. none were inclined to stir. !>ut a 
 comparatively small force would be joined bv half t he annv, 
 and the contemplated change might be eilectcd without anv 
 real struggle. J\ianv persons of distinction were cii^a^vd 
 in the combination, at the head o|. which was the most 
 influential member of the reigning iarnily. Here it was the 
 nephew who was to be set up there the uncle. Alir Jatlir
 
 Ali Khan had married the sister of the Late Sonbahdar. 
 He was commander of tlie forces, and to him it was 
 proposed that lie should take the place of N'awab-Xazim of 
 Ilen^al. \\'hen all was ripe for action, it was arranged that 
 ('live should suddenly take the field, and that Mir .latiir 
 should draw off a larvv number of the Xawab's troop-. 1 
 Meanwhile, it was necessarv to lull the suspicions ot him 
 who was to lie deposed; and Dive's letters written duriii;j; 
 the ]>lot e'ivc evidence of the pains that were taken lor this 
 purpose, as well as of the diplomatic dexterity of the writer. 
 In one epistle he talks of "the perfect harmoiiv and friend- 
 ship which subsisted" then between them;- and on the 
 verv eve of the crisis, lest the Soiibahdar's fears should be 
 inconveniently excited, he mentions that he wrote him a 
 letter " which would calm hi- resentment. ' Resentment, 
 wdiat for ' \\'ere there, then, wrongs to resent '. The ('oiincil 
 became uneasy a.s the correspondence was protraeted. and 
 on oin- occasion wrote to ('live beHeechiii , 1 him to employ 
 confidential agents, and to commit nothing to paper: but 
 he was not to be scared bv the peril of exposure, and lau idl- 
 ing at the fears of the "rotten at heart." he went his daunl- 
 less way. At length, on the |.'5th .June, all the preparations 
 we re 1'eadv. the march on Moorshedabad was commenced, and 
 Sura j a, roused too late from his dream of doubt and indecision. 
 advanced to meet his enemies. It had been arranged thai 
 
 }Iir .lallir should join the forces 11 
 
 those o| t ie ( 'i ini] >a n\" at ('utv,'a : but on arrivim : 
 rendezvous, ('live was ]ierple.\ed I" find mi \ a 
 his eoiit'i lei '.pi mi-hii:' to j, , ; n him i in : ' !e. 
 
 The tn acheroiis susected t reac n-rv. : ;
 
 36 EMPIRE IN ASIA, 
 
 first wavered in his resolution, took counsel with himself, 
 resolved to trust his ally, and to stake all on the chances of 
 a battle. Pushing forward with his little army of 1000 
 Europeans and 2100 sepoys, he reached the village of 
 Plassey a little after midnight, where he found the Xawab's 
 army, numbering 50,000 foot, 18,000 horse, and 50 guns, 
 securely posted behind intrenchments. The battle was 
 beo-un soon after dawn of the 23d June bv an attack on 
 
 O - 
 
 the part of the ]Sawab's troops, who thus left the shelter of 
 their intrenchments ; and it had not lasted long, before Mir 
 Jatlir was observed moving off with a large body of horse. 
 The critical moment had arrived, and Clive ordered an 
 advance of his small but resolute corps. The ill-trained 
 numbers of the Soubahdar, disheartened bv the defection 
 of their comrades, scattered in confusion, and he himself 
 tied the field with 2000 men. At Moorshedabad, his i'nll n 
 fortunes left him but lew friends, and (jiiitting the palace 
 in the disguise of a fakir, accompanied bv two servants, he 
 endeavoured to reach tin. 1 French, who were advancing to 
 his aid. But he was discovered at liaje Muhl, taken back 
 to the capital, and there put to death. 
 
 The prey had .1 alien; it remained to divide the skin. ( 'live, 
 at the head of a select bodv-guard, entered Moorshedabad 
 on the 2,Vdi June, and on the 2 ( .Mh, .Mir Jailir Ali Khan 
 was duly installed as Xawab-Xazim of I>enga!. Hehar. and 
 Orissa. The bill of costs presented bv ('live and the 
 Council ibr thi'ir assistance; in his elevation was a heavv 
 one: 1,280,01)0 rupees was demanded ;nid acluallv paid 
 to the members of ( 'oiincil for I heir personal .-hare, of which 
 Mr Drake and ('ul<>nel ('live received 280,000 rupees each, 
 and Walls, Beedier, ; md Kilpatrick, 2 !o,ooo rupees each, 
 (.'live also look an additional present of 100,000 from llie 
 TOW Soubahdar. \\hen, in later years, he was questioned
 
 S OF AGGRESSION. 
 
 before ;i committee of (lie House of Commons 1 tor,ehin'_ r 
 tins princely donation, lie recalled the gem-crowned piles of 
 gold \\'liieh lie had seen in the treasurv of Moorshedabad, 
 and s\vorc lie was astonished at his own moderation: and 
 Irs biographer accepts this as a satisfactory" proof that (live 
 was not influenced bv sordid or niercenarv motives. The 
 settlement of so nice a question mav be left to the meta- 
 physicians. Less subtle intellects would deduce from the 
 storv. that civil war must have been a speculation worth 
 pursuing when it yielded sums so handsome for promotion- 
 money. Besides the twelve lacs of private spoil, the Company 
 were to be paid 10,000,000 rupees; the European inhabitants 
 of Calcutta, for damage sustained in the late occupation, 
 5,000,000 rupees; the Armenian residents. 12,000.000 rupees: 
 and a further sum of 5,000.000 rupees was to be divided 
 amongst the armv and navv. The total amounted to 
 I'll. (J'.)7. 750 sterling; but the exchequer of Moorshedabad 
 was whollv unequal to such demands, and aft<T much 
 wrangling, the amount of the compensations was subse- 
 <]Uenilv reduced to one half, which was paid, all but five 
 lacs, in specie and jewels. 
 
 The lilting climax of the drama yet remained. Associated 
 \\ith .Mir Jaflir in t ic revolution were Omichund and 
 Juii'U'et Sell, two of the rich bank'ers who enjoyed so 
 much favour and influence wit i the (lovernments oi the 
 
 notoru-tv ol tlieir opulence, the liainiual security 
 in \\liich thev lived, and th.eir great- political power, is in 
 itself a comprehensive refutation of i!,' 1 inorani ivjenc. 
 tiiat these ( Jovemmeiits were the mere iraii 
 
 cious alternations of despotism. Cre 
 hot, and need- all the care and shelte 
 the subtlest svstem of civi isati"ii to piN-s^rvc 
 1 Kvidonce befurc Select CVnuniit e ;n 177-. 
 
 iisieiii and 
 is briiii- : al 
 \\ hai i- -l< 'HH d 
 rvc ;; unharnicil ;
 
 38 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 ,and banking is precisely that part of the credit system most 
 susceptible of injury from the breath of violence, and most 
 sure to perish at the very apprehension of arbitrary usage. 
 The bankers of India could no more have accumulated their 
 vast wealth, and maintained their importance in the State, 
 had they not been exempt from the fear of outrage, than the 
 exotics we have borrowed from their land, whose luxuri- 
 ance we protect in houses of glass, could gain or preserve 
 that luxuriance if exposed to the rude caprices of our fickle 
 weather. The universal safety of Oriental bankers is still 
 more instructive when we learn that their riches generally 
 lay in securities of various kinds, which they held of men 
 of every class, from the trader to the prince. Without their 
 aid, no Government ventured to undertake permanent or ex- 
 pensive schemes. Their friendship was courted by the 
 ^Minister, and purchased by favours from the throne. They 
 had 1 tetter means of intelligence than any other men ; they 
 
 O f / 
 
 were the best of political agents, and the least easily deceived. 
 Hence, the wish of all the confederates against Sura j a Dowla 
 to engage Jugget Seit. who carried on business at Moorshe- 
 dabad. and Omichund, whose house was at Calcutta, as 
 participators in their design. The avarice of Omichund was 
 keenly excited. He entered readily into the whole intrigue, 
 and soon, gained knowledge which rendered him indispens- 
 able. Hi- had the ear of the Soubahdar at all tim<s. and 
 felt that, having' both sides in. his power, lie could exact from 
 each his own terms. Under the threat of betraval, he 
 claimed an immense sum as his share of the spoil, and per- 
 emptorilv demanded that a clause guaranteeing him should 
 be inserted in the treaty between Mir -Jatlir and the Com- 
 pany. Omichund was master of the sitiiatmn, and the, 
 Council felt there was no alternative but compliance 1 , 
 ('live, fertile in expedients, came to the rescue. Two
 
 J?/sAVJV7JVY;s OF AGGRESSION. 39 
 
 treaties wore drawn up one on white paper, the other on 
 red. One contained the grant to Omiclumd, in tin- other 
 it was omitted. Both papers were signed l>vall tin- parties 
 except Admiral \\atsoii, who declined putting his signature 
 to the cheat. Tin; omission would have; raised Mi-picion, 
 and ('live made all safe by forimiii \\atsons name. The 
 
 */ 
 
 unsuspecting Hindoo was satisfied; but when the time i/ame 
 lor settling accounts among the conspirators, ('live hade an 
 interpreter inform the old man of the trick of which lie had 
 been the dupi that the treat}" containing his name was a 
 >ham, and that having asked too much, lie was to have 
 nothing. Stunned at this ruin of his goMen dreams. 
 Omichund fell to the ground insensible. He slowlv 
 recovered, but remained for the rest of his davs an 
 idiot. 
 
 When the news of the retaking of ( 'alciitta and the con- 
 clusion of peace reached J^iiLi'land, public satist'aetion was 
 natural v great. But when the Court of .Directors and the 
 Mini.Mrv announced the subsequent events, exultation and 
 rejoicing knew no bounds. The Kn^hsh puMic were kept 
 long in ignorance of the iruth ; thev were daxxled b\- the 
 glittering trophies ( ,f acquisition, it \\"ere well f.r their 
 own meniorv, and for the character of the nation thu- 
 deceived, if the court nf (leorge II. or the \-^\>\ India 
 Comnanv could have i>ivteiidei! that ihev were eouallv 
 
 -L / JL 
 
 formed.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 I'LUXDERFUL TIMES. 
 
 1757 1764. 
 
 ' Then was seen what we believe to lie the most frightful of all spectacles, the 
 strength of civilisation without its mercy. To all other despotisms there is a 
 check, imperfect indeed, and liable to gross abuse ; but still suiiicient to pre- 
 serve society fron 1 the last extreme of misery. A time comes when the evils 
 cf submission are obviously greater than tho.-e of resistance, when tear itself 
 begets a sort of courage, when a convulsive burst of popular rage warns tyrants 
 not to presume too far on the patience of mankind. But against misgovern- 
 inent such as then afflicted Bengal, it was impossible to struggle. The superior 
 intelligence and energy of the dominant class made their power irresi>tibk>. 
 A war of Bengalees against Englishmen was like a war of sheep against 
 wolves.'' LUKD .MACAU LAV. 
 
 terms on which Mir JafTir obtained the co-opera- 
 tion of the Company were not allowed to remain in 
 the insecure form of spoken promises ; they were embodied 
 in a solemn treaty of thirteen articles, dated June 1757; 
 sworn to by "God and the .Prophet" on one side, and declared 
 on the Holy Gospels and before God, on the other. Colonel 
 Clive, Admiral Watson, Governor Drake, and Air Watts, 
 were the si^naiaries on behalf of the Company, whom they 
 bound to "assist .Mir .hillir Khan Uehander witli all their 
 force to obtain the Soubahship of the provinces of Denial, 
 Dehar. and Orissa, and further to assist him to the utmost 
 against all his enemies whatever, as soon as called upon to 
 that end." On his part, the Xawab agreed to an otl'ensive 
 1 Historical Essays- Warren Hastings, vol. iii.
 
 PJ.UXDKRFUT. 77MJ'S. ., , 
 
 and defensive alliance with the Companv ; to possess them 
 of all the effects and factories belonging j,, |1 1( . |-Y>-in-!i. 
 whom he was not to permit a^ain to settle in his Soubuh- 
 dary : to pay the pecuniary coni]>eiisatioii alreadv inent ioncd ; 
 to give them several tracts of land within, and (ion vards 
 extent beyond, the ditch of Calcutta; to give them 1 he 
 /emindary or leasehold of revenue of all land to Hi" south 
 of Calcutta: to maintain their troops when in his service; 
 and not to erect fortifications lielow the Hoo^hlv. But the 
 line gold of tins agreement soon grew dim. ..Mir ,la!lir had 
 the Company's friendship while he could pay for it; but he 
 soon found that the glove of a friend niav cover the mailed 
 hand of a foe. India, at its best, was not the mine of fabu- 
 lous wealth that covetous Europeans Ibndlv imagined. 
 Foreign invasion and domestic strife had seriously crippled 
 the industrial resources of the country, and hence the pav- 
 nients guaranteed bv the treats' fell into arrear. Mir 
 latlir was a soldier. not a financier, and h" kin-w not how 
 
 an overburdened people. His troops were mutinous ibu 
 pa\'. disijuietude was general, and the whole machinery of 
 government was out of "var. \,-i the imnortuniti' - oi the 
 
 . 
 
 Council of Calcutta were unreinittinu'. and their d in 
 
 the ruler of Bengal. ( )\\ a threatened invasion by the 
 
 Shall /a i la. heir-apparent of the C real .Mogul, thev furni- 
 
 al the N'a wab's request, militarv succour, in ; : . !.' 
 
 wit i the t'-rms of ili-' allian . and the \ : ..' r i.:' ( ':; 
 
 was repulsed wil h great I< >ss bv ( '< :< mel 
 
 !a\'i iiinte hi uli-nant. 'i i: 1 - "\ '-n: - i- ::ded 'In 
 
 contirm the prestige of B>ritish prowe-- 
 
 natives, and to exalt -;ill higher in tin ir < AH -;
 
 42 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 handful of intrepid adventurers who had broken in the 
 ivory doors of power. For his services in this campaign 
 Clive was created an Omrah of the viceregal court. Bv his 
 
 O ^ 
 
 own account of the transaction, it appears that he demanded 
 an estate to support his new dignity, and the Soubahdar 
 conferred on him a jaghire valued at 27,000 a year. 
 
 Meanwhile, on the Coromandel coast, fortune had veered 
 round. Lallv, a man of versatile genius and romantic 
 courage, had undertaken to retrieve the losses of the French, 
 and lor a time he seemed likely to keep his word. Fort 
 St David surrendered, and Madras was besieged, until re- 
 lieved by Admiral Pocock, after the battle of Condore, in 
 which the French were signally defeated. Forde then laid 
 siege to Masulipatam, which was taken April 7, 1759, with 
 much booty. Eventually, with a territory extending eighty 
 miles along the coast, and twenty in the interior, it was re- 
 tained as a permanent possession, with the acquiescence of 
 the Xizam. 
 
 If Mir Jaffir had to endure the mortification of appear- 
 ing, in the sight of his subjects, too much indebted to his 
 foreign allies for military support, and with having mort- 
 gaged for it too deeply the immediate revenues of his 
 country, lie might at least console himself with the belief 
 that, his own pre-eminence and that of his familv were 
 secure. He could hardly have believed that already those 
 in whom he, trusted, not wiselv but too well, were privilv 
 planning how he might be superseded, and his linr;il de- 
 scendants set aside. There, is a letter from ('live to Mr 
 .Pitt, then First .Minister, bearing the date of 7th .lanuarv 
 175'.', 1 wherein he depicts the weakness of the Xawab's ad- 
 ministration; hints that they could easily find a pretence 
 for breaking with him; describes his son, Meeran, as so 
 
 1 Memoirs of Clive, vol. ii. chap. x.
 
 PLUXDERFUL 77^^S. 43 
 
 inimical to the KiiLrlish " that it would b<> unsafe tru-t- 
 \i\<* him with the succession; and that ilooo Km-opt-ans 
 
 1 
 
 would enable the Companv to take the sovc.rei^ntv upon 
 themselves." lie then combats the notion of tli" pro- 
 ject beiiiL!; too vast for execution ; ur^vs IN imiiort- 
 ance as bein^ the groundwork for still further acquisitions; 
 ami finally appeals to the prospect which the possession of 
 so rich and populous a kingdom would afford of dimini.di- 
 hiL the national debt. This notable epistle was delivered 
 bv Mr \Yalsh. ( "live's private secivtarv ; and that uvntlenian 
 <4'ives an account of the Minister's observations on the >ub- 
 ject, in an oflici;d interview. He. seemed averse to the 
 enterprise liein^ 1 undertaken in the .name of the (Y<>wn. Jest 
 the objection shouLl arise of the [vino; beiiiii; likelv to obtain 
 therebv an income independent of Parliament. It is pro- 
 bable, moreover, that he discerned the jealousv \\'iili whieh 
 the aristocracy of birth would regard anv scheme enilanu'e] 1 - 
 iti'j.' the exclusiveiiess nf that political ascendaiicv \\hieli 
 they had enjoyed fur the threescore years and ten that had 
 elapsed since the Devolution. How easily their jealousv of 
 rival wealth, derived from foreign ventures and posses-ions 
 was aroused, when fortunes acquired in Asia be^an to 
 attract notice bv emulous displav and tlie purchase of 
 parliamentarv influence, was not ]( 11114' aiterwards sei-n. 
 
 ('live quitteil !ml:a in l ; ebrnar\" I7'.') il . toenjov ;;i home 
 
 ploits. The I )irectors voted him a diamond-hilled -woi-.l. 
 
 (leoi'^e III. created him an Ir;-h [KM-I-, and expr- 1 - 
 
 hiL;'he>! admiration of Ins conduct and achh'Vi \\\<\\: : ; :, ! 
 
 ^\lr I'itt, in his place in Par ianient. [ironmineeii ;;: n 
 
 one of his most elaborati 1 eulo^'ii'.s. l',,^-,.-. 
 
 of 4(>.000 a Vear, he expended no little p I 
 
 suddenlv acquired wealth in the pun-ha- of [,..[: .n
 
 44 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 boroughs, and at the head of his nominees, in 1761, he 
 entered the House of Commons. 
 
 He had left behind him as President at Calcutta his 
 friend and confidant, but feeble imitator in the ways of 
 aggressive rule. Mr Vansittart. Under this gentleman's 
 guidance the Council concerted a coup d 'ctat for the pur- 
 pose of deposing the Nawab from the active authority of 
 government, which they designed to put into the hands of 
 his son-in-law. Mir Kasim. Access to the Prince at 
 Moorshedabad was easy and unquestioned, and the visit of 
 the President, attended by a numerous body of troops, 
 excited no surprise. While the escort surrounded the 
 palace to cut o!T aid or exit, the aged Soubahdar was 
 formally requested to relinquish the reins of administration 
 in favour of his younger and more pliant relative, while 
 retaining the title and income of Xawab. Bewildered bv 
 this unexpected blow, and bereft of all means of resistance, 
 Mir Jafh'r, it was thought, \vould have quietlv succumbed. 
 But the old man did not forget his dignitv. lie scornfully 
 repelled the proposal, bitterly denounced the treachcrv with 
 which lie had been treated; and, without hesitation, chose 
 in preference to quit his capital and retire to a private 
 residence at Calcutta, rather than submit to plav a nominal 
 part in the Government where he had hitherto hem 
 supreme. Addressing the President, he said. "You have 
 thought proper to break vour engagements. I would not 
 mine. Had 1 such designs, 1 could have raised twenty thou- 
 sand men, and fought vou. Mvsnii Meeran forewarned me 
 of all this. Send me either to Lord ('live, or let me -jo HI 
 Mecca: if not. let me o-o to Calcutta, for I will not. stay in 
 this place.'"'' His intimacy with dive led him to imagine 
 that he would do him justice, and he cluirj; to this delusion 
 to the last, leaving him in his will a sum of 00,000.
 
 PL I T NDERFUL TIMKS. 
 
 45 
 
 These shameless proceedings were not, indeed, unani- 
 mously approved of 111 the Council. A minorii v wannlv 
 objected, and those who persisted deemed it necessary to 
 frame some plausible excuse. ()n November 1, 17'io, a 
 memorial, drawn up by Mr Jlohvell, set forth " the causes 
 of the late change in the Souhahship." In this document 
 the X'awab is charged with almost everv enormit v, but 
 particularly with wanton taking of life without justifiable 
 cause. Kight persons of distinction are specially mentioned, 
 and over seventy others are stated to liave been put to 
 death bv his capricious orders. Six years later, and when 
 Mir Jallir was IK.) more, the (Council admit thev had 
 ascertained all this to be fabrication. Addressing the 
 j )iivctors on oOlii September 17')(5. they say, " In justice 
 to the mcmorv of the late Nawab Mir Jatiir. we think it 
 iiicunibenr on us to acquaint vouthat the horrible massacres 
 wherewith he is charge: 1 bv Mi' lb>l\ve!l in his address to 
 the proprietors of East india stock, are cruel aspersions on 
 the character of the Prince, which have not the least found- 
 ation in truth. The several persons there aliinue i. and 
 who svc re Lrenerallv thought to have been murdered bv his 
 
 death without the Xawab's consent or knowledge; and it 
 is with additional satisfaction we can assure you. that they 
 are latel\' re!ea>ed Ironi coniincineni b\~ the present Si.ubah- 
 dar, \\hich I'ulK" evim-es the entire confidence he iv - in 
 
 the ( '(m | tally's protection against ail at tacks on hi> ( io\ern- 
 i . i 
 
 men'. 
 
 The iniquity of ihi- transtn-tion \\\v < few ;ipolo--:-t- even 
 ann ug t hose win > have taken upon i! :ind 
 
 to enamel * hiental deeds ft >r lOur : . 
 
 wii li M ir .laliir -till sulisisti'il : and i ; > 
 rules of that convenient code ol public ni"ra!n
 
 46 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 querors in all ages have striven to pass off under the 
 guise of international law, there was no pretence for such 
 behaviour. He was the sworn and blood-knit ally of the 
 Company ; and if ever men were bound by decency to 
 maintain at least the forms of good faith, the Governor and 
 Council of Calcutta were so bound. Yet, being so, for the 
 sum of 200,000, to them privately paid, and for the cession 
 of three rich and populous provinces, they sold their too 
 confiding friend and ally. The terms of their service to 
 Mir Kasim were formally drafted in a treaty, which, as far 
 as the advantage he derived from it, was only to be for 
 life ; but to the Company was surrendered wholly and for 
 ever the fertile districts of JBurdwan, Midnapore, and Chitta- 
 o'ono-. For their dexteritv in cozening Mir Jafhr he paid 
 
 O O y JL 
 
 Mr Yansittart 58,000, Mr Holwell 30,937, Mr Sunnier 
 28,000, General Caillaud 22,916, and proportionately 
 smaller sums to other members of the Council. 
 
 The necessary firman of investiture was obtained from 
 Delhi, a detailed account of the revolution was transmitted 
 to the Directors and Government in England, and the 
 
 O " 
 
 Nawab- Regent entered upon the exercise of his functions. 
 He quickly displayed a capacity for government which bid 
 fair to reconcile. 1 , the people to Ids authoritv, to restore the 
 countrv to health and vigour, and, if it were possible, to vin- 
 dicate Ins share in the acts whereby lie had been raised to 
 power. ]>y a rigorous economy of the public revenues, he 
 was able to satisfy the arrears long due to the arnrv, and to 
 increase its eiliciency. lie rapidly acquitted the Company's 
 claims. He made himself master of the wants and weak- 
 nesses of his subjects, and took prompt measures for the 
 redress of their grievances. It was not Jong before his 
 energv in this direction brought him into collision with his 
 allies. At an early period of their settlement in Bengal,
 
 PLUNDERFUL TIMES. 
 
 47 
 
 the Company had obtained a firman exempting them from 
 customs, dues, and the pavment of tolls along tin- roads 
 and navigable rivers, on the transit of their good.-. The 
 dustuck (certificate) of the heads of their factories had the 
 virtue of an imperial permit. Thev had also established 
 the vicious custom of paying their servants in. the Kast a 
 nominal and insufficient salarv, with the liberty of engaging 
 in private trade. The libcrtv thus accorded gradually grew 
 into a license to neglect the Company's trade on the one 
 hand, and to oppress the natives on the other. An official 
 free pass was made to (-over the goods of private individuals 
 all over the conntrv. \Yhen the toll-collectors questioned 
 the validity of the dustuek, and stopped the goods, as they 
 were rightful Iv entitled to do, thev were arrested, im- 
 prisoned, loaded with fetters, and even beaten. The ( 'oni- 
 panvs servants, for their own private profit, were thus 
 getting into their hands the whole trade of the country, 
 and were practicallv drving up one of the sources of puMic 
 revenue. Kverv subordinate Knglish agent assumed the 
 airs and profited l>v the pre-tige of participation in the 
 joint-stock of power. \ ast fortunes were accumulated 
 rapidlv, none knew how. for there were none whose bu-i- 
 ness it was to inquire. Individualised spoliation ran loose. 
 and onlv came home to rest when weary of the burthe 
 .--pent with predatorv toil. Xot contenl 
 
 natives to Imv and sell at their own pr 
 t heir will with personal violence. The 
 maved inha litants >e!dom \'eiitnred to
 
 4 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 complaints of these enormities reached Mir Kasim from all 
 quarters, and he presented the strongest remonstrances 
 against them to the Council. 1 Mr Ellis, the Kesiderit at 
 Patna, was among the most prominent in the violation of 
 fiscal authority, and most of the Council were too much 
 implicated to be the willing authors of a reformation. 
 They affected to doubt or deny the existence of the injury, 
 and declared the Nawab's remonstrances to be an evidence 
 of ingratitude which ought to be reproved. When he offered 
 to agree to a transit duty of 9 per cent., though it was 
 much less than that paid by the natives, they met him 
 with a reluctant oiler to pay 2.} per cent, on salt alone. 
 At last the negotiations ended in a compromise, and a 
 treaty was signed in December 1702, binding the Com- 
 pany to pay a small fixed duty on their internal trade,. 
 But the majority of the Council were jealous of the popu- 
 larity and success of the Piegcnt. lie "would not wink at 
 their frauds or suffer their violence, and it was necessary, 
 therefore, to pick a quarrel with him ; and this they did by 
 publicly annulling the treaty, declaring that the President 
 had no authority to sign it. Indignant at being thus 
 trifled with, the Xawab issued a, decree abolishing all inter- 
 nal duties, thus putting all classes in the country on an 
 equal footing. The Council demanded its revocation, and 
 preparations for hostilities were made on both, sides. Some 
 boats containing anus were stopped by Mir Kasim's orders; 
 they wen- afterwards released, yet this was made the pretest 
 for the plunder of Patna by a Kuropean force. lUit reinforce- 
 ments arriving, the native Governor tinned the scales on the 
 following day, and compelled the, aggressors to capitulate, 
 Mr Ellis, the obnoxious liesident, being of the number. 
 The imprisonment of every Englishman in the province 
 1 Mill, Look IV. elm]), v.
 
 PLUNDERFUL TIMES. 49 
 
 was also ordered ; but only in the case of Mr Amyatt, who 
 had been acting as mediator between the two (Governments, 
 was any life sacrificed; and his death was occasioned by 
 the indiscretion of his escort, who drew upon themselves 
 a volley by which he was killed. 
 
 Though Mir Kasim had been at some pains to organise 
 and equip his army after the European pattern, victory did 
 not declare in his favour. Moorshedabad was taken on 
 19th June, and he was again defeated in a general engage- 
 ment at Geriah, on the 2d August, after such a resistance 
 as the invaders had not encountered before in anv struggle 
 with native troops. He made another stand at the pass 
 of Oodwa, and for a whole month defended it with 
 judgment and resolution. Mongheer, which he had made 
 
 JO O 
 
 his capital, fell in October; and now, finding his resources 
 exhausted and fortune against him, in a paroxysm of rage 
 and despair lie ordered the execution of Mr Ellis and the 
 prisoners from Patna, to whose conduct he mainly ascribed 
 his downfall. lie then took refuge for some lime in 
 ( Hide, and died at Delhi in 1 777, in obscurity and indigence. 
 AY!i"ii the Company found that Mir Kasim would not make 
 his country s interests subservient to theirs, they entered into 
 negotiations with Mir Jaffir for his resuming active authority ; 
 and, on the 1.0th .July 1703, a new treaty was signed, by 
 which the Company engaged to reinstate him in the full 
 exercise of all the executive powers, rights, and functions, 
 of Si'iibahdar. On his part. Mir .Jatlir ratified the pre- 
 vious treatv of 1757 ; granted afresh and confirmed to the 
 Company the chucklas (districts) of IJurdwan. Midnapinv, 
 and Chittagong, for defraying the expenses of t leir troops :
 
 5 o EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 gave them half the saltpetre from Purnea, and allowed 
 no others to make purchases of that article ; and gave them 
 half the chunam (lime) prepared in the district of Sylhet 
 for five years. He agreed to "maintain 12,000 horse and 
 12,000 foot in the three provinces, and besides which, the 
 Company's troops were to attend him whenever they were 
 wanted ; " to receive, wherever he should fix his court, a 
 Resident or political agent, and to appoint a like official on 
 his part at Calcutta ; to reverse and annul the free-trade 
 edict of Mir Kasim, the differential tolls and duties to be 
 levied on the natives as before; to "give thirty lacs for 
 defraying the expenses of the war " with the superseded 
 Regent ; to reimburse losses incurred by private individuals, 
 either in money or by assignments of land ; and not to 
 "allow the French to erect fortifications, maintain forces, 
 hold lands, zcmiridaries, &c. ; but to make them pay and 
 carry on trade "as formerly. Experience had taught the 
 aged Prince that the pledges and promises of his allies were 
 not trustworthy, and he sought to obtain some higher 
 guarantee for the fulfilment of these new covenants than 
 that afforded by the signatures of the ever-changing Council 
 at Calcutta. The terms of his demand, appended to the, 
 treaty, and accepted by all the members of the Council, are 
 worthy of historic note. There they stand full, to the, 
 brim with reproach of broken faith. 
 
 " I now make, this request, that you will write in a proper 
 manner to the Company, and also to the King of England, 
 the particulars of our friendship and union ; and procure 
 for me writings and encouragement, that my mind, may be 
 assured from that quarter that no breach mav ever happen 
 between me and the English, and that every Covernor, 
 Councillor, and chiefs of the, English that are here, or may 
 hereafter come, may be well disposed and attached to me.''
 
 PLUNDER FT L TIMF.S. 51 
 
 Ho tlion proceeds to enumerate many \v;ivs in which 
 mutual forbearance and respect ]>y suLordinatos on each 
 side ought to be enjoined and enforced. It has never l>een 
 even protended that, by him or his successors, anv attempt 
 was made to depart from the stipulations of this tivatv: 
 yet, by degrees, one after another of its covenants have 
 been infringed and frittered away by the stronger partv, 
 to the detriment of the weaker, until at last it has been 
 coolJv proposed, in a suppressed recommendation by a Secre- 
 tary of State, that the whole substance and spirit of this 
 fundamental treaty should be set at nought, and that the 
 verv existence of a Soubahdar of Bengal, from whom we 
 were glad in 17Go to accept grants of land and privileges, 
 should, after the lifetime of the present Prince, on grounds 
 of financial expediency be publiclv denied. 
 
 Suja-ul-J)owla, the Vizier of Oude, warmly espoused the 
 cause of the fugitive Regent, and to threats of the ( 'om- 
 panv's hostilitv returned a dignified rebuke of their ill-con- 
 cealed designs. ''To what, he wrote, "'can all these wrong 
 proceedings be attributed, but loan absolute disregard of 
 the court (of Delhi), and to a wicked design of seizing the 
 country yourselves. If these disturbances have arisen from 
 your own improper devices, deviate from such improper 
 behaviour in future: interfere nol in the affairs of govern- 
 ment : withdraw vour people from everv part, and send 
 them to their own coitntrv : rarrv on the Company s trade 
 a- fbrmerlv. and confine vourselves to vour own commercial 
 affairs." Shah Alum a so Itegan to be a armed at the state 
 of a flail's in Rental, and with the Vi/ier h*' eiiicn 1 the 
 ppivince at t he head >(' a powerful force in I7't. 
 
 Kor some months de>u!torv >kirmishe< gi-eaily hara ed 
 the European army, but a pitched Uittle w; I i light 
 
 th
 
 52 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 for peace, which the Company would only grant on condi- 
 tion of Mir Kasim's expulsion from Oude ; the Padishah 
 opened separate communications with the victors, with 
 whom he made his own terms. Ultimately peace was con- 
 cluded by the cession of the districts of Allahabad and 
 Korah by the Vizier to the Padishah ; and while the negotia- 
 tions lingered, in January 17G5, Mir Jaftir died, and was 
 succeeded by his son ; Xudjum-ul-Dowla.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE D E W A X X Y. 
 
 17G5. 
 
 '' In consideration of the services of the English Company, we have granted thin, 
 the Dewanny of the provinces of Bengal. ]>ehar, and Orissa, as an ultuniiravi 
 (free gift). It is requisite that the said Company engage to be security for 
 the sum of twenty-six lacs a year fr our royal revenue, which sum lia> been 
 appointed fmm the Xawah Xudjum-ul-Jo\vla IMiauder : and as the Company 
 are obliged to keep up a large army for Uenu'al, we have granted them what- 
 soever may remain nut of the revenue, after remitting the sum of twe:;ty-.-ix 
 lacs, and providing f.-r the expenses of the Xizamut. " 
 
 FJUMAX or SIIAII AI.UM.' 
 
 TT7I1KX the partakers in the first harvest of spoil re- 
 turned to Knidand, laden with unlooked tor riches. 
 wonder, curiosity, envy, and emulation iillcd the minds of 
 men. Dreams of speculation and adventure, such as had 
 quickened the. popular pulse after Raleigh's vova^e of dis- 
 coverv, or when the citv had iieen liewitched l>v the 
 golden promises of Law, once more occupied the thoughts of 
 vout h and au'e. of the well-to-do and the runagate. ( 'live was 
 looked upon, as another Cortex, who had. for the Iteiielh of 
 his countrvmcn, 1 Broken into a distant storehouse of e.\hau.<t- 
 less wealth. r l'he way was opened for the attainment of 
 treasure without toil, and the i-njovmenl of power without 
 the waste of years in apprenticeship, \\lio would nut go 
 
 ; rirnian of Gift t-f Dowaimy tu the Company. 12th A;:./: ; 170o.
 
 54 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 for a share in the Indian lottery ? The scene was distant, 
 the passage long, the climate tropical, and the manners of 
 the natives strange. But every wastrel who had courage 
 left every bankrupt whose credit was run out, every 
 reckless soldier who had neither money or interest to 
 secure promotion, every daring seaman who was im- 
 patient of the rough nights and scant wages of winter 
 voyages in the German Sea, every younger son of 
 quality who, bred in ease and pleasure, despaired of 
 finding a fat living or a place at court, a legal sinecure or 
 an heiress for a wife, began to meditate exploits in Bengal 
 or the Deccan : 
 
 " To spill a few bright drops of blood, 
 And straight rise up a Lord." 
 
 The hope of Oriental spoil spread like an epidemic ; and, 
 like other diseases, its taint once generally diffused, it be- 
 came, among certain classes, families, and connections, 
 normal and hereditary. Reasoning, where all the elements 
 of calculation were, illimitably vague, seemed but waste 
 of time ; and scruples about international or individual 
 right or wrong, were of course regarded as mere senti- 
 ment. The tone of political society in England, at the 
 accession of George, III.., was eminently propitious to 1 1n- 
 growth of such ideas. To the unchecked corruption of the 
 previous reign, was added the development of arbitrary 
 notions, encouraged by the Court. The Church was last 
 asleep, and the religious revival led by \\esley had made 
 hut little, wav. The slave trade and West Indian slavery, 
 with their showers of golden fruit, were Ihe tallest trees in 
 the fashionable orchard ; while the hardv growths of 
 American industry were, regarded with comparative disdain 
 by the statesmen and courtiers, jurists and critics, who
 
 THE DRWANNY. 55 
 
 advocated the appropriation of their unpretentious fruit to 
 eke out means of prodigality at homo. 
 
 It was the fittest season and the fittest fit-Id in which 
 the seeds of a new kind of fillibustering could be sown, ;md 
 every year, it was said, would prove as plenteous as the last, 
 or yet more abundant. 1 The incidents of Asiatic adventure, 
 and all the ideas suggested by its successful prosecution, 
 became interwoven alike with those of public and of private 
 life, and they maybe traced as a new source of illustration in 
 the philosophy and literature of the day. In comedy, the 
 forgotten scamp constantly turned up in the third act, under 
 the title of Nabob, to rescue the mortgaged inheritance, or 
 deliver some despairing fair from the arms of a high-born 
 suitor whom she loathed ; and the climax of charity-ser- 
 mons consisted of an adulation to munificence, addressed to 
 Dives, to whom providence had mercifully given wealth, 
 that otherwise would have been offered to idols. 
 
 .Mr Vansittart's administration was eminentlv successful 
 for all who were concerned in it. It was the hevday of 
 rapine, and if conps d'etat at Moorshedabad, and wars on 
 the frontier were not as plunderful as before, they secured 
 personal opportunities greater than ever to those who made 
 haste to be rich. The hapless ryots cried and there was 
 none to help them. The richer classes, Rajahs, Polvgars. 
 and Talookdars. shuddered in silence at the progress of ex- 
 propriation, but: knew not how to make their complaints 
 heard in England. What thev could not do for themselves, 
 was done for them bv then 1 tormentors, who were incessantly 
 quarrelling amount one another, and recounting the enor- 
 mities thev had witnessed in the Kast. 
 
 All this would probablv have mattered little, but for one
 
 56 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 unpardonable fault of the system in the eyes of the Directors : 
 it did not pay. Individuals were continually returning 
 home laden with riches ; and of despatches there was no 
 stint, full of glorious victories over ungrateful Moslems and 
 the hated French. But the remittances did not improve. 
 Too much was spent in salaries, perquisites, and riotous 
 living. Sumptuary rules and reductions of expenditure 
 were all in vain. At every shearing, the golden fleece 
 seemed to !>e appropriated amongst them by the Company's 
 servants, and little was left for the Company but the goat's 
 wool. It was clear that unregulated spoliation did not 
 yield the proper percentage. But how to economise and 
 regulate it ? that was the cjuestion. 
 
 Men's eyes turned once more on Clive. He was just 
 beginning to enjoy the ease and luxury of the position he had 
 won. His house in Berkeley Square, his equipage, and even 
 his dress, betrayed his daily exultation. He had a dozen votes 
 in Parliament at his command, and rival statesmen, there- 
 fore, sought his society. He was the only living commander 
 who had actually won pitched battles, so he was made 
 much of at the Horse Guards. He was the only English- 
 man who had added to His Majesty's dominions without 
 adding to the national debt, so George III. liked to talk to 
 him at levee. Though quizzed by the fops of St James's 
 Street, and laughed at as ill-bred by women of fashion, he 
 was regarded by the multitude as a hero, and by politicians 
 as an administrator of signal power. If he could be only 
 persuaded to return to Bengal, all would be sure to go well. 
 So thought the proprietors of India Stock. The Chairman, 
 Mr Sullivan, was. however, his personal adversary, and 
 many of his colleagues shrank from submitting to one 
 whom they knew would prove to be their master. But 
 bail tidings irrew worse, and shortcomings grew shorter.
 
 THE DRWANNY. : 7 
 
 How was a 10 per cent, dividend to be paid ? After a 
 stormy debate at the India House, in which ('live in-i-t.'d 
 on Sullivan being deposed, ho was deputed to resume tl.e 
 reins of government at Calcutta, and was named 1>\- the. 
 Crown, Gencral-in-chief of all the English forces in Ada. 
 
 While he was at home, Clive had doubtless interchanged 
 views with those who held office under Bute and (Irenville 
 as to the future direction of the Company's affairs in rela- 
 tion to the Princes of the East. How far his own view- of 
 further encroachment were systematise! or matured at this 
 period, it is impossible to tell. Immersed in pleasure and 
 intrigue, it is riot likely that the Ministers of George III. 
 bestowed much deliberate care upon forecasting the future 
 of India. Clive went forth a second time to feel his aggres- 
 sive wav; but lie was not long in determining on the path to 
 tread. In a private letter addressed to one of the Directors. 
 Mr Bouse, lie thus writes '' \Ve are at last arrived at that 
 critical period which 1 have long foreseen, which renders ir 
 necessary for us to determine wheiher we shall take th" 
 whole to ourselves ; for it is not hvperbole to say, To-mor- 
 row the whole Mogul .Mm] >ire is in our power. After the 
 lengths we have run. the Princes of Hindustan must eon- 
 dud* 1 our views to be boundless ; thev have sudi instanc 
 of our ambition, that they cannot suppose us capable of 
 moderation. The very Xawabs whom we niiidit support 
 would be jealous of our ] tower. \Ve musr become JV,^/-< ///.- 
 ouwh'e*, in fact, if not in name.'' 
 
 (>n the death of Mir.Iattir. Mr Van.dttart retired from 
 the Presidency, which was temporarilv li led l>y Mr 
 Spencer from Bombay, pending the arrival of Clive. 
 accession of a young and inexperienced Prince to the 
 Soubahdarate oiidvd an opportunitv of further eiicr>adi- 
 nient not to be neglected. A new tivatv was eiiteivd into
 
 5 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 accordingly with Xudjum-ul-Dowla on the 20th February 
 1705, which, ratifying that first made by his father in 
 1757, repeated most of the provisions of the alliance of 
 L7G3. Besides this, however, it secured the appointment 
 of a friend of the Company, Mahomed Eeza Khan, the 
 Xaib of Dacca, in the office of Chief Minister. Xuncomar, 
 a rich Brahmin, who had held this office under the late 
 Soubahdar, was not deemed well-disposed to the Company's 
 interests, and hence the desire to have him superseded. For 
 the defence of Bengal against the Mogul and the Vizier of 
 Oude by the Anglo-Indian forces, Mir Jatfir had paid at the 
 rate of five lacs a month. This sum his successor agreed to 
 continue ; and, moreover, as he " esteemed the Company's 
 troops e<jual to the defence of the provinces, and as his 
 own," he would only himself maintain such in addition " as 
 were immediately necessary for the dignity of his person and 
 Government, and the business of his collections throughout 
 the provinces.''' The Company thus became contractors 
 for the military defence of the country, but for that only ; 
 judicial and fiscal authority still remained in native 
 hands. In spite of the positive injunctions of the 
 .Directors at home to put an end to the, scandalous svstem 
 of inland smuggling, until an equitable and satisfactory 
 plan ''could be arranged with the live will and consent 
 of the Xawab, so as not to ailbrd anv just ground of com- 
 plaint.'" Mr Spencer and the Council inserted in the new 
 treatv a clause which ;_rave the Companv, and everv 
 servant of theirs trading in his private capacitv, immunitv 
 from tolls and dues, except il.V per cent, on salt. The, 
 younir Soubahdar, and hi- Minister, as usual, paid liberally 
 for tin,' ('ompanv's friendship, in sums ranging from one 
 to over two lacs, given under the name of nuzzuraiia to 
 different members of the. Council.
 
 THE DEW AN NY. 59 
 
 Clive arrived at Calcutta 3d Mav L705, accompanied bv 
 Mr Sunnier and .Mr Sykes, who, with himself, (Jeni-ral 
 Carnac, and Mr Yerelst, were appointed bv the Diiveiors a 
 Select Committee, invested with extraordinary powers, to 
 inquire into abuses too notorious, and to take, measures for 
 restoring ''order and tranquillity." This superces.-ioii of 
 their authority provoked attempts at resistance among the 
 Council, but Clive showed a resolute front, and while 
 thev murmured, they submitted. The, iirst act of the Com- 
 mittee was one of official reform. The Directors, with a 
 view to cheek the scandal caused by their servants ex- 
 acting enormous presents from wealthy natives, had 
 prepared forms of covenant to be subscribed, pledging 
 them not to accept any land, rents, revenue, or other pro- 
 pert v, beyond a small amount, without special permis- 
 sion previously obtained. Though these documents had 
 arrived in -Januarv, the Council absolutelv ignored them 
 in their dealings with Xudjum-ul-Dowla and l{e/:a Khan, 
 intending also to remonstrate against the inhibition. 
 The ('ommittee at once set about enforcing compliance; 
 and. bv dint of dismissals, suspensions, and retirements 
 among the ivfractorv, order and decorum were tor a time 
 restored. 
 
 The aspect of militarv ail'airs had improved, and (' ive 
 was, perhaps, disappointed that no immediate opening 
 presented itself for the exercise of his unusual powers as 
 diplomatist or general. l>ut he had not Ion LI' to 
 The \ ixier of ( Mide. who had .-oiiuhl the aid of the M; - 
 rattas to conquer IVimal, had sustained a crushing defeat, 
 and >iied for peace on anv terms, to arrange '\'i;<-ii * 
 proceeded to the cam]). It was not t lotighi advi-able to 
 press the vanquis ied too hard, and he \va- mill y in 
 
 a war-tine of tit'i v hies, and tlie ivlin i 
 d : Ktricts of Allahabad and lv>rah : u lieli. in-t^ad oj : ,-\n^
 
 60 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 appropriated, were used as a bribe wherewith to obtain 
 new and valuable concessions from the court of Delhi. 
 A separate peace was negotiated, whereby, in consideration 
 of these territories and the Company's guarantee of twenty- 
 six lacs of yearly tribute, Shah Alum agreed to issue a 
 firman appointing the Company his farmers-general of the 
 revenues of Orissa, Behar, and Bengal provision being 
 carefully made that nothing therein contained should 
 imply any derogation from the authority and dignity of 
 the Xawab-Xazim, the maintenance of whose Government 
 should be a permanent charge, and should be fully defrayed 
 before anything was appropriated to their own profit by the 
 new collectors. This notable transaction is what lias been 
 called the transfer of the Dewaiiny, and from its singularity 
 and importance, it is not surprising that it should have 
 been variously misunderstood and misrepresented. It was, 
 in fact, the realisation of a scheme conceived seven years 
 before. In 1758 the Council wrote home that their late 
 successes had acquired for them so great a reputation with 
 the Emperor, that his Ministers wished for their good ofliees 
 at Moorshedabad to secure the more punctual payment of 
 the imperial tribute. Their diplomatic agent, Sitab l!'>v. 
 more than hinted that if they would guarantee the annual 
 pavment, thev might have the function and title of Dewan. 
 '' The Dewan is the second man of rank,'' they say, " in 
 the kingdom ; and such a dignity annexed to vour .Presi- 
 dency would give extraordinary weight to the Company in 
 the Empire, whieh nothing would be able to remove. The 
 accepting this employ might occasion jealousy on the part 
 of the Soubahdar, and we are unwilling to cause him any 
 dissatisfaction at a time when our small force is engaged 
 another wav, especially as you gentlemen give us so little 
 hopes of reinforcements from home.'" l 
 
 ] Long's Records, vol i.
 
 THE DEW ANN Y. 
 
 61 
 
 But times had changed, and the reinforcements were now 
 come. The encroaching lodgers clutched at the latdi-kev, 
 which gave them henceforth the run of the house without 
 let or hindrance or question. In its ultimate conse- 
 quences, the transfer of the Dcwanny proved to be, no doubt, 
 the turning-point of India's fortunes; and in whatever 
 aspect viewed at the time, it is impossible, not to regard it 
 as a proof of the political imbecility into which the Durbar 
 of Delhi had sunk. For the sake of ready money to sustain 
 its lavish and luxurious exp nditure, a concession was made 
 to encroaching and ambitious foreigners, who had reeeiitlv 
 been open foes, incompatible with all our notions of imperial 
 self-respect, patriotism, and policy. But it is idle to pretend, 
 looking at the terms employed in the firman, the stipu- 
 lations it embodies, and bearing in mind the confidential 
 laivnau'e used regard iim; it bv the concessionaires, that it 
 
 r^ o <~ O i 
 
 ever was proposed or granted, asked for or accepted, as 
 tantamount to a transfer of the dominion or government of 
 the three provinces to the (Jompanv. That it was used and 
 abused to that end, at first stealthilv and slowlv, and then 
 iMj-idlv and ruthlessly, is true. But it is not true that anv 
 such [impose was breathed until the. deed was done. }.<[ 
 those who found a claim of forfeiture upon this so-called 
 act of expropriation bv the then acknowledged paramount 
 power, consult the private correspondence of M. de Barillon, 
 wherein th - pavment of secret pensions and gifts lr<>m 
 Loui- .XIV. to Charles II. are care full v chroi ' 
 receipts and acknowledgments given bv Km. 
 diplomat i>t-. and similar documents from i 
 right honourable LMMU emeu m Parliament, 
 cations and benefits from the King "f I'Vaiic 
 them think what would have been said
 
 62 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the soil of England, reducible into possession at the pleasure 
 of the mortgagee. Yet, between the two bargainings, the 
 moral difference is unspeakable. "Want of money by a 
 sensual and prodigal court is the one feature of identity : 
 everything else is different, the difference being in favour 
 of the Asiatics. 
 
 The Council could not contain themselves for joy ; and 
 sped their congratulations by the next mail to London. 
 The hills were now about to drop fatness ; and for the first 
 time they felt as if they could afford to keep a conscience. 
 The contentions about tolls and duties, wrung; from the 
 
 ' O 
 
 natives, but not exacted from their own people, and all the 
 corruptions and crimes incident thereto, suddenly had be- 
 come scandalous in their eyes. They declared they had 
 just discovered that the only way to put an end to all 
 such evils was to take away the bone of contention, and to 
 become tax-gatherers themselves. Their solemn effrontery 
 cannot be appreciated in paraphrase. "The perpetual 
 struggles for superiority between the Nawabs and your 
 agents, together with the recent proofs before us of 
 notorious and avowed corruption, have rendered us unani- 
 mouslv of opinion, after the most mature deliberation, that 
 no other method could be suggested of laying the axe. to 
 the root of all these evils, than that of obtaining the 
 Dewarmy of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa for the Company. 
 By establishing the power of the Creat Mogul, we have 
 likewise established his lights; and His Majesty, from 
 principles of gratitude, equity, and policy, lias thought. 
 proper to bestow this important employment on the Corn- 
 panv, the nature of which is the collecting all the revenues, 
 and, after defraying the expenses of the arrnv and allowing 
 a sufficient fund for the support of the Xizamut, to remit 
 the remainder to Delhi, or wherever the Kinir shall
 
 THE DEWANNY. 63 
 
 reside or direct. But as the King has been <jraciously 
 pleased to bestow on the Company for ever such surplus as 
 shall arise from the revenues, upon certain stipulations and 
 agreements expressed in the Sunnud, we have settled with 
 the Xawab, -with his own free will and consent, that the 
 sum of fifty-three lacs shall be annuallv paid to him for the 
 support of his dignity and all contingent expenses, exclu- 
 sive of the charge of maintaining an army, which is to be 
 defraved out of the revenues ceded to the Company bv this 
 roval grant of the Dewanny. And, indeed, the' Xawab has 
 abundant reason to be well satisfied with the conditions of 
 his agreement, wherebv a fund is secured to him, without 
 trouble or danger, adequate to all the purposes of such 
 grandeur and happiness as a man of his sentiments has 
 any conception of enjoying. More would serve only to 
 disturb his quiet, endanger his Government, and sap 
 the foundation of that solid structure of power and 
 wealth which at length is reared and completed bv tin- 
 Company, after a vast expense of blood and treasure. 
 Already, however, thev began to devise how this new 
 privilege might be stretched to work a defeasance of the 
 general authority of the Soubahdar ; and thev proceed to 
 indicate their meaning in unmistakable terms. It is 
 wonhv of note that the Ihivctors in their reply 1 broadb- 
 and significantly distinguish between their appreciation of 
 the value of the Dewanny, and their entire disapproval "' 
 its perversion to political ends. " We entire \ approve of 
 your preserN'in^ the ancient form of government in up- 
 holding the dignitv of the Smibahdar. We conceive the 
 ot'lic of I)e\van should lie exercised only in superin'eii
 
 64 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 istration of justice,, the appointments to offices, zemindaries, 
 in short, whatever comes under the denomination of civil 
 administration, we understand is to remain in the hands of 
 the Xawab or his Ministers." 
 
 In compliance with the terms of the imperial rescript, 
 fifty-three lacs of rupees were agreed to be paid annually 
 out of the taxes for supporting the expenses of the Xiza- 
 mut seventeen lacs being for household charges, and 
 thirty-six lacs for guards, police, and other purposes re- 
 quisite to maintain the state and dignity of the Soubahdar's 
 Government. The gross receipts of the three provinces were 
 estimated at no less a sum than two millions sterling ; and 
 Clive concurred with the Directors in declaring that all the 
 
 O 
 
 details and functions of collection should be left, as before, 
 in native hands. When in England, he had strongly urged 
 upon the Directors the necessity of putting a check on the 
 private trade of their servants. " The trading in salt, betel, 
 and tobacco'' having been one of the causes of dispute, he 
 hoped these articles would be restored to the Xawab ; and the 
 Company's servants absolutely forbidden to trade in them : 
 "the odium, of seeing such monopolies in the hands of 
 foreigners need not be insisted on." Under a tropical sun his 
 good resolutions, however, all dissolved away, for before he 
 had been out a month he had become a partner with Messrs 
 Veivlst, JSvkes, and funnier in the salt trade. It was said 
 tli at he devoted his profits derived from the trallic to the 
 relief of needy relatives and dependants, and that personally 
 he obtained no benefit from them. Possessed of a vast 
 fortune, drawn from the resources of native princes, In- could 
 hardlv appropriate nioiv from that (juarter, and lie had 
 (Teditablv aided ill putting an end to ihc svstem of exac- 
 tion- under the name of presents, where his successors were 
 concerned; but the orders of the Directors were equally
 
 THE DR]VAXNY. (,- 
 
 imperative for the cessation of private trade. lie chose, 
 notwithstanding, to disregard those orders, ,-ind to .-tultifv 
 his own previous professions, for the advantage of those 
 about him. 
 
 Tu Mav J7GG, the Xawab Xudjum-ul-Do\vla died, and 
 was succeeded l>v his younger brother, Svef-ul-I)o\v!a. A 
 ne\v treatv between him and the Companv was made, 
 which ratified that first made with Jus father, and also that 
 made with his brother the yi'ar before. The viceregal 
 guards had been kept up at a cost of eighteen lacs a year, 1 
 but overtures were made for their disbanding, in order that 
 their pav might be saved, and their dutv performed bv the 
 Company's sepoy battalions. The occasion was thought 
 propitious for effecting this further change; and in the new 
 treatv, the fixed sum for Xizamut expenses was reduced 
 from fifty-three to forty-one lacs. The credit which tin' 
 (lovernor took to himself for this piece of eeonoiny was not 
 ivadilv acknowledged at home. The ] )in-ctors wrote,' "As 
 the reduction of t he stipend to the Xawab arises from >tnk- 
 ing off the pav of an unnecessarv number of his sepovs, 
 and due- not affect the allowance for support of his dignitv 
 in the (lovernment, we approve what vou ha\'e done m it : 
 !)iit we direct vou never to reduce the ,-tipend lower, bein^ 
 extremelv desirous that he. should have sutiicieiit to support 
 his public character, and appear respectable to his subjects 
 and to foreigners/'
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PLIGHT OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 17671770. 
 
 " English historians, treating of Indian history as a scries of struggles about the 
 Company's charter, enlivened with startling military exploits, have naturally 
 little to say regarding an occurrence which involved neither a battle nor a 
 parliamentary debate. Mill, with all his accuracy and minuteness, can barely 
 .-pare five lines fur the subject. But the disaster which, from this distance, 
 floats as a faint speck on the horizon of our rule, stands out in the CM:. tem- 
 porary records in appalling proportions. It forms, indeed, the key to the 
 hi.-tory of Bengal during the succeeding forty years/'' 
 
 DR HUNTER. ' 
 
 rPHE second administration of Clive. who was sent from 
 England to consolidate the acquisitions somewhat 
 awkwardly achieved ly \ansittart and his Council, lasted 
 ahoiit two years. After that. Verolst and Cartier filled 
 successively the office of .President of .Bengal, and lieing 
 cairn, unambitious men. few events of historical import- 
 ance occurred. It were perhaps more accurate to say, that 
 few striking or sudden changes look place in the supreme 
 relations of the State during that period. F, <r events of 
 historical importance are of two kinds, the silent and the 
 noisv ; and all things considered, the silent are- of much 
 more consequence than, those whose taking place clamours 
 for observation. In Bengal, a ureat event or coming forth. 
 into light of a new fact on the scroll of human destinv 
 noiselesslv revealed itseli'; no less a fact than that of an 
 1 Anna!- of Kural Bciicral.
 
 PLIGHT OF THE PEOPLE. r, 7 
 
 attempted Government by two separate and unlike powers 
 the one native, and hitherto paramount. ; the other alien, 
 and hitherto tributary, but fast becoming irresistible and 
 dominant. All the, old respect and native predilection 
 looked after the waning lustre of the Soubahdar's court : 
 all the hope of profit and the fear of oppression looked 
 towards the Presidency. The feelings of tin; communitv 
 were instinctively devoted still to native rites, usages, and 
 laws; their apprehensions were daily riveted more inquir- 
 ingly upon the strange and unintelligible commands of 
 Calcutta. Mow the pretensions of superior fore* 1 came bv 
 degrees to be submitted to as irreversible, how acquiescence 
 in the course of vears grew into a sullen habit of obedience, 
 it Avould take long to tell. 
 
 External force has sometimes been hailed as a deliver- 
 ance from petf v tvrannv and internecine feuds; and when 
 separate chieftainships and principalities have ],een swept 
 away, the lot of the community at large has been benefited 
 bv the change. This has onlv been, however, where local 
 rights, the securities of property, and the immunities of 
 personal freedom have lieen maintained or strengthened. 
 Instances are not wanting of substantial benefit- having 
 been at lii'M conferred by a high-handed exercise of alien 
 aut loritv, which bv decrees came to be recognised hv their 
 ivci iieiits a s nioiv than counterbalancing the allroiil to 
 native pride involved in the manner of the gift. \\\\\ <\\\-\\ 
 instances are rare, ami there j<. perhaps, not one 
 such Lrrat itude has over been felt . or ha- ever In 
 earned, in which the irre-i-1 ible p. i\\vr of' i n- ml 
 attempted to uproot the customarv laws of 
 regard in 1 .: the administration of ju-ticc or the po- 
 land. i >v violent mutat i 1 'ii- ^ 'f ihe n >\-;\ } - >\\ '. : 
 of the nianv do< - not alwavs suti'er n> >t inn
 
 68 EMPIRE IN ASIA, 
 
 perceptibly, at least. Government is much more palpable, 
 and to the community is much more influential, in the per- 
 formance of its daily administrative duties than in its inter- 
 course with foreign states, or in its internal exercise of what 
 may be termed national functions. It is true that a gradual 
 and exact subordination of powers to the supreme authority 
 is indispensable ; and that such as the one is, such the 
 subordinate many are ever likely to be. But it usually 
 takes time to discern this. Practically, the conviction can 
 only be realised by habit and reflection. Instances there 
 may have been where the subtlety and care and wisdom 
 of an alien Government have introduced improvements and 
 reformations a] mealing to the sense, if unable to eiK'-a^e 
 
 -L -L O O o 
 
 the affections, of the people; and however shortlived and 
 unstable such advantages may be, we can imagine men so 
 sick and weary of domestic misrule as to hail with reckless 
 but real joy the questionable, aid of foreign interposition. 
 
 In the story of Asiatic conquest, we have, however, no 
 task of nice discrimination to perform. Xot only was the 
 sovereign authority of each state subverted, but the subor- 
 dinate, and perhaps more important, institutions of Jaw, pro- 
 perty, and taxation, were subverted al>o. To understand, 
 clearl}', the causes which precipitated these social and muni- 
 cipal changes, il H necessary to recall the condition of the 
 Company's affairs in Fjigland. and the action of Parliament 
 respecting them. The acquisition of the Dewanny caused 
 the Company s stock to rise considerably; and in a Court of 
 Proprietors a resolution was carried bv a laruv majority 
 declaring that tin 1 dividend should ho in future 10 instead 
 of' i) pel- cent. < lovrrnmeiit cast wistful eves upon the 
 splendid progiv<s making bv tip 1 Company in revenues. 
 which no longer could lie in any sense classed under the 
 }\>'i\(] of commercial profit.-. The Duke of: (iralton had. on
 
 PLIGHT OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 69 
 
 quitting oflice, told t lie ( 'hairinan and Deputy Chairman 
 that the tune was conn- \vlu i i) our dealings with the rulers 
 and traders of the Kast must In- taken in hand bv Parliament 
 as a national concern. .I hit his (I race had not time to 
 develop whatever ideas migllt have l>een put into his head 
 upon the subject; and when Chatham for the second time 
 lieeame First .Minister, 1 one of the great measures of reform 
 \\ Inch lie hoped to earrv was that respecting India. At 
 his instance, Alderman Beekford, whose character for mer- 
 cantile knowledge and probity stood high, moved in the 
 House of Commons 2 for a committee to inquire into the 
 state and condition of the East India (.'onipanv. The 
 motion was resisted bv those and thev were many who 
 direetlv or indirectly were interested in its management 
 
 o 
 
 bein^'left uncontrolled : but IL! ( .) votes against 7(5 were told 
 in its favour. A. fortnight later the I louse ordered that copies 
 of all treaties with native powers between I7f><> and 17<'><>. 
 lioth veavs inclusive, as \\cll as of all correspoiulence ivlatin ( _r 
 thereto, and an account of the state of the (.'oinpanv s terri- 
 torial revenues, should he laid before them. It was under- 
 stood that thi- step was but pn-liminarv to the develop- 
 ment of a comprehensive plan regulating our course and 
 conduct in the Mast, and i<>r turning into the imperial 
 treasurv the streams of affluence theretofore engrossed 
 bv individual or joint-stock enterprise. Tie cmnmi 
 of iiiijiiirv did no! go to luisiness until the end of March 
 17'>7: and it had made little progress when a (.ieii'-ra! 
 ( 'oiirt of Proprietors, on the (iih Max', in a p-.T\v-m 
 
 of cllj'ldltV. \~oted th.at the dlX'ldend ol) their -toe . 
 
 l>e raised to 1:2.1 ]>er cent. Thi- wa> too mueh : 
 
 most languid parlianientarv con-eience ; and oi i 
 
 ing dav the Hoii-e of ( 'oinnn >n- calle 1 in i ... ; .,,,^
 
 7 o EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 for the proceedings which had resulted in this vote. The 
 Court quickly re-assembled, and repeated substantially what 
 they had done before, by declaring that a dividend of less 
 than 400,000 a year would not satisfy them. Parliament 
 was offended at this apparent intention to challenge, if not 
 to resist, its authority ; and Mr Fuller, chairman of the 
 committee, forthwith moved to bring in a bill limiting the 
 dividends of the Company to 10 per cent., which, after 
 many warm debates, was read a third time on the 28th of 
 May, and passed. In the Upper House it was denounced by 
 Lord Mansfield and other peers as an infraction of the rights 
 of private property ; but public feeling ran high, opposi- 
 tion was unavailing ; and before the session closed, another 
 bill was passed which bound the Company to pay 400,000 
 a year into the exchequer out of their revenues in Bengal, 
 as a condition of the renewal of their charter. It was thus 
 made plain for whose benefit the collection and administra- 
 tion of the revenues of the Xawab-Xazim had been transferred 
 from native to foreign hands. In the scramble between 
 Y\ estminister and the Citv for a divison of the spoil, the 
 weightier matters of justice, judgment, and mercy seem to 
 have been forgotten. The darkening shadows had fallen 
 upon tlic mind of the great statesman who then nominallv 
 held the reins of administration, but who, secluded in his 
 villa at Hampstead, refused for months to attend Parlia- 
 ment or Council, to answer letters, or even to receive visits 
 from his colleagues. ( 'liatham, towards the close of the vear, 
 gave up the 1'rivy Seal, and returned no more to power. 
 Politicians occupied themselves \vith more pressing affairs 
 in Europe and America, and the new owners, as tliev had 
 virtually become, oi Bengal, Behar. and Oris.-a, went their 
 wa v. 
 
 In the session of 1701). tin.- airrcement made for three
 
 PLIGHT OF THE PEOPLE. 7 r 
 
 years between (Government and the Company had to 
 1)0 revised. Lord Xorth now led the House of ('ominous 
 in his pleasant oif-hand style, lie offered tin- Company ;i 
 new lease of their Eastern-hunting grounds upon tin- old 
 terms. Xo stipulations, political or social, administrative 
 or legislative, wen; proposed. But a new voice was to he 
 henceforth heard in the affairs of India, whose lof'tv and 
 passionate protests against wrong have not yet ceased t.. 
 thrill the hearts of all who love the honour of their countrv 
 wiselv and well. Three years before, the ^Member for 
 A\ eiulover had entered Parliament, and had rapidlv as- 
 serted, by the unhelped force of courage, eloquence, and 
 independency of thought, a position such as no man with- 
 out birth or wealth had before attained in that assembly. 
 With ineffable wonder and disdain. lUirke noted this mere 
 perfunctorv discharge of the great duties of Stale, and 
 rebuked warmlv the. absence of all policy and prudence 
 di>plaved. in such official conduct. "This bargain.' he 
 exclaimed, ''" is not an agreement but a random. \\ithotit 
 calculating the revenue, without allowing fr risk, without 
 inquiring into circumstances, to make a great commercial 
 Company pav 400,000 to ( Government is but a robbery." 
 Ihs vehemence in conversation and debate suggested in 
 the meaner minds around him onlv the suspicion, genuine 
 or feigned, that he must have some personal motive for en- 
 gaging so earnestlv in a subject that did not ostensibly con- 
 ei i-n him or \\\< country-town con.-tituents: and not a tew oi 
 hi- political friends were rather chilled than kindled l>y /: ;d 
 \\ hi ch ne\"er slackened in or out of. season. I ; :- i'i 
 
 too prescient in.-iuht into con-e. jiii-ii'-,-. \\ ,-iv un:,. > i- i. : 
 they squeezed the (/ompanv in tin- blind (a-ii;<'i). they du; 
 
 1 L'uvcinli>li. vi'l. i. i>. -' : ' : - .:'.-' "i" : ~-
 
 72 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 incited them to squeeze their servants in the East, and that 
 onlv meant that they should squeeze the native victims of 
 their rule. But he seemed to them as one that mocked. How 
 could they know what was really happening, or might pos- 
 sibly happen, at the other side of the globe ? and at heart what 
 did they care? Though he spoke like an angel, the House 
 laughed, 1 and few divided with him. Then he grew angrier 
 and less convincing. Xature, which had lavished on him 
 so many of her choicest gifts, had forgotten tact when he 
 was made. Tact he had none, and the want of that species 
 of instinct cannot be supplied by learning, discipline, or even 
 by experience. Fe\v sympathised enough with the poor rind 
 plebeian man of genius to risk his ill-humour by telling 
 him the truth of what was said or insinuated in his dis- 
 paragement. The Duke of Kichmond, who had both good- 
 nature and good sense, on one occasion frankly told him 
 the truth, talcing care to add. that for himself he did not 
 believe him to be swayed in the least by any personal motives. 
 But the haughtv spirit of Burke was not to be influenced 
 bv hints however delicate, or advice however kind. He 
 had his work to do. and. after all, lie could only do it in his 
 own way. .lustice to India became to him an Kgeria, 
 whom he loved to commune wiih in the silent hours of 
 night, and from whom, most trulv. he received inspiration. 
 The nmsnud remained, but the sceptre had been taken 
 awav. The dignitv of native rule still subsisted, and still 
 wore the ancient embroiderv ot power; but power to pro- 
 tect, control, defend, or guide, was gone. After ten vears 
 of in re i LIU rule, w nit was the plight of the people '. J)id 
 thev grieve like the Hebrews of o'd '. or if unmoved bv 
 national sentiment, had thev phvsieal cause to fee] that 
 "their inheritance was turned to strangers, and their houses 
 1 Life of Bu:ke, l.y MueknL'ht, vol. ii. p. 18.
 
 PLIGHT OF THE PEOPLE. 7;, 
 
 to aliens; that they drank their water for money, that their 
 wood was sold unto them; that servants ruled over them, 
 and that there was none to deliver them out: of their 
 hand ?"' 
 
 The rice crop of 1 70S had been scantv throughout !en'.ral. 
 but "the revenues were never so closely collected hefore/' 
 Prices rose, and the poorer cultivators of the soil Lad con- 
 sequently little to spare for seed. Nevertheless,, in the 
 spring of L 7 GO, the export of lice went on; for customers 
 at Madras and elsewhere could afford to pav hiu'h, and no 
 one in authority cared about consequences. The rains ('!! 
 as usual in the spring, copioiislv enough to do even harm 
 in the Delta. l>ut the clouds of autumn came not as usual, 
 and failed to drop fatness. .Kvervwhere the crop withered, 
 and the rice-iields became prematurely iidds of straw. 
 (lovernor Verelsl did not deem the mutter worth mention- 
 ing when writing home : and except for the troops, im care 
 was taken to lav up provisions in store. The onlv ijUe<ti<m 
 indeed was about the troops; [or as once was said of another 
 ne-j-jected dependency bv a statesman of our o\vn lime, 
 llen^al "was occupied, iiof ^uvei'iied. Mr ('artier men- 
 tioned in<-identallv late in January I77<\ thai one district 
 \vas sulfeniiLi' severely lor want ol food, hul he adds th 
 ilatorv assurance that "they had not yet found any 
 failure in the revenue." What no failure of n venue m< ; : . 
 when people are famishing, it can hardly be lien -sin to 
 exitlain. Subsei|uentlv it oi-ciii'i'ed to the (Jovern r 
 'oinicil thai if <ome relaxation in the collection of th" land- 
 
 '\i lei-te cf I hem : ml a - 1 >r ta 
 
 he lives of the community, they mil ' ii"'" 1 
 
 -xi-L-ted that ;it their Lands. In >ea-on< o) dr--'
 
 74 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 not been uncommon for native rulers to .suspend the land- 
 tax, and to make advances to ryots ; and measures of this 
 kind were proposed at Fort AVilliam, but " except in a few 
 isolated instances they were not granted." l In April, the 
 pulse harvest, though scanty, was secured, and about the 
 same time an addition of 10 per cent, was made to the rent- 
 revenue. But destitution deepened, and in the middle of 
 May the reports of suffering came from far and near. " The 
 mortality and beggary exceeded all description. Above 
 one-third of the inhabitants perished in the once-plentiful 
 province of Purneah, and in other parts the misery was the 
 same." From every native official who had still been re- 
 tained earnest representations poured in of the dire calamity 
 that had befallen the people. Sympathy and selfishness 
 alike inspired these, representations. Even Mussulmans, 
 Tusuldars, and Hindoo police might be credited with pity 
 and compassion ; while whatever tribute they still were able 
 to send in, would entitle them to all the more praise when it 
 was kno\vn under what difficulties it had been collected. 
 There were no disorders, outbreaks, or threats of violence 
 among the peasantry. The habitual reticence and domestic 
 privacy of Bengalis is well known. Even tin- charitable 
 win; sought out objects of benevolence, found it often 
 difficult to reach tin- inner chambers, \vhere debilitated and 
 despairing women and children slowlv perished for want of 
 food, ('at tie were sold, tools pawned, and seed-grain eaten; 
 then chi dren were offered for sale, till purchasers could not 
 be found; and finally the (lovernment \veiv informed l>v 
 their subordinates that the living were known to prey upon 
 
 the dead." 3 
 
 At length all traditional reserve gave wav. Troops
 
 PLIGHT OF THE PR OP I.E. 75 
 
 of famished peasants, worn and wan, came <TO \vdiir_:; 
 into the towns, bringing with them pestilence in various 
 forms, small-pox, dysentery, and fever, and spread i DM- terror 
 and dismay among rich men and rulers. J)eath did not 
 heed being told to begone. Its carnival was come, and 
 the ghastly revel was prolonged from week to week and 
 from, month to month, till the gravedigger was wearv and 
 the jackal and vulture grew lazy and tame. 
 
 The testimony of an eyewitness whose veracity lias 
 never been questioned, and who afterwards rose to the 
 highest post in Bengal, confirms what a despatch ol the 
 Council, so late as the month of September, exprcsslv set 
 forth, that it was " scarcely possible that any description 
 could be an exaggeration of the prevailing want and woe." 
 Air Shore was nothing of an enthusiast, and in every act 
 of his life he was a loyal and trusted servant of the Com- 
 pany. Punctilious, careful, plodding, and exact, he \vas of 
 all men the lease likely to overstate any case, where the 
 credit of the ({ovenmient was concerned. Yet he owned 
 in after vears that nothing could obliterate from his recol- 
 lection the horrors of that dreadful time 
 
 A certain show of compassion was made at Calcutta 
 when the evil was at its height. ATI. embargo was ' ! 
 for several weeks on the export of grain, but the ;..; ] 
 amount contributed bv the Calcutta tivasurv to al!<-\iate
 
 7 6 EMPIRE IN A STA . 
 
 faulters to the exchequer. Instances are recorded of the 
 sacrifices they made, and of the suffering they subsequently 
 endured in consequence. Sooner than let their people die, 
 they went in del>t. From this dreadful year the ruin of 
 two-thirds of the old aristocracy of Bengal dates ; while the 
 revenue farmers, "being unable to realise the land-tax, were 
 stripped of their office, their persons imprisoned, and their 
 lands, the sole dependence of their families, relet." l The 
 Rajah of Xuddea survived the famine so much in default, 
 that he was glad to surrender his estates to his son. The 
 Rani of Rajshie, though previously esteemed as a woman of 
 business, and as a lady who exercised justly much territorial 
 influence, was threatened with eviction and the confiscation 
 of her lands. The young Rajah of Beerblioom was thrown 
 into jail for arrears of land-tax; while the aged Rajah of 
 Bishenpore was only let out of a debtor's prison when his 
 end visibly drew nigh. Out of an assessment of <],'}30,i20!) 
 only 65,355 was remitted dining the famine year. The 
 ruin of the Hindu gentry excited little pity or forbearance. 
 The clearing of great tracts of country bv famine caused 
 more concern; a third of the land was reported in the next 
 two years to have gone out of tillage. This was a serious 
 evil, and accordingly schemes were set on foot to tempt 
 immigrants to take farms and settle. There was to be a 
 new plantation by men of a hardier breed, and, as was said, 
 of a superior race. But the work: of home colonisation 
 proved more slow than probably was expected. Sheep 
 iV'-m the other folds did .not come so quickly at the click 
 < f the shears : stupid creatures! that did not know what was 
 good for them. \ il'agvs remained in ruins, field after field 
 lav fallow, and rapidly returned to jungle. Beerbhoom and 
 Bishenpore had been cultivated bv six thousand rural com- 
 1 Hunter's Annuls of Rural Bengal, P- W>.
 
 2- 'LIGHT OF THE Pl'.Ori.K. 77 
 
 munes. Three years alter the famine a fourth of tln-.se 
 agricultural communities had disappeared. For fift-en 
 years after the famine depopulation went on ; and in 17,^'j 
 a minute of the Viceroy in Council declared that one-third 
 of the Company's territories in Bengal was " a, juii'ji 1 in- 
 habited only by wild beasts." 
 
 Something more remains to be told. Shameful frauds 
 appear to have been practised during the famine bv per- 
 sons in olliee. They were known to have dealt in urain, 
 imported for the supply of the famishing multitude, to have, 
 made false returns of its distribution, and to have appro- 
 priated the exorbitant price it brought. 'Hie, Council tried 
 to throw the blame upon the. subordinates who were natives. 
 The .Directors refused to be thus duped; said plainlv that 
 thev believed the guilt Jav at the door of their own 
 conntrvmen high in otliee, and called for the disclosure of 
 t heii' names ; but the names were never audibly disclosed. 
 ( >ne who held an important place at the time, returned to 
 Ins own coimtrv a wealihv man, founded a family, since 
 ennobled, and amid "honour, love, obedience, troops of 
 friends, lav down to spend the evening of his days in 
 peace. l'>ul that best of blessings was denied him. ills 
 nights were haunted bv images and sounds which would 
 not let him sleep: and though a man of what is called mm 
 irame and ot readv courage, to his dving hour he in vi r 
 would allow the lights to be extinguished round hi- be* . 
 
 The next harvest was plenteous, but the laboinvrs were 
 so comparatively few thai a. great extent i land v, ,-:- 
 nm illed. and it was manv vears before t ie population n>> ;o 
 their former numbers. All the computation-, ma 
 at the time, and afterwards, set down the e\;. : ; < ; d 
 
 hit loll ;t! tVi >m mile to tell lllillli HIS. No] 
 
 been even asserted as having happ-n-d <. .. . .
 
 7 8 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 part of the world for centuries. Nevertheless the land 
 revenue was within two years brought up once more to the 
 former average of a million and a half sterling though not, 
 
 O o ' O 
 
 as Warren Hastings owned, without the exercise of cruel 
 severity. J>y the practice termed " naja," each district was 
 throughout compelled to furnish its quota, regardless of 
 depopulation and abandonment of farms. The practice 
 which, in ordinary years, was hardly complained of by a 
 people traditionally accustomed to a rude but regular 
 solidarity of local interests and industries, became an 
 instrument of inhuman rigour when there was famine in 
 the land. The more utter the insolvency occasioned by 
 dearth in one portion of a district, the more intolerably fell 
 the weight of exaction upon the portion that still struggled 
 for life. What frugality had saved from the sickle of 
 dearth, the pitiless clutch of the tax-gatherer gleaned ; but 
 the coffers of the alien dewanny were kept full, and the 
 remittances to the absentee owners afar off were not 
 suffered to fail. 
 
 The tidings of the terrible disaster startled from the 
 apathy of neglect the popular conscience at home; and in the 
 following session, select committees of inquiry were moved 
 for the one b\- -Mr Dundas. and the other bv Colonel JUtr- 
 goyne. In the voluminous evidence brought before them, 
 the scandalous history of ('lives and Vansittart's adminis- 
 trations was laid bare, ('live was threatened with impeach- 
 ment, but he boldly faced the accusations laid to his charge; 
 and the House of Commons, after censuring many of the 
 leading acts of his government, voted, bv wav of set-off, that 
 he had rendered great services to his country. His haughty 
 spirit was not appeased by this, or by the cheers w.ith which 
 he was subsequently received on entering the- House. His 
 solitude was haunted bv thoughts to 'which hi, 1 gave no
 
 PLIGHT OF THE PEOPLE. 79 
 
 utterance. At length the burthen of his unhallowe 1 fame 
 and fortune grew insupportable, and the pub je learned 
 with a shudder that he had perished l, v his own hand. 
 
 In their anxietv to escape impending condemnation 
 for past mismanagement, and to oiler guarantees of some- 
 thing better for the time to come, the Directors professed 
 themselves ready to send out a commission of three men of 
 repute and standing, awaiting whose report: Parliament 
 mi^'ht fairlvbe called on to abstain from permanent legi<la- 
 tioii. The Yice-( 'hairnian, Sir George ( 'olebrooke, suggested 
 to his colleagues that thev should invite Edmund Iiurke 
 to preside over this Commission of Supervisors, as, in the 
 counting-house language of the Hoard, thev were to be called. 
 Lord liockingham, then leader of the Whigs in opposi- 
 tion, was consulted ; but. from a feeling of delicacy, or from 
 some oilier cause unexplained, he abstained from expressing 
 an v opinion. The over-sens it iveness of his friend and follower 
 seems to have been hurt at the want of interest thus shown 
 in a matter which he regarded as of importance not onlv to 
 him-i'!f but to the nation. lie took time to consider, and 
 his tamilv dissuading him. he declined the oiler. How dif- 
 teivnl mighl have been the subsequent course ol events in 
 India, had even a ground-plan whereon to build been laid 
 down bv the noble, just, generous, and far-sighted intellect 
 of him who has been trulv designated bv Macau ay as 
 hevond comparison the greatest man ol his time! 
 
 Meanwhile another but verv ditferenl man. daring a- 
 ('live, and of more cominvhensive and UTsi-tenl < >o-e. 
 
 he r.ast. I'ailmg to ohtain t lie >er\~ice< oi ; .. 
 stale-man, the Directors bethought 1 lein oj 
 a>t u! e and versa! lie t itlicial. I le had no fi 
 (juence to push his interest with tin 'in. and ii" r- -". r -
 
 So EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 with to purchase favour. But he had the faculty of im- 
 pressing all with whom he came into personal contact that, 
 thouuii diminutive in form and delicate in feature, he 
 
 o 
 
 possessed indomitable energy, profound sagacity, and an 
 iron will. They thought he was the sort of man they 
 wanted ; and the next decade in the annals of annexation 
 is identified with the name of Warren Hastings.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 WAR HEX II AST IXC S. 
 
 17711773. 
 
 vennnent who have been the instruments of their ruin ? Is it possible that 
 their relations, friends, and former dependants, sin add not sympathise with 
 them ? And will not the people, who are taxed wiih much greater severity 
 than tiny ever were before, lie reaiiy U> concur in their complaints { The 
 ruin of the upper classes like the exelusinii of the people fr< m a share in tlv 
 piVernment) was a neei->sarv eon-ei[uence of the e.-tahlishmeiit of the l'riti>h 
 power : hut hail we acted on a mure liberal plan, we should have fixed our 
 authority on a much more solid foundation." 
 
 F. J. SaonE.i 
 
 ^XTIL tin- yonr 1773, llic I-'nirli-li po^o^inn^ in Iinli;i 
 
 \\'crc "(>Y( Tiled liV llic three seji;if;ite I'ollllrlls ot 
 Pioni1>;iv. .M;uli';i>. ;nnl Calcutta, eacli dt'thein proided over 
 !>\ nlie of tlleir llllllllii'l 1 S[)('ciall\" (lesiu'lKlted li\' {he .I)nve- 
 toi's at home |nr t ie peiiormaiice ot. that diitv. I>et\\"eei] 
 these independent and ro-e<jiial ( lovenniieiits, no little 
 jealousy prevailed. Their local interests \\ ei'e often differ- 
 ent. and ihev \vcre separated triiin eaeh othi-r, iioi only 
 di-laiice and divei'sitv ot eiivunistaners. lint 
 1 1 M Ions v and distrust. As tlu'ir i-e>pe< 
 
 1 ll l\"e St ati'S '_;l'r\\' l!li n ' eonipleX, t heil 1 ll 
 
 a,d in tune of peril ^rew more plain. 
 
 and unitv oi pohe\" \\~as e\'er\" \'ear more oii\ 
 
 1 Xot.S oil 1 . '.
 
 S 2 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 able ; and to secure this unity, the Minister of the day 
 recommended Parliament to create a supreme executive at 
 Calcutta, which should in all great affairs control the two 
 remaining Presidencies, and to erect at the same time in the 
 future metropolis of British India, a High Court of Judica- 
 ture, invested with unlimited jurisdiction, civil as well as 
 criminal, over all English settlers in the East, and over all 
 matters wherein they might in any way be concerned. 
 
 Evan Act passed in 1773, Government for the first time 
 explicitlv assumed paramount authority over the English 
 possessions in Asia, George III. and his Ministers had 
 long coveted this increase of patronage and power ; but it 
 was not until the Board of Directors came for a loan of 
 1,500,000 to the Treasury, to meet their excess of expen- 
 diture, that the opportunity arose for effecting so great a 
 change. For five years the heavy quit-rent to the State 
 and the dividend of 10 per cent, to the proprietary had 
 been punctually paid; but the price of stock steadilv 
 went down, and at length, in the autumn of 72, Leadeiihall 
 Street found itself on the brink of insolvency. Lord North 
 readilv agreed to a loan from the Exchequer, adequate to 
 meet all pressing wants. He intimated at the same time, 
 however, that the executive should henceforth be regarded 
 as supreme in all questions of acquired territorv, and 
 that a provincial administration, political, militarv. and 
 judicial, must be nominated b\- the Home ( lovrrnment, 
 though |;iid for out of the revenues of the Compaiiv. 
 Its internal constitution, moreover, would be modified so as 
 to restrict the constituent votes bv whom the Directors \\vre 
 to be chosen, to persons, registered for twelve months as 
 holders of ^ICMji'i of -lock. This sweeping measure of dis- 
 franchisement and of centralisation raised a M<irm of opposi- 
 tion in the City. Corporate privileges were said to be
 
 WARREX HASTINGS. 83 
 
 endangered, and both Houses were prayed to hear counsel 
 at the bar. The prayer was granted, and some eight-and- 
 t wcntv Whig commoners, and about as manv peers, 
 divided against the principal clauses of the bill. Then- 
 resistance eventually availed nothing. A Governor-General 
 with four colleagues, to hold olh'cc for five vears, were 
 named in the Act, and a supreme tribunal of justice, 
 to sit at Calcutta, as a court of appeal from all inferior 
 jurisdictions, whether native or English, was in the same 
 manner established. (Jeneral Clavering. !Mr .Philip Francis, 
 Colonel Monson, and .Mr .Harwell, were named in the Act 
 as the colleagues of AVarren Hastings, the new Proconsul 
 of .1 lindustan. 
 
 \\ hen it had served its turn, this fust imperial statute 
 for India was superseded, and most of its provisions were 
 swept awav among the dead leaves of legislation. Hut 
 one clause remains to be ever memorable in the history of 
 modern society- more pregnant with consequences than 
 all the statutes taken together enacted in the lon^e-r reign 
 of Knglish kings. To eke out the he p they needed in 
 tip ir plight of financial embarrassment, the Companv asked 
 and obtained a remission of the dutv on tea imported in 
 their vessels. For clearness sake, the additiona port-dues 
 ol -'d. in the pound chargeable in the colonies was declared 
 to be repealed. Parliament took" upon it-elf to confer 
 tln< fiscal boon on the Transatlantic as well as home pro- 
 vinces of the Kmpi re. by declaring that the drawback should 
 be allowed in both upon all tea borne in the Ka-t India 
 Company s bottom-. Tine Kinu' was fooled with a device. 
 which Lord Ilillsborough assured him would entrap the 
 colonists, by the bait of a remitted dutv. into ackiii >wl edging 
 the right of taxation in Parliament, which they had in the 
 
 'akers in
 
 S 4 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 opposition warned Ministers that the people of Pennsylvania 
 and Xew England were not likely to be thus beguiled ; and 
 the event soon verified their prognostics. Upon acquiescence 
 in that arrogant assumption to remit imposts, the converse 
 right to impose them manifestly hung. The colonists 
 would admit neither, and, to show that they were in earnest, 
 they filing the cargoes of tea free of duty into Boston har- 
 bour. We all know what followed. 
 
 Meanwhile, the ablest man in the Company's service, 
 Warren Hastings, was, apparently without opposition, 
 nominated Governor-General of India. He had filled the 
 chair of President in Bengal for the two preceding years, 
 to the satisfaction of the Company. Several of his acts 
 had indeed drawn down on him the censure of the Opposi- 
 tion in Parliament ; but the merits of the questions at issue 
 were ill understood, and no audible objection was heard when 
 he was named for the newly-created dignity. Why was he 
 chosen .' and what had he done to earn this high distinc- 
 tion What was the character of the man, that the respon- 
 sible advisers of the Crown should confide to him so great a 
 trust '': In their early instructions the Board of Jhredors 
 positively forbade the assumption of a mililarv position, and 
 enjoined a peaceful adherence to Mridlv commercial objects. 
 But: Hastings had no mind t'o ohev these suggestion,- further 
 than in name. There was neither rapid fortune nor the 
 reputation of a conqueror to be made thereby. (.'lives 
 example had. in fad. debauched all the adventurous and. 
 unscrupulous class who were a! this tune, and for many 
 vears after, in the Ka-t. The a Hairs of the ( 'onipanv at 
 home were in great embarrassment; Hastings took advan- 
 tage of this on the OIK,' hand, and the Ministers of the ( 'rowu 
 took" advantage of it on the other. 
 
 The new .President wrote to the Secret Committee
 
 WARREN IfASTT.VGS. 85 
 
 "The trntli is, that the affairs of the Company stand at present 
 on a footing which can neitlier last as it is no\v, oi 1 lie main- 
 tained on the rigid principles of private justice. ^ ou must 
 establish your own power, or yon must hold it dependent 
 on a superior, which I deem to he impossible." The reply 1 
 of the Secret Committee expresses their "entire approval 
 of his conduct. The vigour he displayed at the same time in 
 curbing subordinate abuses, and the retrenchments he effected 
 in manv quarters, rendered them unwilling to supersede 
 him ; and Ministers at home, who wanted to obtain a larger 
 share of patronage, not only left him undisturbed, but by 
 the Act of 177-3 raised him to a position of unprecedented 
 } tower. Thus it was that this singularly able, fearless, and 
 unscrupulous man came to be the first individual who ever 
 tilled the post of English Viceroy of the East. 
 
 Tlie family of Hastings was of ancient and honourable 
 name, but at the beginning of the centurv its fortunes had 
 fallen into decay. The hi-t portion of its heritable pos- 
 sessions semis to have been the manor of Daylesford, in 
 \\ oivestershire. The vicarage was held for manv years bv 
 the grandfather of \\anvn I Fastings, and under the old 
 man - roof his earlier days were passed. ( )f his father, who 
 was a runagate, we onlv know that he married, at tifie-n. 
 a ladv ot the neighbourhood, who died in the infaney of 
 her only son : and that from his birth the portionless buy 
 was virtually left in the condition of an orphan. Of his 
 father, who survived manv vears, lie was never known to 
 speak". '\ lie poor old vicar treated the child wit i tender- 
 ness. He was sent to the village school, ami in hi- plav- 
 honr<. as he used afterwards to tell, he would strol I iroiigh 
 Daylesford \\<>od. or lie beside- the margin of the .-tream 
 that rippled through the meadows, pondering in his boyish 
 1 Despatch, 10th AIT:! 1773.
 
 86 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 heart how his grandfather had been driven from the 
 pleasantest-looking place in all that country-side, and 
 wondering if he ever should be rich enough to buy it back 
 again. Throughout a long and chequered, life, the thought, 
 nurtured in his speculative and romantic brain by the family 
 talk he had overheard in winter nights while sitting in the 
 chimney-corner that thought exercised an inexorable 
 mastery over his whole fate, spurring his ambition and 
 goading his avarice, reining his fierce passion, and stimulat- 
 ing him in hours of despondency to endurance, enterprise, 
 and crime. By his uncle, a clerk in the Customs, lie was put 
 to school at Xewington, where he learned little, and was half 
 starved. He used to ascribe his stunted and delicate frame 
 to the treatment he experienced there. Subsequently -cut 
 to Westminster, he soon distinguished himself as a scholar, 
 and won the good-will alike of his playfellows and his 
 teachers. There he became known to Lord Shelborne and 
 other men, eminent in after life ; there too began his inti- 
 macy with Elijah Impey, that fatal friend, whose life- 
 thread was destined so disastrously to be interwoven with his 
 own. At his uncle's death he was offered a cadetship by his 
 guardian, who was a Director of the East India ( 'ompanv. 
 The head-master said Xo ; India was verv far oil'. .Hast- 
 ings was a very good Grecian, and he was sure to make 
 a distinguished figure at the. I mversitv : if expi-nse 
 alone was the consideration, lie would pay for a couple of 
 years the necessary charge himself, sooner than allo\v such 
 a pupil to be sent for life bevond the seas. There must 
 have, been something ivallv likeable ab<mt the bov. 
 to have opened the heart and the purse of the old school- 
 master something more than his mere proiiciency in 
 classic-. 
 
 Uncle Chiswick, however, had no faith in Sophocles
 
 WARREN HASTINGS. 87 
 
 or Aristotle ; so it ended in the youth's acceptance of a 
 writership at Calcutta. In a brief summary of his early 
 days, found amongst his papers, he mentions how ho \vas 
 the junior of eight young men of respectable middle-class 
 parentage, vrho went out at the same time. The prospects 
 of such adventure wore then held in moderate estimation. 
 They were soon to brighten marvellously, and soon to 
 multiply, so as to form items of household calculation in 
 the contingent resources of a too numerous family. Any 
 one might buy India Stock; the Directors were chosen by 
 the stockholders ; and nominations for the Company's 
 service became widely diffused through various sections of 
 the community. 
 
 Hastings could never be induced to talk much of his 
 earlier days. Peering, as one tries to do, through the glare, 
 of his subsequent career, the circumstances and incidents of 
 that portion of it which was, perhaps, the purest and the 
 best, look indistinct and dim, like objects seen through a 
 telescope turned the wrong way. It is the saddest of sad 
 things, and one of the worst of bad signs, of a man that 
 has fought his own wav to greatness, that he should 
 endeavour to ignore the earlier reminiscence's of the struggle. 
 There certainly was no lack of courage or persistency in the 
 voting cadet. i fe worked hard at the Factory, as it was 
 called -that is, the place where the few English in Bengal 
 resided, and where tlu-v had built storehouses for carrying 
 on the export trade of the Companv. 
 
 When Clivo, in 17,")'), was sent from ^Madras to retrieve 
 the disaster on the 1 looghlv. he was looked upon bv l he out- 
 numbered and desponding English at Calcutta as a Ifeaven- 
 seiit deliverer. Hastings gazed on the passionate leaturcs oi: 
 ( 'live with wonder, and was fascinated bv the energy and sell- 
 reliant dariii"- of the man. < >n hi- parr. Clive, who was ever 
 
 i-
 
 88 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 quick in discerning special aptitude for the work he wanted 
 done, saw that there were things of difficulty and moment 
 which the pale and pensive little cadet could do much Letter 
 than mounting guard, or heading a party of sepoy skir- 
 mishers. He was sent to Moorshedabad to keep his eyes about 
 him at the Xawab's court, to insinuate himself into the confi- 
 dence of his Ministers and followers, to make them believe 
 from time to time whatever Clive thought necessary, and to 
 report all faithfully to him. He drew forty rupees a 
 month at this period, and the only recorded duty he per- 
 formed was every day to read prayers, to whom, does not 
 appear. What minor share of the booty fell to Hastings, none 
 now can tell. In 17G4 he returned to England a widower, 
 and soon after prematurely lost his only child. The bulk of 
 whatever fortune he had brought home was lost about the 
 same time by the failure of the house in which he had 
 invested it. How he occupied himself during his resi- 
 dence in London must be left to conjecture. Could the 
 periodical literature of the day be thoroughly discriminated, 
 according to its authors, it would probably appear that 
 Hastings was ambitious of literary fame. He had a project 
 for the establishment of a professorship of Oriental lan- 
 guages at Oxford, and lie sought the acquaintanceship of Dr 
 Johnson, whose approval he wished to engage, on its behalf. 
 The Doctor, a man not easilv propitiated, was pleased with 
 his deferential manner towards him, and liked his talk 
 about Persian poetry. .Hut there is little evidence in the 
 mountainous piles of the public and private correspondence 
 of Hastings that he had any original, gift of composition; 
 and Burke, when his antipathy grew hot, and he was 
 looking round for missiles of all kinds to fling at him. did 
 not omit, amongst other taunts, to upbraid him with not 
 knowing how to write intelligible English. This was just
 
 WARREN HASTINGS. 89 
 
 the sort of stab, in a tender spot, that was more likely to 
 make the imperturbable culprit wince, uttered as it was in 
 presence of the beauty, fashion, and genius of England 
 assembled in Westminster Hall, than all the fierce political 
 invectives levelled at him. 
 
 He had been examined as a witness before the Select 
 Committee of 17GG, and the clearness and vigour of the 
 views expounded in his evidence produced a great impres- 
 sion. He continued, nevertheless, some time longer chafing 
 at the want of adequate employment, and wasting his hours 
 in pleasure or literary obscurity. Meanwhile, under the 
 infirm rule of dive's successors, the affairs of the Company 
 in I'engal went ill, and in the Presidency of Madras they 
 fared little better. Men of greater capacity and nerve were 
 wanted for their retrieval, and Hastings was invited by tin. 1 
 Court of Directors to take the place of a Member of Council 
 at Fort St (leorge. He accepted without hesitation. In 
 point of fact, the oiler did not come a day too soon. The 
 gains of his former residence in India were well-nigh, spent, 
 and he was obliged to borrow a, considerable sum of money 
 to provide his new outfit. It deserves to be remembered 
 that during the season of his embarrassment he continued 
 to pav some small annuities which he had granted lo 
 straitened relatives and others who he felt had some 
 claims upon him: and in going to the Kast a second, time, 
 he endeavoured to provide to the utmost of his power \\ r 
 their unabridged continuance. Like manv oilier men of a 
 similar cast of mind, he was at once greedv of money, and 
 muniiicent in its expenditure; he had as little objection as 
 any feudal freebooter to rill* 1 , or overreach in a public way; 
 and he was equally ready to lavish what he thus obtained 
 in acts of hospitality and kindness. In the ship that bore 
 him to Madras was Ixiron linhoif, who. with his wife, was
 
 9 o EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 proceeding to India in the hope of making a subsistence 
 there as a portrait-painter. The lady was very fascinat- 
 ing and very fair ; and her great mistake in life, she 
 thought, was having thrown herself away upon the Baron 
 ere she was old enough to really know her own mind. 
 Her husband did not appreciate her as she deserved. 
 Hastings did, as he tenderly assured her. and her confidence 
 and affection were speedily transferred from the unpros- 
 perous father of her children to the plausible and accom- 
 plished politician. During the voyage he fell ill, and 
 Madame nursed him with assiduous care. The Baron 
 looked on and said nothing. On arriving at Madras, 
 Hastings suggested that it would be better for all r>arties if 
 
 O O O 1 
 
 proceedings were initiated in Franconia for the dissolution 
 of the marriage; that until then the emigrant household 
 should not be broken up; but that after that he should marrv 
 Madame, provide for the children, and settle a handsome 
 allowance on the Baron. The terms were accepted, the 
 legal proceedings were taken, the Baroness eventually be- 
 came Mrs J Eastings, and the painter of portraits, with the 
 price of his conjugal emancipation, returned to his own 
 country to be heard of no more. 
 
 The plague of personal rapine was at its height. The 
 razzias made with impunity in Bengal and elsewhere had 
 fired the cupidity of adventure in cverv station, high and 
 low. The counting-house was deserted continually for 
 marauding expeditions, undertaken on one pretence or 
 another, generallv under native leadership, but generally 
 devised and prepared within the precincts of the Company's 
 settlements. Commerce was forsaken fbr soldiership, and 
 soldiership was but another name for frcebooting. During 
 this period the business of a servant of the Company was 
 simplv to wring out of the natives a hundred or two him-
 
 WA RREN IT A S TINGS. 9 1 
 
 dred thousand pounds as speedily as possible, tliat: lie. might 
 return liomc before his constitution had suffered from the 
 heat to many a peer's daughter, to buy rotten boroughs 
 in Cornwall, and to give balls in May Fair. 1 Atkinson 
 and Benfield were types of this class, of whom more by 
 and hv. Hastings was not blind to opportunities, or deaf to 
 the promptings of personal ambition. As lie remembered 
 Davlesford, and looked at the showy arid accomplished 
 .Marion, he doubtless dreamt many a dream of gain and 
 glory to come; and what perilous jungles and quagmires 
 he was ready to tramp through on his way to opulence and 
 honour, he was soon to prove. In the meantime, however, 
 lie had the shrewdness to discern that what the Company 
 wanted most at Madras was somebody to h>ok after their 
 investments, for upon these depended the dividends which 
 formed the jewels of the joint-stock crown. Wiiile his 
 comrades and colleagues at Madras were till hi"' their 
 
 O ^ 
 
 private chests, drinking hard, and preparing to <hip oil' 
 their spoils to England on the iirst alarm, he set about 
 overhauling the ledgers of the Presidency, pulling up the 
 brokers for overcharge, and endeavouring to resuscitate the 
 profitable trade "with the. native merchants hv greater punc- 
 tualitv in dealing, and by giving more, remunerative prices 
 than thev had for some time been able to obtain. .Leaden- 
 hall Street was delighted. AYhat a man this Mr Hastings! 
 a man in a thousand! a man who hail the Company's in- 
 terest at heart; eminently deserving of promotion. And 
 promotion quicklv came. "Next vear Hastings was pro- 
 
 Clive had burst open the gild-d gates of power in Hengal, 
 rilled the treasure, and kept the kev. 1 le made himself and 
 
 ; Warren Hastings, l>y L<>ni Maeauluy K.-.sny>. v< 1. iii. p. -2-'.).
 
 92 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 his successors the irresponsible finance Ministers of the pro- 
 vince, with unlimited powers of taxation, collection, and 
 expenditure. But the native Government still in name 
 subsisted. A liberal civil list was guaranteed to the Xawab. 
 He kept his court with hardly diminished splendour. Jus- 
 tice was still administered in his name ; and it was through 
 a native official of high rank, resident at Moorshedabad, 
 that the produce of the taxes was received by the Com- 
 pany. 
 
 The forms of local administration remained as ('live had 
 shaped them. In semblance, the imperial authoritv still 
 subsisted, the titles of the Mogul being still emblazoned 
 on all public documents, and money being still coined only 
 in his name. The Feringhees had contracted to be respon- 
 sible for the produce of the Dewanny and of all imports in 
 native hands. Instructions from England 1 were precise 
 that the old forms should be kept up, because the Directors 
 deemed it essential that the local dignitv and state of the 
 Xawab-Xazim should be upheld. This organised hvpocrisv 
 of deputed rule was, nevertheless, too complicated for 
 efficient working; and even though it had had time to be 
 amended and improved, it would hardly have lasted lonjjf. 
 It \vas but a compromise hastilv framed and rudelv im- 
 posed upon the weaker partv at the end of a struggle 
 which had its origin in the \vorst of motive's, and I he seal's 
 inflicted in \\lndi had not heeii healed. The Nai'i of 
 J)acca, Mahomed Ueza Khan, was at once the chief 
 Minister of the .Xawab and chief collector of the ])e\vannv. 
 There is no reason for doubting his integrity in the discharge 
 rif both functions. lUtt he would have been more than 
 man if lie could have infused into a multitude of native 
 subordinates, sentiments of sudden iidclity and zeal for the 
 ] Letter of Court of Directors.
 
 WARREN HASTINGS. 
 
 93 
 
 interests of the new-comers. He owed to them his ap- 
 pointment us !Nail) or Vice-Treasurer of Bengal, for which 
 he received one lac of rupees. His iirst duty \v;is to pay 
 the civil list, which, in the lifetime of Nudjirm-ul-Dowla, 
 had Ite-.'ii iixed at fifty-three lacs, Imt which, on tin- acces- 
 sion of his brother, Svef, was reduced to forty-one lacs. 
 
 Mol jariick- ill-Do wlu, a minor, had been recognised as 
 heir to the Xizamut, and thirty-two lacs of rupees, 
 guaranteed to him l>y treat v, 1 continued to he paid for the 
 maintenance of his court and dignitv. In 1703, " the, 
 Directors had forbidden anv further reduction of the Soubah- 
 dar's civil list, iixed ]>v tJie treatv of I7<>(j at fortv-onc lac.- : 
 Imt their pecuniary needs growing 1 more urgent, tliev wrote 
 in 1771." to .Mr ( 'artier, the acting Governor-General ''A\ e 
 mean not to disapprove the preserving the succession in the 
 familvof Mir .lafiir; on the contrary, both. justice and policy 
 recommend a measure which at once corresponds with the 
 customs ;md me! mat KHI- of the people oi Hengal. Hut ! he\- 
 ivproved the want of thrifi. shown in squandering on the 
 " parasites and sveophants of a miner so large a sum, and 
 peivmptorilv required ihai it should lie cut down one half, 
 until he -hoiiid come of age. Jlv what right and on what 
 pi' 'a tliev thus varied the specific terms of a treatv which gave 
 them no seni Mance of discretion, and which concludes with a 
 Solemn guarantee that. " with i he blessing of ( Jod. t h i- t real v 
 shall i>e in viola Mv ohsei-ved for ever," has never, during I ii- 1 
 
 cent u ry \\ inch has since elapsed. 1 ierii ex] 
 evi-r, there \\a- fraud in tins friiu'alitv. ti 
 fruga'it \- evinced in workiii 1 ':' ( "it i lie fraud 
 \\ rote As the reduction of the \;i\\ ,-d'V 
 titii 'Us and temin irarv. \\ e \>\ no mean- 
 
 " K
 
 94 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 commission of 2^ per cent, granted to our servants on our 
 net territorial revenues should be increased by this altera- 
 tion ; and, therefore, the former stipend of thirty-six lacs must 
 still be deducted from the gross amount of those revenues. 
 In like manner, no commission must be drawn on the sums 
 which may be retrenched from the appointments to the 
 Xawab's Ministers." 
 
 These abatements were successively exacted upon the 
 plea that reductions had been made in the native troops 
 previously maintained to enforce the payment of the 
 revenue ; and these reductions were rendered possible 
 from time to time, as the powers and duties of the De- 
 wannv, despite the inhibitions from home, were absorbed 
 bv the Company's officials. As the native forces of Moor- 
 shedabad diminished, those in the pay of Fort William 
 increased in number. It was a period and a policy of 
 transition ; and when Mr Vcrelst retired from the Prcsi- 
 dcncv in 1772, his more daring and unscrupulous successor 
 resolved that it should cease. 
 
 J5cfore quitting England, Hastings had told the Direc- 
 tors that the relations which ('.live had established between 
 the native court at Moorshedabad and the English settlement 
 at Calcutta could not long be maintained. They must 
 either relinquish the anomalous powers of interference with 
 the entire concerns of the province, or lake its whole 
 administration into their own hands. This was the 
 political side of the question, but there was another which 
 touched them more, nearlv. The extravagant expecta- 
 tions raised bv the spectacle of the first few years of 
 spoliation were speedily disappointed. Even Indian palaces 
 can be plundered but once. Kverv year after (.'lives 
 departure the remittances fell oil', and the Company were 
 led to believe that thev were defrauded of their due.
 
 WARREN HASTINGS. 95 
 
 Hastings was desired to remove the Minister of the Xawab 
 and appoint another, or take the colleetion of the, revenue, 
 into his own hands. lie resolved upon the latter, hut 
 t hoiio-ht' it necessary to dissemble. He took counsel with 
 Nuncomar, a Hindu of high rank, great wealth, and an 
 intriguing spirit. He suffered him to believe that lie was 
 to succeed ..Mahomed Ueza Khan as Minister. Thev plotted 
 together for his overthrow; and when all was readv, Hastings 
 ordered a hodv of I>ritisli troops to surround the palace of 
 the unsuspecting Minister, and bring lii.ni a prisoner to 
 Calcutta. His friend, Sital) Hoy, the Nail) of Jx-har, was 
 at the same time arrested and confined. .Many months 
 elapsed before they were brought to trial the only excuse 
 for which alleged bv Hastings being that the influence of 
 the deposed Minister was so great, that it was necessary to 
 show the people it was broken ere he could be brought 
 to judgment. At length the dav arrived, too long 
 postponed. Xuncomar's proof's entirdv failed, and both of 
 the accii-ed were honourablv acquitted. A small pen-ion 
 for life was u'iveii to Mahomed Re/a Khan ; but, regardless 
 of the stipulation he had made with Clive, that in an v event 
 he should have the reversion of the oilice he had held pre- 
 viously al Dacca, he was not allowed again to hold any post 
 ot consequence. Sitab Rov had tor vears been the cordial 
 and fearless partisan of the English, lie had rendered them 
 many signal services; and when their factorv at I'atna was 
 beleaguered, he had contributed to repel the assailants, extort- 
 ing from his European comrades enthusiastic ackiiowled'j;- 
 nients and praise. Too late he learned that his U-t davs 
 had been devoted to the humiliation of his race and nv.-d : 
 that no t'nle itv could insure him against bad faith, and no 
 truthfulness again-: treadierv. He was sent back to his 
 province with a profusion of blandishments and gift.-,
 
 96 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 but liis spirit was broken, and he survived only a few 
 months. 
 
 Goodias, the son of Xuncomar, was appointed treasurer 
 at Moorshedabad ; and instead of the young Xawab's 
 mother, Munny Begum, formerly a dancing-girl, and after- 
 wards an inmate of the late Soubalidar's harem, was appointed 
 guardian. The insulting nature of these appointments under 
 the circumstances admitted of no dispute. They were justly 
 characterised afterwards as savouring of the very wanton- 
 ness of oppression, unless they were to be ascribed to the more 
 cruel purpose of deliberately humbling in the eyes of a .Mo- 
 hammedan community what still remained of the semblance 
 of native rule. ''It was on Xuncomar's abilities, and on the 
 activity of his hatred to Mahomed Eeza Khan, that Has- 
 tings owns he had relied " for investigating the conduct 
 of the latter, and by eradicating his influence, for confirm- 
 ing the authority which we had assumed in the adminis- 
 tration of affairs.'"' l The work done, the tool was con- 
 temptuously thrown bv. Xuncomar and Hastings had 
 known each oilier years before as rivals in intrigue at Moor- 
 shedabad, and their distrust was mutual. The .Brahmin 
 found that lie had been thoroughly duped, and his rage, 
 though mute, was bitter and implacable. He had seen 
 .Mahomed .lie/a Khan pivf 'cried to him bv (.'live in the ap- 
 pointment he desired, and he had ever since plotted his 
 overthrow. That accomplished, he had heeti. taiighi to 
 reckon on the reversion of the lucrative post; instead of 
 which, it was abolished, and its profits swept mio the. 
 stranger s lap. The nominal ion of his son to I it ular dignity, 
 at a small salarv. and without power, was not calculated to 
 soothe him. lie vowed unsleeping vengeance, and resolved 
 to bide his time. 
 
 1 l>c:-patch to Secret Committee. September 1772.
 
 WARREN" HASTINGS. 97 
 
 Following quickly on. these changes others mine, chieflv 
 of internal administration. Under the Act of I 77:$, \\ Hoard 
 of lievenue was established at Calcutta, with provincial 
 inspectors under them, whereby the entire management of 
 the JJewannv was withdrawn from native hands. About 
 the same time two new courts of justice, the Sudd>T 
 Adawlut and the Xizamut Adawlut, were erected, for the 
 trial respectivelv of criminal causes and civil suits. The 
 local tribunals in Hengal were said to have fallen into 
 decay, and justice between man and man, it was averred, 
 was bought and sold. It is probably true that where 
 servants or dependants of the new and encroaching power 
 had disputes with natives, the latter should resort to means 
 of corruption in self-defence; and instances of this kind 
 becoming known, it was natural that unscrupulous and over- 
 bearing intruders should denounce the "whole system to 
 superiors so covetous of extended patronage and power. 
 hut \\liat were voiing otlieials newlv imported from Eng- 
 land likelv to know of the ordinary administration ol law 
 between man and man throughout the count rv (
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PUNCHAYET AND ADAWLUT. 
 
 1772. 
 
 "An intelligent native is better qualified to preside at a trial than we can ever be. 
 A native of common capacity will, after a little experience, examine witnesses, 
 and investigate the mo.->t intricate case, with more temper and perseverance, 
 with more ability and effect, than almost any European. The Munsif (magis- 
 trate) is in the society of the parties, and they cannot easily deceive him. J'ut 
 if the cau-e comes before the Zillah Judge, besides the inevitable delay and 
 expense at the outset, the conditions of the case are prubably entirely 
 changed, intrigue and counter complaints occur, the mo.-t impudent 
 falsehoods are advanced with impunity, and, in the end, perhaps an erroneous 
 decision is passed. But who shall distinguish between mistake and im- 
 posture'/ AVhat English Judge can distinguish the exact truth among the 
 numerous inconsistencies of the natives he examines/ How often do these 
 inconsistencies proceed from causes very different from those suspected by us / 
 how often from simplicity, fear, embarrassment in the witness / how often 
 from our own ignorance and impatience / " 
 
 - II. STKACIIKY, ISO:! 1 
 
 fFIiK spirit of con<|uest paused not at the palace gate. 
 We have already heard it there, and marked its lone, 
 of scornful menace and imperious boast ing. \\ e mu>I now 
 observe its gait and mien in I he, Adawlut, in the ('utcherv, 
 in the I )e wan nee. 1 low fared it- with t he rajahs, the talook- 
 dars, and the ryots > : 
 
 It will have been seen how the great lieutenants who 
 were intrusted bv the ('<urt of l)e!hi. with the rule of 
 large provinces, succeeded in establishing for themselves 
 1 Circuit Judge - -Fifth lleport of Select Committee, p. 541, ct s<jq.
 
 PUXCHA YET AND ADA U'L UT. 99 
 
 almost independent governments. In a different sphere, 
 the local chiefs in many instances had plaved success- 
 ful Iv a similar game. Availing themselves of the em- 
 barrassment of their suzerain;-;, they tried to emancipate 
 their particular domains from those tributes that pressed 
 most heavilv upon them ; though, in a majority of 
 instances, a real as well as nominal fealty was kept 
 up to the Soubadhar or the .Mogul. The continual 
 recurrence of war made this a matter of self-defensive 
 necessity. A rajah desired to be independent within his 
 own territories, and to administer the laws without the 
 intervention of a distant and necessarily ignorant Court. 
 JUit he knew how little he could stand alone against 
 external enemies; and lie willingly rendered for the protec- 
 tion afforded to his little principality, as an integral portion 
 of some powerful state, that eontributive aid which it in return 
 demanded. The terms, indeed, of these mutual obligations 
 were various, and depended much upon the strength of 
 the rajahs and the position of their territories. Sometimes 
 the-e chieftains were united amon^ themselves bv the ties 
 of blood or friendship, and sometimes bv the ties of neigh- 
 bourhood and common interest. \\ e mav conceive how 
 jealously such associations were regarded bv the superior 
 princes; we mav also conceive how powerful and how 
 beneficial thev were capable oi be inn 1 made to those in- 
 cluded in them. lr was the confederacv of focal powei 
 against centralised ambition, the strenu'thenmu' ot an 
 
 opinion of its subjects, was at 
 receive information, e-vuerallv identified with the mieivsts 
 of the people. ;ind seldom strong enough jo detv \vit i long 
 impunitv their prejudice- or remonstrances. I he peasant 
 cultivator, when lie tilled his farm, mi-'ht Crumble al the
 
 ioo EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 share that went as rent to the zemindar or the rajah ; but he 
 had, at least, the protection of a native local judge, if not a 
 jury, against undue exaction ; and he had the satisfaction 
 of seeing what was taken from his industry spent among 
 the community of which he was a member. Many of 
 the native Governments, from the times of the Arab con- 
 quest, adhered to the social and political precepts of the 
 Prophet, and in many respects the civilisation they en- 
 joyed was superior to that of the Hindus. Their laws, 
 their arts, their manners, above all, the simplicity of their 
 worship, vindicated their claim of race to pre-eminence, 
 and imparted to their Government a character and tone 
 less unlike that of Europeans. 
 
 But there never was an error more groundless than that 
 which represented the ancient systems of Indian rule as 
 decrepid or degrading despotisms, untenrpered by public 
 opinion. It accords too well with the arrogance of national 
 self-love, and serves too easily to lull the conscience of 
 aggression, to pretend that those whom it has wronged were 
 superstitious slaves, and that they must have so remained 
 but for the disinterested violence of foreign civilisation, in- 
 troduced by it sword in hand. This pretentious theory 
 is confuted by the admissions of men whose knowledge 
 cannot be disputed, and whose authority cannot be denied. 
 Malcolm and Elphinstone, Munro and Mill, are witnesses 
 whose testimony it cannot withstand, and from them we 
 learn not all perhaps \ve would wish to know, but far too 
 much to leave one stone upon another of this poor refuge of 
 lies. Jf we would really know what a people have lost and 
 gained by foreign subjugation, it is requisite to view them 
 as thev originally were under their indigenous institutions. 
 
 In religion, the communities of Southern Asia were 
 divided, the aboriginal majority being followers of Braluna ;
 
 PUNCH A YE T AND ADA WL UT. i o i 
 
 while a powerful minority professed the faitli of Islam. 
 This minority, though severed l>y opinions and l>v victori- 
 ous arms from the mass of the community, and diH'cring 
 from them irreconcilably in many usages and ideas, luwl 
 nevertheless begun to blend their sympathies and associa- 
 tions with those of their fellow-countrymen; and except 
 when the fanaticism of foolish men, or the craft of worth- 
 less men, rekindled now and then old jealousies, the Hindu 
 and the Mohammedan lived happily together, and, at the 
 approach of an enemy, went forth cheerfully to fight side 
 by side for one another's homes. 
 
 They believed dissimilarly of human destiny in the world 
 to come, and of the things which they supposed would in- 
 fluence their individual lot therein; but in the duty 
 they owed their country and their children, they found 
 many points of common obligation, for Mahomet and 
 Brahma had alike ordained that no behest is more imper- 
 ative upon faithful votaries than that of guarding intact 
 the familv hearth, of seeing justice done among neighbours, 
 and of faithfully defending the head of the state as the 
 fountain of order and law. ^So exception was specified in 
 their holv books wherein thev should be justified in com- 
 promising the integritv of their native soil, or in bartering 
 their material rights and immunities for foreign gifts or 
 favours. A few rich bankers in their cities, and a few 
 abandoned characters, might lend themselves to earn the 
 wa"vs of intrigue or espionage: but the bulk of t le jopu- 
 
 i""" O 1 O 
 
 lation, high born or of low degree, worldlv or devout, 
 viewed with instinctive aversion the intrusion of strangers 
 whose language thev did not understand, who-'' morality 
 they could not square with any rule of right and wrong, 
 and whose professed belief in the worth ot a gospel ''I 
 peace, and in forbearance, righteousness, and judgment to
 
 io2 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 come, they could not but set down to mere dissembling. 
 It was not that they any more than other men were 
 exempt from evils in their social and political condition. 
 Oppression in its varied forms had from time to time lived 
 its predatory life in many portions of their golden land. 
 Government in the hands of bold and bad men, like 
 Sivajee and Hyder Ali, assumed the form of capricious 
 tyranny, and was for the time grievous to be borne. But 
 these were usurpations, exceptional, violent, and unpopular, 
 like those of Borgia, Louis XL, Philip II., Eichard III., 
 Mary Tudor, and the last of the Stuarts. In every country, 
 evil deeds, however exceptional, are most talked of and 
 best remembered, and " blessed is the land whose annals are 
 vacant.'"' It is no more true of Southern Asia than of Western 
 Europe to say, that the everyday habits of either supreme or 
 subordinate rule were semi-barbarous, venal, sanoTiinarv, or 
 
 * O v J 
 
 rapacious. When a Eajah, Maharajah, or Peishwa, Nail), 
 Nazim, or Padishah, contrived for a season to make himself 
 strong enough to clutch and keep more than his share of 
 the goods of the community, he was sure to defend his ill- 
 gotten gains by acts of cruelty or corruption ; for he had 
 become for the time, or thought he had become, irre- 
 sponsible; and in that one word is briefly told the otherwise 
 innumerable oscillations of popular fate, from good to evil 
 and from happiness to miserv, of which everv country that 
 we know of lias at some, time or other been the scene. 
 
 Nor have we any reason to suppose that Indian despots 
 were anv better than such characters have proved to be 
 in every other part of God's fair world. A\ herever tliev have 
 been suil'ered to pervert a country or a province, intended 
 for the secure dwelling-place of the people, into a princely 
 hunting-ground, we are told of periodical alternations in tin; 
 pursuit of the game, caused by the variety of personal dis-
 
 PUNCH A YE T AND ADA WL UT. 103 
 
 position. Occasionally we find intervals of different length, 
 when the objects of the chase got breathing time ; and again 
 we hear how this intermission gave a higher zest to the, 
 renewed sport. But in general these incidents of mercv and 
 forbearance occur pretty much as often in one quarter of 
 the globe as in another. In both, marked and noteworthy 
 respites from oppression have, we know, taken place. It 
 may, however, be doubted whether, under the monarchies of 
 the East, the people have not as frequently found justice and 
 protection, as under those of feudal or over-centralised 
 Europe. Looking back through the family pictures of 
 misrule, from Catherine de' Medicis to Louis le Grand, from 
 Philip the Cruel to Ferdinand the Eool, and from John the 
 Faithless to Charles the False, not forgetting parricide Peter 
 of Muscovy, and the Neapolitan Bourbons, it will appear 
 somewhat diilicult, and rather uncharitable, to imagine how 
 anv worse than these could have ruled over Hindustan. 
 Into the comparative merits of the dvnasties that, during 
 the eighteenth century, governed Southern Asia, \ve cannot 
 at present enter. That manv of them used their too great 
 prerogatives for evil mav be naturallv supposed. Everv 
 analogv tends to confirm such a surmise, and we are not 
 without records which sufficiently attest its justice. But 
 if the dark side of the picture, admits of little scepticism, 
 neither does its opposite. \\ e have both analogy and 
 proof abundant for the assertion, that better princes 
 never lived than many of those whose memories are still 
 affectionately cherished among the descendants of their 
 people. Perhaps the most striking proof that is anywhere 
 recorded of the triumph of a pure and no >le nature over the 
 corrupting influences of irresponsible power, is that ot 
 Ahalya. who for thirty peaceful years reigned over the nch 
 and populous kingdom of Malwa, honoured and respected
 
 104 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 by surrounding princes, and an object almost of adoration 
 among the people blessed by her rule, In 17G5 the male 
 heirs of the house of Holkar became extinct, and the sove- 
 reignty devolved upon Ahalya Baee, the mother of the last 
 monarch, and wife of his predecessor. From the moment 
 that the onerous duties of government fell into her hands 
 she evinced a superior capacity to discharge them. Her 
 foreign policy was as successful as that of Catherine of 
 Russia, but her pillow was not drenched with a husband's 
 blood. In personal courage and address she was not 
 inferior to Elizabeth of England, but she did not slay her 
 captive competitor in a prison. The circumstances of her 
 elevation resembled those which raised Margaret of Den- 
 mark to the throne ; but she neither trampled on the rich 
 nor oppressed the poor, nor caused the breath of suspicion 
 to assail her virtue. 1 The leading object, we are told, she 
 sought to achieve, was by justice and moderation to im- 
 prove the condition of her country, and to increase the 
 happiness of her people. She kept on foot but a small 
 force, " yet her troops were sufficient, aided by the equity 
 of her administration, to preserve internal tranquillity." 
 Ahalya was a pagan, but she was accustomed to say "that 
 she deemed herself answerable to God for every exercise of 
 power ; " and when her officers would urge her to measures 
 of severity against the misguided or the guilt v, she used to 
 say, " Let us mortals beware how we destroy the works of 
 the Almighty." Intolerance is not a defect of Hinduism; 
 but Ahalva., though devotedly attached to the opinions in 
 which she had been reared, was, we. are told, "peculiarly 
 kind and considerate to such of her subjects as diil'ered from 
 her in faith." Ahalya was not a Christian, but she was 
 merciful, self-denying, assiduous in performing the duties 
 
 1 Vortot's Revolutions
 
 PUNCH A YE T AND ADA WL UT. 1 05 
 
 of her station, faithful in dealing out justice to all; ainl 
 through the course of a long and public life, she lived 
 blameless and unimpeachable. The premature decease of 
 those she loved tinged her heart with the pale hue of 
 sorrow ; and humble amid splendour, unambitious on a 
 throne, she retained unaltered her unforgetting garb, ami 
 died as she had lived, the childless and widowed Queen. 
 Whether it lies in the mouth of those who, twenty years 
 after her death, entered the territories she had ruled over, 
 and reduced them, after infinite bloodshed and ruin, to that 
 state of subjection in which, to use the compunctious phrase 
 of the invading general, the people, as compared with other 
 conquered nations, were treated " with unexampled scorn '' 
 each of us must answer to his own heart. 
 
 During the reigns of the earlier Emperors of Delhi, to the 
 middle of the seventeenth century, complete tolerance was 
 shown to all religions. Shall thev who build the tombs of 
 those who, at that very time, were busily employed in making 
 Europe one mighty charnel-house of persecution, and in 
 colonising America with fugitives for conscience-sake, rise, 
 up in judgment against India, or load the breath of history 
 with the insolent pretence of having then enjoyed a truer 
 civilisation ? A\ hat if thev were, taken at their \vonl. and 
 called forth with the Covenanters' blood, and the Catholics' 
 blood, and the Puritans' blood dripping quick from the 
 orthodox hands that nil that time were building sraifolds, 
 riveting chains, and penning penal " : Acts of [ niformitv '. 
 
 Neither Moslem nor Hindu was incapacitated for public, 
 employment on account of the belief in which he ; 
 brought up. Mohammedan princes gladly confided to learned 
 and astute Brahmins civil trusts of importance: and many a 
 Mus>ulman rose to honour and won fortune m a Maharajah s 
 camp. The Mini-tors of Ilvder AH, who concealed for a
 
 io6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 time the event of his death, were Hindus of the highest 
 caste ; and when a Chancellor of the Exchequer was to be 
 appointed at Moorshedabad, the Xawab-Xazim tried to have 
 Nuncomar appointed instead of Mahomed Eeza Khan. 
 Sivajee was a bigot, and Tippoo a fanatic. But the Govern- 
 ments of Southern Asia, when we began to meddle in their 
 affairs, were strangers to the system of penal laws, which 
 were then among the cherished institutions of our own and 
 nearly every other European state. While no Catholic in 
 Ireland could inherit freehold, command a regiment, or 
 sit on the judicial bench ; while in .France the Huguenot 
 weaver was driven into exile beyond sea ; and while in 
 Sweden none but Lutherans could sit as jurors ; and in 
 Spain no heretic was permitted Christian burial ; Sun is and 
 Sheahs, .Mahrattas and Sikhs, competed freely for distinc- 
 tion and profit in almost every city and camp of Hindustan. 
 The tide of Avar ebbed and flowed as in Christian lands, 
 leaving its desolating traces more or less deeplv marked 
 
 O O _L / 
 
 upon village homesteads or dilapidated towers. But 
 mosque and temple stood unscathed where they had stood 
 before, monuments of architectural taste and pietv, unsur- 
 passed for beauty and richness of decoration in any countiy 
 of the world. The wise and humane institutions consoli- 
 dated bv Akbar were not shaken until Aunmgzebe, bv his 
 real, or pretended zeal for proselytism, alienated the con 
 fidence. of the Hindu majoritv of his subjects; and the 
 Mahrattas, when they invaded his dominions, were hailed 
 as religious deliverers, notwithstanding all the miseries thev 
 caused. 1 From that event the .Mogul Empire declined, 
 and t!ie Mahratta leaders succeeded in establishing them- 
 selves as sovereigns of the lair provinces ol the central 
 plain, while the enfeebled dynasty of JJelhi was forced to 
 
 1 Miilc'jhn, chap. ii.
 
 /' I \\CJIA J 'K T A -\ 'D A DA I VL UT. i o 7 
 
 be content with its suzerainty over the eastern and southern 
 regions. It would require volumes to recount the incidents 
 by which alterations were effected, and to tell how each 
 princely or viceregal house flourished or faded as compared 
 with its contemporaries. The. general features that charac- 
 terised them, and their evneral influence on the communi- 
 ties thev governed, are matters of more interest' in our eves, 
 and it is only in this point of view that the. condition of the 
 people then can be fairlv contrasted with that which it since 
 has been. Though the supreme. Governments were nominally 
 absolute, then 1 existed in the chieftains, priesthood, courts of 
 justice, the municipal system, and. above all, in tin 1 tenant- 
 rii^ht to land, numerous and powerful barriers in the way 
 of its abuse. " Property was as carefully protected bv laws 
 as in .Kurope," and their infringement sometimes cost a 
 prince his throne or life. 1 
 
 AVheii the Mohammedans overran all the kingdoms of the 
 Mast, the laws thev introduced, though imdoubted.lv defec- 
 tive, were, if compared with the Uoinaii or the Xorman 
 code, not so remarkably "inferior as thev who are only 
 familiar with those systems, and are led bv the sound of 
 vulgar applause, are in the habit of believing." : It formed 
 no part of their policv to crush the -pint of the Rajpoots or 
 armed noble-,, whom the\ found in. everv province. " lh'- 
 ynke \\ as inaile liu'ht to them; thev were treated as the first 
 princes of tiic Kmpire, and their adherents were raised to 
 honour and wealth. In a word, the dynast v was changed, 
 bin not tin- ( iovernment. The Omrahs and tlie Ua]; is 
 mingled in the same festivities, enjoved the sa.inc p.:. - 
 le^'es. and, after a Mimic generation had i>aed a\
 
 loS EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 equally proud of what was equally their country. Xext to 
 them in rank were the landed gentry, the Talookdars of 
 Oude, and Zemindars of the Deccan and Bengal, who held 
 their lands by customary tenures, varying in incidents and 
 conditions ; and under whom were the Putneedars or farmers, 
 holding at a rent from year to year, or sometimes at a quit- 
 rent in fee ; and lastly, there were the Ryots or cultivators, 
 whose condition resembled in many districts that of the 
 cottiers of Ireland, and in other places more nearly that of 
 the tenants of the smaller udal holdings in Norway. To 
 an agricultural people, the dearest and the best of privi- 
 leges is that which gives them a sense of property in the 
 soil they till. Liberty of conscience is dear, but it is in 
 some respects a matter of degree. Municipal liberty is 
 dear, but it is essentially a political benefit. Liberty of 
 land is far more ; it is the one thing without which all other 
 things are unenjoyable. Tenancy, d< 'terminable at the will 
 of a superior, is but the legal definition of serfhood. 
 
 Among the oldest and most revered of their social usages 
 was that whereby every peasant had a tenant-right to the 
 land lie cultivated. Military tenures never touched the 
 ryot, compulsory service in war never prevailed, and 
 armies were raised onlv bv personal influence or the pro- 
 mise of ]KIV. The soil belonged to the farmer, not to the 
 noble, and this right was never questioned. "Even \vhen 
 violence or revolution either extirpated or expelled the 
 original inhabitants, the mere fact of occupation jor two or 
 three u'enerations regenerated the rights of the cultivator, 
 who claimed, so long as lie could pav the Government share 
 (or land-tax), the fie'd that his father liad tilled as his 
 own, as the inheritance of his children, and the claim was 
 admitted bv the worst of oppressors.'" 1
 
 PUNCH A YE T AND ADA WL UT. 1 09 
 
 The natural fruit of such a system was an ardent 
 attachment to the family roof-tree, to the village, to the 
 pergunnah, and the cluickla, within whose inner or outer 
 confines dwelt all whom the peasant knew or loved. Few 
 nations have retained, under every heart-break of hope, a 
 deeper love of native land than the people of Southern 
 Asia. Amid all their misery, humiliation, and disfran- 
 chisement, those who know them best, believe that they 
 have never wholly given up the hope of better davs again 
 to come. The families of each village, though remote from 
 each other, maintained a constant communication, and the 
 links that bound them together were only strengthened by 
 adversity. AVhen tranquillity was restored, they flocked 
 to their rootless homes. " Every wall of a house, every 
 field, was taken possession of by the owner or cultivator 
 without dispute or litigation." * They seem to have been 
 governed bv strong national prejudices and social affections. 
 One of their conquerors , who knew them well, declares that 
 he found them " simple, harmless, honest, and having as 
 iniieh truth in them as any people in the world." 2 It is 
 further noted of them, that if tlu-v can earn a competence in 
 the neighbourhood where they have been brought up, they 
 1'ivfer remaining there to mi^ratinu' into other lands hold- 
 
 j_ i ) i i~ 
 
 ing out a more lucrative prospect. ''Nothing but th 
 extreme of hardship could drive the native cultivator from 
 the fields of his fathers. '' They preferred enough at home 
 to wandering far in (jiiest of gold. 
 
 I n most parts of India the village community was, as it is 
 still, the unit of social, industrial, and political existence. 
 In each familv the father or head of the household exercises 
 an absolute authority. The dweliiii"' is inviolable, and mav 
 
 e 
 
 i. \\ - 
 
 -'-i i
 
 1 1 o EMPIRE IN A SI A. 
 
 never be entered by a neighbour, save with his consent. 
 Time out of mind, the village and its common interests and 
 affairs have been ruled over by a council of elders, anciently 
 five in number, now frequently more numerous, but always 
 representative in character, who, when any dispute arises, 
 declare what is the customary law, and who, when any 
 new or unprecedented case occurs, " occasionally legis- 
 late. If strict language be employed, legislation is the 
 
 O O JL */ * O 
 
 only term properly expressing the invention of customary 
 rules to meet cases which are really new." l For the 
 best Indian authorities concur in saying, that, when riot 
 actually the fact, the reverent fiction is resorted to that the 
 village council is but declaring what is the customarv law. 
 
 O OK 
 
 " The municipal and village institutions of India/' says 
 Sir John .Malcolm, " were competent, from the power given 
 them bv the common assent of all ranks, to maintain order 
 and peace, within their respective circles. In Central India, 
 their rights and privileges never were contested even by 
 tyrants, while all just princes founded their chief reputation 
 and claim to popularity on attention to them." 2 Sir 
 Thomas Mimro, who was intimately acquainted with 
 other districts, says "In all .Indian villages there was a 
 regularJy constituted municipality, by which its affairs, both 
 of revenue and police, were administered, and which exer- 
 eised, to a very great extent, magisterial and judicial 
 authority." He describes minutely the division of duties 
 and. gradations of oilier, in these corporate svstems ; how 
 lhe public, treasurer was a distinct functionary from the 
 magistrate, and how thrv had at their command a body of 
 tahars or constables to guard the security of individuals. 
 
 The most remarkable of all the native institutions was 
 the universally acknowledged jury svstem. 'The manner 
 
 1 Professor Maine, p. 1 J fi. - Malcolm, vol. i. chap. xii.
 
 rUNCHA YF. T AND ADA IVLTT. 
 
 in which the members of the punchayet were chosen de- 
 pended upon the nature of the cause at issue. Dm in every 
 case they were named by popular suffrage. The presidents 
 of these traditional courts "were, always men whom the 
 voice of the people had raised into consequence as their 
 defenders against misrule ; and who looked to a reward in. 
 an augumentation of personal influence and reputation. 
 This they frequently gained, and the applause and attach- 
 ment of their fellow-citizens was always greatest when they 
 were successful aids to good rule, or courageous opponents of 
 bad." l The panel out of which the members of this tribunal 
 were selected was unlimited as to rank and creed. Either 
 party miuht challenge such persons as he deemed unfavour- 
 ably disposed to him, and this right extended under certain 
 restrictions even to the inooHi, or president. To be frequently 
 chosen president of the local court was considered the 
 highest compliment \\hicli any one could be paid, and to 
 be selected a member was held to be a distinction among 
 but Ii ric i and poor. ~ 
 
 This was PI |uallv t rue regarding civil and criminal issues. 
 and 11- essentiality in the moral and social life of the 
 people is plain. Subordination to authority, the security of 
 property, the maintenance of local order, the vindication of 
 
 upon 
 
 system. To maim or paralyse such a system, reticulated 
 minutely throughout the whole frame of society, and acting 
 silently and habitually, without question or friction. i<> the 
 remotes! extremities, may well be deemed a policy which 
 nothing but the arrogance of conquest could have dictated. 
 ;ind the blindness of irresponsib e domination cmiM have 
 persisted in, \ d these municipal institutions, which coii- 
 
 - Malcolm, vol. ii. chap. xvi. - Malo in . v '.. :. chap. x:i.
 
 ii2 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 fessedly had been scrupulously respected in all former 
 changes of dynasty, whether Mohammedan or Mahratta, were 
 henceforth to be disregarded, and many of them to be 
 rudely uprooted by the new system of a foreign administra- 
 tion. Instead of the native punchayet, there was estab- 
 lished an arbitrary judge ; instead of men being tried when 
 
 J tl o * O 
 
 accused, or appealing when wronged, to an elective jury of 
 their fellow-citizens, they must go before a stranger, who 
 could not, if he would, know half what every judge should 
 know of the men and things to be dealt with. Instead of 
 confidence, there was organised distrust ; instead of calm, 
 popular, unquestioned justice, there was substituted neces- 
 sarily imperfect inquiry, hopelessly puzzled intelligence, all 
 the temptations to indolent inattention, and all the liabilities 
 to unconscious mistake ; the mute despair of injustice 
 suffered, or the gnashing of teeth at irreparable wrong, 
 not the less wrong when inadvertently and unintentionally 
 done. A settled purpose was disclosed of substituting 
 rudely the arbitrament of foreign officials, guessing at the 
 facts through interpreters, and stumbling over habits and 
 usages it must take a lifetime to learn, but which every 
 native juryman or elder could recall without effort, and 
 apply to the facts before him without hesitation, ^so wise 
 or just historian will note these things without expressions 
 of wonder and condemnation. 
 
 Hastings himself was fullv conscious of the lawlessness 
 of the newly-imposed laws. He admitted that the taking 
 of the whole criminal jurisdiction of the country into their 
 own hands "was a usurpation, but they could not avoid 
 it," he said ; " they would have had clashing powers," and 
 so "that justice might have a footing, by hook or by crook, 
 in l>e)iu'al, we took it under our own protection. 
 
 1 Letter to Mr ])uj>re. January 1773.
 
 P UNCHA YE T A ND ADA M'LUT. 1 1 3 
 
 The substitution of an exotic system of jurisprudence for 
 tliat which was indigenous, and had its roots in the ideas, 
 traditions, and manners of the people, had over since the 
 transfer of the Dewanny been steadily going on. Under the 
 advice of .Hastings it was completed by the .Regulation 
 Act in 1773, the third clause of which constituted the High 
 Court of judicature at Calcutta, with a Chief-Justice and 
 three puisne Judges, clothed with plenary powers, both of 
 iirst instance and of appeal in all cases, whether civil or 
 criminal. Four English lawyers took their places the 
 following year on the new judgment-seat, their chief bein<>- 
 
 O \i *J O O 
 
 the earl\' friend of Hastings, Sir Elijah Impey.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE E, H I L L A S. 
 
 17731776. 
 
 " The object of Hastings' diplomacy was at this time simply to get money. His 
 
 finances were in an cnii>arras>ed state, and this he was determined to relieve 
 by some means, fair or foul, lie laid it down as a maxim that when he had 
 not as many lacs of rupees as the public service required, he was to take them 
 fr"in anybody who ha 1. The Directors never enjoined or applauded any crime. 
 Whoever examines their letters will find an admirable code of political ethics. 
 l>ut every exhortation is nullified by a demand for money. ' (iovern leniently, 
 and send more money;' 'Practise strict justice and moderation towards 
 neighbouring powers, and send more money.' IVing interpreted, these instruc- 
 tions simply mean, ' lie the father and the oppressor of the people ; be just 
 and unjust, moderate and rapacious.' He correctly judged that the safest 
 course would be to neglect the sermons and to find the rupees." 
 
 L'jiu> MACAUL.YY. 1 
 
 TT7HEN Lord Xorth and his colleagues determined to 
 
 ((infertile chief place in the remodelled system on 
 Mr Has! ings. tliev secured, ;is (her believed, the services of 
 tlie ablest man on the spot", and the benefits of the greatest 
 administrative experience ; but tliev chose along with him 
 three men of a \vho!!v different slam]), who mig it, it 
 was hoped, curb his ambition, ;nd temper his exercise of 
 power, (ieneral ( 'lavering, Colonel M.onson, and Mr Philip 
 I'Yaiicis were named in the Act as members of ('ouneil. 
 Tliev were all [K'Tsoiis o! high ])o!n ic;i] eh;iraeter, and Francis, 
 though still unrecognised as the author of the work which 
 has become identified with his name, was confessedl
 
 THE R QUILT. AS. TT5 
 
 possessed of raro intellectual endowments. liven those 
 who den v liim the credit of being the autlior of the ' : Letters 
 of rluniiis," must admit that lie showed in his acknowledged 
 productions a grasp of thought and vigour of conception, 
 a po\\vr of illustration and striking idiosyncrasy of style, 
 raivlv to lie met with either in polities or literature. 
 The nc\v Governor-General, elated with past success and 
 now promotion, could ill brook the shackles Parliament 
 had imposed on him. lie regarded his new associates from 
 the outset as men whoso ignorance he was fitted to instruct, 
 hut who could teach him nothing lie did not already know, 
 lie understood the purpose for which they had been chosen, 
 and from the iirst resolved to bailie it, while thev dis- 
 trusted him too deeply to throw over it a veil. Xor were 
 they long in discovering ample ground- for their di.-trust. 
 er "was low. the Company s debt was mereas- 
 demand- from home were mure importunate 
 Hastings was a man full of expedient-, and not 
 as in their nature. The \ izier of < hide was rich 
 nis, ami miu'ht be tempted by the loan of British 
 > tv haiidsomelv for territm'v to be filched from a 
 
 new members of (Ynmcil, and its execution was 
 prepared before thev were made aware of its scope and 
 aim. 
 
 I pon the confines of ()ude. where the deep waters of 
 the ( 'araiuna-sa wind t heir wa v thr< niu'h manv vallevs. dwell 
 in all thai land. The\- were LM'ded in on 
 V rockv hills, and. unambii ion- of aug- 
 rv of t heir nei-hl 'in 1 -. ! \\c\ 
 iWll toil, am 1 !>*a\ < i: b|e>sed 
 {' other ib<l riri <. 1 1 I! were 
 
 ir i iwn chiefs and mai;';-! rates, but thev
 
 n6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 enjoyed more than ordinary freedom, and consequently more 
 prosperity than many other communities. " They are never 
 to be feared," said Governor Yerelst in 1768, "from the 
 nature of their government. When attacked, their natural 
 affection will unite, the common cause will animate them ; 
 but it is not practicable to engage their voice on any other 
 motive than their general safety." l And of the result of 
 their steady adherence to this traditional policy we are thus 
 informed : " Their territory was one of the best governed in 
 Asia ; the people were protected, their industry encouraged, 
 and the country flourished steadily. By these cares, and by 
 cultivating diligently the arts of neutrality, and not by con- 
 quering from their neighbours, they provided for their inde- 
 pendence." : The Vizier of Oude had never been able either to 
 subdue their military spirit, nor yet to seduce it into schemes 
 of suicidal aggression. AVhile so many of the Governments 
 of Hindustan were perpetually encroaching on each other's 
 territories, in much the same wise and useful manner that 
 the moiiarchs of Europe amused themselves in times past, 
 the Rohillas, like the Swiss, sedulously cultivated the arts 
 of peace, and such a spirit of self-defensive war as could 
 alone secure them its enjoyment. 
 
 During the war of 1772, they had faithful!}' adhered to 
 their alliance with the Yi/ier. Their territory lay between 
 Oude and the recent conquests of the Mahrattas; and when 
 that restless people in the, following year menaced the 
 dominions of the \ izier, and offered advantageous terms to 
 the brave mountain clans, if they would allow them a passage 
 through their country, the oiler was steadily and repeatedly 
 refused. 3 l>y this they exposed themselves to tin, 1 whole 
 tempest of the Alahratta inroads a danger whose greatness 
 the/ haughtiest sovereigns in Hindustan were not a>hamed 
 
 1 Vca-lst's, account, " Mill, l.uok V. chap, i. = -Mill, buuk V. chap. i.
 
 THE ROHILLAS. 117 
 
 to avert by great concessions. The treaty of mutual 
 alliance bv which these noble people deemed it their duty 
 thus to abide had been entered into at the express instance' 
 of the English, and under their solemn guarantee; 1 and 
 when the forfeit of their fidelity had been incurred, and 
 Rohillcimd was ravaged bv the Mahrattas, in 1773, the 
 allied forces of the English and of Oude were employed to 
 co-operate in opposing the common enemy. Xo sooner 
 however, were the western invaders repelled, than the \ i/ier 
 secretly devi-ed with the Governor-General a plan for an- 
 nexing their territory. This project, says Hastings, writing 
 confidentially to the Directors on 3d December 177-1, ''I 
 encouraged as 1 had done before. ~ 
 
 For we are come to the period when a so-called \ u-eroy, 
 with more by far than kinglv power, was to wield at will the 
 stolen sceptre of the Fast. a man traimd in the school of 
 ('live, and who. if inferior to his master in persona! daring 
 and mil it arv genius, was perhaps more than his equal in politi- 
 cal craft and far-sighted rapacitv. 1 1 is account of the transac- 
 tioti MI ijiiestion is too instructive to be given in any other 
 words than hi- own. " As this had been a favourite object of 
 the \izier, the Hoard judged with mi' that it might afford a 
 fair occasion to urge the improvement of our alliance by 
 obtaining his assent to ;m equitable compensation for the 
 aid lie had occasionally received from our force-;. '['he 
 meaning of this sleek villany was thi-: 1 la-t in'j- had induced 
 I he \ i/i er to employ a sub>uliarv force wil hin his dominion-. 
 on the plan afterwards prescribed for the acce|tance of ot HT 
 p.rinces. Thi< force was pr.fe.-sedlv to defend tli' 1 Soiibah- 
 dar au'ainst Jordan enemies. Inn it was oiiiceivd and cum-
 
 n8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 manded exclusively by the Company. Once introduced, 
 there were always reasons why it could not be withdrawn ; 
 but as yet this part of the design was not perceived by the 
 cunning but outwitted Soubahdar. Meanwhile- the sums 
 stipulated for its support were such as to yield an overplus, 
 and to be systematically relied on as a source of profit and re- 
 venue ; and it was with a view to the increase of this profit, 
 and to supply deficiencies in other departments, that the sale 
 of Rohillcund was agreed to. All advices represented the dis- 
 tress of the Company at home as extreme. For a long time the 
 income of the year had been found inadequate to its expendi- 
 ture, to de-fray which a heavy bond debt had been gradually 
 accumulating. 1 A secret treaty was therefore entered into 
 between the Soubahdar and the Governor-General, whereby 
 the Company engaged, whenever a suitable pretence should 
 be found or made, in consideration of a- sum of forty lacs of 
 rupees, and payment of all expenses to be incurred in the 
 business, in concert with the troops of Guide to crush the 
 Rohillas, and to add their country to the dominions of the 
 Vizier. The impolicy of this seems manifest enough. The 
 Rohillas were, as they proved themselves to be, the best 
 soldiers in the East, and thev formed a permanent outguard 
 and defence against the Mahrattas. .But the insane, desire 
 of territorial acquisition blinded the Vizier to his interest 
 as well as to his honour; and the ambition of duping him 
 into pecuniary and military relations with the (,'ompunv, 
 from which it was clearly foreseen he would never be, able 
 to yet free, seared the conscience of Hastings to all remorse 
 or shame. Bv him was the precedent set oi hiring out to 
 the princes of Hindustan, permanent bodies of British 
 troops under the designation <>1 subsidiary forces, and 
 therebv was a means established of sapping the authority 
 
 1 Fifth Uc'vit.
 
 THE R O HILL AS. 1 1 9 
 
 and independence of every one of them. J hustings avows 
 that in establishing such a force in Oudc, he designed to 
 \veaken the native Government, and reduce it to depend- 
 enev ; and ho\v soon his accomplice found that he had 
 sold himself with his prey, subsequent events clearly set 
 forth. 
 
 The treatv of P>enares was signed in September 1773; 
 hut the article for the destruction of the KohiJlas was not 
 disclosed till January L774. Various pretences of claims 
 unsalislied had been duly made in the interval; and if any 
 one is curious on the matter, he may on inquiry satisfy 
 himself that they \\ ere not. even colourahly true; such, at least, 
 was the verdict of Parliament and of the Directors at home 
 some years afterwards. Why waste 1 , words upon them here '. 
 ( )n tin- I 7th April the allies in iniijiiitv entered Eohillcund. 
 In vain the brave but: outnumbered people sued for meivy ; 
 in vain they pn > tiered bitter and miserable submissions. The 
 \i/.ier feared that thev might live for vengeance, and m- 
 >i>ied that nothing but their entire dispossession from their 
 home- could give him security. Sooner than submit to 
 this, thev chose rather to abide the fate of battle. banged 
 en the steep sides of the Babul Nulla. thev awaited the 
 murderous onslaught. "Il were impossible, said the 
 hnglish commander, Onlonol Champion, "to describe a 
 more obstinate iirmness of resolution than thev displayed. 
 Numerous were the gallant men who advanced, and 
 pitched their colours between the two armies to encourage 
 th 'ir men to follow them. Two thousand fell upon the tield.
 
 120 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Fyzoola Khan retired to the mountains with the broken 
 remnant of the gallant host, but the country was left bare 
 to the knife of rapine. Seldom, if ever, have what are 
 called the rights of victory been more inhumanly abused. 
 " Every man who bore the name of Rohilla was either put 
 to death or forced to seek safety in exile." But this did 
 not exceed the stipulations of the treaty ; for by Hastings' 
 own letters it appears that in its provisions there was the 
 specific agreement that, if necessary, " the Eohillas should 
 be exterminated," the language is his own. 1 By the 
 time the work of confiscation was complete,, and the red 
 gleam of burning homesteads no longer lit by night the 
 once happy vales of Rohillcund, the allies found the season 
 spent, the country utterly exhausted, and Fyzoola Khan 
 intrenched so strongly in the mountains that no imme- 
 diate hope could be entertained of his reduction. To him 
 and his followers they granted, therefore, terms of amnesty ; 
 and thus ended the war. 
 
 We had not the slightest pretence of Cjuarrcl with the 
 Rohilla s. We had not even a colourable complaint against 
 them. Rohillcund was rather a defence to our newly- 
 aerjuired provinces, and its commerce, and agriculture 
 nourished ours. But money was wanted to meet ex- 
 orbitant salaries and charges, and the Governor-General 
 made up his mind to pay the usury of blood, lie accepted 
 the money from Oude, and hired the Company's troops to 
 the A'izier, to seize and expropriate Rohillcund. The 
 liberties and lives of a friendly rare were the price of the 
 subsidy. He well knew the bravery of the people he was 
 
 desolation to which he was devoting them, lie was re- 
 monstrated with by Champion, who offered to throw up 
 
 1 Fifth Parliamentar Kcurt.
 
 THE RO II ILL AS. 121 
 
 his command, and deprecations the most touching came 
 from the unfortunate Rohilla chiefs. But the Yicen.v was 
 inexorable. Not a single stipulation was made as to tin- 
 use to which tin 1 .British troops were to he. put, or the 
 severities they might be called upon to execute. They \vere 
 placed unconditionally at the disposal of the Vizier; the 
 word was given and the doom of a gallant race \vas sealed. 
 Hastings pocketed :20,000 as a private present for signing 
 the treaty, and the public treasury \vas replenished to the 
 extent of 400,000. 
 
 Disagreements and divisions in the Council at Calcutta, 
 at first whispered only among the English there, gradually 
 became noised about. Native resentment, long repressed, at 
 length found utterance. A majority of the Council were 
 ready, for the Hrst time, to li-toi with impartiality, if not 
 with sympathy and pitv. to the plaints of an injured 
 pimple. Recent grievance ami long- cherished grudge 
 welled up (iti every side like the surging waters of an 
 inundation. The danger of Hastings grew imminent, hut 
 his courage did not fail. lie continued to occiipv the chair 
 "f slate regardless of sarcasms, inuendoes, and protests. 
 I'inu'. M"]i-on. and 1'Yaiicis recorded their strong dis- 
 approval of the bargain with the Yizier. recallr-d the troops 
 IVoni IJoliilleund, and refused to ratifv the Treat v of 
 Benares. But the \ icerov \vasnot to be turned (Vnm his 
 purpose. He understood what }\\< employers wanted better 
 than In- antagonists did. The protests of the triunn 
 apjiealt'd to ihe conscience ol ihe C'ompanv, \\'hat'-\'er 
 thai iniii'iil b,' ; his congratulations touched their i. 
 Ivxemplary regrets ami admonitions not to do i; AVIV, 
 
 after due deliberation, despatched to India: but. as \\vshall 
 presently see, the Ministers of the Crown thought it would 
 be absurd to call Hastings to account for the triumphs lie
 
 [22 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 had achieved ; and both they and the Directors acquiesced 
 in the profitable wrong. 
 
 Specific accusations were publicly made against the 
 Governor-General of vast sums exacted from natives, under 
 the name of presents, for promotion to office and for other 
 considerations. Hastings steadily refused to hear, far less to 
 meet, these accusations. To entertain them at the Council 
 Board, he said, was to disparage his authority, and lower 
 the Government in the estimation of the natives ; he would 
 not condescend to answer any of them, and whenever the 
 majority attempted to pursue their investigations, he 
 made a point of rising and quitting the room. They 
 persevered without him, and placed on record the com- 
 plaints of Munnec Begum, the Banco of Burdwan, and her 
 adopted son Ram Kaeheen, lloda Shurn Hoy, a vakeel of 
 the Xawab of Bengal, Casmul, the farmer of a large district, 
 and three English gentlemen Mr Grant, accountant to the 
 Council of Moorshedabad, and the two Messrs Fowke all 
 of whom charged him specifically with acts of L>TO;:S venality 
 
 J_ */ O J 
 
 and extortion. A minute of the Council, adopted by Claver- 
 ing, Francis, and Monson, in March 1775, summed up his 
 offences thus " There is no species of peculation from 
 which the Governor-General has thought it reasonable- to 
 abstain. A\ e believe the proofs of his having appropri- 
 ated four parts of the salary of the I/housdar of Ilooghly 
 are such as will not leave a shadow of a doubt concern- 
 ing his guilt in the mind of any unprejudiced person.'' 
 These accusations subsequently became the subject of 
 inquiry by Parliament, and testimony the most con- 
 flicting was adduced to sustain and rebut them. There 
 was in existence then, however, a piece of evidence 
 of which neither Lords or Commons were aware, and 
 which weighs more heavily than a score of vindictive affi-
 
 THE ROIJILLAS. 123 
 
 davits or unwrappings of finance accounts. In a letter to 
 Lord Xorth, dated l27th March 1775, while the charges 
 were still fresh, Hastings elaborately inveighs again-t the 
 mischief of the course taken bv Clavering, Monsoii, and 
 I'Vancis, and reasons most ingeniously on the. irrelevancy 
 of the (questions raised by them to the ultimate interests 
 of the State. lie assigns, moreover, many plausible 
 grounds for assuming tin; improbability of much that they 
 alleged against him; but there is not from beginning to end 
 the simple assertion on the word of a gentleman that the 
 allegations with regard to taking bribes were false, or any 
 statement that can be stretched into a denial. Lord Xorth 
 was the Minister who had made him Vice-King of Hindu- 
 stan. There was not living the man with whom it was so 
 important for him to stand well. He was little likelv to 
 hesitate about anv amount of varnish or colouring of facts, 
 if that would have done; )'et, writing confidentially on the 
 spur of i he moment, he does not venture on one manlv or 
 straightforward expression of denial, such as honest men 
 wrongfullv impugned are wont to utter. Hut this i.- not 
 all. \\ e have the damning fact that when impeachment 
 it home was subsequently impending, Ha>tings thought it 
 pru< i-nt to lodge in the treasury of Calcutta l':200.000, 
 which he ci'iild onlv account for as having been from time 
 to time received bv him in his public capacitv, and having 
 been inadvertent Iv omitted until then to be placed t<> the 
 credit of the State. 
 
 At the head ol his accusers stood Xmii-omar. Hi- pride 
 as the ablest man of his race had >een wound ei i bv I la-: iiigs, 
 
 imbition a< a ski i'ul financier and diplomatic had be, n 
 battled bv him. his self-love as the wiliot of intrigii' r- ha ; 
 
 . -tting: for he had been outwit! -1 partly by the rrafi of 
 Hastings, when Resident at Moorshudabad. in the ati'aii 1 of
 
 1 2 4 EMPIRE IN A SI A. 
 
 Mahomed Rcza Khan. He had waited for revenue, and the 
 opportunity at last had come. Between these two men 
 there existed that antagonism, intense, profound, and inex- 
 tinguishable, of which perfect sympathy alone is capable. 
 They had looked into each other's soul, and recognised in 
 each the image of himself reflected there. Of all his race 
 none probably but Xuncomar knew all Hastings had done ; 
 for none but he had the same purpose to gain in watching 
 the windings of his dark and devious course, or possessed 
 the means of obtaining so much information with respect to 
 all his secret doings. On the other hand, there was no 
 Englishman in India who had motives so strong as the 
 Viceroy for observing closely and scrutinising thoroughlv 
 the acts and aims of the subtle and specious Hindu. Their 
 resemblance morally and intellectually was complete. Fair- 
 spoken, impassive, fearless, and unfathomable, they were alike 
 insensible to the sufferings of others, and devoted to self-wor- 
 ship. Insatiable of money, yet munificent in its outlay ; 
 admired by those who came not too close to them, and dis- 
 trusted most by those who knew them best ; gentle in 
 prosperity and superbly self-possessed in danger ; unwearied 
 in business, inexhaustible in resources, imperturbable alike 
 in the gloom of adversity and the glare of triumph, at the 
 bar of judgment and in the face of death. 
 
 Xuneomar placed in the hands of Francis a petition to 
 be heard in person lv the Council, before whom he under- 
 took to prove that 1 Fastings had sold appointments to otlice 
 for large sums of nioiiev, and that Mahomed IJexa Khan 
 had been exonerated from vast peculations for a bribe of 
 unusual magnitude. The Governor-General refused wuh 
 contempt to be confronted \vith his accuser, and denied the 
 right of his colleagues to constitute themselves his judges. 
 Thev might, if thev "would, refer the question home, but he
 
 771 E ROHILLAS. 125 
 
 would not lower the dignity of his ollicc ly sitting there to 
 have his word weighed in the balance against that of a cor- 
 rupt and mendacious Brahmin. The majority resolved 
 notwitlistanding to proceed with the investigation of the 
 charge. Hastings with .Harwell thereupon withdrew, and 
 Nuncomar was called in. He had long sat patiently l>y 
 the well of vengeance, and at length had found wherewith 
 to draw. Hastings was informed bv his colleagues of all 
 that was sworn against him. I\lorc than one: of the Engli.-h 
 servants of the Company came forward to sustain the 
 charges. The accused inflexibly refused to answer ; and the 
 Council, in his absence, recorded their conviction of his guilt. 
 Nuncomar's revelations were declared by them to have 
 sheil " a clear light upon the Governor-! ! en end's conduct, and 
 the means he had taken of making the large fortune lie was 
 said to possess upwards of forty lacs of rupees which In.' 
 \\\\\>\ have amassed in. the course of three years/' 
 
 Ih'iven to bav. Hastings clutched at a weapon which lay 
 at his feet, but which no one else had thought of lining. 
 The newly-created Supreme Court set up bv Parliament to 
 administerEnglish law in Knglish fashion among the people of 
 Helical, had been given unlimited jurisdiction, and tlio power 
 of life and death. The .Indies had sided with him through- 
 out the sdi MM which had brought society in Calcutta to the 
 verge of aiiaivhv. and the Chief-Justice was his confidant 
 and friend,. (Suddenly an indictment for the forgvrv of a 
 bond six years before was preferred in the name of an 
 obscure native, as was generallv understood, at the in.-tance 
 oi I last ings, and under a warrant ot the court Xuiicomar was 
 thrown into prison. Indignant reclamations were made 1,\- 
 the triumvirate, and they ordered the prisoner's ivlea.-e ; but 
 tlie troops obeved the commands ot Hastings, and no sense 
 Minn; ;' < 'oim ;!. i Llii A: : 77-">.
 
 1 2 6 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 of decorum or of generosity restrained him. The arraign- 
 ment was indeed a hideous mockery. Technically and sub- 
 stantially the indictment could not have been sustained had an 
 appeal lain to Westminster. The statute of 1773, which was 
 said to give 1 jurisdiction in the case, could not have had a 
 retrospective effect ; and it was not promulgated or even 
 passed until after the alleged crime had been committed ; for 
 the crime itself had been made capital even in England only 
 bv a modern Act, and in no part of Asia had such a law 
 been ever known. Time out of mind, the falsification 
 of a private contract had been regarded, as it was in 
 this country before Walpole's time, as a grave misdemeanour 
 and no more. Xuncomar mavor may not have been guilty 
 of the offence; but if anything is certain, it is that lie was 
 innocent of breaking the law under which lie was accused of 
 a capital crime. The claim to take awavlife for the breach 
 of an English criminal statute had indeed been made be- fore. 
 In February 17G5, one Radachurn Mittre was indicted for 
 forger v at tlie (Jencral Quarter-Sessions of the town of Cal- 
 cutta, convicted and sentenced to be hanged. The Jjencli 
 of Justices bavin r >- subsequently made a proclamation that 
 
 O J. i 1 
 
 Knglish l;iws were: to be extended to the natives, the latter 
 issued a protest against this in a petition to the President and 
 Council. 1 The petitioners set forth the general " conster- 
 nation, astonishment, and even panic \vithwhirh the native? 
 in all parts under the dominion of the English were seized l>v 
 the example of. Iiadaehurn Mittre. Ihev found themselves 
 subject to the pains and penalties of laws to which i he\- were 
 utter strangers, and were liable through ignorance nnwit t in'irlv 
 to incur thein. As thev were in no wav instructed in those 
 laws, they could not tell "when thev transgressed them, many 
 ihings it seemed being capital l>y En;jiish laws which were 
 1 L ing's Keconl.s, vl. i. p. ',7.
 
 THE ROHILLAS. 127 
 
 onlv fineable by the laws of the petitioners' forefathers, 
 subject to which thev had hitherto been bred, lived, and 
 been governed, and that (till very lately) even under the 
 English flag.'" The petition concluded with a praver for a 
 "rehearsal, or respite of execution till an appeal had been 
 made to the King of Great .Britain, and further, that 
 the English law might be translated into the .Bengalee 
 tongue.'' Mr A erelst in council approved the petition, 
 and characterised the proceedings of the Justices as an "act 
 unjustifiable in itself, and in its nature and consequences 
 cruel and oppressive.'' Hastings and Impcy could not have 
 been ignorant of these circumstances, though, strange to say, 
 they have been, overlooked bv one who, in our own tune, 
 tilled the oflice of legal member of the Supreme Council, and 
 to whom was specially confided the task of framing a 
 criminal code.- A jury, on which there was not a single 
 native, found thai the fact of tlie false signature was proved ; 
 and i he Chief-Justin 1 condemned Xiincomar to die. ( 'layer- 
 ing. Moiisoii. and I'Vancis remonstrated againsl the execii- 
 'titence, and earnestly demanded a respite until 
 the plea-nre i if the Crown could be known. But they ex- 
 postulated MI vain, and MI presence of a multitude such as 
 never before had been gathered together within range of 
 the guns of Knit William, ihc aged chief of the Brahmins 
 t< > deal h." A wad of IK irror rose 1 n? 
 
 edmes of i hat cry did not cease until. 
 
 -tminster ! ball. Burke denounced I last 
 'i 1 Xuiicomar by t he hands of Nr !
 
 i 2 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Led by Mr Pitt, a majority of the House of Commons 
 subsequently voted, on the motion of the Marquis of Graham, 
 that these words ought not to have been spoken ; but Fox, 
 Windham, and Sheridan defiantly adopted them, and de- 
 clared that the Managers would make them good. The re- 
 solution of censure remains to this day unexpunged ; but 
 history has reversed the vote, and the memory of the great 
 international Tribune needs no vindication.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 I5KXAUKS AXD Ol.'DK. 
 
 1777 1780. 
 
 " It had been said of the Company that there was something in their operations 
 which cniiihine'l the meanness of a pedlar with the prtligaey of a j>iratc. 
 Alike in the military and the political line could ho ohserved auctioneering 
 ambassadors and trading '-'cnerals ; and thus we saw a revolution brought about 
 by atlidavits, an army employed in executing an arrest, a t<>wn besieged on a 
 iK'te of hand, a prince dethroned for tlie balance of an account. Thus it was 
 they united the ni'>ck maje>ty of a hlnody sceptre and the little traliic of a 
 iiicivhant's counting-house, wielding a truncheon with nue hand, and picking 
 a p icket with tiic ' ither.' 1 
 
 - II. I>. Slll'.RIDAN. 1 
 
 1 7 ROM the 1'cports sent home Kv the hatlled triumvirate, 
 Ministers learned enoii;_;-h to justifv them in de-inn;.;' 
 The IJe^ulatin^ Ad enaltled the 
 L onl\' on an address to that died 
 from the Company : and that hodv \vas so nearlv lialaneed 
 in opinion that he on lv escaped a resolution tor his dismissal 
 liv a fe\v votes. 
 
 Lord North, ihouirh the most good-natured of men, was 
 much iin'cnsed, and threatened to summon Parliament 
 i 'arh er than usual in order to put an end to a state of t hinu's 
 that had hecome scandalous, and to reduce the privi 
 the ('oinpanv to those \vhieh ii'ave them a moiio^ 
 trade in the Indian Sea-. Colonel Macleane, larnietl at
 
 1 3 o EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 what might happen, acted on a discretion given him, and 
 tendered the Viceroy's resignation. Wilder was at once 
 appointed in his stead, and Clavering named to act as locum 
 tencns until he should arrive. But ere the news could 
 reach Calcutta. Colonel Honson died. By virtue of his 
 casting vote, Hastings regained his ascendancy in the Coun- 
 cil, and at once resumed the exercise of unlimited authority 
 with respect both to measures and to men. Clavering 
 vainly attempted to assert the temporary power assigned to 
 him. He sent for the keys of office, and they were refused ; 
 he issued orders to the troops, but they were disobeyed. 
 The question of who should govern was referred to the 
 Supreme Court. Hastings repudiated his resignation ; de- 
 clared he had kept no copy, or that, if he had, he could not 
 find it. Not having resigned, there was no vacancy in 
 point of law. and all the proceedings founded on the sup- 
 position were consequently null and void. The Judges ruled 
 in ]us favour; and when \\heler arrived, he had to con- 
 tent himself with taking a subordinate seat in the Council. 
 The ascendancy of superior intellect and audacity com- 
 bined was shown in a personal incident about this time, 
 llaron Imhol'f. under A iccregal patronage, had continued to 
 practise hi- ;nt at Caleutta : but after long delay the decree 
 of divorce arrived from flermany, and the superseded hus- 
 band thereupon departed with his share of Indian riches. 
 The ('huivh ,-ii 1,-isf bestowed its benediction on Mr> j la-t- 
 ings. ;md the exculpatorv rite was solemnised with courtly 
 splendour. Clavering excused his absence on the Around 
 of illness. Ian the cup of triumph would not have been full 
 without his presence, and the \ iceroy. to ensure it, paid him 
 a vi-it. and carried him to the wedding-feast. 
 
 Francis was a man made of different stulf. Y\ hen lie 
 huti'd he hated with hi- whole heart : and he hated nobodv
 
 BENARES AND OUDE. 13, 
 
 so much as Hastings. He had, by the help of Claverini;- and 
 .JMonson, succeeded in deposing him for a. time ; and with the 
 help of Fowke and Bristowe as witnesses to his corruption, 
 he had branded him with administrative reproach. The 
 tide of fortune had turned, and Hastings, once more in the 
 asceiidancv, was all but absolute lord of the East. There 
 were few things probably Francis would not have done to 
 redress the balance of power thus overset. While he 
 brooded in bitterness and discontent, overtures of peace 
 came from the enemy. The Governor-General had learned 
 to respect, if not to fear, the tenacitv of his rival's purpose 
 and the inveteracy of his aversion. The day must come 
 when, returning to England, Francis, unappeased and un- 
 forgiving, might be a serious impediment in the wav of his 
 ambition. Better win him over, and commit him if possible 
 to concurrence in the general policv of Indian administra- 
 tion while there was time, than run the risk" of having to 
 defend the measures of to-dav and to-morrow, as well as 
 those of yesterday, in a ( 'oiirt of Proprietors, in the press, 
 and in Parliament. Mi-lit not Francis be tempted, bv one 
 or two triumph- in hand, to relinquish the hope of half a 
 
 ent o reconciiation.
 
 1 3 2 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 that compensate ambitious men for years of embitterment 
 and chagrin. He agreed to the general basis of arrange- 
 ment, and promised not to thwart certain measures then 
 about to be taken against the Mahrattas. He insisted for 
 the public restoration to all their dignities and emoluments 
 of Fowke and Bristowe, whom he felt bound in honour to 
 see righted for the part they had taken, and fur the sacri- 
 fices they had endured. This was a bitter dose, but Junius 
 was inexorable, and with a shrug Hastings gulped it. It 
 was an ineffaceable admission that these men were not 
 perjurers, as they had been called ; if not, their testi- 
 mony remained ; and Hastings, by the fact of their reappoint- 
 ment to the Eesidencies of Lucknow and Benares, confessed 
 himself to have been corrupt, calumnious, and cruel. 
 
 For two years peace was maintained in Fort A\ ill i am. 
 but at length tin.' old antagonism broke out afresh. In 
 dealing with the Mahrattas, incidents arose which drew forth 
 differences of opinion. Francis was on the side of non- 
 intervention, Hastings was for taking the high-handed line. 
 I. liable to persuade, lie tried to silence his opponent by 
 alleging that acquiescence in his views of external policy 
 was one i if tin 1 temi> of the accommodation between them. 
 This Francis stoutly denied ; he said it had been proposed, 
 but ivfu.-ed bv him.aiid that in an unlimited sense it would 
 manifestly be incompatible with Ins sworn duty as a mem- 
 ber of the Fxecutivc. A miliuteof Hastings pronouncing 
 him incapable of candour and unworthy of credit pro- 
 voked him to send a challenge, which the \ irerov did not 
 hesitate to accept. A dud took place next day: Francis 
 was wounded, but not dangerously, and he soon recovered. 
 Two vears before, Lord Townshend, then \ iccroy of Ireland, 
 was challenged bv Lord Bellamont for having turned his 
 back upon him at levee. They fought with swords, and
 
 /iR.YAA'KS AXD OUDR. 13$ 
 
 the challenger \vas wounded. Such \veiv the manner- of 
 a time not yet a eenturv past. 
 
 The la-t efforts of Francis in India had hern directed 
 chieflv to limit the scope of aggressive hostilities against the 
 Mahratta States, with whom lie and his late colleagues had 
 alwavs advised that we should seek to live in amitv. 
 (.'layering had placed on record his opinion on the subject. 
 When the Government of Kombav had seized Salsette. 
 invaded Broach, and rashlv committed themselves in dis- 
 putes as to the successor to the musnud of Poona, the 
 General, who disapproved of these proceedings, would have 
 had. the (lovernment at Calcutta, exercise its overruling 
 authority, and vindicate its character for good faith with 
 its neighbours. .1 1.e hoped " that the Mahrattas thus seeing 
 our justice and moderation, and that our intentions were 
 tinallv to put a stop to that spirit of coinniest, encroach- 
 ment, and injustice, which seemed hitherto to have prevailed 
 too much in India, would listen to the proposals we had 
 maile to conclude a firm and everlasting peace with them. 
 I 'u t these were not the intentions of lla-tmgs; and when 
 Mniisoii and I 'layering were dead, In- was no longer re- 
 strained from a id mi:' and abetting tin- schemes of aii'iiTession 
 \\hici had heeii immatuivlv and improvidentlv commenced 
 at lioinhav. Expeditions under I'opliam. (Joddart, and 
 ('arnac were launched against Scindia, Ilolkar. and Ilerar. 
 Fre>h feats of valour added great v to the reputation ot the 
 FiiLi'li-h for enterprise and endurance ; ;md so t'ar contributed 
 to create tli;it liehef in their invincihilit v which rendered 
 
 -ub-ei|Ueiit colliillesls possibe. After fold' sailgllinai'V 
 
 campaigns, peace was made in 17> M . restoring all tii- 1 
 acuisitions which had been made on either -id'-. At tlf
 
 134 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 expired the attempt, never again renewed, to temper by 
 constitutional checks in Council viceregal despotism in the 
 East. For the purposes of advice, and with powers of 
 suggestion, what is termed a Supreme Council still remains. 
 But it is a consultative body of precis writers, not a 
 Cabinet. 
 
 Left once more to himself (for the new members of 
 Council were not men of the sort that could have effectually 
 curbed him), he entered upon various enterprises of expan- 
 sion and expropriation. Among the chiefs of secondary rank 
 friendly to the English, when friends were few and aid in- 
 valuable, was the Rajah of Benares. He was one of the 
 wealthy feudatories from whom the Viziers of (Jude had 
 been satisfied with fealty and a payment of certain con- 
 tributions in peace and war. Bulwunt Singh was an 
 excellent ruler; the local administration was never interfered 
 with; his people were happy, and the countrv prosperous. 
 The description by Holwell of the condition of Burdwan 
 applied ('(jiiallv to the holy city of Siva and the districts 
 around it. Hindu pilgrims from far and near brought rich 
 and varied gifts to the famous shrine : and the peasantrv, 
 fearless of unjust exaction or personal \vrong, cultivated their 
 I i eli Is like gardens, and throve on the fruits of their unwearied 
 industry. T K-ir numbers were estimated at more than half 
 a million, and their chief had but one fault in the eyes of hi.s 
 neighbours -that oi bein^ suspected ot opulence greater 
 than their own. l!v the partition treat v <>f 177.1. the 
 \ i/ier had transferred his suzeraintv over Drnaivs to the 
 i'onijianv, who issued sunnuds confirming Chevte Singh in 
 all the rights he had inherited from his father. < >n the 
 outbreak of \var with I'Yaix-e, thev called on him to raise 
 and eijiiip three battalions of sepoys, at a yearlv charjv of 
 five lacs of rupees. After some parleying and grumbling,
 
 BENARES AND OUDK. 
 
 he submitted. .But when, in the third year, he was told he 
 must likewise raise a body of cavalry, he ventured to refuse,; 
 whereupon the Governor-General undertook to overcome his 
 reluctance, and intimated his intention to visit .Benares with 
 a numerous train. 'Flic Uajah met him at .Buxar with 
 all due honour, deprecated his anger respectfully, and by 
 wav of homage placed his turban on the A iceroy's knees. 
 Resentment long concealed burned in the breast of Hastings, 
 and though polite and imperturbable, he pursued his pitiless 
 ends. Three 1 years before, when his dispute with Clavering 
 in the Council was at its height, Cheyte Singh, not knowing 
 who had proved the stronger, had sent an agent to propitiate 
 the (ieneral, on whose favour he might one day have to 
 lelv. Before his eiivov reached Calcutta, the tidings spread 
 that ( 'lavering and his friends had been worsted in the 
 struggle, and the message- never was delivered. But I Fastings 
 learned the fact, and could not forget or forgive it. Arrived at 
 Benares, he demanded satisfaction in peivmptorv terms for 
 the alleged ivmissness shown in meeting the military ivipn- 
 :; turns, and the ivp] v being deemed to savour of insubordi- 
 ratioii. the Resident was ordered to proceed with two 
 companies ot sepovs to the palace and to take the Rajah 
 i:ito custody. The populace, indignant at such an outrage, 
 fell upon the troops, w in !iad been ha.-tilv summoned wit i- 
 out ammunition, and who were speedilv put to the sword, 
 mpaiiv was sent to avenge them, and a sanguin- 
 licj eii-iied. I hiring l he night t ic 
 nn a W'HH o\v nf liis palace bv a n >p< 
 
 . and crossing t ie * 
 
 i 1 1 1 [e s d 1 s t a 11 1 oil. the
 
 1 3 6 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 removed, and the Rajah himself escaped to Bidgcglmr. 
 whence lie was finally driven to spend his days as a refugee 
 in Gwalior. Meanwhile the Viceroy proclaimed his deposi- 
 tion, and set up as Rajah a youth of nineteen, who was 
 not allowed to take on himself any of the more important 
 duties of his station. The tribute payable by the district 
 was raised to 200,000 a year, and its collection placed in 
 hands deemed hard enough to be depended on. Turbulence, 
 not always stifled, alternated with passive resistance among 
 the people, much incensed by what they had beheld. All 
 sense of security was at an end. Capital fled, and was 
 followed by labour of such descriptions as were IK >t de- 
 pendent on the soil. Misery and distraction took the 
 place which had recently been occupied bv comfort and 
 content. The new exactions, though rigorously pressed, 
 did not yield what was expected; and two years later, when 
 Hastings revisited the scene of his personal vengeance, he 
 found it one of desolation. The number of inhabitants 
 steadily declined, and in 1822 it was estimated at no more 
 than 200. OOO. 1 
 
 The want of money was still urgent, and what the spolia- 
 tion of Benares failed to meet, fre.-h exactions from (hide 
 must supplv. Asaph-ul-Dowln pleaded povertv, and 
 named, with some truth, that amongst its causes was the 
 
 annual contribution lie was obliged to i>av for the niain- 
 
 <~^ i 
 
 t"tianee df the subsidiary force. Dreading a visit from the 
 Viceroy, he went to meet him: and at the fortress of Chunar 
 the negotiations took place which resulted in the memorable 
 device for replenishing the exchequer of Calcutta without 
 exhausting that of Luekiiow. " It was," says Lord Macaulav, 
 " simply this, that the (Jovernor-General and the Xawab- 
 Vizier should join to rob a third partv, and the third partv 
 
 1 Maltc-Bran's (.Ic'oraih.
 
 BENARES AXD 
 
 whom thev determined to rob was the parent of one of the 
 robbers. 1 ' The mother and widow of the late Vi/iiT were 
 supposed to have derived, under his will, vast treasures. 
 They dwelt with a numerous retinue at the favourite palace 
 of I'Y/abad. which he had bequeathed to them. Asaph-ul- 
 J )owla shrank in shame from the villany suggested bv 
 his Right Honourable accomplice. J>ut he was only a 
 Mussulman, and his scruples were, overborne. The con- 
 federates, having ratified the bargain, parted, and each went 
 his way to prepare the formalities of fraud. A conspiracy 
 to aid Cheyte Singh in his resistance to intolerable exaction 
 was to be imputed to the withered women who dwelt at 
 I'Y/abad. If such a breach of friendship could be proved, 
 it would jusiifv any penalty or forfeiture; therefore it must 
 be proved, and proved in a regular respectable wav. \\ hen 
 ii was known what wa> wanted, false witnesses rose up. as 
 they are apt to do when thev are wanted, and when there 
 i- an imperial treasury to pav them. Hut the worth ol 
 their testimonv against the undefended Princesses of (hide. 
 
 no tribunal to test, no advocate to tell. Still 
 a diflicultv : a silken cord of conventional 
 
 d to lie snapped before the palace irates of the 
 
 un 
 
 science, no mat ter what. lint then 1 ii wa 
 silenced somehow: and the <|Uestioii wa > 
 the first time Sir Klijah Impev proved 
 friend in need. There had been a "'rii-vous
 
 138 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the Chief Governor and the Chief-Justice, arising from a 
 conflict of jurisdictions ; and both had indulged in vows of 
 wrath and fury. But the Chief Governor had mollified 
 the Chief-Justice with the gift of a place worth 0000 a 
 year, terminable at his pleasure ; and from that day Herod 
 and Pilate had been reconciled together. So now, at a 
 pinch, Sir Elijah got into his palanquin, and posted to 
 Lucknow, by relays of pagan bearers; for were not 
 pagans made to bear Christian Chief-Justices on their 
 shoulders, when at full speed to aid in the commission of 
 robbery at a command of a Right Honourable Viceroy? 
 AVhat could more clearly prove to a soul-darkened popula- 
 tion tin 1 superiority of European manners and morals? 
 Arrived in the capital of Oude, the Chief-Justice took a. 
 number of affidavits which accused the Begums of <-om- 
 phcitv \\~ith Chevte Singh, in his supposed conspiracv 
 against his lawful masters, the Company. Sir Elijah did 
 not read the affidavits, or hear them read. Thev were 
 in a dialect lie did not understand, and he had not time to 
 wait For an interpreter. So he took them as chief magis- 
 trate of England in the. East; and this '''scandalous prostitu- 
 tion of his high authority : 1 being completed, he got into his 
 palanquin airam. and returned to Calcutta. In the memor- 
 able words of Sheridan, " \\ il h a generous oMivion of dut y 
 and of honour, \vilh a promt sense of having authorised all 
 fill u re r.-iparitv, and sanctioned all past o]>pre->i<ui, this 
 friendly judge proceeded on his circuit of he;i!l h and ease. 
 The farce concluded, tragic scenes liegan. The palace of 1'Y/a- 
 bad was surrounded b\- Knidish troops, the Princesses \vere 
 told t ha 1 they were captives, and required to deliver up their
 
 BENARES AND OUDE. 139 
 
 gold and jewels. On their refusal, their ladies were subjected 
 to semi-starvation and their servants to torture. Unable to 
 endure their groans and tears, the Begums gave up casket after 
 casket, and store after store, until the sum of spoil was reck- 
 oned at 1,200,000. Then, and not till then, their wretched 
 menials were let go. Such are the bare outlines of the 
 dreadful tale. Over all that could furnish forth the true 
 colouring of the picture, the veil of oblivion has fallen, and il 
 cannot now be raised. What the people of (.hide thought 
 of these things we know not. AVe onlv know that Asaph- 
 ul-Dowln did not find Ins account after all in agreeing to th" 
 shameful ransom. His Government henceforth appeal's to 
 Irive lost influence and power. AVhen Lord Cornwallis. a 
 few years later, visited (hide, he was received Avith 
 every mark" of deference and respect ; but nothing could huh' 
 from him the desolation that overspread the country, the 
 spectacle of which shocked his vt TV soul. lie asked the 
 iv he was not able to do something to improve the 
 condition, and amend this state of miserv. The 
 ' 
 
 m n 
 
 t!ie Knghsh ( lovernmeiit upon the I'eveiiue shoii d remain 
 unliniiteil. he could have no interest in economy, and that 
 while t lev continued to interfere in the internal adminis- 
 tration of his country, it would be in vain lr him to 
 attempi anv salutarv reform, fr hi- subjects knew lie was 
 but a cvp MT m hi- own dominions, and tli '1'eiore despised 
 his autlioritv, and that of his Ministers.
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 HYDER ALI MYSORE. 
 
 17811782, 
 
 When at length Ilyder All found that he had to do with men whom no treaty or 
 no signature could bind, and who were the enemies of human intercourse it- 
 self, he determined to make the country possessed of these incorrigible 
 criminals a memorable example to mankind, to put a barrier of desolation 
 between him and those against whom the faith which holds the moral ele- 
 ments of the world together was no protection." 
 
 EDMUXD BUKKE. 
 
 nnHE other Presidencies had long been emulous of the 
 fame in successful aggression achieved by that of 
 Bengal ; but thev were compassed round by native states 
 more \varlike and intractable, with whom their inter- 
 meddling as often brought discomfiture and loss as gam 
 and victory. The Dutch, Portuguese, and French, as well as 
 they, were i ncessautl v intriguing with the Hindu and Mos- 
 lem courts for privilege or pre-eminence; and the struggle, 
 intermittently carried on, was <|iiite as much with other 
 European colonists as with suspicious Xawabs and Rajahs. 
 
 The war between the 1'Veiich and English, which was 
 terminated by the treaty of Paris, left the funnel- scarce a 
 remnant of then- once great possessions on the Coroinandel 
 coast. The feeble and corrupt Government of Louis XV. 
 took little trouble to devise means for recovering what had 
 been lost, and the ilag of their ancient rivals, now floated
 
 I1YDRR ALI MYSORE. 141 
 
 peaceably over many a fort and field I hat had long and 
 bloodily been contended for. Nor seemed there, aiiv power 
 remaiiiing all along that shore whom the conquerors need 
 henceforth fear. Musulipatam, and other maritime provinces 
 of the Nizam, were already theirs; Chingleput lying around 
 Madras had been taken from the Nawab of the Carnatic; Surat 
 and Salsette had recently been wrested from the Mahrattas; 
 and the Dutcli began to fear for their possessions in Ceylon. 
 In 170(5 three brothers were contending for the Musnud 
 of the Deccan ; and each of them was ready to purchase 
 Knglish aid by the offer of half the revenues of the seaboard 
 provinces called the Five Circars. Nizam Ali prevailed, 
 but being sort 1 pressed by the Mahrattas, he agreed that 
 the coveted districts should be committed to the charge of 
 Iloossein Ali, half their revenues to be paid to the Companv 
 on condition of their affording help in collecting them. 
 Sunnuds frm Delhi were then secivtlv obtained l>v ('live, 
 conferring the Circars on the Knglish in absolute sovereignty. 
 l'>ut these, wli^n published, the Soubahdar refused to recog- 
 nise. Foive and negotiation were, bv turns employed, and 
 at length a treatv ot compromise was made, by which tin 1 
 tise,-d possession ot the Chvars was yielded to the Presidency 
 of Madras, subject to the pavnient of a considerable tribute, 
 and an undertaking that the ('ompanv would in everv 
 event support the Nizam against his enemies. The tenure 
 of these additional estates \\ as thus confessedly one of occu- 
 pancy at a (put-rent defeasible tor breach ot covenant. 
 l'ut from that day to the present it has been treated as one 
 of absolute sovereignty. 1 
 
 ( )ne native power alone had the presumption to retain 
 a seaboard territory. Mvsoiv was indeed without a navy 
 worthy of the name, and without aiiv apparent means < f 
 1 Thurnt"ii's Ilistorv of Ilriti.-h liiiiia. :>; udit. : . 111.
 
 1 42 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 creating one ; but to the jealous eye of political and com- 
 mercial monopoly all things are possible, probable, impend- 
 ing, when it is desirable to find them so. Disputes had 
 sometimes arisen with the rulers of Mysore, but it was not 
 until 1707 that an English corps, commanded by Colonel 
 Smith, suddenly crossed the southern frontiers of the 
 Carnatic, and took possession of the rich and important 
 province of Baramahal. AVhy then, and not sooner, the 
 latest apologist of English acquisition avows his inability to 
 explain. The appropriation of a volume to the subject 
 would not, he says, afford a satisfactory or lucid exposition 
 of the events, or of the motives of the actors engaged in 
 them. " It may lie doubted,'"' adds the historian, "whether 
 the persons then forming the British Government of Madras 
 understood their own policy ; and it is quite certain that to 
 all others it must ever remain inexplicable/' 
 
 Jniramahal was one of the most fruitful provinces of 
 Mvsorc, and from its position served to give that inland 
 ivalm access to the Indian Sea. A long series of domestic 
 troubles had unnerved the vigour of the Mysomm Govern- 
 ment, and opened the wav for the elevation of a Moham- 
 medan soldier of fortune to more than a participation in 
 the po\ver and diiniitv of the ancient Hindu throne. The 
 Rajah was still permitted to enjoy the pomp and luxuries 
 of ivgal captivity, but 1 1 vder was sole Minister and 
 General, and virtual'v head of the State. Imperfei-t as the 
 materials are for enabling us to estimate the genius and 
 character of this singular man. enough remains to testifv 
 that, as a leader and a ruler, he \vasoi that stamp which 
 seldom breaks the level of. oi'dmarv eapacitv. The power 
 of creating 1 internal organisation where he found, decrepid 
 custom ;md incipient anarchy; the vigoiu* he imparted to 
 
 : TiK>rut< >u'.s HM-rv <jf JMti.-u India. :; 1 flit, p. 111.
 
 IIYDER AUMYSORI-;. 143 
 
 tin- outwdrn mechanism of the administration both in peace 
 and war; the aptitude, lie evinced for applying to the 
 external defence of his country, and to the internal develop- 
 ment of its resources, the arts and inventions of a foreign 
 civilisation; his activity, his perseverance, his self-reliance, 
 his personal daring, and, above all, the instinctive facultv 
 he possessed of attaching men to him, have, sullicientlv 
 been attested by those who. having bearded him in an 
 hour of weakness, learned to tremble at his very name. 
 Rapacious, false, and cruel, no epithet of obloquy was 
 probably unjust, as applied to his long and chequered 
 career; but his power, by the steady course of a svstein. cf 
 policy which his untaught genius had created, had reached 
 a height in 1~C>7 which the surrounding ( lovernments 
 could no longer afford to disregard. The Mahrattas and the 
 Xixam had their own quarrels with this formidable chief; 
 but the ( 'ompany had not as yet been brought into collision 
 with him. (hi the contrary, throughout his long reign 
 they had ahvavs hitherto kept up with him friendly if not 
 mimiate relations; and if their expressions of esteem in 
 latter davs grew less sincere, care was taken that thev 
 should lie at least as loud, or perhaps a little louder even 
 than before. It is said to be a habit to which diplomatists 
 are rone, to render their mutual salutations more imiv:-.- 
 
 hall not fail to meet with some edifv 
 
 I ie price promised lor the drears \vas a defensive 
 \vit i the Nixam. and this was now conveniently 
 
 interpreted to mean an olieiisive part aganiM Mvsoiv. 
 
 Seringapatam ami llvderabad happeninu' to he at tend. 
 
 the occasion might be improved bv seixing Ilarainahal.
 
 M4 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Hyder's usual fortune appeared to have deserted him in 
 his wars with the combined forces of the Mahrattas and the 
 Nizam. The frontiers of Mysore were threatened on the 
 north and east at one and the same time. His resources 
 were still great, but it took them all to meet the opposite 
 dangers that were converging upon his unaided kingdom. 
 This was the moment chosen by the Council of Madras for 
 suddenly invading his dominions. It is true that they were, 
 up to the day when the invading corps began their march, 
 not only at peace with Mysore, but bound by terms of 
 friendship and alliance with its formidable ruler. But what 
 of that ? Though ruler still, he seemed formidable no 
 longer ; and was mere faith to stand in the way of the clear 
 and manifest opportunity of helping themselves out of the 
 exposed possessions of their friend ] AYere they to allow 
 him to recover from the stunning blows already dealt upon 
 him by his enemies ? or to wait till the Mahrattas had ap- 
 propriated perchance the whole of the spoil ' The Governor 
 of Madras and his colleagues were too wakeful to let such 
 an opportunity slip. They determined, accordingly, to 
 avail themselves of the defenceless situation of the Mysorean 
 territorv nearest to their own, and which, moreover, hap- 
 pened to be one of the best worth appropriating. Barama- 
 hal, they said, should henceforth be numbered with their 
 possessions. ]>v one of those sudden changes that in oriental 
 war are of frequent occurrence, Hyder found himself relieved 
 wit hin a fe\v weeks from both his nal ive enemies, and at full 
 libertv to devote his entire attention to his foreign friends. 
 With stern promptitude he abandoned all other cares until 
 he should not only satisfv them that they had seen quite as 
 much of his territories as such visitors usually desire to be- 
 come acquainted with, but, with a more than ordinary cere- 
 mony, he resolved never to quit them till he had seen them
 
 HYDER ALL MYSORE. 145 
 
 home. And scrupulously did he keep his word. With the 
 speed of the whirlwind fell the whole wrath of the still 
 mighty chief upon the new occupants of Baramahal. From 
 point to point, breathless and panic-stricken, the invaders were 
 hurled back across the borders, down, onwards, headlong, 
 till they reached, with heavy loss and total discomfiture, the 
 mound of St Thomas. Under the walls of Madras, Hvder 
 dictated a new treaty with the Company; and among its pro- 
 visions was a solemn stipulation that, "in case his dominions 
 were attacked bvany foreign enemy, they should furnish, him 
 with seven battalions of sepoys.'"'' To the humbled and 
 beleaguered garrison of Madras such a stipulation sounded 
 almost like mockery. But it was destined to prove a memor- 
 able stipulation, not alone to him and them, but, in its eventual 
 consequences, to the people of the entnv Peninsula. By the 
 time that I [yder found himself five to set about restoring 
 the somewhat exhausted resources of his kingdom, the vear 
 1 7 <> ( . I had closed, and ere his more peaceable occupations were 
 well begun, the Mahrattas were once more upon the border. 
 His natural endeavour, under these circumstances, was to 
 -ible, so imposing an aspect to the enemv as 
 roin entering on a renewal of their deva-tat- 
 
 To effect this purpose, he desired to show 
 
 hsh were his allies in reality as well as in 
 
 right ot. the treaiv ie had so recently ma 
 a moderate f, ,rce from the ( ' 
 [that their t i'i
 
 146 EMPIRE AY ASIA. 
 
 supplies of men and arms. Hydcr was not tlie man, how- 
 ever, to be outwitted thus. He resolved to put their 
 sincerity to the test. If they could not send a large 
 force, lie would l>e content with a smnllone; if they had not 
 money available, he would find it himself. But they per- 
 sisted in refusing every requisition, and kept their troops 
 shut up in garrison. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Mahratta tide poured down through the 
 rieh vallevs of Mysore; province after province was over- 
 run bv tlie irregular horsemen of the hills. The aged chief 
 in vain out-generalled and defeated them in a hundred 
 fights and man-lies ; they wasted his territory as much in 
 retreat as in advance, and, by dint of their locust numbers, 
 wrought all the ruin he had striven to avert. .Month after 
 month the harassing conflict lasted, and every month Ilyder 
 appealed to his "allies "at Madras for aid; but they doggedly 
 adhered to their purpose, and ''did not send a man to his 
 assistance." 1 ( )ne partv among them even desired to espouse. 
 openly the side of the Mahrattas, and proposed a partition of: 
 Mvsore: the President and ('ouncil preferred to behold 
 their allvs kingdom wrecked bv other hands, and the 
 si;_!'ht of a Mv-oivan cani] under the walls of Fort (leorgc 
 was .-idl too recent in their memories." At length, in 
 .Jniv 1771. .II\"der was fain to purchase peace bv exten- 
 sive cessions of territory, and the payment of heavy con- 
 tributions to the Mahrattas. Slowlv did Mvsoiv recover 
 from the efl'ects of l iis fatal war. Not all his wounded 
 pride noi 1 ihirst of vengeance could tempt him into 
 Imstilities for manv year.- afterwards. |[c saw that his 
 country could not In- recruit, -d bv a brid' repose., ;md IP- 
 resolul''lv maintained a strict neutrahtv for several years.
 
 11YDEK ALI MYSORE. 
 
 and, "though dee(Iv exasperated against the Knirlish liv their 
 evasion of the treat v, he was now induced to make a fresh pro- 
 posal, requiring onlv a supply of arms and stores, lor which 
 he would pav, and a bodv of troops for whose cost he would 
 provide/' 1 This, as before, was refused. The veteran 
 bridled his resentment and went to seek his assailants. He 
 found their mam army encamped near Adoni ; in a pitched 
 battle he routed their imposing force, the scattered remnant 
 of which retreated hastily to their own land, and the Alah- 
 rattas from that day troubled him no more. 
 
 While these events were taking place in India, the recog- 
 nition of the independence of the American Colonies 1>\ 
 I'Yanee had rekindled war between that power and (Jreat 
 Britain. In the course of 1778 Pondicherry and other 
 towns, where the I'Veiich still retained their factories, were 
 besieged, and after some resistance taken. An e-xpedition 
 was likewise organised against Mahe. a place of no im- 
 portance in itself, but. as the last relic of t te conquests of 
 Ihipleix. worl i sei/iiiLT. and won i crossing an allvs territory 
 to sei/e. Mahe was situated in one of the provinces of 
 M \'>ore. and consequent v was under the protection of its 
 rul'T. Thel'ompany \\<M knew, however, thai his consent 
 to their investing it was not i \ely to be obtained: and 
 
 tl.ev alleged, llol witlloltl SoDie tl'lttll. thai llvde] 1 had 
 
 mat ion to cult i va te a Li'i'ea ter i m i T- 
 
 he formerly ha. 
 \\ ledu'ed t ha! had Hoi | he 1 ival v of 1 7' 
 
 '1! 
 
 \ 
 
 leX'el 1 Wolliil ha \'e - ill'_; 111 i 
 
 - ii" \\- i i : : o i b ! e 1 1 u p t o 1 1 ; 7 7 '. ' 
 
 had i!' > t real v \\ ;; : i the I-Veticli. \\ lien. 1 
 ' \1 ' . ., ! 
 
 and tindini: hi.- ex pi i-tula! i in- di>re--arde<l. i. ' : 
 
 ' Mill, l .k V. /;,--. v.
 
 148 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 if Mahe should fall, he would invade the Carnatic. The 
 siege was persisted in, and on the 19th March 1779, Mahe 
 surrendered. 
 
 Terrible is the record left by eye-witnesses of the long- 
 delayed retribution taken by Hyder on the possessions of 
 the English, imperishable is the eloquence which devoted 
 its best eirbrts to the commemoration of that fearful scene. 
 On every point the Carnatic frontier was assailed ; towns 
 and villages were occupied and laid under contribution; 
 the cities were besieged, the crops everywhere consumed or 
 fired. They who had taken the guardianship of the country 
 from its native princes, and who had now provoked this 
 fearful inroad, had taken no precautions adequate to resist 
 it. They said, in extenuation of their neglect, that they 
 were unable; a poor excuse ! Thev had wrested the direc- 
 tion and the means of public defence from those who, if not 
 the best fitted to govern, had at least an incomparably 
 better right to rule than they; and now, in the midst of 
 dangers their own cupidity and incapacity had drawn 
 down, they left their involuntary subjects to the mercy of 
 a ruthless foe. They had usurped the sovereignty of the 
 Carnatic, what a. commentary was their confession that 
 
 they W(TC wholly unable, to defend it ! They atl'erted to 
 bewail the sad condition of the people, and in their letters 
 home, implored the sympathy, and strove to kindle the 
 indignation, of the (Government and the public, in KiiLrland 
 against IIvderAli. lint the disposition of the people, who 
 had now had experience of ihe comparative benefits of 
 indigenous and exotic ride, has been written for our learn in of. 
 The great, historian of \nglo-lndia tells us that, amid all 
 the devastations committed hv Ins troops, Ilvder was less 
 detested as a, destroyer than haded as a deliverer. While 
 Colonel Cosby, the English commander, found himself in
 
 HYDER ALT MYSORE. 149 
 
 great distress for intelligence, which bv no exertion was ho, 
 able to procure, overv motion ol. his was promptly com- 
 municated to Ilvder bv the people of the countrv. In an 
 
 I <U 
 
 oflicial letter he says, "There is no doult that J lyder lias 
 great Iv attached the inhabitants to him." 1 
 
 The sincerity of their preference was signally illustrated 
 bv an incident mentioned by Munro. When the main army 
 was endeavouring to re-unite with Baillie's corps, three 
 men were found near the road, who were told bv the General, 
 that if thev would conduct him to Baillie, he would reward 
 them, but it' they should misguide him, he would instantly 
 put them to death. They walked at the head of the army, 
 with halters round their necks, and conducted them to the 
 side of a lake, where the road terminated. 2 They were 
 suffered to escape, though Alunro docs not conceal hi- in- 
 dignation at the lenitv manifested towards men who. with- 
 out the expectation even of one farewell, cheer from their 
 count rvnii-n. thus deliberately prepared to sacrifice them- 
 selves. Sudi is the pervert i n:/ spirit of conquest, and such, 
 loo. i-, the instinctive love ot counirv ! The se t-devotion 
 se men determined pi'obablv the fate of ISad'ie. 1 1 is 
 had heen unwi-elv separated from the main bodv. 
 and on the M!I and IMii of September, it was pursued and 
 nearlv surrounded b\- the hosts of I lyder. Anxiously he 
 wrote to the British General apprising him of his situation, 
 and propo-mg bv irregular night-marc ics to endeavour to 
 elude the vigilance of the enemy until relief could he, 
 a Horded him. The entire force under Sir 1 lector M unro was 
 at once put in motion. ( >n the sc'cond dav they heard 
 distinctly the sound of continued firing; and had t icy 
 known the country, there is now no doubt tliat they would 
 have come up in time, if not to avert a conflict, at h/ast to 
 1 Mill, look V. chap. v. - Sfunro, Vul. i. c!:ai>. ii.
 
 150 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 cover a retreat. But the precious hours were spent in 
 wearisome and ineffectual attempts to find the road ; and 
 the very night they returned in despair to their quarters 
 at Conjeveram, the doom of Baillie's corps was sealed. At 
 sunrise on the 10th September, they beheld themselves 
 hemmed in on all sides by the Mysorean army under the 
 command of Tippoo Sail). Hour after hour they with- 
 stood unbroken the terrible onslaughts of the enemy. 
 The hope of aid sustained them long ; after that 
 despair. At length, outworn, they sank down man by 
 man on the ground where they had defied their myriad foes 
 throughout the murderous day, overwhelmed but uncon- 
 quered. 1 
 
 Xo further attempt was made to oppose the invasion, and 
 the main army forthwith retreated to .Madras. So rapid 
 was their march, that two hundred men belonging to a 
 Highland regiment dropped down from absolute ex- 
 haustion, having been compelled to march thirty miles during 
 a sultry day. 2 Amongst the baggage taken dining this retreat 
 were the military papers belonging to Lord Al'Leod, the 
 second in command, and these contained a plan for the 
 reduction and appropriation of Hvder's dominions. 3 How 
 far the perusal of such a document was calculated to 
 appease the triumphant chief s resentment, it is mmecessarvto 
 speculate. ( >n the :}d November, Arcot fell. The Pettah was 
 taken by storm, and the town \vas compelled to surrender. 
 The, inhabitants were treated wilh humanity: no plundering 
 or license was allowed; "everyone was continued in the 
 enjovnieiit of his fortune, and all wlio had held places under 
 the Xawab retained them:'' to the English ofiieers who 
 were taken prisoners, Hyder gave monev to provide for
 
 HYDKR ALT MYSORE. 
 
 '5 1 
 
 their necessities. 1 The minor cities now opened their irates, 
 and the general disaffection was no longer hidden. At the 
 close of 1780 the authority of the Cumpanv extended little 
 beyond the precincts of .Madras. Eariv in the ensuing 
 spring, however, reinforcements arrived from Bengal, and a 
 sipiadron appeared oil:' the coast:. Sir Kyre Coote succeeded 
 to the command, and ventured to advance against Ilyder. 
 He was twice severely worsted b\* the veteran chief, and 
 the English were at the end of the season beaten back once 
 more to St Thomas .Mound. They soon be^an to suiter 
 from disease, and to the horrors of disease were added 
 those of famine. Hundreds died daily in the streets; no 
 means of relief existed, and those who survived were hourlv 
 doomed to see the dead-carts trail their piles of imshl'ouded 
 corpses outside the ramparts, where hu^e trenches for 
 promiscuous burial had been made. l>ut death, while 
 
 busy with the enemies of Hvdel', folllld time to seek 
 
 him also. At the moment when his vengeance had 
 been sated to the lull, and the renown of his ovnius 
 had rear icd its zenit i, the strength of his constitu- 
 tion, though si uvular! v invat, irave wav, and the greatest 
 spirit whose presence India has in latter times confessed 
 was summoned Iroin its earthly wanderings. 
 
 1 he deal h of II vder All in l lie winter of 1 7M2 did not 
 terminate t ir war. he event was concealed b\" Purina 
 
 lot i miles, ci mid 1'eacli the camp. T; ppoo i'i HUH \\\\\ 
 head o| an arm v ol I ( u).i u >i i men. \\ n h l hree ci . 
 
 Ill the tl'ecisur\'. Oi'-ldes U'eallll 111 |eWe!> [o ;| \\
 
 1 5 2 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 from the side of Malabar, and ere the season closed Onore, 
 Mangalore, and Ananpore were in his hands. Excessive 
 cruelties were perpetrated in the reduction of these places, 
 orders being given to put to the sword every man found 
 within the walls with arms in lik hands. 1 The inhabitants 
 were likewise subjected to unlimited extortion, not, we 
 may be sure, to gratify any vulgar lust of rapine, but 
 just that they might be taught an early and impressive 
 lesson of the superior benefits of European rule. In the 
 course of the campaign, Bednor was captured, and recap- 
 tured by Tippoo, as well as Mangalore. General Matthews 
 was taken prisoner, and was supposed to have been put 
 to death in prison. His successor, General Stuart, failed to 
 redeem the prestige he had lost ; and Lord Macartney, 
 sick of the suffering and slaughter around him, and deaf to 
 the incentives of Hastings, who was all for continuing the 
 
 '-- ' O 
 
 conflict, offered to make peace. 
 
 In March 1784 peace was signed, the basis of its terms 
 being a mutual restoration of all conquests made during 
 the \v;ir. For some years the Peninsula, which was now 
 governed by four great powers the Mahrattas, the Nizam, 
 Tippoo. and t 10 Company enjoyed comparative repose. A 
 fe\v minor states were suffered to maintain a nominal inde- 
 pendence. under the exacting friendship of one or other of 
 the greater powers; and from this circumstance arose t 
 pretext for the second war with Mvsore. 
 1 Mill, hook V. chap. v. 
 
 e
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ]; 1 V A L I X D I A BI LI. S. 
 
 1782 178G. 
 
 ' There is a tribunal for individuals ; is there none fur nations ? Is there no law 
 by which bo'lics of men acting in a serial and jmlilical ca]>acity are b"iind 
 tn act with fidelity and O'lifidence in their mutual intercourse .' The hli_'a- 
 tiuns ('{'justice are fundamental, and are nut i<> he violated by any suleiHient 
 or adventitious sy-teiu whatsoever. 11 
 
 - .1. ANSTKUT1IEU. 1 
 
 A T 
 
 tin 1 beu'inninp; of I / S'L!. America was lust. ;ind 1'arlia- 
 nit'iit oin-c limn' gTc\v anxioii.s almut Imlia. Misled 
 liy a voliil)lc ;itiil accdiiipjisliccl ^Minister. \\lm fur yctirs IKK! 
 cniitrivnl In retain the 1a\'(aii' of the Court and of larirr 
 inajorirn's in loth Houses, vast establishments 1'\ sea ami 
 lanl had iieeti kepi Hji. ;u ,'.\ t ra va u'a i 1 1 cost, to preserve our 
 empire in the \\cst : yet it had not been preserved, (hi the 
 I'.'lii Oetol>er 17<^1. the last anil\" seiit to ivdllee the 
 colonies had, under Lord (.'onnvallis, surreiidert.'d at ^ <>rk- 
 town. and all hope of I'l'trievin^; the disaster had lieen 
 abandoned, Mortitied ambition turned its oves towards 
 the Last. .Another C'Uipij'e was ^rowini^ there, or. it duly 
 fostered and nurtured, it niiu'ht p'ow. Uut strange tales 
 AVei'e continually told of errors and misdeeds; and the in- 
 
 1 ]>ebate on the Iv.'hilla Charge Inipeaelnnent of Warren lla.-Lng-. -! June 
 17SG.
 
 i54 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 quiries that had slumbered since 1772 were renewed at the 
 instance of the same men who had then endeavoured to 
 invite Parliament to take into its own hands direct respon- 
 sibility and control. Dundas moved for a Select Committee, 
 the report of which strongly condemned the conduct of Sir 
 Thomas Kumbold and of Warren Hastings. Burke at the 
 same time moved for a Select Committee to inrjuire into 
 financial and judicial abuses. Its report censured in no 
 measured terms Sullivan, the Chairman of the Court of 
 Directors, and Sir Elijah Impey. A bill of pains and penal- 
 ties was introduced against Sir Thomas Rumbold for his 
 abuse of power as Governor of Madras ; and an address 
 to the Crown was voted to recall Sir Elijah Impey, for 
 the corruption and oppression of which he Lad been guilty 
 as Chief- Justice of the Supreme Court. The last of a string 
 of forty-four resolutions adopted by the House declared it 
 to be the duty of the Directors to recall Hastings: but this 
 the Board declined to do. as they were not bound to take 
 directions from one branch only of the Legislature. When 
 Lord North's Administration fell, that by which it was suc- 
 ceeded undertook to frame a comprehensive and "permanent 
 measure for the government of India. Lord Uockingliam's 
 demise drove Fox and Burke for a time into opposition : 
 and Lord Shelbiirne, looking round for allies \vherever tliev 
 might lie found, thought of resorting t> Hastings, as one 
 who-e talents might materially aid the Administration lioth 
 in the Cabinet and in Parliament. On receipt of fresh 
 tidings regarding Cheyte Singh, Dundas brought up a 
 second report from the Secret ('oinmittee renewing the 
 question of recall. A ( 'oiirt of Proprietors forthwith 
 assembled, in which this proceeding was denounced, and 
 the Directors were warned not to supersede the Oovernor- 
 (ieiieral without their previous assent. To this defiance of
 
 RIVAL INDIA BILLS. 
 
 '55 
 
 the House of ( 'ominous they were no doubt emboldened by 
 tlu> tone of Lord Shelburne and Colonel Barre, who \vannlv 
 defended tin 1 policy of Hastings. In a letter to Lord She]- 
 buriic, 1 when First Minister, the, Viceroy disclaimed the 
 authorship of the Mahratta war. It originated, lie said, 
 with the Board of Directors and the Presidency of Bombay. 
 It was begun without his knowledge, and upon grounds 
 which he disapproved; but finding the Bombay Government 
 committed to its perils and consequences, he supported them 
 heartily; and he asserted that it was he who saved the 
 Carnatic. " Forgive me then the boast, when 1 add that 1 
 have been the instrument of rescuing one .Presidency from 
 infamy, and both from annihilation." 
 
 In 17S:} the Coalition Cabinet devolved once more on 
 Burke the task' of preparing an India Bill. It was intro- 
 duced bv Fox on the Isih November, and pressed through 
 all its stages in the Lower House before the Christmas 
 holidays. A Board of seven persons, to hold office for four 
 vears, were named in the I'lll. and as vacancies fell tln-v were 
 to be filled up bv the Crown. These were to constitute a 
 ne\v department to which the entire direction of Asiatic 
 atlairs \\as to be contided. A suliordinate Hoard .of ei^'ht 
 fora like term was to superintend the commercial affairs 
 
 n l In-ncelort n was to he re icvei I i >\ 
 Supplementary provisions were 
 
 and fi ir a! l he rights of i ie nal ive 
 -and projirietors in relation to the paramoiini ower : 
 inu' highlv penal the receipt under aiiv I' irm < !' I 
 
 -cuts bv 1 icl'Si ins in ilibng < iflice. ci Vll ol 1 111 1 ' 1 1 
 
 i g a n e n d l o m o n o ] 
 
 t loll-. 1 1 Was lili eed. as Its e'o( nielli alii 1 n >}' - 
 
 'Vel'-ii '11- i if Ills! !ee alld p " M.' 1 :"'.-
 
 1 5 6 EMPIRE IN A SI A. 
 
 ties by which individuals had enriched themselves at the 
 cost of the Indian people, and to the dishonour of the Eng- 
 lish name. Pitt, Grenville, and Wilberforce opposed the 
 measure, as giving too much power to Ministers. Jenkinson, 
 who was understood to speak the personal sentiments of 
 the King, characterised it as an attempt on their part to 
 render themselves too strong for the sovereign ; and Scott 
 (afterwards Lord Eldon) made a maiden speech in which 
 he compared the Board of seven to the Apocalyptic Beast 
 with seven heads arising out of the sea, an augury of human 
 woes unspeakable. By decisive majorities, however, it 
 passed through all its stages in the Lower House, and 
 evoked no symptoms of unusual hostility when brought up 
 to the Lords. The intention was not disguised of super- 
 seding Hastings, as a fitting preliminary to the inauo-uration 
 
 O O J O J_ J O 
 
 of a new policy founded on new principles ; and nothing 
 more inflamed the anger of the Court and its antipathy. 
 Lord .Mansfield warned Ministers that if they attacked 
 Hastings they would lose their India Bill and ruin them- 
 selves ; and George III. declared his belief that if he were 
 
 O 
 
 recalled, India would be in jeopardy. 
 
 The King resolved at anv risk to be rid of Ministers 
 whom he hated. A. card in his handwriting authorised 
 Lord Temple to t'i'll tin; peers individually thai, his Ma- 
 iestv "would regard as his personal enemy anv man who 
 
 / <,' t, */ 
 
 voted for the Bill. The I'pper House consisted at the. 
 time of MM) members, of whom the. chiefs of I lie i^reat 
 AVhig families were by far the. richest and most influential. 
 But the Court was powerful, the Anglo-Indian interest 
 great, and the Coalition Cabinet unpopular out-of-doors ; and 
 on the 1 7th December the bill was rejected by a majority 
 of nineteen. Next day Fox and North were dismissed, and 
 Pitt called to power.
 
 RIVAL INDIA BILLS. 157 
 
 In the now Parliament, the youthful Minister had a 
 majority, and in the session of 178-4 was passed the rival 
 India Dill which long bore his name. As originally framed, 
 its defects were numerous. They were laid bare by Francis 
 in a speech full of glittering sarcasm and incisive reasoning. 
 The inexperienced Premier's first essay in legislation had 
 i'ailed ; the machine of subtle contrivance would not work ; 
 it must be taken to pieces while still new, and put together 
 again with fragments more or less numerous from the work- 
 shop of contemned rivals. Its boasted checks were so perfect 
 that, instead of balancing one another, and easing further 
 action, it was felt, upon reflection, that they could only 
 bring all progress to a stand. It was clear that responsi- 
 bility would be rendered illusorv by the empirical separation 
 of trusts, and bv the complication of details. .Parliament 
 had discarded its wisest and truest counsellors in the 
 matter, and followed the advice of clerks and changelings. 
 Francis, who seldom carried with him so completely tin? 
 attention of the House, paid just tribute to the years of 
 unrequited toil and care l>urke had devoted to unravelling 
 the errors and misdeeds committed in India; and with a 
 tenderness of sympathy ami heartiness of homage of which 
 hi' was not deemed capable, he uttered prophetically that 
 consolation to the wounded and worn spirit of his friend 
 which. >ootier than he expected, public opinion confirmed. 
 " I am not here to pronounce his panegyric: nor, if I 
 were e.jiial to the task, would 1 venture to undertake it : 
 it would lead me to reflections that would ntterlv ' i.-coiu- 
 pose me to the recollection of virtues umvwardi d, ;IIH o| 
 servic .- growing grey under 1 he neglect, if not ingratitude, 
 of his coiintrv. If fame be a reward, he possre- it already: 
 but 1 know he looks forward to a higher recompense.
 
 i 5 S EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 existence the virtues of men will meet with retribution, 
 where they who have faithfully and gratuitously served 
 mankind 'shall find the generous labour was not lost/' 
 The omission of the right of appeal to a jury drew forth 
 th" allusion to the memory of Chatham, the ambiguous 
 drift of the concluding words of which were long remem- 
 bered and resented. " Had such an attempt been made 
 when a great man who is now no more had a seat in this 
 House, lie would have started from the bed of sickness, lie 
 would have solicited some friendly hand to deposit him on 
 this floor, and from this station with a monarch's voice 
 would have called the kingdom to arms.'' He paused, 
 and looking steadilv at the First Minister, he added, in a 
 tone of ineffable regret, "but he is dead, and has left 
 nothing in this world that in the least resembles him.'' : \\\ 
 the provisions of the amended Act, the Governor-General 
 had been invested with the power of idling up vacancies in 
 the Council, and of overruling its members whenever he 
 should think fit. From the President of a Privy Council 
 of five, he was elevated into an absolute ruler. The 
 Opposition Joudlv but vainlv protested against this creation 
 of a viceregal despotism ; but once created, an authority so 
 precious in the (.-yes of Centralism was never destined to be 
 reliixjiiis ied. The instincts of executive power impel it to 
 encroach, to absorb, and to nionopo ise ever more and ninre. 
 Its aim- are irrespective ol party interests, its acts regard - 
 less of parlv traditions. In our own time its inroads 
 on urban and provincial freedom have been continuous 
 and miconipeiisated ; and each new concentration of au- 
 thoritv affords an analog}' and constitutes an example for 
 
 upanv was still too
 
 RIVAL IXDIA BILLS. 
 
 '59 
 
 strong, and the military force at the disposal of tin- ( 'rown 
 in Asia still too weak to render it prudent or possible, as 
 vet, to assume absolutely the whole patronage and revenue 
 of our dependencies. For seventv years more tin- ( 'oin- 
 panv was permitted to enjov the Jionours of titul;ir sove- 
 reign! v, and to appropriate the exclusive profits of Indian 
 commerce, and of the subordinate posts in Indian adminis- 
 tration. JUit henceforth the political direction of affairs 
 in Asia was strictly held and exercised l>y the Imperial 
 ( Jovernment. Despatches and accounts ill duplicate were 
 regularlv sent home, indeed, to the .Board of Control and 
 the JJoard of Directors, and each maintained a learned and 
 eUicieiit staff to assist them in the work of consultative 
 comment and ail vice. But every year Cannon I low gained 
 what Leadeiihall Street lost in the power of influencing the 
 general policv of tin- Anglo-Indian ( Jovernment. The 
 latter seldom failed to indite wise admonitions to its 
 otlicers. high and low, as to the diitv of forbearance towards 
 its distant subjects, toleration of their prejudices, and the 
 
 tenance of' peace. Simultaneous v the former wrote duvct- 
 iiiLf at tent ion to whatever circumstances seemed propitious 
 fr furl ier ac(|iiisition or absoi'jitioii of territor\'. M\'erv 
 
 Veal 1 I le lleVcr-faillllg pea alleged \\'as that of self-defence. 
 
 Somebodv was ahva\'s said to be plotting' our ex 
 
 President of the Boar 
 
 eveption now and i 
 
 new phrasei >!ogy. full i if disclaimers of i 
 
 but ha\ m'_;' >ul istaiil ia!lv in > < >l her me; 
 
 \\ ( ml- i if on ' whi > has him>el! been admil led 
 
 of pi AVer. " \\ helleVel' eXIM lllU' 1'eVelHles slh >We 
 
 failing, or there was nothing' else in eiigai:' 
 
 i if ( 'out r- M a ft er am >l icr. \\ 
 
 n. translated the old formula ini< 
 
 ... 
 
 | ! 
 
 IL:'. 
 
 till-
 
 160 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 tion, the best thing to be done was to take to the road." 
 Every time the landmarks were pushed farther north or 
 west, the permanent military charges of the establishment 
 'were increased, and the ways and means were found com- 
 paratively less adequate to defray them. The Directors, 
 left to themselves, would doubtless have restrained the 
 tendencies to expansion within narrower limits ; and when 
 occasionally a Governor-General proved himself to be sin- 
 cerely averse from war, it is but due to them to say that 
 thev were content to Jet him alone. But from the passing of 
 the Act of 1784, it was extremely difficult for them to curb 
 the military spirit ever growing more intractable in the 
 East, or to prevent instigation being given by the Board 
 of Control, and acted on by the Governor-General, to an 
 extent committing the whole, force of the Indian Empire, 
 and staking its security on the success of some fresh enter- 
 prise, before thev had time, in the then course of post, to 
 make their deprecation audible. A\ lien it was too late, 
 regrets were said to be vain, and amid the exultations of 
 vietorv, cold reasons of prudence or unwelcome <jualms of 
 conscience seldom found a voice. The assent of the Directors 
 
 thev were suffered to retain the. power of recall \viihout llie 
 concurrence of the Crown. On two or three, occasions thev 
 vetoed, informally, hut not ineffectually, the choice of Minis- 
 ters, when the jol attempted was fell, to he '' too l>;nl ; and 
 in one instance t he v exercised their power of recall. But 
 o'enerallv speakinii', Government found menus of carrvin"' 
 
 their 1 10 1 nt in the. rit v. and disagreements of a serious na t lire 
 
 j - 
 
 seldom arose between the two Boards which, accord in " to 
 
 law. formed the double government. The statute of 1781 
 establi.-hed a system whieh balanced the nut lority of 
 the- Court of Directors by a Board of Control named by the
 
 RIVAL INDIA BILLS. 
 
 161 
 
 Crown, and removable witli the Administration of the day, 
 but \vhidi was practically invested with such privileges, and 
 hedged round by such forms as effectually to l>r exemjited 
 from accountabilit \ to Parliament. It was the converge in 
 everv respect of the rejected plan. .Fox would have made 
 Parliament supreme in the affairs of India ; Pitt would 
 have the patronage divided between the Company and the 
 Crown, understanding clearly what measureless influence 
 this svstem must give the Minister. 
 
 Hurke opposed tlie last Pitt's India Pill, which he foresaw 
 would create an effectual screen for a policv of aggrandise- 
 ment and oppression, like that alreadv branded l>y Com- 
 mittee- of the House of Commons. .Despairing of legisla- 
 tive reform, he turned his thoughts, to the dutv of exposing, 
 and if possible of bringing to punishment, past delinquencies. 
 Late in the session lie asked for papers regarding the parti- 
 tion of (hide. Major Scott, the acknowledged agent of 
 Hastings, seconded ilie motion for then- product ion. a.- 
 certain to vindicate the conduct of the \icerov. (lovern- 
 
 (Jovei'iini'iii ironicay cieere te treats o. te great 
 accuser: and 1'iii brought tip- altercation to an end by 
 raising a p"int o| torm. Burke, laving his hand on one ol 
 the Select Committee.- iv ports which lav upon the table. 
 wn i Li'i'im deliberation said, " I swear bv 1 ii- book, thai 
 the wrongs done to humanitv in the Ka.-tern \\"of!d -ha! be 
 avenged on i In ise win ' ha\ e inflicted t hem. Tin \ v. 
 wiieti the mea-ure of their im'i|uit v i> full, thai I'ro\ idenee 
 \\;i- iioi a.-leeji. The \\rath of lleaven will sooner or lat.-r 
 fall u|>oii a nation that -uii'er.-. \\-ith ini{unit\' its rulers thn- 
 to oppre-s the weak and innocent." He then -a\-e notice
 
 1 6 2 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 of his intention to move in the folio win o- session for a full 
 
 O 
 
 inquiry into the alleged crimes of the Governor-General, 
 and of his determination to seek from Parliament repara- 
 tion for the wrongs of India. 1 
 
 On the 28th of February, Fox moved for confidential 
 papers which, if produced, would show, he said, the injustice 
 of sequestrating certain provinces of the Carnatic, to pay 
 the usurious debts claimed by civil servants of Madras from 
 the Xawab of Arcot. These transactions were of a kind 
 denounced by the Committee of Enquiry, and interdicted 
 by the recent India Bill. Nevertheless they were now 
 screened by the newly-constituted Board of Control of 
 which Dundas was the head ; and in spite of the irrefutable 
 speech delivered by .Burke, but sixty-nine members were 
 found ready to divide in favour of the motion. This result 
 was mainly attributable to the direct interest which two of 
 the ministerial majority had in the retention of the mort- 
 gaged provinces for the liquidation of their unrighteous 
 claims. Richard Atkinson, a Government contractor, had 
 obtained a scat in the House, and had become a sort of extra, 
 whip for the Government. He was large] v connected with 
 Paul Benfield. who. having gone out early in life to Madras 
 as an engineer, had turned money-lender there on an exten- 
 sive scale, lleeced t'l'' Prince of Arcot and other natives, and 
 returned home to buy an estate in Hertfordshire,;] town 
 house in ( Irosvciior Square, and no fewer than seven rotten 
 boroughs, whose representatives at will were among the 
 safe votes on whieh the new minister could relv. For the 
 moment the ,-illie> in corruption carried their point, and 
 the ill-fated districts of the ('arnatic were assigned over 
 to pay the debts contracted by the improvident Nawak 
 Atkinson did not long survive to enjov his share of the 
 
 ' Parliamentar Hist'i, \l. xxiv. . ]27~2.
 
 RIVAL INDIA BILLS. 163 
 
 a';dn ; and Ronfield, like so many others who made h;istc 
 to be rich, overstretched himself in speculation, became a 
 bankrupt, and died in France in abject want. 
 
 Hastings bv this time had had enough of pro-consular 
 exile; and II vder being dead, and the war with the Mah- 
 rattas at an end, he deemed the time propitious for return- 
 in-- home. Through a long continuance of toil and danger 
 he had held his persistent wav. and at length the obstruc- 
 tions that had hitherto barred his upward path to opulence, 
 fame, power, and dignity, seemed to be overcome. Lord 
 Shelhurne in one Cabinet, and Lord Thnrlow in another, 
 had assured him of the favour of the Crown, and that the 
 honours of the peerage awaited him. The Chancellor had 
 even n'one so far as to say, that to the sympathy of V\ arren 
 Hastings, and the influence of his name, was in no small 
 derive attributable the fall of the Coalition and the estab- 
 lishment of Ins friend- in power, declaring that he know no 
 man who cut so great a figure on the stage of the world. 
 and that hi- inllueiicr had been potent K' felt in the recent 
 change of Administration. It would be ungrateful, there- 
 fore, in the new Cabinet if he were neglected. The faithful 
 Major Scott suggested havlesfoi-d as a suitable title; t;;e 
 ( ' laiicellor approved, and wished the atl'air to be left in his 
 hand-. Lords \Veymouth, ( lower, Sidney, and Carmarthen 
 agreed in support iii'j; hi- view, and nothing was wanted but 
 the Fir.-t Minister's consent. Pitt was specious in Matter- 
 in <j; acknowledgment of pul >!ie services rendered ; but he had 
 a difficulty about the vote of censure carried bv Ihinda- in 
 177 ; >. Ib 1 was not him-eli in Parliament at the time, and 
 personally therefore he \va- not embarra<>ed hv the vote. 
 The charges, he said, on which it was f.
 
 1 64 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 away l>y a vote of thanks, lie did not see how lie could with 
 propriety advise his Majesty to confer such an honour upon 
 Hastings. 1 Thurlow continued to urge tin- point, and in an 
 interview at Putney, [tressed the Minister to say what were 
 his real objections, Pitt replied that there were four. The 
 Governor-General had sought to extend our territories in 
 India, a policy of which he strongly disapproved; he 
 had forfeited the confidence of the native princes; he 
 had frequently disobeyed the orders of the Court of Direc- 
 tors: and he had created enormous salaries in Hengal 
 TO gratify those attached to him. Th" Chancellor pressed 
 for instances, and when Pitt confessed himself at fault, lie 
 laughed at him for knowing as little about India as the 
 ivst of his colleagues. 2 About the same time I fastings 
 wrote to his wife m England that he was not to lie deceived 
 bv tli!' fair words of the First Minister, some of whose ex- 
 pressions, when introducing his India I Jill, had mortified him 
 deeply, and whose purpose was to keep him from returning 
 home until the new Administration should have had. time to 
 strengthen it-elf without his aid. Full <>f chagrin, he vowed 
 that he would disappoint his enemies by resigning Ins post 
 ere they \vished him to do so; and this threat he carried 
 into execution in January 17^5. In laying do\vn the office. 
 he congratulated the Directors that at la-t thev were rid ot 
 him ; and applving to himself, ni scornful irony, the words of 
 Pin. he wrote : " J am in this act the fortunate instrument of 
 
 n reahtv. Ills exultatu 
 
 the t \velve years of his vici regal [vigii.and reviewed the oppo- 
 
 se had braved. 
 
 -'; ion he had ovi n-ome. and the d 
 
 Conversation with Major Scott. Glu'/.- Life fif Hastings, vol. iii. 
 
 Loiter tu Directors. January 1 / S -
 
 RIVAL INDIA JULLS. 165 
 
 \vonls of haughty triumph broke, from him, lh- had. found 
 ilic treasurv emptv, ;ind the Executive infirm ; he restored the 
 finances ;iud invigorated every department. "I \\'as a man 
 unknown, unprotected, and unconnected at home, and pos- 
 sessed of no other influence abroad than that winch I had 
 acquired ]>v mv own knowledge and practice, in the credit 
 which the success of mv measures impressed on the people, 
 of Hindustan, and in the attachment of my fellow-servants 
 and citizens. For six years I was thwarted and insulted 
 openlv liv the rest of the Council. JJut even dining that time 
 thev never tried to take the current of business out of my 
 hands ; while 1 was sustained bv consciousness of greater 
 ability and merit. L suil'ered in patience-; I did my duty 
 when 1 could ; L waited for better and more lasting means ; 
 no act or word escaped me ; no meanness of submission ever 
 afforded mv assailants the triumph of a moment over me ; 
 mv antagonists sickened, died, arid lied. 1. maintained mv 
 ground unchange 1 ; neither the health of mv bodv nor the 
 vigour of mv mind for a moment deserted me. Well 
 nn'uht Hurke declare ilial this was no ordinary offender, but 
 in everv sense, "a Captam-( Jeneral of iniquity.'' 
 
 As President and ( Jovernor-Cieneral, Hustings had borne 
 iocaliv irresponsible rule in India for twelve years. Kverv- 
 wlu-re he h.ad changed ihe ancient landmarks and added 
 field to lieid. lie hnd slam and taken possession, and he 
 con id point a!i!\e to tin- spoils of war, ihe triumphs of diplo- 
 macy, and ihe augmentation of revenue as ihe proof's oi his 
 vigour ;ind success in administration. In-glared princes, 
 impoverished towns, and a starving peasant rv migli! ciir>e 
 his name, but the Hoard of l)in-ctors and the Hoard of 
 Control found no fault at all. in him; and if he had 
 enriched hiniM-lf, had he not added tenfold to ihe riches ot
 
 1 66 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 his masters ? Great merchants in the city and high 
 Ministers of State applauded him, and he had smiles of 
 approval from the Woolsack, York Minster, and the 
 Throne. All hailed his return as that of a conqueror who 
 had won for his country a new empire to compensate for the 
 old one lately lost. "\Vlio should gainsay such testimony ? 
 
 Nevertheless, the clerks in the finance- department of 
 Leadenhall Street were much exercised in spirit l>y the 
 question Did conquest pa}' ? The financial results of his 
 administration are thus summed up by one who had the 
 privilege of access to every detail of the accounts. In 1772 
 the Government receipts were 2,373.050, and the expendi- 
 ture 1,705,279, leaving 068,371 to be divided between 
 shareholders, bondholders, and holders of office at home. 
 In 1785 the income was 5,315,197, and the expenditure 
 4,312,519, leaving a balance of 1,002,678. On the 
 other hand, the debt in India was augmented from 
 l.s50,8GG to 10,404,955, while a large increase of 
 liabilities to the Home Government and to private creditors 
 had accumulated. " The administration of Hastings added 
 12,500,000 to the total debt of the Company; and the 
 interest, at 5 pel 1 cent., of this additional debt was more 
 than tin- amount of the increased revenue/ 
 
 These nett results were not indeed disclosed at tin- time 
 in such a form as that the public, at large might under- 
 stand them. According to the established custom in 
 such matters, thev were permitted onlv to see the light 
 piecemeal, and t ien enveloped in so manv disguises and 
 swathed in so many deceptive folds of extenuation, that no 
 one could feel sure that In 1 knc\v what thev were. It would 
 never have done to let the naked truth be seen. Othello s 
 occupation had been gone. Hundreds and thousands who 
 1 Mill's History < f Jimi.sh In.lb, vol. iv. p. lli>.
 
 RIVAL INDIA BILLS. 
 
 167 
 
 li;ul benefited largely by the process of absorption and 
 exaction were readv to testily how profitable was tin- work. 
 It was not the field or the owners of the field that were 
 benefited, but those who drove the ploughshare through its 
 bosom, and made awav with such gleanings as each could 
 
 */ O O 
 
 secure of its fruit. 
 
 .M rs I bastings was sent home to prepare good society for her 
 husband's appearance in its circles. Whig duchesses refused 
 to know her as a divorce, but Queen Charlotte received her 
 at court with even* mark of distinction, and great ladies 
 without number crowded her salons and boasted of the 
 curious and precious gifts which she bestowed. Royaltv 
 itself did not refuse to accept the unique present of an 
 ivory bedstead, elaborately carved; and the wits of Brookes 
 had no end of stories about the gems and pearls which 
 fell from Marion's hair, or dropped from her gorgeous 
 train. This indiscreet ostentation, and the still more un- 
 wise audacity of Scott, was not without its eil'ect. perhaps, 
 in rekindling the embers of Burkes indignation, and 
 into tlame the resentment of Francis. 
 
 * Mi the ;}oih ot'.hiiie. Hastings returned to 
 he was received bv King, .Ministers, and nobles with everv 
 demonstration of respect. Burke lost no time in giving 
 notice that, as the session was then so far advanced, he 
 would, when the House re-assembled, redeem his pledge uf' 
 demanding that strict inquisition lie made into recent 
 viceregal acts. lie spent the autumn at Beacoiislield in 
 further study and contemplation of his ta>k. exchanging 
 
 confidences bv letter with Fox and Francis, the tir.-t of 
 .1
 
 1 68 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 scenes of daring spoliation, and harrowing injustice which 
 had been sketched by Francis were filled in with every 
 detail of oriental life, and coloured with all its glow. In 
 the solitude of his study, and of his rambles in the woods, 
 he began to paint those marvellous historic pictures, the. 
 like of which lias never been seen in our day, and the 
 effect of which upon the mind of Parliament and the nation 
 he did not at the time venture to estimate, lie knew that 
 the Whig party was utterly broken by the late general 
 election : that of those who had retained their seats, very 
 few cared a jot for India ; and only recalled with bitterness 
 the fact that it was to the India Dill tin- ruin of their 
 partv \vas ostensibly if not altogether due. On the- eve of 
 the session, at a meeting of the opposition chiefs at Burling- 
 ton House, the preponderant feeling unmistakably was 
 against risking further battle on this ill-fated ground. But 
 Burke was inflexible. It was the great occasion of his life ; 
 and though all the men of fashion and fortune around the 
 Duke of Portland should desert the cause, lie told them 
 plainlv that IK; had made up his mind to go on. Seeing 
 liim thus firm, Fox remained faithful ; and a voung country- 
 man of his own, who had alreadv made his mark in debate; 
 as a man of surpassing eloquence and wit, volunteered his 
 service as a subaltern, as little dreaming as his leader that 
 by him. in the great struggle, the highest honours of the 
 fight would be borne awav. This was Richard JJrinslcy 
 Sheridan.
 
 CHAPTER XII F. 
 
 T Y I ; A X X Y O X I T S K X E E S. 
 
 J 787 -1788. 
 
 Tlie hiiMucss of this day is not tlie business of this 111:111. It is not solely whether 
 the pri.-oner at the bar bo found innocent or guilty, but whether millions 
 of mankind shall be made miserable or happy. Exiled and undone, princes, 
 extensive tribes, suifering nations, differing in language, manners, ami in rites, 
 by tbe providence of (<od are blended in one common eau>e. and are now 1 e- 
 come. suppliants at your 1 ar.' ; 
 
 X the Itli April 17^7, lUirke hronght forward eleven 
 accusations against Hastings. 
 
 Tin- first count <>f the indictment dmi'ired liini uitli in- 
 justice, ci'iU'ltY. ;iml treachery in hiring; lirilish soldici's to 
 i'Xt irpate th.e I'oliillas : 
 
 '2. \\ilh criieltY to tlie Emperor Shah Alum, in with- 
 holding his trilmte : 
 
 }. \\ ith extortion and oppression in the case of the Rajah 
 of ]!cnarc> : 
 
 4. With ill-treatment of the familv of the Vixier i if ( hide : 
 
 5. With improvidence and injustice in his policy towards 
 Karuckaltad : 
 
 ('). With reducinij,' ()ud<- from a ^'ai'deii jo a desert : 
 7. \\ ith sanctioning cxtrax'a^nit contracts and inordinate 
 salaries : 
 
 ^. \\ith receiYing money against the orders of thu Cum- 
 
 1 Speech on the Impeachment, -3d Februai'V 17.--^.
 
 170 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 pany and the Act of Parliament, under secret engagements, 
 and using the same unwarrantably : 
 
 9. With resigning by proxy with a view to resume his 
 office : 
 
 10. With treachery to Murzaffir Jung, his ward : 
 
 11. With enormous extravagance in bribery to enrich 
 favourites and dependants : 
 
 Five other charges were subsequently laid upon the table. 
 The great offender petitioned to be heard in his defence at 
 the bar. " Everybody," lie wrote, " came to ask me why 
 I had done so imprudent a thing ; everybody condemned 
 it, all except my great friend the Chancellor. I had but 
 five days granted me to defend myself against eleven his- 
 torical libels, to which five more were added before the 
 second day of my appearance." Great was the curiosity to 
 hear him, and all parts of the House were crowded. Every 
 ear was strained, and every eye fixed to catch the expected 
 accents of eloquent indignation. .But eloquence there was 
 none. Hastings, in the opinion of every one but himself, 
 had no skill in composition. His egotism was too profound 
 to stoop to the common arts of controversy; and he was 
 thoroughly convinced that a cold and somewhat contemp- 
 tuous narrative of the facts, as he thought fit to give them, 
 was alone needful for his vindication. The House thought 
 otherwise. 'I hey had come full of hopes of a chase, and 
 found nothing but a slow march. Ai'ler an hour or two, 
 the unusual effort of reading aloud compelled him to dele- 
 gate the continuance of hi> task to one of the clerks at the 
 table. This was too much for parliamentarv patience, and 
 bv degrees the legislative crowd melted away. But his 
 'Unanimity was imperturbable, and lie continued his recital 
 during three successive days. " 1 \vas heard," he said, 
 " with an attention unusual in that assemMv, and with the
 
 TYRANNY ON ITS KNEES. 1 7 1 
 
 most desirable effect, for it instantly turned all minds to my 
 o\vn way, and the ground which 1 then gained 1 still retain 
 possession of." In this lie was strangely mistaken. lie had 
 luit committed the error of telling his accusers beforehand 
 on what he relied for his exculpation, lie told Parliament 
 that, having been the servant of the East India Company, 
 he was accountable 1 to them alone, in his administrative 
 conduct. Ministers took no exception to the matter or the 
 manner of his apology, and rather showed a friendly dis- 
 position throughout. Copies were ordered to be printed 
 and circulated for the benefit of the great majority of both 
 sides, who had heard but a small portion of it. 1 
 
 A\ hen a month had been allowed for consideration, Burke 
 moved, on the 1st June, that Hastings be impeached for his 
 cruelty to the Pohillas. Jlis conduct in the atfair had been 
 censured bv the House in a resolution moved bv Dtindas, 
 founded on the evidence of the Select Committee of 177^; 
 but Dundas was now a member of the Board of Control, 
 and lie refused to conlirm his own language of thirteen 
 years before. The debate lasted two long night-. As the 
 first gleams of sunrise grew visible. Pitt rose, and warily 
 avoiding the substance of the charge, pleaded in abate- 
 ment, that tin' sin had Keen condoned long since bv the 
 retention of Hastings in his post of Governor-General, and 
 that the precedent would be fraught with inconvenience, il 
 not injustice, if deeds remote in place and time, though 
 known the while to all men, were made the subjec] oj 
 criminal proceeding. The motion thus encountered, w;i 
 defeated l>v a majoril v oi two to one. 
 
 On the reassembling of the House after ^ iits i de. |- ox 
 broitu'ht forward the second charge, regarding the extortion 
 practised upon C'lievte >mgh. Pitt, who had hitherto 
 
 i Menhirs uf Ihwiims, Y.I. i.
 
 1 7 2 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 frowned on every attack, and shielded the culprit from every 
 blow, to the surprise of all but Hastings, suddenly gave way. 
 Better than subservient colleagues and imprudent friends, 
 he discerned the signs of the times, and, for his own sake, 
 lie felt it necessary to abandon the position of an accessory 
 after the fact. Did he really foresee the issue of the im- 
 pending trial, or believe that the best chance of escape 
 for the ex-Viceroy, whom till now he had striven to 
 exonerate, lav in the uncertainties of what must inevitably 
 be indefinitely protracted proceedings l . We know not, and 
 can never know. Hastings, who always distrusted him, 
 ascribed so sharp a turn to jealousy, and fear of a possible 
 rival in the esteem of the Court, or a possible competitor 
 for parliamentary sway. Probablv such an idea, never 
 crossed the mind of the haughty Statesman; and lew who 
 had heard Hastings toil through his folios of vindication, 
 when pleading on his own behalf, would have heard the 
 suggestion without a, smile. Another explanation was 
 whispered at the time, and subsequently gained credence. 
 Dundas had for 'years been conspicuous in demanding that 
 the "great public offender," as the Governor-General was 
 called l>y Fox, should be brought to justice. Few men 
 have ever l)een more accommodating in oilice ; but he Celt, 
 no doubt, that his individuality would be whollv compro- 
 mised if, on this count of the, indictment as well as all 
 others, the accused should escape bv the protection of the 
 Administration. Farly in the morning he had roused the 
 First Minister from sleep, and had remained closeled \viih 
 him for an unusual time. The subject of their conference 
 was inferred from the. unlooked-for incident of the evening, 
 rpon Sheridan fell the, task of bringing forward the 
 charge of cruelty towards the Begums of Oude. An 
 audience, consisting of placemen, peers' sons, squires of
 
 TYRANNY ON ITS R'A^ES. 1 73 
 
 old family, East India proprietors, and lawyers on the look- 
 out for promotion, was not likely to be led away by a 
 penniless playwright, on a great question of national policy 
 and criminal justice. JUtt nature had given Sheridan odds 
 in the race which enabled him to distance all competitors, 
 whether envious friends or party foes. His speech on this 
 occasion having been, like most of his other works, composed 
 in scraps, and owing its great etfect at last- to adaptations 
 on the spot, and unpremeditated additions, was dependent 
 for preservation on the reporter's pen ; and, from some cause 
 never explained, the pen on that memorable night lamentably 
 failed. The House, fairly carried away by the versatility. 
 eloquence, wit, and passion of the man, forgot itself, and 
 mingled with its cheers the expressions of applause which 
 have always been forbidden as disorderly. Pitt was riveted 
 with admiration, Fox was loud in praise, lUirke shed tears 
 in the agony of his delight, and the fastidious \\indliam 
 dec a red lonii 1 afterwards that it was the finest speech which 
 had been delivered within the memory of man. 1'oor 
 Sheridan was offered the next morning a thousand guineas 
 for the copyright, but he was too happy in his new condi- 
 tion of celebrity and congratulation lo sit down alone to 
 work up over au'ain what he had spoken. lie promised. 
 and perhaps at" times he meant to do it. Hut the delicious 
 hours rolled on. and he had not resolution to ioiv^o their 
 enjoyment for the sake of future fame. The maichle - in- 
 vective is lost, and we can only gtios at its colotn 
 and strength hv the influence it exercised on I 
 lizard it. nearly three i'> one o! whom voted a- 
 bail' them. He stigmatised Hastings : 
 i|Ueut . and, the greatest of all t!i> >se \\ ho 
 and oppression had brought ruin upi >n t h 
 and disgrace upon the inhabitants of (ire;
 
 174 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Some days later Mr Frederick Montague moved that the 
 author of the impeachment should proceed forthwith to the 
 other House, and at the bar of that high court should lay 
 the plaint of the Commons. Accompanied by many mem- 
 bers, Burke appeared at their Lordship's bar requesting 
 audience, and in set terms there preferred his weighty accu- 
 sation. Hastings was taken into custody by Black .Rod, 
 and bound over in sureties to appear before the Lord High 
 Steward in Westminster Hall when called upon. 
 
 Nobody at the time appears to have regarded with ap- 
 prehension the issue of the impending trial. The friends 
 of the great culprit went about railing against the malignity 
 of party, and the injustice of ruining a distinguished man 
 who had spent his best years in the service of the country, 
 by compelling him to bring witnesses from the other side 
 of the globe, and to employ lawyers to compile unreadable 
 and unintelligible volumes of documentary proof. His 
 successor Lord (Wnwallis, when the tidings reached him, 
 treated the matter as a vexatious practical joke. " 1 am 
 very sorry that things have gone so much against poor 
 Hastings, for he certainly has many amiable qualities. ft 
 you are in the hanging mood, YOU mav tuck up Sir Elijah 
 Impev without LnviiiLi' anybody the smallest concern. It 
 is the old stow: those who allow themselves to be made use 
 of as tools, when they are done with are ilun^ 1 aside with a 
 scoti'. The ensuing autumn and winter were spent !>v both 
 sides in preparation. The name of I'Vancis had been struck 
 out of the li-4 of managers bv t ie ( 'ominous, on the ground 
 that he was the personal enemy of tin- accused, and that he 
 had enifau'ed with him in mortal combat. Fox and \\md- 
 ham wrestled stoutlv for their friends inclusion. "A judge,'
 
 0-V ITS 
 
 1 1 
 
 exclaimed the latter, " ouu'lit indeed to be impartial ; but it 
 is ne\v to (|iiestioii the zeal of a prosecutor." liurke, femi- 
 nine in his ali'ectioiis and aversions, condescended to en- 
 treat v, and wrote to Dundas asking as a, i'avonr to himself 
 that he should not l>e mutilated of his ri^ht hand. \\\\\ 
 the renegade was reckless, and Pitt was olxlurate; there was 
 nothing lor it, therefore, but to stitle the idowinu' ra^e of 
 Francis with splendid flattery. lUirke in the name of the 
 managers wrote him a letter such a letter! ft was dated 
 from, the committee-room of the House of Commons; ir 
 declared in the name of the managers that he was indis- 
 pensable to the achievement of national justice ; and it 
 adjured him not to forsake in their la<t resort the afflicted 
 
 people of A<ia. over whom lie had so lon<_>- "exercised 
 
 paternal rare. ' .lunnis could not refuse: and in his capacitv 
 of assessor, throughout the protracted ami arduous proceed- 
 ings, he was novel 1 wanting by the side of his illustrious 
 friend. AmoiiM- the managers were Fox. Sheridan. (dvv, 
 Fr-kine. AVindliam, Anstruther, Flliott. and IJur-ovne. 
 
 After man\' postponements, the da\- at length arrived. 
 It was sixt v-three years since the IVer> had assembled as 
 a court of justice for the trial of Lord Macclesfield. Tliev 
 were then much more limited in number. To the roll-call 
 of the Lord Iliu'h Steward upwards of t wo Imndivd peers 
 
 now answered to their names, and proc led from their 
 
 own llou<e to Westminster Hall, which had been fur- 
 nished as a court for the occasion. T ie [leir-ainiareiii ain 
 
 I I 
 
 other princes of the blood, many ol the chief di^-nitai'ii-s of 
 tiii- I'eahn. and its mo<t brilliant lights of literature and art, 
 wer>' there a>sembled. The Ihidn-ss of I )evoti-hire was 
 surrounded b\- the ^real \\lnu ladies. \\ 10 . om 1 - 
 
 au'enient on Fox and ( J rev and \\ indham in t lie nianau'ei's 
 box. The ladi< - who>e svinpathv was Mini-teria occupied
 
 176 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 .scats near the Duchess of Kutland ; and every nook and 
 cranny of the Hall was early filled by some more or less 
 distinguished listener to the unusual and almost unbe- 
 lievable arraignment. Of all the notabilities of the day. 
 Pitt alone was absent; not even once did he afterwards 
 condescend to show himself during the trial. The great 
 Proconsul was conducted to the bar, and in compliance 
 with old usage, was told to drop upon his knees. The 
 indignity sent a sharper pang to his proud heart than 
 the enumeration of all tin.- crimes laid to his charge. It \vas 
 but momentary. The Lord .High Steward bade him rise 
 and be seated; and there throughout the dav, and for days 
 to come that seemed innumerable, the tinv. pallid, plainly 
 attired, but dignified and intrepid culprit, sat observing 
 calmlv the features of his judges, watching kcenlv every 
 movement of his pursuers, and now and then conferring 
 with Plumer, Law, and others of his counsel. It was a 
 strange siirht : and to us. looking back at it historically, it 
 seems as strange as it did the]). It was a >ignal experiment 
 in the way of exacting accountability, made with consum- 
 mate .-kill, earnestness, and persisteiicv, in a case where 
 tin. -re was unprecedented nerd. Fitness in the tribunal 
 onlv was wanting ; but thai want wash-remediable. A court 
 of p"i-r> had aforetime sat a- judges and as jurors to trv the 
 e-iiiii or innocence of one accused oi native treason, domes! ic 
 violence, or breach of municipal law. tin- incidents of which 
 Weiv rer nt. and the proofs capable I,! hem" laii'lv weighed 
 duriiiLf the sunlight of an ordinarv day. Hut here \vas an 
 
 appeal from media-val Asia to modern Furoiie. from unin- 
 jj \ 
 
 i'jible Paganism to so-called ( 'hristianit v. from the help- 
 les-ness of the conquered to the privileges of constitutional 
 freedom, from unnumbered million- oi sujferei's to two 
 hundred listless nidi oi fashion -some old and v, - outv.
 
 TYRANNY ON ITS A'NEF.S. 177 
 
 others giddv and gambling, a few painstaking and con- 
 scientious, and a few more benevolent and well meaning, 
 but phlegmatic, hvpochondriacal, and too easily bored. 
 Estimated by the capacity derived from experience, tin-re 
 never was an Areopagus more helpless; for precedent to guide 
 them there was literally none. Estimated by any theoretical 
 standard, the constitution of such a court was simply absurd. 
 Of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal who actually heard 
 Hastings arraigned, but twenty-nine voted him, seven 
 years afterwards, innocent or guilty. The power of im- 
 peachment had been a valuable po\ver, and had done good 
 work in its time ; but work like this it was never meant to 
 do, and work like this it was wholly incapable of doin- as 
 
 / o 
 
 it ought to be done. Through the grey winter-fog of 
 February 1788, these truths, clear to us now, were not, 
 however, discernible; and, upon the whole, it mav be doubted 
 whether men would ever have been brought unanimously 
 or even generally to accept them, had not the great experi- 
 ment been elaborately tried under circumstances so favour- 
 able io success, as that which characterised the case of 
 \\arren Hastings. The delusive belief in a phantom can 
 only be dispelled by affording every one repeated and coii- 
 
 tiniiou- opportunities of seeinu 1 that the resuscitated form 
 
 i i ^ 
 
 I be grasped, or held, or made to speak coherently and 
 it ably. ("mil the faith in phantom- be exploded, we 
 cannot hope to >^c\ to realities. A learned, wise, exalted, 
 and catholic-hearted court of appeal for those who sutler 
 wronij; within the confines of the empire is indispensable to the 
 maintenance , >f t lie empire m equity and honour : mdi-pi in- 
 able, indeed, to its permanent existence; but the Lord IL-h 
 Sp-xvard - court, convened to trv a colonial \ jcery on a 
 writ of impeachment, i> utterly unlike what sueh a court
 
 1 7 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 pageant should be once more reproduced, were it only to 
 prove how ill adapted it was for the modern purpose re- 
 quired. And in tins historical point of view it may not be 
 waste of time to note some of the particulars wherein it 
 egregiously failed. 
 
 The arbitrament of political controversies between equal 
 and independent nations is sufficiently difficult under the 
 most favourable circumstances, for the obvious reason that 
 it is of necessity extremely hard to constitute a court 
 capable at once of appreciating the just claims of both sides, 
 and of rising superior to the passionate and partial impor- 
 tunities of either. But immeasurably more difficult is the 
 task of arbitrating between suzerain and vassal, the aggressor 
 and the aggrieved, the lord paramount of conquest and his 
 brow-beaten if not beggared subjects. Whether the dispute- 
 lie between a distant and comparatively diminutive com- 
 munity on the one hand, and the contumelious power of 
 centralism on the other, or whether the question be one 
 raised on the part of deposed or mediatised princes and the 
 exchequer of an imperial dynasty, there is need of the 
 greatest care in selecting the judges, and of the greatest 
 precaution against the law's delav, the insolence of office, 
 and the conscious or unconscious interposition of personal. 
 partv, and national predilections. It is a matter of daily 
 observation how men. who, as jurors in a common lawsuit, 
 would stare contemptuously at any attempt to tamper with 
 their independence, betray no conscientious scruple, and 
 affect no stilly of shame, at being importuned, threatened, 
 and talked over, when thrv have votes to give as peers or 
 e< immoners. electors or elect, on <|Ue>tioiH involving quite 
 as certainly and clearlv the character of individuals or the 
 interests of the public. This is so even when the contro- 
 versies are between fellow-subjects or neighbours; how
 
 TYRANNY ON ITS KNEES. 179 
 
 much metro whon tlio complainants arc strung TS, aliens, it 
 may lie recent foes, or <li>ul>tful allies, whose reputation has 
 Itcon Jiardly dealt with, and whose means of correcting 
 misimpression arc practically nil; while the respondent in 
 the political .suit stands upon the presumption of national 
 honour, and appeals to all the interests and feel HILTS inter- 
 woven with national pride. It is hard even for a moment 
 to set the balances fair, Init it is useless and hopeless to try 
 and do so, if there he no staid, learned, responsible, and, 
 above all, jealously limited number of arbiters, in whose 
 hands the scales are to be held. From the days of the 
 Ecclesia of Athens and the Senate of .Rome, to those of 
 the Convention Parliament and the National Assembly 
 of Franco, there has never been a practically indeter- 
 minate assemblv, elective or hereditary, which has not 
 signal Iv failed whenever it undertook to perform judicial 
 duties. It would seem as if there were in the very nature 
 of the thii;^ a fault ineradicable. Apart from the mul- 
 tiplied chances whirh a multitudinous jury presents, that 
 pan of the case may be heard bv one set of men and part 
 bv another, neither of whom, therefore, can properly join 
 in giving judgment, though both are empowered to do 
 so; there is the still more fatal characteristic of all such 
 assemblies, that t hev are necessarily constituted of materials 
 ere^ioiislv uneiiial in their intellectual abilities, that the 
 
 dual ivsponsihi it v of for 
 lecau-e that decision mav in >i 
 'Wer that logicallv this is u 
 'he fact l hat in >uch cases men 
 too plain : and eijiiallv plain i
 
 i So EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 priests or laymen, delegates or citizens, soldiers or civilians, 
 is capricious, inconsequential, impulsive, and morally im- 
 potent, just in proportion as it resembles a popular assembly 
 instead of a strictly limited and hpecially chosen bench of 
 justice. It is the instinctive sense of this truth that has 
 made the hereditary peers, in the exercise of their ordinary 
 jurisdiction, habitually abstain from taking part in the 
 appeals between man and man that are brought before them. 
 Every one knows and understands that not one in a 
 hundred of the Lords feels himself justified in meddling 
 with these appeals, even to the extent of putting a question 
 to a witness, or asking for the explanation of a phrase. 
 How much more, then, does it behove the meml >ers of such 
 an assembly to abstain where the power of the Crown or of 
 the nation at large is on one side, and the equities invoked 
 by a conquered prince or people are upon the other? 
 What was wanted in 1788, and what is wanted still, was 
 a high court of federal jurisdiction, consisting of the best 
 men to be found in the legislature, the administration, and 
 the law, on whom the great responsibility might safely be 
 devolved of trving a complicated issue, and of putting on 
 record the reasons of their decision. ]>y some such method 
 as this, the proceedings might have been, brought to within 
 decent limits as to cost and time, and the ineffable mockery 
 of justice avoided which the prolongation of the impeach- 
 ment for seven vears, and the unassessed mulct ol the 
 defendant in 100,000 of costs, entailed. 
 
 When Hastings was at last summoned l>v the Chancellor 
 to appear before the Lords on the 2-}(\ April 1 71' 3. to receive 
 judgment, but twentv-nine peers in their robes were in 
 attendance. A u'ood manv more, who shrank from sharing 
 the judicial responsibility, appeared in their ordinary 
 costume near the steps of the throne, curiously observing
 
 7T7v.-LY.VF O.V 77LV 
 
 iSi 
 
 the forms of procedure, as though it concerned them not. 
 The members of the Cpper House had been considerably 
 augmented in the interval, and numbered now two hun- 
 dred and sixtv-two. Of these, fortv-nine had acceded b\- 
 inheritance, and fortv-four had been created, or elected as 
 Scotch peers. Pending the suit r eighty-seven who sat 
 in the previous Parliament had died, or had not been re- 
 elected. Looking worn and aged by the anxieties of his 
 seven years' trial, Hastings advanced to the bar. and once 
 more knelt in submission. In turn the peers were called 
 upon to say on their honour whether he were- guilty or not. 
 Six answered in the affirmative; in the negative twenty- 
 three. The six who were for condemnation "were the Duke 
 of Norfolk, the Earls of Carnarvon, Radnor, Fit/william, 
 and Suffolk, and the Chancellor, Lord Loughborough, 
 Those who 'Voted for acquittal were Markham. Lord Arch- 
 bishop of York, the Dukes of Bridge water and Leeds, the 
 Ahin|uis of Townshend, the Larls of Beverlev. Warwick, 
 Coventry, Mansfield. Morton, and Don-hester, \iscount 
 Falmoutli. the Bishop* of Rochester and Bangor, and Lords 
 Fife, Soniers, Rawdon, \\alsingham, Thurlow, Hawke, Bos- 
 ton, Sandvs. and Middletoli. Lord Loughborough then 
 pronounced the judgment of acquittal, and ordered the < ri- 
 soner to be discharged. \\liat a moment was that, of 
 supreme excitement and exultation ! Surrounded 1>\- nob es 
 prelates, courtiers, soldiers. India directors, agents, depend- 
 ants, flatterers, and friend- of all sorts, the phlegmatic 
 little man was almost overpowered with grat u at ions \\ h-n 
 they had ceased, ambitious hope once more stirred within 
 him: and for a season he had cause to fain-v that fortune
 
 1 82 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 A meeting of East India proprietors voted him, by way of 
 compensation, 4000 a year for twenty-eight years ; and 
 capitalising the sum to meet his known exigencies, they ad- 
 vanced him 42,000, together with a loan of 50,000, vested 
 in trustees for the purchase of JJaylesford, that darling 
 object of his boyish dreams, for which lie had gone so far 
 afield, and waded so deep in sin and shame. Daylesford 
 was won at last. The reaction in his favour spread ; and 
 by the advice of many influential friends, he resolved to 
 petition the Crown for the reimbursement of his legal 
 expenses. Ministers, notwithstanding, he!d aloof, and no 
 persuasions could prevail on Pitt to present his petition to 
 the King. 
 
 Sir Elijah Impey likewise escaped punishment. (hi 
 December 12. 1787, Sir Gilbert Elliot brought forward a 
 motion for his impeachment in a speech of great ability. 
 He charged him with "gross corruption, positive injustice, 
 direct disobedience, intentional violation of the Acts under 
 which In- held his powers, and with having suborned evi- 
 dence and given to falsehood the sanctity of an affidavit.' 1 
 The ex-Chief-Justice had. he said, been guiltv of the most 
 '''scandalous enormities; he had perverted law to the pur- 
 poses of ty ran nv : and thr,- he had alienated the hearts of the 
 people o[' India, and had stained the name of Britain. . . . 
 Xe\t to the dutv of bestowing honours on great and dis- 
 tinguished men who, being intrusted with the cu>todv oi 
 the live- and properties of their fellow creatures, had pre- 
 served them against outrage and oppression, was the 
 necessarv, though painful, task of drawing down the 
 vengeance of Parliament on the head of a servant whose 
 pride had stretched Ins power into tvranny, and whose 
 avarice had perverted his tni.-t into plunder; more than 
 anv other species of delinouencv did the crimes of a iuduv. 
 
 v L v i/ * J
 
 TYRANNY ON ITS KNEES. 183 
 
 rail for the vengeance of a nation." The crimes, indeed, 
 
 did call, and .Parliament for a season seemed attcntivclv to 
 listen, but the vengeance of the nation did nut come. 
 Government, while professing only to perform the duties 
 of umpirage, contriveil to let it be understood that tln'V 
 thought exposure was sullicient, and that they would, 
 rather not have the matter press d to a, conviction. So it 
 fell through ; and the name of Impev has come to pass as 
 svnonvmoiis with judicial impunitv. While the proceedings 
 against his illustrious accomplice were still pending, the 
 ex-Chief-Justice found a borough sufficiently ripe in decav 
 to recognise in him a lifting representative. In mercy to 
 the little town, now disfranchised, and long since, let us 
 Impe. repentant, let us omit its name. 
 
 1 Parliamentary lINt'.': 1 }'. v >1. xxvi. p. 1 :):}?.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 T I P P S A I B. 
 
 17861793. 
 
 " The unity of our Government and our great military force give us such a 
 superiority over the native princes, that we might, Ly watching opportunities. 
 extend our dominion without much danger or expense, and at no very dis- 
 tant period, over a great part of the Peninsula. Our first care ought to be 
 directed to the total subversion of Tippoo. After becoming masters of 
 Seringapatam, we should find no great difficulty in advancing to the Kistna, 
 when favoured by wars or revolutions in the neighbouring States. But we 
 ought to have some preconcerted general scheme to follow upon such 
 occasions." 
 
 T70.R the vacant place of Viceroy there were many com- 
 petitors ; yet the fitting man was not so easilv found. 
 If long experience, great abilitv, dauntless coin-age, mar- 
 vellous success, powerful friends, and court favour, could not 
 insure a. Governor-General on his return home from heing 
 arraigned as a culprit, what safetv could tin-re he for his 
 successor. Tin- example of Hastings was calculated to 
 deter caution- and punctilious, men, and to disenchant 
 reckh-s- and avaricious men. There remained, however, a 
 crowd of restless, needv, and adventurous waiters upon 
 
 or six
 
 TIPPOO SAIR. 185 
 
 years. Mr Pitt had no mind indeed to throw away so 
 great an appointment upon any of the class ^in question. 
 In common with Lord Shelbourne, lie, thought of Lord 
 Corn wall is at first for the command in chief, and afterwards 
 for the chief direction of civil aH airs likewise. Without 
 any of the political talents of his grandfather, who had been 
 .First Minister of George I., or the energy of character that 
 gave promise of his retrieving the disaster which had virtu- 
 ally brought the American war to an end, Lord Cornwallis 
 occupied a position in public life which no Minister was 
 likely to overlook. "With good manners, good connections, 
 and good fortune, his friendship was sought by men of all 
 parties; and enemies lie had none. Left to himself, he 
 would probably have sauntered happily and unnoticeably 
 alon:>- the down-hill steep of life, orumblin^ occasionally in 
 
 O 1. 7 O ' 
 
 the House of Lords at what he did not approve, but never 
 engaging deeply in partv plots, or aspiring to lead a par- 
 liamentary campaign. AVhat he wanted was to be made 
 Constable of the Tower, and he betrayed some vexation at 
 beiiiif passed over for that sinecure post : but it was certainly 
 not with any view to get rid of him as a troublesome critic 
 or a dangerous opponent that the Ministry in 17b ( > pressed 
 upon him t he government, of India, lie was thought eligible, 
 as an amiable and respectable ma.n. who miidit be relied on 
 to keep peculation in check', and to curb the violent 
 courses winch had brought the administration of 
 decessor into question. Not without hesitation 1 
 al length to go; little forest-ring probably how la-t 
 name would be written on the financial a.nd territ' 
 of Hindu>tan. 
 
 I [e sailed for the Ka<: in the latter end of . 
 and arrived in Madras t ie following Aiiu'H-t. 
 letter- home express hi- stroll LI.' d: :i: >:': i"?:
 
 1 86 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 already taken !>y tlie Madras Government in aiding the 
 Mahrattas to violate the treaty with Tippoo Sultan. 
 lie denounced also the incapacity and peculation of the 
 Company's servants in no measured terms. In one letter 
 lie writes: "You will see in the letters from the Hoard 
 previous to my arrival, a plan for obtaining Allahabad 
 from the Vizier, to which lie had spirit enough to make a 
 successful resistance. Unless I see some new lights, I shall 
 not revive it. I at present think the advantages of our 
 possessing that post very doubtful, and I am sure it was 
 intended as a scene of gross peculation, at the expen.-e of 
 the A izier and his Government." Complaints of inter- 
 ference and maladministration poured in from all sides. 
 Among the most prominent \vere those of Mobaruck-ul- 
 Dowla, the Xawab of Bengal, who, having succeeded to the 
 inusnud during his minority in 1770, was now come of age : 
 and who repudiated alike the control of his former guardians, 
 and the retention bv the Company of the greater part of the 
 income- guaranteed to him by treat v on his accession. It 
 was then fixed at thirty-two lacs a vear ; but in 177:2. 
 \\anvu Hastings, acting on instructions from Leadenhall 
 Street, reduced tin- amount one-half, on the plea that sixteen 
 lacs was sufficient during the Prince's minorhv. The 
 rightful sum. however, was not restored, as was expected, 
 while .he h,-id ,-iill to ]i;j\- the whole staif of Coinpanv's 
 nilicers. as part of the establishment originallv imposed 
 upon him. In a letter to the Court of Directors soon after 
 his arrival, the new \icemy wrote, that "from ail he had 
 alreadv heard, he thought n hiiihlv probable that u woui'i. 
 aii]ear to be decent in. the ( iovernment to abstain 1rom
 
 TIP POO SAIP,. 
 
 187 
 
 attended with great expense to the Xawab. 1 Through his 
 auvnt in London, the Soubahdar had. formally complained to 
 the 1 )i rectors of the injustice with which he was treated, 
 and they instructed the Governor-General in a secret de- 
 spatch to ; ' take care to provide for his support and dignity, 
 bv securing to him the clear and undiminished receipt of 
 the real stipend allotted to him, or even bv its immediate 
 augmentation;" adding, "You will always keep in view tin.' 
 claims he has upon us bv treatv, and necessity will dictate 
 to vou a due consideration for the present state of our 
 affairs."- On the plea, however, that dependants on the native 
 Court would be chiellv beiieiited, were the whole of his 
 ineome restored to him, Lord Cornwailis advised that the 
 ( 'oinpany should still retain half of it for themselves. In his 
 judgment, it was oiilv a tjiiestion between whether so manv 
 lacs a year should, be spent in luxurv in London or in 
 uxurv at Mourshedabad. His .-vmpathies were with the 
 brnier . -: 
 
 'I lie peace ci included at Mangalore la-ted >ix year-, 
 ippoo in thai interval reduced to subjection several of the 
 - in his neighbourhood, and Unit or purchased 
 i- v s, which he ped to spread the terror of 
 In- name along i ie coast of Malabar. Fanaticism was with 
 I mn an mi pub e\vii stn uigvr than ambit ion, and his a -,-ump- 
 ; ii 'ii of the i ii lc 1 i,' Sultan was suppi i.-ed to be p 
 
 mn to hi- hm Ii. and to heiiold thrir temple- ie\vn,-,j > 
 
 I |e ma-; <! i hat he had destroyed -oro -' 
 and di-tribiU'-d loo.ooo un\\ i'iinu' eon\ei'ts an
 
 i S3 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 garrisons. He Lore, in fact, a strong resemblance to Philip 11. 
 of Spain. Thev had Loth Leen educated for empire, and Loth 
 possessed considerable talents, natural or acquired. Both 
 were Lrave, industrious, and sagacious, and Loth sustained 
 with signal constancy the ills of fortune. But Loth also 
 were, perhaps from the very fact of their having Leen Lred 
 in the expectancy of vast dominion, far inferior to their 
 predecessors. "With less experience and original resources, 
 they were equally despotic and exacting, more self-willed 
 and obstinate, less fit to turn victory to account, and less 
 versatile in retrieving the losses of defeat. Both were cruel 
 from suspicion and resentment, Loth were bigoted to the 
 faith in which they had Leen reared, and Loth sacrificed to 
 their superstitious zeal the affection of their suLjects and the 
 sceurity of their dominions. AVhile history, therefore, dwells 
 upon the memory of neither with respect or pity, fidelity to 
 truth requires that their misdeeds should be weighed in 
 the same Lalance of justice as that wherein the faults of 
 their adversaries are measured ; and if circumstances are to 
 be allowed to aggravate or mitigate reproach, history's 
 duty is to mete out carefully the Llame which is due. 
 It i- necessary to remind those who really desire to know 
 the truth how distrustful] v we are Lound to read all that 
 is written in a]olo^v or eulogv of triumphant aggression ' 
 The Leati'ii are alwavs worthless, the victors alwavs great 
 and good ; a thousand influences of selfishness or svmpathv, 
 consciouslv or nnconsciouslv. eoniLinc IK t in '_!'< the narrat ive 
 of victorv ; but where are tin 1 annals of the conquered : 
 who shall bring garlands to the nameless grave '. Of 
 Tipjioo Sail) we mav not err widelv if we content our- 
 selves with savin 1 .;', that fi'om all we have been enabled 
 to glean from out the unfruitful stubble-iield of militarv 
 memoir, we infer that he was not mit'.-h worse than other
 
 TIPPOO SAUL 
 
 189 
 
 liidi \vlioliave been placed in similar situations elsewhere. 
 His indifference to liunian life was probably about the same 
 
 i i 
 
 as tliat of Louis le ( Irand or Nicholas I., of Alba. Stratford, or 
 lladet/kv. His reluctance to cni[)loy anv one holding reli- 
 gious opinions different from his own was probably as into- 
 lerant and oppressive as that of the most Christian Ferdinand 
 \ II., or the most religions and gracious (jJcorov 111. 1 
 
 Towards tlie close of 1 78 ( .) an incident occurred which led 
 to what is called the third war with .Mysore. Two forts 
 bcloiio-inu' to the ] hitch stood at the mouth of an estuarv 
 near the frontier lines of Travancore, and beino- threatened 
 by Tippoo, their commandant, under the terms of a. sub- 
 sisting treaty, called on the Kajah to aid in defending them, 
 or, if he would not, to become their purchaser. Against 
 this Tippoo protested. The Dutch had no riirht, as he 
 averred, to alienate a possession for which tln-v paid tribute 
 to the Lvajah of Cochin, who in turn o\\'ed him fealt\'. The 
 facts were disputed, and he proceeded to force the nies, 
 whence lie was ivpul>ed \\ith serious loss. Mr Holland, 
 then acting President of Madras, proposed to send coin- 
 missioiiers to ini|iiire and negotiate. The Sultan did not 
 forbid their coin mil 1 , bill said he had investigated the matter 
 alreadv, and he was confident as to the ground of Ins p]-e- 
 tensions. Not loiiu' afterwards (ieneral Meado\\-s became 
 ( io\'enior. and instead (it ne^ot ml HILI', prepared to interpose 
 bv arm-. Tip 100 wrote coiiuratulatinLi' the (ieneral on Ins 
 accession to the ( io\ ei'iniieiit , and deprecating a rupture. 
 " Not wit list and in u - the bonds of friendship \\-cre firm h < 
 
 I i shed, ill coll sei |Ui -lice of the 1'e 1 >re-el 1 1 ;i I lol ] .-. ei > 1 1 i i';i T\ \
 
 190 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 had caused an army to be assembled on each side." As such 
 an event was improper among those mutually in friendship, in 
 irder to clear it up Tippoo sent a person of dignity to explain 
 the whole circumstances, that "the dust which had obscured 
 the upright mind of the Governor might be removed." l 
 Meadows replied that he regarded as an insult the attack 
 upon the Rajah of Travancore. who was under English pro- 
 tection ; and they must now abide the issue of war. The 
 Sultan, being wholly unprepared, fell back with his army 
 towards Seringapatam. Autumn was spent in the capture 
 and recapture of places of secondary importance, and in 
 strategic movements without decisive result. 
 
 It is clear, that to repel the aggression, or, at most, to 
 obtain for Travancore compensation for any loss it mi^ht 
 have sustained, did not of necessity imply operations on a 
 great scale, or the formation of a general league for the sub- 
 jugation of Mysore. But the humiliation supposed to have 
 been incurred by the treaty of Mangalore rankled in the 
 minds of not a few of the military class, and the accounts 
 of what had been achieved bv the more darino- and 
 
 J O 
 
 adventurous policy of Hastings in the eastern Presidency, 
 stimulated the wish to try issues once more with the aspir- 
 ing and pretentious Sultan. To vindicate the insulted 
 niaj'-My of Travancorc, possession was taken of J>ara- 
 mahal in I7 ( .' (l . and from that hour to th'- present it 
 has remained a revenue district of the Madras Presidency. 
 \\ e are not l<Tt to supposition or conjecture as to the 
 designs with which the war was recommenced. Alunro, 
 on" of the best and ablest oflicers engaged during this and 
 the following period in the service, in his confidential 
 letters, written in 17'.' 1 !. argues against the un.sitisfactory 
 nature of the attempt to hold a balance of power between the 
 
 1 T!;i>rnton'.s Uriti.sh Ini-i;i.. l!jl.
 
 TIPPOO SAIB. 191 
 
 native kingdoms. He says plainly, conquest is the true 
 policv ; and argues that the I British revenue in the East 
 might thereby with ease bo trebled. " I do not mean that 
 we should all at once attempt to extend ourselves so far, for 
 it is at present beyond our power, but that we should keep 
 the object in view, though the accomplishment of it should 
 require a Ion"- series of years. The dissensions and revolu- 
 
 o / 
 
 tions of the native Governments will point out the time 
 when it is proper for us to become actors. But it can never 
 arrive while Tippoo exists." "Why not remove so formid- 
 able an enemy ? 
 
 Accordingly, for this purpose, Lord Oornwallis concluded 
 a league with the Mahrattas and the Xizam, identical in 
 substance, and with some curious points of coincidence in 
 phraseology, with that which was signed in l~i>J by the 
 sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, for the dismem- 
 berment of Poland. P>v the t-rms of this liolv alliance, 
 Xana Farnavi- on the part of the Pagans, Xizani Ali on the 
 part of the "Mussulmans, and the \ iceroy as representative of 
 Chri-tian England, undertook to bring into the jjrld pro- 
 portionaie contingents of troops and guns, and not to make 
 peace until half its provinces should have been reft from 
 Mv<ore and parcelled out amongst them. Baramahal. won 
 and lost in the former war. was again overrun, and this time 
 retained securely. Tin 1 ^ leoroy proceeded to Madras and 
 earl v in the sprni'j; assumed command of the army in person. 
 The whole of I 711 1 was spent in the reduction of strong places 
 ind in conflicts, the mo>i sanguinary of which was that of 
 Ankera. about six miles from the capital, w iich u\a- not. 
 however, invested until ihe following year. Th 
 were -termed on the nMit of i'th February, and ; ft-T lo.-ing 
 in killed, wounded, and deserters i!o.(M")i> men. Tiioo >ub-
 
 1 9 2 EMPIRE IN A SI A. 
 
 mitted to the terms imposed by Lord Cornwallis ; one half 
 his dominions to be ceded to the allies adjacent to their 
 respective boundaries and agreeably to their selection, 
 while three crores were to be paid for the expenses of the 
 war. Two of Tippoo's sons were to be detained as hostages 
 for the fulfilment within a year of the pecuniary conditions. 
 
 TVlien the preliminaries were signed, and the youthful 
 hostages had been, with great state, conveyed into the 
 camp, they were confided to the care of the Viceroy, who 
 embraced them, and gave them the assurance of his paternal 
 solicitude while in captivity. The dramatic incidents of the 
 scene have been preserved by the pencil of Singleton ; and 
 Lord Cormvallis for a few days felt that he was playing 
 successfully the part of Scipio. 
 
 Hut the fine gold of magnanimity soon grew dim. In 
 utter disregard of the terms of the preliminaries, Coor<r on 
 
 .< J. ' O' 
 
 the .Malabar coast, containing 21G5 square miles, was de- 
 manded among the cessions to the Company, in addition to 
 Dindigul and Baramahal. Tippoo inquired in vain to the 
 territories of which of his conquerors it lay near, and scorn- 
 fully asked why no hint had been dropped of this further 
 humiliation until his children had been parted from 
 him, and a large portion of the war-mulct paid. In 
 his anger lie threatened to resume the. offensive ; and 
 had he known accurately how much sickness and want of 
 stores had weakened his assailants, lie might with ditliculty 
 have been dissuaded from putting his threat into execution. 
 ( 'oorg had been subdued by his father, and ruled with such, 
 rigour bv him, that the liajah, \ .ira. Llajendra, invoked 
 English aid to recover his independence. Lord Cornwallis 
 was obliged to own that the principality did not fall within 
 the scope of the preliminaries; but he setup in extenuation 
 of the breach of faith proposed that it would be ungenerous
 
 TIPPOO SAIB. 193 
 
 to leave the Rajah to the, resentment of Tippoo. The con- 
 troversy ended in Coorg he ing given up. 
 
 " Our acquisitions on the Malabar coast," wrote the, Yicc- 
 rov, " are inaccessible to any enemy that d<jes not come, by 
 sea, except on the north frontier. The possession of Coorg 
 and Palghatchery effectually secure the t\vo passes by 
 which only Tippoo could possibly disturb us. The Rajahs 
 on that coast are not independent, but are now become our 
 subjects, and if we can put them in some degree on the foot- 
 ing of the Bengal Zemindars, and prevent their oppressing 
 the people, the commerce of that country may become ex- 
 tremely advantageous to the Company. The nett revenue 
 amounts to about twenty-five lacs of rupees, which will be 
 a great help at present to Bombay. The. court of 
 
 Markara, \vhich had been the centre of an independent state 
 for three hundred years, Avas suffered to exist, with certain 
 local jurisdictions, till I8o4, when, on the pretence of 
 failure of heirs in the house of Rejendra, the Raj was incor- 
 porated with the rest of the Kmpire. 
 
 Tipp-io's resources hail proved to be greater than were an- 
 t icipated. and it took two years of war to induce his haughty 
 spin! to sue for peace. Munro declares the terms granted 
 him to have liecii far too moderate, although it gave the 
 ('ompanv increased revenues, amounting to thirty-nine 1 and 
 a half acs of rupees (.l':]'.)j,000). 2 The extent of territory 
 acquired was not less than i21,(H>0 square miles; in addition 
 to this, a portion equally great was given to the Xizain. as 
 a re wa ril fur his services in the campaign. Kor how slnai 
 a space he was permitted to enjoy these acquisitions we 
 shall present v sec. The Mahrattas absolut
 
 194 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 take any part of the spoil, influenced, we may suppose, less 
 by any regard for him wlio.se power they had helped to 
 prostrate, than from the too late conviction how much their 
 own safety must be endangered l>y the removal of such a 
 harrier to Kim mean auri>Tession as the Alvsorean kingdom 
 
 _L O O i/ O 
 
 formed. 
 
 The humiliating treaty was signed, and the conquerors, 
 laden with their booty, disappeared from before Seringapa- 
 tam. With what emotions Tippoo saw them depart we 
 mav easilv co]ic,cive. The empire wljich his fathers genius 
 had cemented and bequeathed to him was riven into frag- 
 ments and partitioned among his foes. His pride' was 
 humbled in the 1 dust, his treasury was emptied, the 
 fear of his enemies and the confidence of his subjects were 
 alike undermined. -But, as the last troop of his foes defiled 
 through the frontier hills, he breathed freely again; and 
 hope- the hope of yet recovering all he had lost, and of 
 aveniring his dishonour- rose within him. For this alone 
 he henceforth seemed to live. Evcrv department of his 
 internal administration underwent a i igorous and searching 
 
 every means of int roducinir 
 
 that these afforded him the likeliest chance of successfully 
 copniM with his adversaries. Hut the exhaustion and de- 
 pression of national defeat is a perilous time to attempt the 
 introduction d' arbitrary innovations; and the impetuous 
 energy (if Tippoo made lnm forget that the unprepared 
 changes which IMS superior intellect ami kno\\'!ei i^v sug- 
 gested could only cause bcwildei'incnl and disti'iisl among 
 his dispirited peop c. 'I he seven- economy he \vas forced 
 to use alienated many of his powerful dependants. Symp- 
 toms of general discontent became apparent, and drew 
 forth the worst dispositions of a temper naturally harsh, and
 
 nrroo SAir,. 
 
 195 
 
 no\v embittered by ill-fortune. A dark and superstitious 
 e'loom deepened the shades of cruelty over his remaining 
 davs ; and long before the diadem of Mysore finally perished, 
 
 its lustre had faded in the eves of men. 
 
 Thus was the honour of our ally vindicated. AVe can 
 nowhere iind that his J holiness of Travancore was benefited 
 in anv wav bv the sanguinary conflict or the partition 
 treatv. Like tlie Prince of Holienzolle.ni, Ins name ^vas 
 whollv forgotten from the moment the first gun was tired. 
 The Nizam was humoured by the show of new provinces, 
 while in reality he was to be treated as a mere trustee for 
 those who gave and who could also take a wav. Hut if the 
 manufacturers of the treatv forgot their allies, thev did not 
 forget themselves. "Thirty lacs of rupees (300,000) were 
 demanded and given, as durbar khurutdi, or expenses. 
 a\ ~o\\ i dlv to be distributed amongst the ojlicers coneerned 
 in settling the treatv. The Viceroy reiurned to Calcutta. 
 The reproach of \ ork Town was effaced, and Lord (.'orn- 
 \\ al is v, as made a Mar<|Uis. 
 
 Soon after the news of these brilliant achievements 
 reached Kng and, the public became part iallv aware of the 
 
 us wllei'ebv tlleV had been accomplished; and certain 
 'oik a-ked ([iierulouslv wliether wars ol annexation were 
 noi administrative ]obs, got up bv poweil'ul in< i\'iduals for 
 ill- ;ake of realising foil lines a Tier the ('live fashion ( The 
 following vear, w HMI the ('ompanv sought a 1'eiiewal of 
 t heir charier, a storm ol political virtue broke out. will
 
 1 96 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the pursuit of schemes of conquest and extension of do- 
 minion in India is repugnant to the wish, the honour, and the 
 policy of the nation." l This declaration was said to have 
 the validity of a command; and uuon the assumption of its 
 beincj; obeyed, the fate of Hindustan was once more in- 
 
 O J 
 
 trust t.-d to those whom Chatham used to call " the lofty 
 Asiatic plunderers of Leadenhall Street." For a season 
 the injunction was observed, at least in appearance. 
 The states which had been cajoled into admitting 
 subsidiary forces within their confines fell daily more 
 abjectly under the control of their protectors. As the pay 
 of their garrisons fell into arrear, they were required to 
 mortgage the revenue of additional provinces to the Com- 
 pany ; for the honour of British protection was no longer 
 optional, and the last step in each case usually was the 
 complete, and formal cession of the mortgaged lands. Before 
 Hyder's invasion in 1760, a large portion of the revenues 
 of the Carnatic had been thus assigned by the Xawab. 
 The expenses of the war were declared a sufficient pretext 
 for demanding the entire, a sixth part being reserved in 
 the nature of a pen-ion to ]\Iohamed AH. ]\I.ill, like a 
 true utilitarian, argues that this arrangement was quite a 
 boon to the pensioned Prince, inasmuch as he was punc- 
 tuallv paid ; that he was relieved from all anxiety and risk, 
 and that the annual stipend allotted him \vas, in monev, 
 rather more than he had been in the habit, of appropriating 
 to his own use. 
 
 1 Eii.-t India Ait of 17;.
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE LAND SETTLEMENT. 
 1703. 
 
 " IVngal is one of the most fertile countries on the face of the globe, with a popula- 
 tion of mild and industrious inhabitants, perhaps equal to. if not exceeding in 
 number, that of all British possessions put together. Its real value to us de- 
 pends upon the continuance of its ability to fnrni-h a large annual investment 
 to Europe, to o-'ive considerable assistance to the trea-ury at Calcutta, and to 
 supply the pressing and extensive wants of the other 1'roideiicies. The conse- 
 quences of the heavy drains of wealth from the above causes, with the addition 
 of that which ha- been occasioned by the remittance of private fortunes have 
 been for many years past, and are now, severely felt by the great diminu- 
 1: n of the current specie, and by the languor winch has thereby been thrown 
 upon the cultivation and the general commerce of the c-untry. A very 
 material alteration in the principles of our system of management ha- there- 
 f re become indispensably necessary, in order to re-tore the couutrv to a state 
 of p" - . p V- ;ini i [, , L . 11;l i ] t . jt [:, ,. ,;itiuue t ) be a solid support to linti-h in- 
 terests an ; p aver in till- part of the World. ' 
 
 C'oKXWAI.LIS. 1 
 
 r ri I !] conditions of land tenure, and the methods of assess- 
 ment throughout India, were as various, as tin,' 
 features of the country itself; t ie customs prevailing in one 
 region I n 'i n^ often \vhollvunkno\vn in another. \\ h>'ti l>y 
 lh'' treatv of 1705 the ('i>ni|ianv herame ])e\van ol !>eni_:'al, 
 1 liar, and ( >rissa, thev con! imied the system of land 
 taxation ihi'ii existing. Tlii- was prineipally a ]>rduee 
 ;-- in. 'ill . The fruit- of tlie hind \\viv e.jiialh divided 
 lu'i'A'e:'!] the ( iovenuni'iit and the actual on-upirr, the 
 r reeeivin^ 1 ah >ut one-tenth of the ( lovernni' lit -1 
 ; Minute . n Laud Settlement. ! th FJ maw IT:-".
 
 198 EMPIRE AV ASIA. 
 
 An account of the land under cultivation, the produce, rent, 
 and other details, was kept by native officials in each village, 
 who were paid fixed salaries by the cultivators, or received 
 allotments of land for their services. A collection of 
 villages was called a Pergiinna, a combination of these 
 airain formed a Circar. and the union of two or more Circars 
 constituted a Soubah. The holders of large area-, who 
 became directly responsible to the Government for the 
 revenue therefrom, were called Zemindars, under whom were 
 the Talookdars. or owners of smaller estates, and the Ryots, 
 who were the actual cultivators of the soil. A few Zemin- 
 daries. as Burdwan, BaiTackpoor, and Berbhom in Bengal. 
 were nearly four thousand square miles in extent, and their 
 occu] tiers were .Rajahs, or native princes of high rank; but the 
 greater number were of much smaller proportions, held by 
 men of less influence and authority. On the acquisition of 
 the Dewanny, the Directors had instructed their officers 
 to confine themselves to the simple duly of receiving the 
 revenue, the details of collection being left to the ordinary 
 native hands. .But the corruption which attended the 
 arbitrarv substitution of foreign for native local rule bore 
 
 Directors, alarmed i'>r tin- state of tlicir balance-sheet, m 
 I7(i'.) a])[iointe(l Knidish supervisors over the native 
 collccturs. In the iullowinii 1 year, lizards of hnjuirv and 
 ('oiitro \\ ere established a! .Moorshedabad and 1'aina. bur 
 they did nothing but expose abuses which llicv !acl\ed 
 the ]oW(T to remei v. In I77-. \Vanvn Ila-lin^> revolu- 
 tionised the entire li-eal deparinieiit. l-jirupcan Were sub- 
 stituted for Indian collectors. The Calcutta Council -\y.re 
 constituted a Hoard of Revenue; several ne\v officers were 
 created; the treasury was removed from Moorsliedabad to 
 Calcutta, and four members of Council were sent on a tour
 
 THE LAND SETTLEMENT. 
 
 199 
 
 of inspection through the countrv to collect the materials on 
 which to IKISC a re-assessment. A purelv I'Vri)i'_:'hee execu- 
 tive ho \vever did no better for Lea den ha 11 Street than its half- 
 blood predecessor. A number ol native clerks were turned 
 adrift, and a few more ml venturers were benefited, but the 
 earth brought forth no greater increase, and the India I louse 
 dispensed no greater blessing in the shape of a n improved per- 
 centage. .In J77-1-. the newly-appointed Viceroy reverted to 
 the employment of black' collectors, as thev were termed, and 
 set up six district councils of superintendence. An experi- 
 mental assessment had been made for live year,-, but the 
 results were not sutiicientlv satisfactory to warrant a re- 
 newal; and on its expiration in 1777. annual settlements 
 were decreed for the four years ensuing. In these, the 
 /> 'in UP la rs were encouraged to become responsible for the 
 land revenue. ( io\ ffiniii'iit retaininu' power over lands in 
 th'-ir own occupation a- a guarantee lor the faithfu per- 
 formance of their dutv. In I7M another scheme was tried. 
 The district councils were siijic-rsedeil. and a central com- 
 e iij i-i venue was lornied. and the collectors were 
 
 lh>\\ this bribe >ucceeded niavbe eslimated from a he-! 
 mi-lit hMied bv Lord ('ornwalbs. thai one collector, wit i a 
 
 rv of I IMIII rupeo a mom h ( L 1 - ( '< ' a year) had an m- 
 ci line of at least 1 J 1 1 1. (ii)(i a vear. 
 
 liy Mr Lin's Act of 
 and diivi-ied io iimiii 
 
 ianiiiioiih'1 1 -. ami it ton 
 
 as well as to e>tabli> i lixed rules for t he 
 collection of [he revenue, and for the ad 
 |U>lici- accord iiiLi 1 to t ie ancient laws and
 
 200 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 fore, and the one with which his name will always be as- 
 sociated, was the settlement of land revenue on a definite 
 
 basis. We have had a >xod many personal confessions of 
 
 - i * 
 
 blundering- and mismanagement up to this time, but here 
 we have an admission comprehensive and candid, by Parlia- 
 ment itself, solemnly uttered when giving legislative j udgment 
 in appeal, that thirty years of domineering power had been 
 spent in doing the things that ought not to have been done, 
 and in not doing the things that ought to have been done. 
 After turning the country upside down, rack-renting Ryots, 
 beggaring Rajahs, goading Tehsildars into rigour, and alter- 
 
 \J * O O 
 
 nately bribing and threatening collectors, some of a white, 
 and some of an olive skin, into higher exaction. Parliament 
 was compelled to admit that the svstem worked ill, and 
 that it had become nccessarv to reform it altogether. 
 Bengal was going back to jungle, and the Chairman of the 
 Company was asking loans from the Exchequer to square 
 the dividend account. 
 
 Early in 1787 the Board of Revenue at Calcutta was 
 directed to collect information for a new assessment ; 
 but an undertaking so vast as a survey of the extent 
 and boundaries of the several estates, together with the 
 interests, rights, and titles o| their owners and occupiers, 
 could not be completed in a fe\\- months: and it \vas not till 
 17>.' that any action could be pract ieallv taken on the 
 result-^, such as they were, which had been thus obtained. 
 r l he basis said to be laid was soon found to be imperfect and 
 untrustworthy. '' It was evident/' savs one writer, " on con- 
 sideration of the answers made to official inquiries, that 
 although 'when tin- Companv succeeded to the ])cwaiinv 
 
 OToss abuses prevailed, Vet 111 the lies] times (,f tli,. .Ah>"'vd 
 
 * - ' - <~T 
 
 Government, the rights and privileges of the people were 
 bv institutions niainlv derived from the original
 
 THE I.AXD SETTLEMENT. 201 
 
 Hindu possessors of the country." By some it was thought 
 
 advisable to continue and develop that system; lut the 
 Yicerov, with Mr Shore, -Mr Duncan, and Mr ]'>arlo\v, 
 deemed it better to establish the Zemindar as the landowner, 
 whether lie had previously occupied such a position or not. 
 Lord ('ornwallis was mainlv actuated by a desire to ]>lace 
 this most important source of the Company's income on a 
 sure footing, as we'll as l>v a. laudable wish to relieve, the 
 actual cultivators of the soil from the evils inseparable from 
 the haltit of farming the land-tax which then prevailed. 
 The settlements from year to vear, and for other short 
 periods, had not answered expectation. "Desperate ad- 
 venturers," said the Governor-General, 1 "without fortune or 
 character, would undoiibtedlv be found, as has already been 
 too often experienced, to rent the different districts of the 
 count rv at the highest rates that could lie put upon them ; 
 but the delu<n>ii would be of short duration, and the ini- 
 licv and inhumanitv of the plan would perhaps, when too 
 inedv, become apparent bvthe eonijilaints 
 ;ind the disappointment at tin- treasury in 
 i revenue, and \vi>uld probablv terminate in 
 depopulation of the unfortunate country.' 1 
 . \Lrain he wrote, "Experience has lullv shown that the 
 iarmini:' svsteiu is ill-calculated to improve a countrv, and 
 11 i- contrarv to principles which we wi-h to establish, oL 
 
 possible of the service of the 
 
 ii! . on te M-I-, ,: ;
 
 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 not a sufficient knowledge of tlie actual collections made 
 from the several districts to enable us to distribute the 
 assessment upon them with the requisite equality ; that the 
 demands of the Zemindars upon the Talookdars and Ryots 
 were undefined; and that even if we possessed a competent 
 knowledge of these points, there were peculiar circumstances 
 attending the country, which must render it bad policy in 
 the (Government to fix their demands upon the land." 
 lie had no good opinion of the Zemindars, whom he accused of 
 " ignorance of their o\vn interests, irregularity and confusion 
 ill the details of business, and collecting their rents bv .rules 
 which were numerous, arbitrary, and indefinite;'"'" that we had 
 not sufficient information to enable us to decide all cases with 
 justice ;md policv ; and that erroneous decisions would he 
 followed either bv " a diminution of the revenues, or a con- 
 firmation of oppressive exaction." .For these and a variety 
 of collateral reasons which he embodied in an able minute on 
 the subject, he deprecated a perpetual and unalterab e as- 
 sessment, and recommended a decennial settlement, when t lie 
 experience acquired in the interval would suggest improve- 
 ments and correct mistakes, (hi the other hand, the Viceroy 
 argued thai many years liad already been spent in collecting 
 information, and that the various tentative and expi ri mental 
 measure- tried during that period had not benefited either 
 or t ie (Government. " i am clear] v ol op in i< in. 
 (Government will never he better uali- 
 
 of 1 e m revenue of tese provnces, a li 1 
 
 urt'T i eav wuii compromse (e appne 
 and l ie pro-qiei'ilv of the coniitrv. The ide 
 the mind of Lord ('ornwallis was indeed the .formation of a 
 powerful bin v of landowners with perpetual tenure. lie 
 1 Minute of the Governor-General, loth Fi'hruarv 17!)o. - ll.i.l.
 
 THE LAXD SETTLEMENT. 
 
 sought in the re-establishment of such n da<s \\ cniarantee 
 for stabilitv, founded on the sense of interest 'which its 
 members would naturally feel in the perpetuation of a 
 svstein that iniu'ht injure them i'or ever against iiiful and 
 periodical enhancements of taxation. " In case of a foreign 
 invasion/' he said, Ci it is a matter of the last importance. 
 considering the means liv "which we keep possession of this 
 I'ountrv, that t he proprietors of the lands should be attached 
 to us from motives of self-interest. A landholder who is 
 secured in the ojiiet enjoyment of a profitable estate can 
 have no motive in wishing for a change. Un the conirarv. 
 if the rents of his lands are raised in proportion to their 
 improvement, if he js liable to be dispossessed, or it 
 threatened with imprisonment or confiscation of his pro- 
 pert v on account oi balance due to (lovernment. he will 
 I'eadilv listen to aiiv oilers whic i ;ire likelv to lirin^' about 
 
 nd. and their heir.- and lawful successors, were to !> 
 
 rih -ub]rct to a perpetual and unalterable amounl 
 
 of tax therein slated. Land not then under cult ivat ion. 
 
 and con-etjiient Iv not aes>able. if afterwards brought in. 
 
 Wa- In be [he subject oi >perl;|] a 1T;1 1 1 ( _l'el I 1> '! 1 1 . as (he e 
 
 e.-c leal ''d | iv (a 1 lure oi l^slle \vas t o iwrrl to 1 he ( iov 
 
 W 1 (1 Would brcollle owners oil tile same terms ;:- I:,'- i; : -i 
 
 po e--i>r. The proporl ion whicli the tax >hoii!d b -ir |o the 
 ral e;il ije \ ; ;!iie of t he land wa s to be mo' lerat" : bm ; ,. 
 were d; ici'> of opinii MI as to the ra \~a!ue i; 
 
 Minuto :' '. vor; v C, IK ral. : -v ! :. >.
 
 20 4 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Mr James Grant, who was at tlie head of the Khalsa or 
 Exchequer, and who had had great experience in the finan- 
 cial department, was of opinion that Government had Leen 
 defrauded to a very great extent in the previous temporary 
 assessments, and the estates were capable of sustaining a much 
 larger impost. This view was successfully combated by Mr 
 Shore, and the assessment was finally decided on an average 
 of the receipts from land-tax during several preceding years. 
 These had amounted in 1790-91 to 3,109,000 for Bengal, 
 Behar, and Orissa ; and to 400,000 for the district of 
 Benares, equal to nine-tenths of the nominal productive value. 
 The views of those who favoured a large augmentation of 
 revenue from this source were partially met by fixing the 
 perpetual rate at ten-elevenths of the rateable value ; though, 
 from the complication and confusion that prevailed, it was, 
 or was thought, impossible to define that amount with 
 precision. 
 
 But the operation of the permanent settlement in Bengal 
 ultimatelv justified the protests of Mr Shore. Its chief 
 fault was found to be, as he had foretold, that, in its hasty 
 promulgation, the interests of the subordinate ranks of the 
 communitv had been overlooked, or left to be dealt with 
 onlv when injurv had accrued, and hardships had accumu- 
 lated. 
 
 Tin- provisions of the land settlement were deficient., 
 and its execution \vas defective. It' we are to trust the 1 
 evidence of one who has had the fullest opportunities of 
 accurately estimating its nature and ellects, the assess- 
 ments for the purpose of fixing the land revenue in 17ti9 
 were made carelessl valid recklesslv, and even, in some cases, 
 corrupt lv. in many cases, persons were confirmed in pro- 
 prietary rights who had been merelv farmers or collectors of 
 revenue under the native Government, and who had not a
 
 THE LAND SETTLEMENT. 205 
 
 shadow of legal title to the land ; only the person who paid 
 the revenue for a whole estate into the treasury was taken 
 to lie the owner; the definition of the village unit was 
 neglected in the arrangement with the, larger proprietors, 
 some of whose estates were afterwards found to comprise 
 districts widely separated from each other. Numerous 
 varieties of suit-tenure then existed in J>engal, Itut of these 
 the Government took no account ; and while they exhausted. 
 language to limit their own demands on the Zemindars, 
 thev enacted no rules to protect and encourage the Ryots or 
 suit-tenants in their holdings. They reserved, however, a 
 right of interference in the relations Itetween cultivator 
 and owner, when, as they deemed it not improvable, that 
 interference might become necessary. Lord Corn wallis con- 
 sidered manv supplementary arrangements would In. 1 re- 
 quisite to render the principles of the plan applicable to the 
 various rights and customs that existed in different parts 
 of the country, and tlu-v must be made by Government, 
 as tin- propriety of them might appear. "It is im- 
 possible/' observes Mr lv. D. .Mangles, 1 "to exaggerate 
 the recklessness and c;i relessin-ss with which the permanent 
 settlement in l-eiigal was made;'" and he confirms the 
 remarks of Mr Holt Mackenzie on tin- subject, who says, 
 "Our settlements were made in haste, on general >urmises : 
 on accounts never believed to he accurate, and never 
 brought to anv clear test of aecitracv ; on the ( infers of 
 speculator- and the bidding of rivals ; on t lie suggest ions of 
 enemies ; on the statements of candidates for employment, 
 seeking credit with the Government bv discoveries au 
 
 in 
 
 the
 
 20 6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 which all knowledge was on one side and all power on the 
 other." 
 
 While the Viceroy congratulated the Court of Directors 
 on the inauguration of a fiscal policy which he assured 
 them would be "of the utmost importance for promoting 
 the solid interests of the Company," he was fain to admit 
 the deelini' of internal commerce and agriculture under 
 .British rule. "Excepting the Shrotis and Banians," he 
 wrote, 1 "who reside almost entirelv in great towns, the 
 inhabitants of these provinces were advancing hastilv to a 
 general state of povertv and wretchedness. In this descrip- 
 tion I must include almost every Zemindar in the Com-, 
 pany's territories, which, though it may have been partlv 
 occasioned bv their own indolence and extravagance, I am 
 afraid must also be in a irmvt measure attributed to the 
 defects of our former system of government.' 5 In a country 
 recently desolated by famine, and impoverished by rack- 
 rents and short leases, the one-sided legislation of 1769 soon 
 entailed the supplementary arrangements of which its well- 
 meaning but mistaken author had him.-elf anticipated the 
 probable necessity. The permanent land assessment of the 
 Bengal provinces was ten-elevenths of the assumed rental, 
 a calculation oiilv based on a mere rmi<_di and ivadv vaiua- 
 presmned to 1'all considcrablv short of the 
 id value, though how f;ir. no care was taken 
 Such a charge upon a bona fide value would, 
 ideed ruinous and preposterous : but t he real 
 
 I'ee i LllleS gl'eatel 1 t ll;in t he 
 
 > ni evidence that a farmer. 
 
 thirtv-three times the assessment value, and made his own 
 
 profit besides. \\here no limit was fixed upon the de- 
 
 1 Letter t" iMi-eet'.'rs, -'i August 17-',).
 
 THE LAND SETTLEMENT. 207 
 
 niands which the immediate holder iVuin tin- State could 
 impose on the- cultivators of the .-oil, the door was left open 
 for agrarian oppression, and it became necessarv to enact 
 laws for the protection of the Rvots and sub-tenant*. The 
 I'utneedars of the Rajah of Burdwan were thus protected 
 hv a special la\v. and a later enactment ordained that an 
 1111 interrupted holding for twelve years confirmed a Rvot jn 
 his tciiancv during punctual payment. This rcmedia] 
 legislation, consequent on the hastily i'rame<l measure, of 
 \l\Y-\, was various and fluctuating, at one time favouring the 
 Rvot, at another time the Zemindar. One of the chief re- 
 commendations of the new system was the punctuality of 
 pavnient it promised, and the undertaking was rigidlv 
 enforced. The Zemindars, accustomed to the loose and 
 capricious methods of dealinii 1 under the former svstem. 
 
 1 C 
 
 were ii"! at first prepared for such exactitude, and a few of' 
 t In 'in paid tin- penalt v of default in the sale of their estates 
 liv auction. In I he first vears after the set! eiiient, some 
 estates cliatiLi'ed hands in this wav, the hiiver succeeding 
 to i ie tii'si holder s rights in perpetuitv. without anv increase 
 i 'i' diminution oj assessment. I his proceeding involved 
 the lap.-e o)' all leases "'ranted \\\- \ lie out "-oiii"- proprietor: 
 
 ." l~- I 
 
 hut n was fiiiind to hear hardl\' on the sub-tenants, and a 
 measure of re ief was subsequently passed, n-iving under- 
 
 of the I't -\-ell Ue t'l'i '111 1 l ( ' /' '1 1 1 1 1 1 da 1>. t In ' latter had IP i 111' ' 
 
 of enforcing ihe like jiiuictualitv in pavmeni o\- tin' l!\>'!-. 
 
 A law \\as therefore parsed enab ing them t ! iln'ir 
 
 rents with certaintv: hut t lis power ifin^' abu-''d. :r -:i 
 laws ga\'e tn the Ryots the ri-ht of replevviiiL:'. a [irivili-ge 
 of which thev were not slow to avail tliein>elvcs. h is re-
 
 2o8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 corded that three thousand suits of replevin were instituted 
 against a Zemindar at one time. 
 
 Such were the general characteristics of a measure 
 which forms a distinctive landmark in Anglo-Indian story. 
 That it would be of unmixed benefit to the revenue, or 
 to the agricultural community, was doubted by far-seeing 
 men at the time, and has been denied by competent 
 authorities since then. The land settlement of Bengal by 
 
 O \J 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, and other agrarian enactments more or 
 less closely modelled thereon, have, in the opinion of Sir 
 Henry Maine, passed into a proverb of maladroit manage- 
 ment. They all rested on the outlandish assumption, im- 
 ported from Westminster, that the soil of the country 
 belonged to the Kin 2;, and reverted to him bv lause or for- 
 
 O O 7 o L 
 
 feiture. This was morally, socially, and politically irrecon- 
 cilcable with the oldest, the strongest, and the best ideas 
 of Indian civilisation. It never struck root in the convic- 
 tions or consciences of the people, and wherever it was 
 planted by overwhelming force, it failed to bear any fruit of 
 o-ood. and si tcedilv withered where it I>TCW. That the i >riniary 
 
 O tj \j 
 
 sentiment which influenced the framing of the Bengal 
 settlement was not the prosperity of the country, is clearly 
 indicated by the passage ijuoted at the head of this chapter 
 from the elaborate minute 1 drawn up by the (Jovernor- 
 (ieiieral. Bengal, .Behar, and < h'issa, the (hst of which 
 provinces ha< . under native rule, Keen designated as "the 
 paradise <>t' nations,'' were only valuable as they were able 
 to supply tin- holders ot India stoek with large dividends, 
 to support an expensive government, backed by an army 
 of occupation, and to recoup a treasury exhausted bv 
 wanton and wasteful wars elsewhere. Maladministration 
 bv encroaching power had sapped the financial resources of 
 the country, and damaged the whole machinery of revenue.
 
 THE LAND SETTLEMENT. 209 
 
 With hostility without, and reluctant submission within, 
 the Indian Government saw the necessity of an effective 
 stroke of policy, and bethought them of a way to gain a 
 hold on one class of the people, and to induce a show of 
 order in the finances, even if this was gained at the 
 expense of the suffering millions. That this important act 
 of State was not framed or put in operation without a 
 certain amiable 1 regard for the preservation of ancient 
 customarv rights, was probably due to the high-minded 
 and humane disposition of ^\Ir Shore, who placed upon 
 record his opinion that "the demands of a foreign dominion 
 like ours ought certainly to be more moderate than the 
 impositions of the native rulers ; and that, to render the 
 value of what we possess permanent, our demands ought to 
 be fixed; that, removed from the control of our own 
 (lovernment the distance 1 of half the globe, every possible 
 restriction should be imposed upon the administration of 
 ndia without circumscribing its necessarv power, and the 
 property of the inhabitant- be secured against the fluctua- 
 tion- of caprice, or the license of unrestrained control." 1 
 
 ; Minute i>v Mr Shore on the Land Settlement.
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 L II D W E L L E S L E Y. 
 
 17071801. 
 
 The recent extension of our territory lias added to the number and description 
 of our enemies. Wherever we spread our.-elves, particularly if we should 
 airjTandise ourselves at the expense of the Mahmttus, we increase this evil. 
 We- throw out of employment and means (J f subsistence all who have hitherto 
 managed the revenue or served in the armies. Upon all ([nestions rf increase 
 of territory these considerations have much weight with me, and I am, in 
 eneral, inclined to decide- that we have enouh;' 
 
 EURoP 
 ~ !. 
 
 it had been convulsed for more than five years 
 by the struggles of the French Revolutionary Avar. 
 The conflict, which had begun for principles, was already 
 become one for empire. The league of despots which had 
 striven to overthrow the immature libel-ties of France, had 
 been exemplar! ly punished by Pichegru, Moivau, and 
 Bonaparte; and the IVace of Campo-Formio might have 
 been lasting had ot icr po\\'ers been content to forego 
 what they had lost in the war. Hut I'Yance, intoxicated 
 with her single-handed victory o\'er the coalesced legiti- 
 mists of t he lime, was t oo easily led into the race oi rm pire 
 Jirst by the necessity of resisting, and then bv the 
 ambition of eclipsing her implacable foes. Napoleon, the 
 incarnation of the natioiia will, rose with the occasion, and 
 because he best knew how to satisfy the popular enthusiasm, 
 In 1 became as by witchery the idol of his country. 
 
 1 Letter tu Miuiro, August -2", Ibun Gleig's. Lif,.-, vul. i. p. -1W.
 
 L ORD U 'EL L F.SL K J '. 
 
 Ft was a time of universal fermeiitut inn. Tin- old ideas 
 of what was possible and what was right were ,-diaken from 
 their ImM nt:' men. Events of such magnitude and noveltv 
 had crowded on each other with rapidity from 17b ( J to 
 1 71*7, that no scheme was any longer regarded as incredible, 
 no project as unrealisablc or vain. Had right principles 
 prevailed in the councils of Great Britain, the i'rcn/y <>f 
 men s minds might have had time to cool ere the, entire 
 world was wrapt in iianie ; Ttalv would have beeji allowed 
 to recover her strength, and to naturalise her alien-born 
 liberties; (lermaiiv had been spared the loss ;ind woe 
 of sixteen further vears of bloodshed; the iinal partition 
 of Poland, and the dispersion of her best and bravest sons, 
 miu'ht not have been attempted, and would certainly not 
 have been recognised and sanctioned hv \\estern Europe; 
 l'"raiiee might not ha\"e been driven from one step to an- 
 othi'i 1 of military furv, at the sacrifice of constitutional 
 freedom : unhappv h'eland might not iave been goaded 
 into rebellion in order to precipitate ;m incomplete and un- 
 
 iiilating -cheine o| incorporation; and (iivat Kritain 
 \\ on M ha\'e 'had i lie beiieiits of internal reform and religions 
 rl v ilnriv vears earlier, and -in- would to-dav have been 
 bun heiied with less than half her debt. Hut the policy 
 of I'itt was one of seltish isolation, until e\vrv ally and 
 neighbour that could serve us, or was worth serving by 
 us. had been u'ought to the verge ol ruin: and then. 
 on, oi indiscriminate and unlimi 1 ed inter- 
 was a po icy o| j H 'ace at a n v | >rici . until 1 1 
 
 \Ve -
 
 212 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 our life, leagued with every despot who would accept our 
 subsidies, and whose oppressions and annexations we would 
 condone. 
 
 In 1708 the Republican armies had been victorious 
 almost everywhere. The dreams of Louis XIV. had been 
 more than realised. Belgium and Savoy had been annexed ; 
 Holland and Italy reduced to dependency; Austria, after 
 four disastrous campaigns, was well-nigh exhausted; and 
 Prussia feared to stir. Bonaparte, full of invention and 
 daring, had become 1 the idol of the French soldiery and the. 
 terror of French politicians. To find him employment at a 
 safe distance from Paris, lie was sent to com pier Kgvpt, 
 and no enterprise seemed more fitted to dazzle, and perplex 
 his enemies than that which was spoken of sanguinely as 
 the first step to the conquest of the East. In the autumn 
 of 1707, the English Government had information of 
 intrigues carrying on with various Asiatic- Courts and the 
 I'Yench Directory. Tippoo Sail), ten years before, had 
 sent envoys to Paris in quest of aid to drive us from 
 liengal. He had frequently renewed proposals of tins 
 kind, and it was imagined that at length his solicita- 
 tions were about to be successful. France had still several 
 possessions in the Indian Seas. The Xixam as well as 
 Scindia had considerable bodies ol troops organised and 
 oiliecivd by Frenchmen permanently in their pay. Mr 
 I'ilt and Ins colleagues were convinced that a vast plot was 
 thickening around us in Asia, and that it would require 
 vigilance, courage, circumspection, energy, insight . and apt i- 
 t ude of no com in on order to ant K-I pate l lie impending blow, 
 ami paralyse the arm already raised lor our undoing. 
 The exigency was a rare and perilous one. The .Ministers 
 looked round among men of civil and military reputation 
 for a man adequate to the occasion. The first .intention
 
 LORD WELLESLEY. 
 
 was to send out .Lord Cornwallis a second time, and his re- 
 appointment was actually announced. After the lapse of ;i 
 few weeks, however, the veteran was induced to relinquish 
 
 the viccrovaltv of India for that of Ireland; and the 
 onerous charge was conferred on Lord Moriiington, who. 
 for the four preceding years, had been a member of the 
 
 Hoard of Control, under the presidency of Mr Dundas. 
 His lather was a man of line taste and considerable 
 talent for musical composition ; hut he died while his sons 
 were all still young; and Richard had more of his mother 
 ihan his father in his intellectual nature. Lady Moriiington 
 \\'as, in man\' respects, a verv remarkable person, full ol 
 sagacit v and resolutioi] to meet and to surmount difficulties ; 
 proud of her children, and full, of ainbitioii for them. She 
 lived to see the gratification of her hearts desire, to see 
 four of them in succession created Ilntish peel's, to hear 
 h>T lirst-liorn designated as the rescuer nf the Empire 
 of the Last, and a vounger son thanked l>v the assembled 
 monarchs of ('hristendom as the deliverer of their realms 
 and restnivr of their thrones. The youth of the future 
 -man was ehiellv distinguished l>v a mutm\". of \\diieh 
 
 ie \\as I ic princip.-il ringleader, at Ilarrow, and t'or 
 the lacilitv lie siiliseijUentlv showed at Lion in writing 
 (ii'eek and Latin verse. The 1,-itter accomplishment he 
 continued l<> cultivate at Oxford, when- lie liecame 
 the intimate friend of Mr. afterwards Lord ( Irenville, 
 1'V \\hom he svas earlv made knn\\-n to Mr 1'itt. and to 
 wlio>e iriendship he was indelited for his introducliou to 
 ollieial life. Not content \\'ith the opportunities afforded 
 
 lim as ;i peer of Ireland, he sought and obtained ,-i si-at in 
 the |-ji U 'Ii>. i House of Commons; and such was his thir.-t 
 for di>tiiiction. t ml we find him. in the course of the same 
 ses>ioii. taking part in the del. ate- of tin.- I'pper House at
 
 214 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Dublin, and in those of the Lower House at Westminster. 
 His early oratorical displays were open to the charge of 
 
 / J- */ J_ o 
 
 being too ambitious. His elocution was overdone, and his 
 tone too dramatic to escape the raillery of opponents. Lord 
 Mountmorris bantered him on the excellence of his imita- 
 tions of Garrick ; and Sheridan quizzed him on his prema- 
 ture solemnity of air, and the studied gracefulness with 
 which he leaned upon the table as he spoke. He must 
 have been very unlike in temper the man he was in later 
 life if badinage of this sort was unfelt by him. But he 
 could afford to be upbraided with slight faults. If his 
 cause was. not always good, he was always sure to make the 
 best of it. He never, in those days, spoke? without prepara- 
 tion. Though given to pleasure, he grudged no toil neces- 
 sary to master a subject on which he was to speak ; and 
 there are traces in more than one of his speeches, at the 
 period in question, of great care and no ordinary amount of 
 research. In 1786 he was made a Lord of the Treasury, 
 an appointment which he held for seven years. To take 
 part in debate without being bidden was a thing impossible ; 
 and the occurrence of his name more than once in impor- 
 tant discussions of the time, proves that the Minister did 
 not disdain the assistance which his young adherent could 
 render him. Some eminent critics have fancied thev dis- 
 cerned in these early speeches, made to order, the fore- 
 shadowing* of the dignified and masculine eloquence of 
 maturer years, and that thev can recognise the lineaments 
 of the masterly style of subsequent despatches and state 
 papers in the classic verses of the J///>'<r Ktonenses or other 
 earlv writings. .It: has even been supposed that his per- 
 formances in this wav influenced the judgment of the re- 
 fined and accomplished .Minister in promoting him to a 
 trust so high and enviable. .But it was more probably the
 
 L ORD J VELL ESL E ) \ 
 
 215 
 
 vigour of unpremeditated thought, and the brilliancy of 
 unset expression, drawn forth in conversation, that made an 
 impression on the mind of .Mr 1'itt. 
 
 lie fore Lord Mornington reached India, he had fathomed 
 the difficulty of the position. At the Cape of (!ood Hope 
 he opened and read the last despatches of his predecessor 
 on their way to England. They confirmed all he had before 
 surmised, all that had been suggested bv his younger 
 brother Arthur in his private letters to him from India, and 
 all that he had hypothetical!}' discussed with Air .Pitt before 
 leaving home. Jiv England the shabhv and short-sighted 
 system in foreign policvhad been at length abandoned, and 
 the reckless expenditure of panic had begun, Armies on an 
 unaccustomed scale were organising, and an unusual number 
 ot .-hips of war were alloat or making readv for sea. A\ hen 
 occasions mar home could not alwavs be found for employ- 
 ing them, t he\- were sought for in distant latitudes. Trinidad 
 and ( '< v]on had recent v been capturetl. and it was part of 
 the ne\\ \ icerov's instructions thai he should surprise and 
 seize liatavia. All acts of further aggression had been for- 
 bidden bv Parliament in .1 7 ':'>. P>ut the Marl knew the <_fovern- 
 ing spirit of the Court and Cabinet of England far too well 
 io hesitate on account of these inhibition-. He well under- 
 stood the value of tin- solemn interdict against new en- 
 croachments and further appropriation of jewels, land-, and 
 revenues. Failure or success was, in truth, the only question. 
 Failure would indeed expose him to a real storm of abuse, 
 virtuous indignation, or even to more serious inconveniences. 
 lint he was content to take t ic risk of ill-success. n incident 
 that it triumph crowned his projects, the censure lie might 
 incur would be accompanied with generous indemnity 
 the formal prelude to unbounded praise. 
 
 I5ut more dazzling projects soon suggested themselves.
 
 216 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 The new Governor- General found himself invested with 
 vague but vast authority. Large bodies of troops were at 
 his disposal, officered 1 >y Europeans, and disciplined in recent 
 campaigns. A few months put him in adequate possession 
 of the weakness and disunion of the still independent 
 Courts of Hyderabad, Poona, and Seringapatam. It was 
 impossible not to see that the means of wide acquisitions 
 were thus placed within his grasp ; and in the existing 
 condition of Hindustan, pretexts for encroachment could 
 not long be wanting. 
 
 That all things, however, should lie done decently and in 
 order, a case of necessity for self-defence against some enemy 
 of some sort, was felt to be requisite. This indispensable 
 danger was not long in being discovered. French designs 
 were traced, and magnified to the necessary size, in the 
 summer of 17U8. The native princes, ever since the wars 
 of the Carnatic, had been anxious to teach their troops t lie- 
 use of European arms and tactics; and that vague ideas 
 may not have been kept alive in France that her former 
 position in the East might be regained, it were hard to 
 question. That the hatred and jealousy wherewith the two 
 nations regarded each other would suggest the desire, or even 
 dictate open menace on the subject, was highlv probable. 
 I)ii t neither I fvder or Tippoo succeeded in forming a French 
 alliance until 17'.'^. The Sultan was at peace with the 
 Company, but how long thev \voiild Miller him to retain 
 what he still held oflns inheritance, he could not tell: and 
 his experience of their disposition towards him. both before 
 and since the partition tivatv, was ill-suited to disarm 
 apprehension. 
 
 The. official despatches of' the Governor-General are. the 
 most authentic materials (or the narrative of the memorable 
 events that took place during his administration. Thev
 
 LORD WELLE SLEY. 
 
 217 
 
 also contain irrefutable proof of the preconcerted designs 
 out of which those events subsequently .sprung. The iirst 
 communications between Tippoo Sail) and Lord .Mornington 
 related to \Vvnaad, a province which the former alleged 
 was not included in the cessions under the treaty of 
 17'.)^: lut which had been kept by the' Company, along 
 with their acquisitions of that date. His repeated re- 
 monstrances had been treated with studied disregard; and 
 at length he resolved to assert his rights by sending a small 
 detachment of troops to occupy a, portion ot the frontier. 
 The Vicerov proposed to name an envov to meet one iroin 
 the Sultan for the settlement of the dispute. To this Tip- 
 poo immediatelv assented; upon investigation \\ynaadwas 
 found to belong riglitfullv to M vsore, and was e onset rue ntly 
 declared to have been held wrongful v b\' the English. '1 he 
 ( !overnor-( ieneral thereupon wrote, on the 7th August, to 
 the Sultan forma Iv restoring \\ynaad, and felicitating 
 him on the cause of am* interruption to their am'tv bi-in^ 
 
 IVlUoVed. Nevertheless. ;it thai Vrl'V 1 II"! i lent eVelT reSotll'CO 
 oj 1 le ( JoVeriinienl 111 Illdl;! Was JH'tlVelv devoted lo pre- 
 paring -'I ;iri i for t lie invasion of his dominions. 
 
 About ti:' 1 c!o>e of 17 l .'7. envoys had. bee)! selll iVom 
 Mv-oiv to M. Malai'tic. the ( JoVerilor of t le [>!e of l-'l'r U ',<;, 
 soliciting his Irieiii shi, and asking 1'eci'uits fnr a small 
 cors oi iMiroii-Mi 
 
 employ. [ his was no breach oi amity with us on his p n. 
 I 1 re n eh oilici-rs and soldiers had for some t ime been en: ; 
 m the sen ice of the Nixam, \\ ithoul callinu' ;'< ; : . ; < 
 
 - nee.' U airs : an i e i.i rai : \ 
 I'nnc . \\ nh win >m no ijuarre! then cxi.-iei i. 
 succeeded m e-t a 1>1 i >1 1 i IP ' a ux i 1 ia rv coriis of the s;:nie 
 
 >"" . I 
 
 Maiai'i;c. being unable to -pare aiiv of the ^aiTHou un . i 1 
 
 hts command in the Mauritius, issued a proelainatioii to
 
 2 r 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 all French citizens who happened to be then in the East, 
 authorising them to enlist in the service of the Sultan. 
 Expressions of antipathy to Great Britain were gratuitously 
 introduced into this document ; and if France, had had a 
 squadron olf the. coast, or fortified possessions on the main- 
 land, where an invading expedition might have been in 
 waiting, or had the injured chief of Mysore been at war 
 with the Company, such an appeal would have warranted 
 strong words of protest, if not measures for self-protection. 
 .But the reverse of all this was true. Not half-a-dozen 
 vessels bearing the tricolor had been seen beyond the Cape 
 for the last four years, and Tippoo was utterly destitute of 
 even the materials for creating a navy. His anxiety for 
 war could not have been very great, when he consented to 
 expostulate in vain for years about AYynaad, and when lie 
 forbore anv violence which might provoke retaliation. 
 The entire number of recruits who landed in April at 
 Mangalore from the Isle of France did not amount to two 
 hundred men. Yet this was the 1 force, and these the circum- 
 stances, against which Lord Mornington felt it imperatively 
 necessary to prepare a. vast army at enormous cost, lest the 
 English should "be expelled from India.'' 
 
 AVhilc the, preparations were ^oing forward, not a 
 syllable of remonstrance was breathed. The dispute con- 
 cern in LC \\vnaad wa.s arrange* I with a specious show of 
 fairness and urbanity. Not a sentence do we find in all 
 the letters which that affair called forth of virtuous indig- 
 nation or honest apprehension at the gasconade of M. 
 ]\Ialartic's proclamation. While matters stood in this 
 position, towards the end of October news arrived of Bona- 
 parte's expedition to Egypt. The alarm which, this excited 
 was partly allayed by the tidings, which soon followed, of 
 Nelson's victory of the Nile ; and the Governor- General
 
 / ORD WELLESLE Y. 
 
 219 
 
 wrote to Tippoo acquainting liini of the reverse with which 
 Providence had thus visited the enemies of (Ireat Britain. 
 The invasion of Egypt, lie said, was but "another excess of 
 that unjustifiable ambition and insatiable rapaeitv which 
 had so long characterised tlie French nation, and nothing 
 could more clearlv expose their total disregard of even' 
 principle of public faith and honour than tins unprovoked 
 aggression." These are harsh words, and in other lips thev 
 had not been unjust; but wi.th what feelings must they 
 have been ivad hv Tippoo { Even he, however, could not 
 feel all the depth of their inockerv, for as yet he had had 
 no intimation of the Ion o^premrino; wrath that was about 
 
 < 1 l_ O 
 
 to hurst u])on him. The fear of Bonaparte's pushing 
 forward from the coast of the lied Sea towards India still 
 paralvsed all active resolution against Mvsore. Whether 
 the impetuosity of the ( 1 oven i or. or the impossibilit y of any 
 longer concealing warlike preparations, was the incentive, 
 we i'ni'l him at last, on the sth Xovcmb(. i r, addressing an 
 elaborate complainl to the Sultan on tin- -cure nf his 
 alliance with l ; raiice. r |'he stvle and tone of tins extra- 
 ordinai'v epistle are too cunou- to be pass* d over with- 
 out notice. " It i< im[M issihle that you slioiild suppose 
 me in be ignorant of the intercourse which subsists between 
 you and the Kreiieh. \ \\ cannot Jina^'ine m*- indifferent 
 to the t I'ansai-t ions which ha\"e passed between vou and the 
 enemies of mv rountrv ; nor does it appear necessary or 
 proper that 1 should :uiy longer conceal from \'oii t ie sur- 
 prise and concern with which I perceive you disposed t" 
 invove voiirself in all the ruinous consetjtieiu-es of a con- 
 nection which threatens not only to subvert the foundations 
 of friendship between voit and the C'ompanv. but to 
 introduce into the heart of your kingdom the principles of 
 anaivhv and confusion, to shake vottr own authoritv. to
 
 220 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 weaken the obedience of your subjects, and to destroy the 
 religion which you revere." 
 
 The pious solicitude here expressed for the stability of 
 faith and morals in the Sultan's realm is quite touching. 
 Oh, that Lucian could arise from the dead, that he might 
 confess himself outdone in serious irony by the official de- 
 spatches of modern times ! Half the prey is already o-oro-ed ; 
 
 -L i/ */ O O 
 
 the knife is loudly whetting for the remainder, and by way 
 of grace before meat, we have a pious exhortation against 
 irreligion, subversion of legitimate authority, and, above all. 
 entreaties to beware of aught that may interrupt the affec- 
 tion and respect that subsists between the jaws and the meat 
 that is next destined to till them. AVhat is the plain English 
 of this exquisite appeal } Your Highness and we are excellent 
 friends, therefore we are jealous of your love. The French 
 are unreliable republicans ; we know them better than, you 
 do. They will teach your Mussulmans democracy if you let 
 them near you; in friendship we cannot allow this. They 
 will undermine your throne ; surely it were better sutler us 
 to pull it down, than that we should witness your dishonour. 
 They will preach infidelity; think of your poor soul, or if 
 you will not think of it. we must, and remit it from a 
 wicked world, ere its faith is staggered by the jests of 
 \oltairc or the sophistries of Ixousseau. And when voti 
 are gone before vour time to your account, we will look 
 after the bodies and souls of vour people. \\ e may possibly 
 establish a diocese, or ; it least appoint: a Bishop of Mysore; 
 that is our way. .But fear no compulsion for conscience' 
 sake from us. It is only fellow-Christians we persecute; 
 temples and mosques mav remain for us to the end of time. 
 provided we get the temporalities into our hands. ^sav, 
 sooner than behold the scandal of .French principles being 
 introduced among your people, we are ready to turn tax-
 
 LORD WELLE SLEY. 
 
 gatherers to Mahomet or I>rahma, or both; and willing to 
 beat idols' dniitis and fire salutes in honour of Vislniu or 
 Juggernaut , if you will only let us into Seringa] tatam. 
 This edifving document proceeds to sav, that llie armiiiir, 
 v.'hich could no longer be entirely concealed on. the p;nt of 
 tin- ('onipanv, \vas nierelv "for self-defence;" and it con- 
 cludes with an elaborate profession that "the British 
 Government, wishing to live in peace and friendship with 
 all their neighbours, entertainiii"- no objects of ambition, 
 
 ' < i / 
 
 and looking to no other objects than the permanent securitv 
 and. tranquillity of their own dominions, would always be 
 readv. as they then were, to afford CVCTV demonstration oi' 
 t heir pacific intent ions 
 
 (>n the i!nth "November Tippoo replied, complaining of 
 
 war ike "preparations <>'oiii"' forward, and pravni"' that peace 
 
 < . ' 
 
 might be preserved.- On the the nth of January I7 ( .' ( .. the 
 ( iovernor-( leiieral wrote to the Sultan, setting forth !<>r the 
 
 tlille the grieVoUS otfellce \\'hleh Ills Ill'l t a ! 1 1 1 ic Ai;i]e<l\- 
 
 had i'ecei\-ed bv n^ison of AI . Malailics jU'oclamation. and 
 
 lit i\'el\- I'epreseni ing t he i ngrat it ude of Tip] too in ha\"iiiL;' 
 
 .sir.ct loned -\\c\\ a document, when, immediatelv before its 
 
 JiniL:' India h'oin the .Mauritius he had received, in the 
 
 cation of \\ viKKid. a conclusive proof of the frieiidlv 
 
 11- of t he ( 'omnanv. " I had hard! v formed t he 
 
 n vour lligiitie>ss claim to \\vnaad. i>\' \\ 
 
 had a ti'i 'Tiled ;m Ulli lltesl i( ilia ile test 
 
 to reii ier impart lal and ample (us; ice io vour i" 
 
 cult i \\ate ;md iinnro\'e t he ivlat ion< of aniit v and pr;n-i' with 
 
 \ ' '111 1 1 1 : -!lli' ><. \\ hi !! 1 l'ecei\ ed tVolll the |-!e of i ' 
 
 . . I . I 1 , 
 
 '.MI; i - a m e v o I u i ' 1 1 1 us 1 1 1 1 s 
 
 tier, there ;uv reiterated and copioii.- proo;'- \ ] <- \ tin- \ i.-e- 
 
 :.'-!':. . ' 
 
 : ' i., \ :. ;. N',. cii. i - :
 
 222 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 roy had in his possession tliis terrible manifesto fully two 
 months before his vaunted generosity touching Wynaad. 
 It had been received and made " the subject of general ridi- 
 cule " l as a serious tlireat, and chuckled over as a God-sent 
 and timely pretext for hostilities. General Harris had been 
 written to on the subject, and secretly apprised of the 
 advantage that would be taken of it. The expedition for 
 invadin"- Mvsore had been planned, and directions Given to 
 
 O J 7 O 
 
 the Governors of Madras and Bombay to organise all the 
 military resources of their respective Presidencies ; and they 
 had remonstrated against " plunging Tippoo into war ; for 
 whatever might be the object of his embassy to the Mauri- 
 tius, the late intelligence from the islands left no room to 
 doubt that no rupture was to be apprehended but by our 
 own provocation."" Lord Moriiingtoii himself had written 
 to Mr \) undas, telling him, that from want of money and 
 the impossibility of completing their preparations in time, 
 he was reluctantly forced to suspend his immediate design 
 of " seizing the- whole maritime territorv remaining in 
 Tippoo's possession, and then inarching upon Ins capital to 
 compel him to purchase peace by a formal cession of the 
 terntorv sei/ed, and compel] ing him to p;iv all tin- expenses 
 of the \v;tr ob ects which appeared most desirable, and 
 winch everv motive of justice ;nid policv demanded ; ;md 
 he had resolved that "a ti-mpcrate remonstrance would be 
 siiflicient to satisfv then- liMiiour, and convince the native 
 powers that their moderation alone induced them to abstain 
 From a more rigorous course. '' All this was prior to the 
 
 1 Letter iYom Gvern<.r-General to Mr Dninlas Qh July 17.0*, No. xxii. 
 
 - Letters i.f llth un-l ii'>th .luiie, Xos. xiii. ;unl xvii. 
 
 '' L(-tter freiii Mr U'ehln-. Secretary of Mu'inis, to Governor-Cjeneral, Gth July 
 170*. Xn. xxii. 
 
 4 L(-;ter to Mr J)iniJas, then Secretary to the ]} ui<\ <A' (.'ontiv-l, Cth July 170-S, 
 No. xxii.
 
 LORD WELLESLEY. 
 
 magnanimous restoration of Wynaad, which Tippoo was 
 asked to lake as a convincing proof of our sincerity. 
 In realitv, the surrender of that district was but a solemn 
 farce, tending to lull the .Moslem Prince into security until 
 the measures against him should be ripe for execution. 
 Till every engine of muilled power was in readiness, wounded 
 honour felt no pain could even take credit to itself for 
 eonfidinu' generosity, and lew, under false pretences, the, 
 repute of nioderat ion. AYithin nine months from this 
 virtuous act of restitution. \Vvnaad was again taken pos- 
 session of bv this just and self-denying Power, together 
 with the residue of Tippoo Saibs dominions. 
 
 P>v the end of .lanuarv 17'.''.), the preparations for war 
 were complete, and the threats of M. Malartic, which were bv 
 t hat time about twelve months old (having been published in 
 lanuarv 17'- 1 -), were no onger to be endured. Orders were 
 given for the invading army t<> be^m its march: a letter 
 came li'uni I iioo accet DILI' an oiler to negotiate, which, as 
 
 armv. ' hven tin- \\'as ivm lered 
 
 u.-ory hy secret instructions to Harris ordering him to 
 ad\ aii'-e \\ n houi an hours deav. and not to forward the 
 
 endering it aiisoiutei\- imjiossihie lor i IK- doom 
 'pose anv terms until t n- inva< ers were in occu}>at i"ii 
 - territorv. There were > <\ her -c.-ri : in-! rue- 
 No conditions ot' iieace under anv circum-tances 
 
 .
 
 2 2 4 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 were to be proposed or accepted until the siege of Seringa- 
 patam should have been formed, or some equally advan- 
 tageous position secured. Tippoo was then to be informed 
 that lie must cede Canara, a valuable maritime province, to 
 the English, and two others equally valuable to the native 
 powers in alliance with them, besides paying one crore and 
 a half of rupees (.1,500,000) for the expenses of the cam- 
 paign. If these terms were not agreed to before the siege 
 \vas actual! v begun, not less than one half of his remaining 
 possessions were to be exacted: 1 and letter after letter was 
 despatched to Harris, lest "he should suffer any attempt at 
 negotiation to retard the march towards Seriiigapatam." 
 The tragical event is well known. Tippoo. finding that 
 nothing but his destruction could appease his pursuers, 
 resolved to maintain a desperate fight to the last, (lather- 
 ing his best troops around him. he shut the gates of his 
 capital, and prepared to defend it so long as he was aide. 
 .But the odds against him were too heavy for any courage 
 or skill lie could oppose ; his troops had lost the confidence 
 in him and in themselves they once possessed ; and he sunk 
 without disguise beneath the weight of his adversity in 
 mute ;uid sullen gloom. Un the 4th of 3Iay. as he sat in 
 his palace m the heat of noon, he was roused from his 
 dreamy gaze into the pit of fair l>v the shout of the besiegers. 
 The luva'-h was stormed : and 
 to rail v Ins ln-oken irooj is, wa 
 fi ii M in the street > of his plum 
 
 TllUS fell the h'ill Lid' illl ' 
 
 laurels were gathered from 
 nought here to say : of those who grabbed a fortune from its 
 ruin, we have no desire to chronicle the nani"S. Tis no part 
 of the dutv of the political annalist to challenge the pro- 
 
 1 Li.-Ui.-r.-. X'.>. cx'.ii. -' LI. Xo. cxlvii. 
 
 > POO. vainix endeavouring
 
 LORD WELLES LEY. 
 
 fessional merit of the soldier, even when he is compelled to 
 
 fight in an unrighteous cause. It is the system, not the men 
 the secret Iv planned and oit repudiated purpose, not the 
 frank and gallant instruments by whom it is worked out, 
 that calls for blame. Mysore was declared to be a conquered 
 country. The infant heir of the Hindu dynasty which had 
 been deposed bv Hvderwas sought out and placed upon the 
 Musnud. His family and friends were required to guarantee, 
 the observance of two treaties ; the one was that of the 
 second partition whereby Canara, Coirnl uitore, \\ynaad, and 
 Seringapatam were annexed to the English possessions, while 
 t he districts of ( !urraincotta,Guti.and others near I Lyderabad, 
 were made over to the Nizam, and a not her province was re- 
 served for the l.Yishwa. The other treat v provided for the 
 permanent maintenance of a powerful subsidiary force by 
 which the state, reduced within secondary limits, was to be 
 garrisoned. It bound the Rajah and his heirs in political 
 subordination to the paramount power, and authorised the 
 i reel interposition ol the (Jnvernor-l Jeiiera . whenever he 
 ihoiight tit. in anv and everv detail of financial ad- 
 tration. In return it hound the Companv in ties 
 of' >pi -itic guarantee to proteci and defend the rights of' 
 iv-tofed Prince in \i\ > fireumseribetl inheritance. 
 
 "The mass of tile people." wrote Colonel VYellesley 
 
 rwards I hike of Wellington), "seemed to be pas- 
 sive spectators of the change, and looked mi with philo- 
 sophic indifference. Recovering after a little from the 
 
 L' ' \ ' ' " I'll 
 
 .-tunniiij i ot In is tall. 
 
 \\ civ -M-m to >Up- 
 
 piv-s i hi >e I'm ile eft'orts at iv>i>tance : ainl. - i ime. 
 
 they appea.r to ] , , made >hort work of it. I le; r M iinro's 
 
 account ul us -hare m the coiisolulalion of c<in>;u<-i : 
 
 r
 
 226 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 '' I have got Vettel Hegada and his heir-apparent and prin- 
 cipal agents hanged ; and I have no doubt that I shall be 
 able to get the better of any other vagabond Rajah that 
 may venture to rebel.''' 1 
 
 Lord AVellesley's administration marks an important 
 epoch in Anglo-Indian story. The want of a comprehen- 
 sive scheme of poljcy, which had been so often felt, was 
 now for the first time supplied. Conquest had hitherto 
 proceeded at an irregular pace, and had been directed with 
 little political foresight. Whatever could be clutched at 
 the moment, was indeed laid hole] of as opportunity served ; 
 and the Company had by one means or other managed in 
 forty years to get possession of about 220,000 square miles 
 of territory a dominion which many wise and patriotic 
 men in England thought quite large enough to be kept 
 safely or profitably. In England, and in India also, provi- 
 dent guardians of the Company's interests, as a trading cor- 
 poration, believed that they would do better to keep near the 
 coast ; and, by living peaceablv with their .neighbours and 
 punctually paving their wav, drawing to their eiitre[>6t the 
 fabrics and the wares of the inland realms, with whose. 
 institutions thev could not meddle without incurring the 
 distrust and haiivd that invariablv besets the pathway of 
 invasion. Conscientious men who had seen or heard the 
 doings of ('live at Moorshedabad. of Hastings in Ivohilcund. 
 of Matthews in I laraniahal, or Cornwallis in Coorg, .-hrank 
 from the repetition of similar scenes elsewhere. And. iina!! v, 
 men, endued with that instinct of forethought and ioiv-ight 
 which more than all else constitutes state.-manship, and 
 which no training can teach or other i^il'is ,-upplv. be-an to 
 mutter to themselves, and whisper to one another, that 
 we had already quite as many dependencies as we could 
 1 Ului r '.s Life of Munro, y.>l. i. p. i7u
 
 LORD IVELLESLEY. 227 
 
 permanently afford to keep, and that the vanity of adding 
 indefinitely to their number might one day cost us dear. 
 There was in o-arrisoii a vouni^ officer who had been pro- 
 
 O ^ 
 
 moted bv family interest somewhat faster than his fellows, 
 who occasionally ruminated on the subject, and wrote in 
 confidence to certain friends the result of his reflections, 
 lie had been through the campaign of 1799, and was 
 named, as of favour rather than for any special service he 
 had rendered in the field, to be one of the Commissioners 
 at Seringapatam for the dismemberment and dissection of 
 Mvsoiv. Thomas .Munro was one of the Secretaries to the 
 Commission, and to him, in confidence, Arthur \Velleslev, 
 arguing againsf plans of further conquest, alreadv talked of 
 lively in viceregal councils, thus wrote "I agree with vou 
 that we ought to settle the Maliratta business, and the 
 Mala liar l!a ja is. but 1 am afraid that to extend ourselves will 
 rather tend to delay the settlement, and that we shall theiv- 
 bv increase rather than diminish the number of our enemies. 
 I'm. In' add-, characteristically, in conclusion, "as for the 
 
 out of the ( ' ; -
 
 2 2 S EMPIRE IX ASIA. 
 
 Munro was sent from Canara to the ceded districts, 
 which, by the former partition treaty, had ]>een taken 
 from Tippoo, and for a time given nominally to the Xizam, 
 Lilt which now without disguise were taken possession of 
 Ly their real owner.-, the Company. Munro was desired 
 to raise the puLlic taxfs in the provinces placed under his 
 authority. They had Leen described as nnaLle to yield 
 more than the triLute which they paid formerly to Tippoo, 
 Lv reason of their invat sufferings in the war. and during; 
 
 t ' O 
 
 the famine which was its consequence. To see whether 
 they had suffered as much as they were reported to have 
 done. Munro tells how he made a circuit of inspection, 
 and savs " There was no douLt some exaggeration, Lut not 
 a great deal. Most of the houses wen- in ruins, scarce 
 one-fourth of them were inhabited. But he had little douLt 
 that in seven years the full amount of the schedule " (or 
 proposed standard of English taxation) '' might Le realised. 
 The principal oLstacle was that the desire men at the head 
 of affairs usually had. of seeing the puLlie. income flourishing 
 under their auspices, would proLaLly compel ]ii]ii to pro- 
 ceed too rapidly. lie had no thought of precipitating 
 matters for the present, though he should, for the sake 
 of the puLlie want of monev. press, the ryots rather more 
 ihaii lie might to do. The Polvgars, or armed noldes. 
 ofl'ered eonsideraLle resistance to the fiscal de-igns of 
 their ne\v masters. .Munro calls them roLLers and Kan- 
 ditti opposed to the estaLlisliment of order, whom it was 
 necessary to gvt rid of without delay. Xotwith>tanding 
 all liis enlightened efforts to \\in them over to increa.-ed 
 taxation, two of thc.-e chieftains still held out in IM>L!. so 
 that it Lecamc advisaLlo to nio\c Lng'e Lodies of troo]>s 
 into the neighbourhood. ''.It might also lie necessary/'' 
 
 1 Munro, vol. i. j>. :;:j-l.
 
 LORD J VELLESLL \ '. 
 
 he thought, ''to proceed against the Zemindar of Pan- 
 ganore, because he was not sure that he would submit to 
 an addition to his peshcush or tribute, which mu.-t be laid 
 on in order to reduce his power." Xot much philosophi- 
 cal indifference on the part of the conquered here. 
 
 .Far other thoughts and dreams Jilled the brain of the 
 egotistic ( lovernor-General. A step in the peerage 1 had been 
 granted him in acknowledgment of his services above nar- 
 rated. The desire to accomplish something more notable is 
 bet raved bv the newlv-nnide Marquis in every act of his 
 memorable career, and in every line of his ambitious 
 correspondence. He was in the highest sense of the term 
 an actor. He alwavs took care to look the character. His 
 attention to the state toilet was minute 1 as that of n woman 
 of fashion. He had a deep belief m the doctrine that the 1 
 world is governed to a great degree bv the shows and 
 semblances of power ; and loving t he realit v of power as lie 
 did. he would have thought u nnre quixotism to discard 
 am iiiean< >o harmless tor maintaining the personal con- 
 'ii which i,-. one ingredn ni of n. In the Fa>t, the 
 :'la\ ot nia^mticeiice was. in IMS da v, considered a niaxnn 
 
 liolirV. 
 
 i" i"' urand enough \\ n In nit being too gra 
 1 " h !;Ji and might v looking wit HUM beino' 1' '-i 
 ot impalpa In it v. Lord \\'e lolev had an in-1 . 
 kind o| [lung. No man \va- rvcr more be o\vd hv tho-c 
 about him; and yet there was not one of them who e\vr 
 ; MJIIU-O, v..l. i. n. :]:;:.
 
 230 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 thought of asking him an impertinent question. Although 
 constitutionally irritable and impatient, his nature was so 
 full of courtesy and cjencrositv, that those who thought him 
 
 ,' o *- " O 
 
 oftenest unreasonable and wilful could not but love and 
 honour him. When the prize-money came, to be divided 
 after the campaign of 1799, 100,000 would, according to 
 rule, have fallen to his share ; but though his patrimony 
 was small and his habits expensive, he waived his right in 
 favour of the troops, preferring to purchase praise rather 
 than landed property. His talents, which were not incon- 
 siderable, hardly equalled his aspirations ; and had he been 
 placed in other circumstances, they might have met with as 
 mortifying results in India as they were subsequently doomed 
 to undergo elsewhere. But owing to a rare coincidence of 
 fortune, the civil and military establishments, at the period 
 in question, contained a combination of talents apt for the 
 purposes of the Governor-General such as they had never 
 known before. Beside Malcolm, Close, Harris, and Munro, 
 there Avere Edmonstone and Stewart, and above all, that 
 younger brother, whose views of Indian as of Home policy 
 throughout life differed from his so widely. The times 
 were singularly favourable from other circumstances for the 
 gratification of that thirst of distinction, which was the 
 leading trait in his character. 
 
 The centurv opened in peace. The Viceroy's policy 
 had proved successful in all respects but one, and was 
 everywhere extolled for its vigour in contending with ditli- 
 cultics. and ils magnanimity when they were overcome. 
 His personal friends rejoiced ; his flatterers applauded; his 
 baffled enemies silently succumbed. Mr Pitt was well 
 satisfied Avith his choice; and his choice Avas intensely 
 proud of himself. But he had not paid his Avay, and his 
 merchant-masters qualified their compliments and thanks
 
 LORD WELLESLEY. 
 
 with regrets and gruml>lings at the augmented debt occa- 
 sioned by the war. Thev could not l>e made to understand 
 ;it the outset whv it was necessarv at all. or why at its 
 conclusion it had not been made to recoup its cost. 
 
 In Leudenhall Street, aggression and absorption were 
 viewed luit as means to one ^reat end ; vix., the increase of 
 flic dividend upon Kast India stock. Glory might be all 
 verv well 1'or a venturous peer riding the Company's white 
 elephant : but the keep of tlie voracious and unmanageable 
 creature wa< the paramount thought of the .Board of 1 )irec- 
 tors. If he could he guided into fresh pastures, and set to 
 browse there with impunitv at any neighbours expense, 
 well aii'l gooil : but grand marches up the hill of distant 
 conquest and then down again, no matter with what amount 
 of lla;_'- living, tom-tom- beating, and salvos of artillerv 
 stunning the ama/ed multitude, did not seem to the 
 prudent rulers of the ('ompanv to lie a game \\-oiih the 
 candle. The B.-ard of Control might be delighted at the 
 
 cheek' l/lYell to I'Yelieh iutlueller ill til'' Ka M . aild tile (\\<- 
 
 cij>!r- n| Mr Biir-;e in Barliamenl miLi'ht commend the 
 urest|ue air of generositv which was thrown over the 
 I'e-settleiiieni of M \-<ore : but the Directors persistentlv con- 
 tinued to piv.-s t ie vicenya victor to explain ho\\" he pro- 
 jioscd to [iav the bill. 
 
 Disgusted with their want of appreciation of his genius, 
 and their parsimony as partners in the lordship of the 
 KaM, lie ivplied haughtilv that he knew best wliat the 
 iiec.-ities nf the case reijiiired; and then, in ii- 'jrand 
 
 manner, he proc led, \ expound all the advar; "_ - \ 
 
 weiv certain to come as the fruit- of his poli.-\ : -i.me 
 future time. The-e promises of j.rotit to mine did not
 
 230 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 thought of asking him an impertinent question. Although 
 constitutionally irritable and impatient, his nature was so 
 full of courtesy and generosity, that those who thought him 
 oftenest unreasonable and wilful could not but love and 
 honour him. "When the prize-money came to be divided 
 after the campaign of 1799, .100.000 would, according to 
 rule, have fallen to his share ; but though his patrimony 
 was small and his habits expensive, he waived his right in 
 favour of the troops, preferring to purchase praise rather 
 than landed property. His talents, which were not incon- 
 siderable, hardly equalled his aspirations ; and had he been 
 placed in other circumstances, they might have met with as 
 mortifying results in India as they Avere subsequently doomed 
 to undergo elsewhere. But owing to a rare coincidence of 
 fortune, the civil and military establishments, at the period 
 in question, contained a combination of talents apt for the 
 purposes of the Governor-General such as they had never 
 known before. Beside ^Malcolm. Close, Harris, and Munro, 
 there were Edmonstoiie and Stewart, and above all. that 
 vuunger brother, whose views of Indian as of Home policy 
 throughout life differed from his so widely. The tunes 
 were singularly favourable from other circumstances for the 
 gratification of tha.t thirst of distinction, whirl) was the 
 leading trait in his character. 
 
 The renturv opened in peace. The "\ieoroy.s policy 
 had proved successful in all respects but one, and was 
 everywhere extolled fur its vigour in contending with diili- 
 culties. and Us niagnannnit v when thev were overcome. 
 His personal friends rejoiced ; his flatterers applauded; his 
 baffled enemies silentlv succumbed. Mr I'nt was well 
 satisfied with his choice; and his choice was intensely 
 proud of himself. But he had not paid his way, and his 
 merchant-masters qualified their compliments and thanks
 
 LORD WELLESLEY. 
 
 231 
 
 with regrets and grumblings at the augmented debt occa- 
 sioned by the war. They could not be made to understand 
 at the outset whv it was necessary at all. or why at its 
 conclusion it had not been made to recoup its cost. 
 
 In Leudenhall Street, aggression and absorption were 
 viewed but as means to one great end ; viz., the increase of 
 the dividend upon East India stock, (Jlorv might be all 
 very well for a venturous peer riding the Company's white 
 elephant : but the keep of the voracious and unmanageable 
 creature was tin 1 paramount thought of the Board of Direc- 
 tors. If he could be guided into fresh pastures, and set to 
 browse there with impunity at anv neighbours expense, 
 well and good : but grand marches up the hill of distant 
 coin|uest and then down again, no matter with what amount 
 of lla^s living, tom-toms beating, and >alvos of artillerv 
 stunning the amazed multitude, did not seem to the 
 prudent rulers of the ('onipanv to be a game worth the 
 candle. Tip- Hoard ,,[' Control might be delighted at the 
 check given to 1'Yeiieh inlhieiiee in th" Mast, and the dis- 
 ciple- of Mr llurke in Parliament mi<_dil commend the 
 pictures(|iie air of geiicrositv which was thrown over the 
 re-set l eiueiit (if Mvsore; but the Directors pcrsisteiitlv con- 
 tinued to press the viceregal victor to explain how lie pro- 
 post d to pav t he bill. 
 
 I )is"Usted with I icir want of appreciation of his Acinus, 
 
 ~ 11 
 
 and their par-mionv as partner- in the lordship of the 
 Ma-t. he replied luiuglitilv that h" knew best what the 
 necessities of the ease required; and l ieii. in M- Lrrand 
 manner, he proceeded to expound all th" advanta-j '- v - 
 were certain ], come as the fruit- of his po . -ome 
 i'uture time. These promises of profit t" coin" did not 
 content them or -till their fears lot he should L" "ii as In- 
 had begun. The Kinir had made their enterprising Marl a
 
 234 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 intelligent Besident at the native Court, a compact force, 
 well-armed, well-paid, and well -in -hand, would render 
 sudden tumult abortive, and cause secret intrigue to waver 
 continually, and to look back ere committing itself too far ; 
 and in the last event of open secession (or, as it soon came 
 to be termed, revolt), it would form a rallying point for any 
 friends it had, and an outpost capable of defence till suc- 
 cour should arrive. There was about the subsidiary force, 
 at tlie same time, a specious affectation of regard for the 
 severally and nominal independence of the State to which 
 it belonged, which soothed the outward vanity, if it stung 
 the inward pride of the durbar and the bazaar. Scrupu- 
 lous care was taken to keep up the distinction between 
 native service, and the service, of the Company. A subsidiary 
 force in time of peace was never moved out of the State to 
 which it belonged, and even in time of war only with the 
 assent of the Prince at whose expense it was equipped and 
 maintained. It was the glove of mail courteously but un- 
 disguisedly laid upon the shoulder of native rule, with an 
 irresistible but patronisinir air. felt to be a little h'-avv and 
 a little hard at first, but soon destined to become habitual. 
 Slowly but steadily it bc^'ot that sense of security and 
 irresponsibility in the Prince and his advisers which ha< 
 ever proved to be the gangrene of authontv, for whic i there 
 is no cure. 
 
 It.- financial scope and tendency were conceived and 
 executed, with the same pit! ess and inexorable purpose. 
 The permanent appropriation of revenue {'or the mainten- 
 ance of the subsidiarv force was calculated mainlv with 
 reference to the inabilitv of the' State to hear it. barge or 
 small, it was a tree whose seed was in it -elf, and was there- 
 fore chose]], that it miuht bear fruit after its kind. The
 
 LORD WELLESLEY. 235 
 
 cases were rare in which the districts ceded for the main- 
 tenance of the subsidiary force yielded within the year the 
 sum that was needed for their food and pay. This was 
 exactly what was anticipated, the opening of a running 
 account of deficiencies, arrears, balances cleared off from 
 time to time bv new concessions, and complaints of remiss- 
 ness, neglect, and evasion, all which, in the nature of things, 
 liccame inevitable. Arriving at ultimate supremacv, the 
 means taken were bv the subject race called perfidiously 
 wicked, bv the conquering race profoundly wise. The 
 historian will probably compare them to the chronic in- 
 jection of poison into the veins which allavs fever and 
 spasmodic pain, and produces a sensation of relief and quiet 
 a! the risk. and. when prolonged, with the certain! v, of 
 causing paralysis and death. 
 
 Lord \\ellesleyapplied the power gained bv the destruc- 
 tion of Tippoo. Mini the partition of Mvsoiv. to lav the foun- 
 dation- of that edifice of empire which, in ihe space of 
 sixty years. \vas so rapid.lv pi id in Asia, (live had made 
 treaties for a subsidiary force at Moorshedabad and Helhi. 
 lla-tin;_- at l>eiiaivsand in the l)eccan. Hut neither of them 
 had ever Ix-eii in a portion to attempt the application of' 
 the svstem on a wider scale, still less to couple with it 
 covenants and conditions which permanentlv bound the 
 ('oinpany to protect, at anv cost or sacrifice, their native 
 allies from all enemies whatsoever, and virlualh" coii>ti- 
 tuti'd the Company, in return, suzerain over them. In 
 everv case, the daring ambition of the liovernor-( Id 
 sought to obtain concessions of territory in lieu of moiiey 
 for the payment of the snbsidiarv force to U- p rmaneiitly 
 kept by the protected State. He c, ,m p. '1 led tl Vizier of 
 (Hide to subscribe a treaty ceding hi rev portions of his
 
 2 3 6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 dominions to pay for British troops to be maintained in 
 those provinces he still governed. This was in 1801. He 
 proceeded to carry the system further, and thereby to enthral 
 those (States of Central India which, since the days of 
 Sivaji, had successfully defied their more civilised and 
 luxurious neighbours.
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Till-: MAHRATTAS. 
 
 LS02 1805. 
 
 " Fp in factories to f>rts. from f'-rts to fortifications, from f *rtifications to crarri- 
 M.IIIS. tVi'in crarrixiiis to armies, ainl I'r-in armies to conquests, the u'rU'lati"iis 
 were natural, and the iv>ult inevitable ; where we could not find a 'lun_'er. 
 we were iletermine'l t fui'l ;: quarrel.'"' 
 
 Pin LIP FKANCIS.I 
 
 tile !> Ll'ltllline- of l^llj. Lord "\\cllcslev teiulel'eil ][]< 
 
 re-iu'iiatioii. His ser\'ices liad not lieeii estimated li\- 
 hirectoix as hi- stall at For! \\illiam and, tlie ( 'alunet 
 of Mr . \ddin--ton thought tlu-v deserved. II^ a.-pired 
 to the proconsular iani-'. lioth of conijiieror and reformer; 
 and Leadi'iihall Street was in no humour to acknowledge 
 or eiicoiirau'e him in eit n-r capacitv. \\ hen t ie lulls came 
 in of the M\-.-ore \\ar. tlicv look- away the verv lu'eath of 
 financial prudence, and l ie iliploinatic en ii'a Cements sulise- 
 
 meiit 
 
 t IVe ol llldelllllte I la I >1 ! ' ! \\ a IH I i lee] . -in ! t t tie lUll^l "1 eost i\ 
 
 entanglement in various direetions. Xnr did L'irl \\td- 
 1. -ley .- exercise of patronn^! 1 , or his project- of r^con-titut- 
 iim' the < 'ivil Service mi a hiu'Ii education;! ! lia-i-. coinniciid 
 him any lu-tter tit his frugal masters. Without consulting 
 them, lie had phimied and puMi> p'd an elaborate and ex- 
 s jeh 0:1 In iian Aliairs, 1 7-7.
 
 238 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 pensive design for the foundation of a college of governing 
 functionaries at Calcutta, in which every cadet sent out 
 from England should pass at least two years in acquir- 
 ing a knowledge of Oriental tongues, habits, traditions, be- 
 liefs, and chronicles. The scheme was on a splendid scale, 
 but it pointed specially and specifically to the creation of a 
 school for the constant supply of political Sappers and 
 Miners, whose every boyish hope and adolescent thought 
 should be concentrated upon the extension and consoli- 
 dation of the empire. The Directors loathed the very notion, 
 and sickened at the pecuniary prospects it involved. Point 
 de ztle, was their invariable admonition to young men 
 suspected of possessing dangerous ability. Thev wanted 
 larger returns, not a greater number of rebel subjects ; 
 
 O <J 
 
 higher dividends, not more dominions. They thought of 
 Lord AVellesley as a restless Satrap, whose vanity was like 
 to ruin them ; and he thought of himself as a sovereign in 
 all but the name, of whom an ungrateful world was not 
 worthy. The projected college was peremptorily forbidden, 
 and instead of it, an institution of another kind was decided 
 on. They grumbled at his choice of soldiers for political 
 appointments, us indicating a settled purpose of encroach- 
 ment ami a.u'LiTession. Thev would have him caned Colonel 
 Lvirkpatrick s nomination as Secretary in the politic;)] de- 
 artment : they desired him to ]vc;ill Colonel Scott from the 
 
 which roundlv declared ihc extra allowances to ( 'olonel 
 Wellcslev, who had been appointed to the command in the 
 Climatic, as a job. '1 his was the crowning atlront, which 
 he would not endure. jb- told them t Kit he felt inten.sely 
 dis'ju.-ted at tin- notion that he' could be capable of yielding, 
 or his brother of receiving, any emolument or advantage that 
 was not fairly due. If they believed .such a rebuke to be
 
 THE MAHRATTAS. 239 
 
 deserved, the offenders should at once be recalled, either one 
 or both. For himself, lie was weary of such treatment, and he 
 begged that they would seek a successor, who should relieve 
 him at furthest in the course of the autumn from a charge 
 he no longer wished to retain. He was not, however, taken 
 at his word. Lord Castlercagh became President of the 
 Hoard of Control; and sympathising with him in most of his 
 designs and aspirations, accorded him more elfective support. 
 .Meanwhile new vistas of aggrandisement opened in a 
 quarter where he had not ventured to anticipate them; and, 
 in the hope of fresh acquisitions, he resolved to remain 
 another year in India, in December 1802, he wrote to the 
 Directors that a crisis was imminent, fraught with conse- 
 quences of the greatest importance. 
 
 In Ic-i'l the ^lahratta chiefs were quarrelling among 
 themselves. Scindia, the greatest in territorial strength, 
 and I b'lkar. the most restless and warlike in spirit, distrustful 
 of each other, alternately menaced tin.' .IVishwa, of whose 
 traditional pre-eminence both were jealous, and whose 
 authority tln-v sought to overthrow. Lord 
 ", bent on turning their enmities to account, and 
 them all into gradual dependence upon Lnglish 
 aid. negotiated separatelv with each in turn, and, bv tin 1 
 adroit use of su it let v and daring, lie succeeded ere long 
 in drawing or driving them all into a slate of dependenev. 
 1 1 is instruct ions to Colonel ( 'lose recite how "the I Vishwa 
 in 1 7'. ' ~- preferred danger and independence to a more intimate 
 eoiiiieci ion with the r>ntish power, which eon d ti"i secure 
 him the protection of our arm- without at the siine time 
 establishing our ascendeiicv in the Mahratia empire : how 
 the IVishwa had reluctant y been forced into the war 
 against Tippoo : ho\v, -\vhen it was over, a proportion tor a 
 subsidiary force was made to him, which he refused; ho\v
 
 2 40 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 hostile a disposition this manifested ; how " the inference 
 to l>e deduced from these considerations was, that until 
 irresistibly compelled by the exigency of his affairs to have 
 recourse to the assistance of the Company, Baji Itao would 
 never be induced to enter into any engagements which, in 
 
 J O O 
 
 his apprehension, would afford to the British Government 
 the means of acquiring an ascendency in the Mahratta 
 empire ;" and how it was "his object to avoid that degree 
 of control and ascendency which it was our interest to 
 establish." 1 Their increased distractions constituted a crisis 
 of affairs favourable to the success of negotiations at Poona, 
 and for the complete establishment of the interests of the 
 British power in the Mahratta empire. The 1 continuation of 
 the contest between Scindia and Holkar would weaken the 
 power and impair the resources of both, and would afford 
 the British Government an opportunity of interposing its 
 influence and mediation. Xo reasonable apprehension 
 existed that the progress of this insidious scheme would 
 be obstructed either bv the union of the contending 
 parties or the deceive success of either chieftain. 2 
 So long as the J)urbar of 1'oona contained a Minister 
 capable of penetrating the esoteric, meaning ol vice-regal 
 policv, and oi holding up t ie hands of his feeble chief, the 
 inde icndeiice of \\\- country, though frequently imperilled, 
 was preserved. Xana Faniavis had h>r manv vcjirs been 
 the real ] - u er of t ie Stale, contriving generally to keep on 
 Li'ood terms \\'iili the ('ompan\' witliout becoming entangled 
 in obligations, the clleris of which he looked upon with 
 dread. lie avowed IP- respect and admiration for the 
 ! Inii'iish. lull shrunk from their political embrace.; and what- 
 ever dangers miii'lit impend, he steadily refused to accept
 
 THE MAI1RATTAS. 241 
 
 their offers of permanent armed assistants. " With him has 
 departed," said Colonel Palmer, the first English Resident, 
 "all the wisdom and moderation of this Government." 
 l>aji Rao II. was the seventh of his family, the first of 
 whom haying been originally Mayors of the palace at Satara, 
 had gradually taken the child' place in the. .Mahratta Con- 
 federation, leaving the Rajahs "who claimed descent from 
 Sivaji a nominal and pretentious semblance of supremacy, 
 of which men had come to take little heed. The Hindu 
 Durbar of Satara. exercised in 180- as little influence over 
 Scindia, Holkar, and I>erar, as that of Delhi over (hide and 
 the Deccan. Scindia professed his readiness to help the 
 Peislnva against I [olkar ; but from jealousy or some other 
 cause left him unbefricnded till too late. As this position 
 grew more critical, the Knglish Resident grew more urgent 
 in hi- expressions of solicitude, and warm in his proffers of 
 auxiliary aid. He Avas instructed to tender a subsidiary 
 treaty, whereby a force of dooO men. organised and 
 ofliceivd like Hut already imposed upon the neighbouring 
 Mohammedan states, was to lie permanently maintained, 
 ostensibly as a contingent for the protection of the Pcishwa's 
 dominions against In- envious and troublesome neighbours, 
 but really, as above noted, for securing his permanent ad- 
 i interests. '{ heir pay was to be provided 
 
 for the purpose. Siii-h a force would lie an effectual guar- 
 antee against the ever-threatening' au'uTessions of ll<>!k;ir 
 and Scindia. This was the danger that 
 A greater daiiu v r loomei] visiblv in the fu 
 ami policy revolted n^.-iinst 
 
 n-
 
 242 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 month the lure was held out in vain. An outlying province, 
 comparatively small, and whose revenues it was difficult to 
 collect, might be ceded if the subsidiary force were kept 
 there ready to be called in upon emergency, and then with- 
 drawn to their quarters. This would imperceptibly, if at 
 all, humble the independence of native rule. Every strata- 
 gem of argument was employed to make this the condition 
 of the bargain. In the eyes of the Governor-General this, 
 however, was the point unexpressed which was not to be 
 yielded. AVhile the negotiation lingered, the storm burst ; 
 Poona was compassed round about bv the Arab cavalrv of 
 Ilolkar ; the Peishwa lied, and was only restored to his 
 capital bv British arms, after he had subscribed the. cove- 
 nant of vassalage. It was not easy even in exile to bring 
 him to ihis. 
 
 At length he yielded, and on the last day of the year at 
 Bassein he signed away his independence. It was not, 
 indeed, so written in the bond. On the contrarv, this 
 memorable pact set forth with more than usual ostentation 
 everv guarantee ,-ind pledge of mutual respect. It expressly 
 dec 1,-uvd that the Friend,- and enemies of one of the contract- 
 ing parties -h oil id be friends and enemies of the other : and 
 it confirmed all Former treaties ;md agreements between the 
 two states, not contrarv to the tenor of the j]e\\- one. h 
 provided For i lie joint exertions of both, to defend the rights 
 or redress the wrongs of either of their respective depend- 
 ants or allies -th' 1 l)nti.-li ( iovernnieiii tind'Tia <inL: not to 
 sutler ;i n v power or st at e "what ever to commit with i in i mini v 
 an v act of unprovoked liosi ilit v and a 
 rights and territories of his 11 i^hiiess 
 ma mt;i i n and del end them i n i he same m 
 and territories of the ( \ mipany. The nn 
 thousand infantry, \\Jth the u.-ual proportion of guns and
 
 THE MAHRATTAS. 
 
 243 
 
 European artillerymen, was to be permanently stationed 
 within tin* Peishwa's dominions. The ceded districts were 
 named in a schedule annexed. All forts with their equip- 
 ments of ordnance and stores were to be surrendered without 
 injurv or damage. The force was to beat all times ready to 
 execute services of importance, such as the protection of the 
 IVishwa s person, the overawing and chastisement of rebels, 
 the suppression of disturbances within the realm, and the 
 due correction of such subjects and dependants as miejit 
 withhold payment of the just claims of the State; "but they 
 were not to be employed on trifling occasions, nor in a 
 varietv of \vayswhieh were enumerated/' The Peishwa was 
 bound to keep the peace towards Ins ^Mahratta neighbours, 
 while he was guaranteed in turn against molestation bv 
 them. Should differences with them arise, he was pli'duvd 
 to abide hv the ( iovernor-( Jeiiera 1 s award. A\ lid] called 
 upon, the I* mice undert 0. ik to briii;:' into the Held the whole 
 
 ot his troops a '_ra 11 1st the foes of his all V, whoever they im;_dit 
 
 be. This condition was to be reciprocal; and llaji Rao 
 
 awa v. 1 an i IP -i 1 wi TI !s of Ids will not pa 
 
 Till' other ? ! a chief- were na :rm d. aiii
 
 244 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 refused to recognise the Treaty of Basscin. The Peishwa, 
 they said, ought not, as head of the Confederacy, to have 
 contracted obligations so unprecedented without consult- 
 ing them. Scindia had undertaken to deliver and restore 
 him, and too late repented the remissness he had shown. 
 He had a powerful army in point of numbers, a corps 
 d'elite well supplied with artillery, and a few French 
 officers under ColoiH'l Perron, who had long been in 
 his service. Holkar, likewise, at the head of a multitu- 
 dinous array, chiefly of horse, and the Pajah of Berar. were 
 able to bring into the field no inconsiderable armv. Xone 
 of them, however, desired war; for all were conscious of the 
 vast augmentation of military strength they would have to 
 encounter. It is, indeed, admitted that Lord A\ ellesley 
 almost despaired of the provocation he longed for. 
 
 The Court of Gwalior was at once jealous and wary. 
 At the dismemberment of Mysore a tempting slice of terri- 
 tory had been offered to Dowlat Pao, by whom it had been 
 "explicitly rejected ;" 1 which proved convincingly an evil 
 disposition, the more to he reprehended and in due time 
 punished, as the Peishwa followed his example. I nder any 
 circumstances, Lord \Velles!ev "considered the reduction 
 of Scindia 's power to be an important object." : Ihirini;' 
 
 liploniatised with charaeter- 
 every acknowledgment of 
 and pivparinir. as he said, 
 to effect his restoration. \ot without difficulty was an 
 understanding come to between the three native powers, 
 and rot even then was any overt act of hostility committed 
 on either side. A small body of the Company's troops, 
 which had formed the President s guard at Poona, had re-
 
 THE MAIIRATTAS. 
 
 245 
 
 mained unmolested there, and now received \vith roval 
 honour at tlie gate of the palace so long his own the 
 Prince who, as he entered it, must have felt that it was his 
 no more, l>ut was henceforth to be occupied by him onlv 
 as tenant at will. Thus native rule was relieve* 1 of its 
 moral accountability to domestic opinion, while it was made 
 safe from outward fear. The device was perfect for its pur- 
 pose - modelled on the great iirst precedent of temptation. 
 " Life it promised, death it devised, and corruption it 
 entailed from generation to generation." 
 
 \\ ithout ascribing to the Mahratta chiefs or their Minis- 
 ters any profound sagacitv, it is easy to understand how 
 the spectacle at .Poona must have irritated and troubled 
 them. \\ hose turn might it be next \ \\ ar with a power 
 which was already gathering four armies on different points 
 of their frontiers, it might not be prudent to precipitate ; 
 but one tiling seemed clear, and by that P>erar, ILulkar, and 
 Scindia determined to ai>ide, namely, that tliev would not 
 
 I'alllV the Treat V of liassem. It' peace had lieell tile object 
 
 of the ( !overnor-( leiieral, he would have let their irritation 
 cool and have taken the chances oi per.-uasioii at a I ill lire da v. 
 P>ut, t ten, the ii'lorious opportumt \' he panted lor would 
 have lieell lost, at least for him. An.\lou>lv and Vehelllentlv 
 
 lie therefore pressed for the recognition thcv were mutually 
 pledged to ivfu.-e ; and when thev reasonably asked furl her 
 time to coiisii er and to confer with the Peishwa. (Jeneral 
 \\ elleslev was ordered to demand that Scindui s arniv >hould 
 i'all hac < in >m 1 te advantageous position it occupied without 
 delay; while demands, equally difficult to coiici'iic, were 
 .-imuhani'ou- v made at Naupi >re. 
 
 Mill states that, " on tite I !tii ,lu v, < li'iieral \Vell'-ley 
 addre>-eil a letter, couched iii respei-tful terms, to I )ov\ at 
 bao Scindia, setting!' liefore him the ivasoiis which the
 
 246 . EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 British Government had to consider his present menacing 
 position an indication of designs which would render it 
 necessary to act against him as an enemy, unless he with- 
 drew his army across the Xerbudda; lint making, at the 
 same time, the corresponding oiler, that as soon as the 
 
 1 O 
 
 Maliratta chiefs should lead hack their armies to their usual 
 stations, lie would also withdraw the British army.'" 1 
 
 The .Mahratta chiefs replied that, " By the 1 Jessing of 
 God both armies were, still on their own territory, and no 
 aggre. ion or excesses had !>een committed ; ' and if the 
 English commander, therefore, would name a day when 
 hoth should withdraw an e<jual distance, they would engage 
 to do so. But such terms might have averted war. and thev 
 were therefore spurned. ''As for the Peishwa, wrote 
 Lord AVelloley, '"' I have no idea that lie will attempt to rlv 
 from Poona, or that, if In. 1 should he so inclined, he could 
 rarrv his plan into execution without the knowledge of his 
 3Iinisters. I have urged Colonel Close to pav the Ministers, 
 in order to have accurate information of what passes.'"' 
 The tops of tin,- replanted hedge 1 around the throne were 
 limed accordingly. If Scindia had been the greatest lover 
 of peace and justice upon the face of the earth, he would 
 still have had the greatest reason to resent the Treatv of 
 r>a--<']ii. and to ivsisl to the utmost its execution. \V iat 
 is that on the strength of which we have nlreadv seen 
 the ( ioveriior-( leiiera] boasting of the prodigious value, 
 of the treaty '. Xof the circumstance of its having 
 made a dependant nuTelv of t,he Peishwa. This in itself 
 was of little importance. The tivatv for receiving British 
 troops bv one of the chief ..Mahratta States was declared 
 to be valuable because it afforded a controlling power
 
 THE MAHRA TTAS. 
 
 247 
 
 ocer all the oilier aoveriimcnts of tltr Mahratta nation 
 the power of preventing them from doin^ whatever the 
 Yicerov should dislike. If the loss of independence- is a 
 loss sufficient to summon the most pacific sovereigns to 
 arms. J)owlat Rao Scindia and the Rajah of llerar had that 
 motive for ott'eriiiLj resistance to the, Treat v ol Ba.ssein. 1 
 
 The scene at Fort William when the news arrived that 
 negotiations were hroken oil, is described as one ol exulta- 
 tion and dMiidit. 
 
 So much for the ca^vx belli \\diat were the real objects 
 of the war' Thev are stated with characteristic candour 
 and ])erspicuii \" in the confidential letter of instructions 
 addressed to the ( 'onnnander-m-( 'hief several weeks hefore 
 a Mo\v was struck. Tlu-v were, lirst, the destruction of a 
 French State on the hanks of the Jumna, with all its 
 mi.'itarv resources ; secondly, the extension of the < 'ompanv s 
 frontier to t iat river, \\ith the possession of Airra, l)e,hi. 
 and a sutlicieiit chain of forts on it- hank-: thirdlv. the 
 transfer of t he -iipreine authority of the .Mo^ul : fourth lv, 
 nces \\-nli petiv (diiefs southward and westward of the 
 Jumna: lifihlv, the annexation of R.undelcund. All the 
 
 ! - here -et forl ll Wel'e lies! Hied to lie accompli.- led except 
 
 i lor t lie lies! ol reasons, viz.. i hat a r ivncli 
 State existed onlv in phanta-v and inake-litdie\"e. As a pis- 
 titicatioii in the eves of Fnu'lish critic-, it sounded well: Mil 
 as a matter of Indian fact, a French State on the Kanks of 
 the -Itinma hail no more existence than the enchanted ca>tle 
 in Aladdin'.- dream. \\ ien the matter came to lie di-'-u 1. 
 Francis and ot icrs showed that t icre were lait twelve French 
 otiicers in the Mahratta service in Ibdo ; that the foreign 
 rank and tile \vere hardK' di-t inu'ui-ha Me from others, and 
 that Perron their commander was an ol>i ' ' ' aversion to
 
 248 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the Maharajah whom lie served. 1 He was actually prepar- 
 ino- to renounce the service of Scindia. and was ready to nego- 
 
 O J 
 
 tiate, as soon afterwards appeared, with the English. Yet 
 Lord Lake was instructed that the first object of the cam- 
 paign was to overthrow an independent French State on 
 the banks of the Jumna. 
 
 From the borders of Mysore Arthur Wellesley led 8900 
 men to the siege of Ahmednagar. Ten thousand men under 
 Lord Lake entered the Mahratta country from the side of 
 Cawnpore. General Stevenson with 7900 IK -Id the bank of 
 the Godivari ; General Stewart held a large 1 force in reserve 
 on the Kistna. In Guzerat, 7300 under General Murray 
 occupied the fortified places. Colonel Powell had 3500 
 in Bundelcimd, and 5000 were held in readiness to invade 
 Raghuji s territory. A circle- of lire girt the Malirattas round. 
 Lord AVellesley boasted that he would be his own War 
 Minister. He would show the Board of Directors whv he 
 had refused to reduce the army, and what IK.' could do with 
 it. AVe all know the brilliant feats of arms that followed. 
 Enormously outnumbered, the assailing forces everywhere 
 prevailed. A third of tin- victors were left dead on the 
 field of .Wave ; but the blow then- inflicted on Scindia, 
 followed up as it was by that of La-wari, was never 
 recovered. A.ura was stormed, and a large amount of 
 bootv distributed among the troops. .Lord Wellcslev s 
 share of prize-money at the end of the war would, \\\ the 
 ordinarv course of things, have been large. Though 
 poor and in debt, he refused to take anv part of it, and 
 ordered its division among the troops. The fall of Delhi 
 liberated Shah Alum .II., who I'm- some years had been the 
 regal captive of Scindia. \\\< deliverance was trumpeted 
 as a Ljivat event to the Mohamnie-dan world, indicative of
 
 THE MAHRA TTAS. 
 
 the beneficence of our interposition. Several of the minor 
 princes of Rajpootaiia were als< declared to In- set five from 
 3Iahratta thraldom. Selfish aims, personal or political, 
 might le insinuated lv the envious; l>ut the world would 
 judge. At length peace was made. Because they would 
 
 *) O O <J 
 
 not approve the cession of (iiizerat by the IVishwa, from 
 the Uajah of Berar was taken Ivuttack, Balasore, and the 
 rich cotton district of the AVarda ; from Scindia the whole 
 of the vast country lying between the Jumna and 
 the (ianges, including Agra, Delhi, and Biuidclcuiul. 
 This unfortunate Prince, who, by their own account. 
 " when he wound up his affairs at the end of the war. 
 would not have a disposable clear revenue" adequate to hi- 
 defence in future, was* forced to cede the " valuable territory 
 of I >a roach and Almiednagur, where the jnghires ot ln- 
 familv were situate, whose revenue Ji wa- computed would 
 vield the ('ompanv a clear revenue of ten lacs of rupees 
 annuallv " (i.<\ 1' ! oo.ooo). 1 
 
 l'\ a pri >\ i-ii in m i he Treat v of Sirp Anjengaoin, Scindia 
 \\~as offered t ic -uppiirt of six battalions of infantry, with 
 ihi-ir complements of' ordnance and am !'T\" wlieiiever he 
 miLi'hl -land m need of them, wit ioiit anv condition as 
 to permancncv m- pa\-. The reason assigned b\- (Jeiieral 
 
 wit ii undmnnisiieil power am I incivasei I r 
 pared with those ot' Scindia, hi- power and hi- nnli: ry 
 resources were much greater than tliev were previous to the 
 war. and ; here was lit t le doubt t'nat t he n >n ! 
 
 1 <;;'. i. .MS. ,'ji;.) Letter tn Gi'Vcrni':--( Iciieral t': p . in A.i:/r.' Wd
 
 250 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 those chiefs would be revived. This would be a matter of 
 little consequence if the parties were so equal in point of 
 strength, resources, and abilities, as to render the event 
 of the contest doubtful. But leaving the latter to his 
 own means, he must fall an easy prey to Holkar, or his 
 Government would become dependent upon that of his 
 rival. Under these circumstances, it was thought expedient 
 
 ' ._ _L 
 
 to hold forth to Scindia an option of becoming a party to 
 the general defensive alliance, and to engage that it should 
 occasion no further diminution of his revenue. He was in- 
 duced to otter this last condition, by the conviction that 
 Scindia would not agree to the treaty of general defensive 
 alliance, although his .Ministers proposed that he should 
 unite himself more closely with the C'ompanv, if he were 
 to be obliged to pav for the assistance which he should 
 receive. The treaty further stipulated that in no case was this 
 force to interfere in disputes between Government and sub- 
 jects, but that it should at all times, and under all circum- 
 stances, be ready at Scindia s orders to punish and suppress 
 resistance, no matter how provoked. .And this is European 
 civilisation, freedom, and morality! 1 A British force are. 
 hired bv treatv as janissaries to a despotic, and. as the 
 authors of I hat treatv over and over again called him. a. cruel 
 and perfidious .Prince, for an unlimited time. Jlolkar still 
 
 held out. ami prolonged a desultory warfare until 1805. 
 
 < ./ 
 
 when another \ icerov, who was bent on peace, agreed to a, 
 termination of hostilities without stipulating for any terri- 
 torial cession. 
 
 The financial results of this era of subjugation are worthy 
 
 of attention. In 1794 the revenues of British India were 
 
 8,270,770, and the total charges, including interest on debt, 
 
 . 0.033,1)5 1, leaving a sin-plus of 1 .(M 2,8 19. There was a 
 
 1 Mill, book VI. chap xii.
 
 TJfE MAHRATTAS. 
 
 diminution in the following year, though peaceful, and at 
 the commencement of the Manjuis AVelleslev's adininistra- 
 tion there was a deficit of 118, 7-1 (> on the year I7<i7_<),s. 
 At the close of his extravagant rule in ls(>5. the revenue 
 was ,.'! ,"),!(!:], I o ( J, but the charges and interest were 
 I7.''>72.|!I7. showing a deficit of 2,2(58. (508. The debt 
 in 171)3, wa.s 10,962,743; in 1797, 17,059,192; in L805, 
 l':> 1, (1:38,827 ; in 181.0, 41,233,870. So enil.arra-scd 
 were the finances of the ('oiii]ianv, that on the 11th 
 .March 1808, thev applied to the dlovfTiimwit to repay 
 the sum of l'1 ,L!OO. ()()(), and to advance as much inoi'e 
 lo them '>v way of loan to meet the deficit caused. Itv the 
 profuse (\\penditiire "ii unproductive objects of territorial 
 au'iiTandiseinent. The Directors, in an elaborate (lesiiateh. 
 
 \ i2- io I 1 .'.") u'ai'in 
 hre ;i!i^' to as.<cri tin ir ant In 'fit \' in the LJ< v 
 
 of India, "to re-; rain a iir-. ifu>c expendit lire <>f the
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE SWORD IX THE SCABBAIID. 
 
 18051813. 
 
 ' I deprecate the effects of the almost universal frenzy which has seized even some 
 of the heads which I thought the soundest in the cuuntry fur c'>nqu L -st and 
 victory, as opposed to the interests as to the laws of our country. I shall 
 come to the army witli a determination not to submit to in>ult or a^'re^ion, 
 but with an anxious desire to have an opportunity of showing my _vi:er- 
 osity.'' 
 
 L')UT) CuriNWALLIS.l 
 
 A LTHOUGH Mr Pitt had approved and applauded the 
 aggressive policy of Lord AYellesley, he was not in- 
 sensible to the opposition it had excited among men of all 
 parties in the country; and in the winter of lai)4 lie felt 
 that he had no popularity to spare for its defence or con- 
 tinuance. Jiis second administration had failed to rally 
 the enthusiasm he anticipated. His personal energies were 
 1 (('ginning to fail, and there \vas great distress throughout 
 the country; debt and taxation \vere steadily increasing, 
 and the power of France, which thev had been incurred to 
 check, appeared to be greater than ever. Jle silently re- 
 solved, therefore, to acijinesce in a change of >vstem in the 
 Ka>t, and agreed that Lord Cornwallis should lie once more 
 .-'lit out as \icerov, wnh m.-tructioiis to make peace, and 
 to keep it for the future. 
 
 In resuming the Government, the aged Marquis found 
 "that we \\'ere still at war with Ifolkar, and hardlv at 
 1 Letter t> Malcolm, 14th Au_'i;.,t 1&U5.
 
 THE SWORD IN THE SCABBARD. 253 
 
 peace with Scindia;" and that unless lie himself at once 
 proceeded to the Upper Provinces, he could not hope to 
 bring speedily to an end "a contest in which tin- most 
 brilliant success could afford no solid benefit, and which, if 
 it should continue, must involve pecuniary difficulties which 
 \ve should hardly he ahle to surmount." To Lord Castle- 
 reairh he disclosed his dismay at finding himself with an 
 emptv treasurv, the credit of the Government tried to the 
 utmost at I>enares and other places, where temporarv loans 
 had been lalelv raised hy his spendthrift predecessor, and 
 further entanglements recently created hy a guarantee given 
 to Prana Keerut Sing of the fortress of Gwalior, which Scindia 
 protested he had never meant to give up. Tin.' statements 
 of embarrassment were lv no means overcharged, notwith- 
 standing the recent violent Iran-actions in (hide.- On 
 learning that the Rajah of -leypoiv (.Jiiguvtt Sing) had bv 
 his conduct forfeited anv claim to ]irotectioii. the A icerov ob- 
 serveil, "\\oilld to (!od that we could a< easily get rid of 
 the Ran,-i of (iohud. and manv more of our burthensome 
 allies or < ependants. ' The pay of the army was at this time 
 live months in arrear, and many o( tip' civil departments 
 had st ill greater cause of com pin int. lie had no choice hut 
 to stop /// Ir'tiiXitiJ the specie sent li'oiu Kiigland to pa\" for 
 shipments in China, for '' we had l>v our recent victories 
 obtained a u'i'eat acquisition of verv unprofitable ten-it m-v, 
 and of useless and burthensome allies ;nid dependants. 
 He knew that the opinions that prevailed at lie,". 
 were unfavourable to the restoration of peace; j 
 the e.'cut It'inen in the political line were o| opinion 
 system of power was preferable to one of n 
 
 ! I
 
 254 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 and that even Malcolm was full of schemes of military 
 colonisation, not only as presenting a resource to meet exist- 
 ing difficulties, but as supplying a base for further opera- 
 tions in future. Lord Cornwallis told him plainly that in 
 his iuclo-ment " no success could indemnify us for continu- 
 
 JO .' 
 
 ino; this ruinous Avar " with the Mahrattas a moment longer 
 
 o o 
 
 than we could bring it to a termination without dishonour. 1 
 He also considered the possession of the person of Shah 
 Alum, and of the city of Delhi, as " events truly unfortu- 
 nate." Far from desiring to strengthen or expand the network 
 of subsidiary engagements, the wise and humane Viceroy 
 did not hesitate to make known his strong disapproval of the 
 system. It had been imagined that after the third Mysore 
 war he had proposed its extension to the Mahrattas, by 
 whom the offer had been declined.' 2 In disproof of this, he re- 
 called a curious conversation he had had at the time with the 
 General-in-Chief of their forces. When the victorious allies 
 were about to separate, with mutual assurances of satisfaction 
 and good-will, Hurry Punt asked him why he did not offer 
 a subsidiary force to the Peishwa as well as to the Xi/am. 
 He replied that "he disapproved very much of all subsidi- 
 arv treaties, as they tended to involve the British Govern- 
 ment in (jiiarrels in which tln-v had no concern ; that the 
 treaty \vith the ^Sixain had been made many years In Tore, and 
 he 1 was determined n'>t to enter into anv ni"iv engagements 
 of that kind." And to this determination, after the, 
 experience of: the opposite puiicv nude]' Lord \\elleslev. 
 he. was resolved to adhere. H> does not sav. but we mav 
 
 -4 1 - '.1. ;, .lln. 
 
 - S L -e ;i c'un"H< II-PKT l.y < ;.-'i- :;\\ \\ <\,<.:A--\ . entitle.}, ' : reservations on the 
 Treaty i..f l!u->t.-m." liun.itM i>y L-nl \\ tiU'-i y, i-re q i'.tinu' < ';;! nita. to hi^ suc- 
 (/' -.:. ;i\ i !,-; h-.I 1 y him in Litter. H;t',i An_'u-t 1 - 1 >~> -( '...n, v/uili- Cura j .spui)'l- 
 ence. vt.l. iii. ]i. ."ill. 
 
 " Letter tj Sir Artiiur AVcllc^lcy, IGth Augu-t Iso.i
 
 THE SWORD IN THE SCABBARD. 
 
 be very .sure, that he clearly understood the real drift of the 
 astute Mahratta's (question. All that subsequently passed 
 during the negotiations for the Treaty of P>assein, prove in- 
 contestablv the aversion, amounting to loathing, with which 
 the Court of Poona regarded the conditions on which alone 
 a subsidiarv force would he established within the Peishwa's 
 dominions. The manifest purpose of the interrogatorv was 
 to fathom the thoughts of the ( rOvernor-General at a moment 
 when, tlushed with triumph, he might possibly be otf his 
 guard. JluiTV Punt could liave liad no authoritv to treat 
 just tlien on such a subject, but if he could have artfully 
 extracted a design, theretofore unexpressed, of pushing 
 further an intermeddling policy among the States that still 
 preserved then.- independence, he would have chuckled at 
 the success nf his diplomatic artifice, and obtained for his 
 court a warn 11 in' betimes, winch would have been no 
 doubt regarded as va liable and Worth bearing in ivnicm- 
 brance. The rep v of Lord Cornwall is, uttered in perfect 
 sinceritv. tended to al av distrust at I'oona. and for another 
 decade '.< > more was said about t he matter. 'I he Mahrattas 
 
 i ! iclleve [ jial Whatever mi-lit he < eslglied 
 
 for oi her-, the harness-makei's ol foil \\ ilbam did not eon- 
 template throwing the lasso over their wild heads, tar les.- 
 tin 1 notion of breaking them in and collaring them to (he 
 pole of viceregal rule. i udei 1 LOP Cornwallis and Sir 
 
 John Sh' i re the j mlicv ot all-lent n MI \va : 
 
 to. bui under Lon \\ellesey it was discarded: ain we 
 
 canin 'i v oiid' r if the native ] n'liices. unabli tor ; 
 
 ih.e inci iii-i ancv i if pniici] des on \\ itch i : : . i on of 
 
 Indian a tia ir> w; 1 - conduct ed. -hoii Id ha \ . ; 
 
 voke h i 'Cellared ;'. .r t hem mu 
 
 in
 
 256 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 it was, perhaps, too late to revert to the pre-existing state 
 of things. It is one of the penalties of misrule that it cannot 
 be safely or easily undone, and that very often we know not 
 how to undo it at all. Confidence plucked up rudely will 
 not grow again, though carefully planted, and watered with 
 regretful tears. Lord Cornwallis was no sentimentalist, but 
 he was a temperate, just, and sagacious man, and his last 
 days were clouded with sincere regrets at finding that in 
 the interval between his first and second administration, 
 trust in our political moderation and forbearance had been 
 eradicated in the native mind. 
 
 Colonel Close called attention to the disorganisation 
 that prevailed in various branches of the administration at 
 Poona. He counselled, admonished, tried to persuade, 
 and tried to frighten the worthless purveyors of waste and 
 jobbers at the public cost, but all to no purpose. The ear of 
 the humiliated Peishwa was continually filled with sus- 
 picions too plausible to be disbelieved. Was not the 
 Resident the impersonation of the power that had compelled 
 him to siii'n a\vav his independence, to forswear the tradi- 
 tions of his race, and to contract obligations which no 
 economy would probably have enabled him to fulfil? On 
 the other hand, what had sycophancy and malversation to 
 crain, even bv affecting self-denial and patriotism when 
 dviii'j; ] and whv should it spare ihe resources of ;i ( Govern- 
 ment plainlv smitten with death, or the credit of a State 
 about to die/? dludi and Durbar were, dailv growing 
 more and more, deaf to good counsel, as the benumbing 
 sense of irresponsibility for evil acts became more and 
 more habitual. The poison had begun to work, and its 
 effects were what had been anticipated, similar to those, if 
 not the same, which had been found elsewhere. The 
 venerable Viceroy grieved over them, and, while resting
 
 77 IE SWORD IN 77 fE SCAT, HARD. 257 
 
 from the. fatigues of his journev into the interior, unbur- 
 theiied his mind to the Secret Committee. He lamented 
 "the weak and wretched state of the IVishwas internal 
 government," and he had reason to bclit ve th.it the authority 
 of the Soubahdar of the Deccan over his dominions was 
 approaching fast to the same state. The evils were sutli- 
 cieiitlv ob\ ions ; the remedy, unhappily, not so apparent. 
 The positive obligations of treaties provided, in the most 
 express terms, for the uncontrolled exercise of the internal 
 government of both States being left in the hands of their 
 respective Chiefs. He had called their attention to the 
 articles in the treaties which so much concerned I hemselves ; 
 and had impressed on the mind- of the Residents the necessity 
 of encouraging the most active exertion of that authority 
 and control on which the prospentv of their dominions and 
 the securitv of their subjects so great lv depended. >; In the 
 Imp'' that bv decrees we mi; 1 ;! it withdraw ourselves from the 
 disgraceful participation m which we should be involved, 
 bv mixniLi' ourselves in all the intrigue, oppression, and 
 cliicaiierv of the native management of distracted and 
 ( e-olat"d provinces, he hail addressed instructions to the 
 liritidi representatives at I'oona and Hvderabad. 1 to disen- 
 taii'je themselves ^raduallv but steai ilv from < ulie> which 
 he \\onld never have cast upon t iem. I'o Lord ].;i ce. who 
 was still at the head oj the arm\" in the iiewlv-coni|iiercd 
 couiitrv. he intimatci plainlv " that it was not the opinion 
 of Mini-ti r> onlv, or "i' a partv. but of all ivtlecting men. 
 that it \\ a - mijiraci icable lor Civat Untain to maintain -o 
 va>t and unwieldv an Lm lire in India, which am 11 
 called tor reinforcements of men. and ivniit tain-e- ot nione\-, 
 and which vielded little other prolit than brilliant gaxet te-.
 
 2 5 8 EMIGRE IN A SI A. 
 
 The Eajali of Berar and other Chiefs who had suffered great 
 deprivation, could certainly entertain no friendly disposi- 
 tion : and unless a very great change could be effected in 
 the minds of the natives of India, and in the ideas they 
 must harbour of our views, lie could not look forward with 
 sanguine hope to the establishment of permanent peace. 
 He expressed his regret in the same letter that he could not 
 define, " in the multiplicity of cessions and conquests, what 
 ought to be considered actually or virtually our territories ; " 
 but he did not conceal his anxiety to be rid of as many as 
 could be relinquished with any show of honour. 
 
 The pacific policv foreshadowed by Lord Cornvrallis 
 filled Lord Lake and his staff with disappointment, and 
 something more. What had been accomplished in the field 
 by a brilliant combination of strategy, persistence, and 
 valour, in their view promised, with certainty, further and 
 greater conquests ; without which they easily persuaded 
 themselves that those already made could not be preserved. 
 Lvery remission and restoration suggested, seemed to them 
 confirmatory of their fears. Faiiit-lieartedness and parsi- 
 mony had fallen, just at the wrong time, upon the Councils 
 of Empire; the daring and decision of .Lord \\Vlleslev 
 had been overruled just at the moment when it was about 
 to be crowned with triumph ; the half-subjugated Mahrattas 
 
 h courage to protract war for tin.: 
 
 recovery ot an the\- had lost. " It would be melancholy to 
 see the work of our brave armies undone and left to be done 
 over au'ain. ] Had the "glorious little man remained but 
 another year at Calcutta, all would have gone well : but he 
 had been worried into resigning, and a successor had been 
 
 1 Confidential Letter frm C. Metcali'e. in Camp at Muttra, to Mr Sherer, 31st 
 Au-'ust IbOo.
 
 77/7s SU'OKD 7.V Til]'] SCAJU1ARD. 
 
 259 
 
 chosen, who was past work, feeble in body and decrepit in 
 mind. They knew that the ways and means of ( Government 
 had lono- been straitened ; for the pay of the troops every 
 month fell more and more, into arrear. J>ut victorious 
 troops seldom doubt that there is an easy way of S(j_uarin^ 
 the accounts of a campaign, vi/., by takinu; the balance 
 
 1 O t/ O 
 
 want me 1 out of the- colters of obstinate foes, who have not 
 the sense to see that they are beaten. The political inex- 
 pediency or injustice of this mode, of getting rid of the 
 difficulty, is not nicely weighed in camp scales; and 
 there can be no doubt that the Commander-in- Chief, 
 and his officers, felt fully persuaded that they under- 
 stood the position much, better than any old gentleman 
 latelv come out from England ; and that they were much 
 more competent to advise him what ou^'ht to be done than 
 he was to direct them. One all-important fact they did not 
 iw. namely, that before (|iiiitinu' India. Lord \\ellesley 
 
 of all'airs, and on the policv \vliic]] oii-'ht io In.- puisued ; 
 thai an elaborate jcijier. iv-'ari \\\^ the North \Vestern States, 
 had been drawn up liv Si r ( M ( >r-'i liarlow, and aifrced to 
 hv lioth t ic distinguished persuna;j.'es present. In iruih, 
 tin- retiring \ ict'i'ov had become i'ni!\" convinced of ihe 
 
 fora time, in ijuabtied captivitv. the I']nu'li>h le-ideiit at 
 hi- C'ourt, on the plea that (i\valinr \\'as I'etained in breach 
 
 1 Kayo's Life i-f Meti-a'.fe. vol. ;. \ . 171.
 
 260 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 of the terms of the last treaty made with him. On receipt of 
 peremptory instructions not to move, except in self-defence, 
 lest anything should provoke an open rupture with Scindia, 
 Lord Lake threw up his command. The last official letter 
 of the aged .Mar<juis was in reply deprecating this resolve, 
 recalling their early friendship, testifying his sense of the 
 General's services, and urging him to wait until they could 
 meet and interchange frankly their respective views. .But 
 death was already at the door ; and on the 5th October, 
 Lord Gornwallis breathed his last at Ghazepore, in the Pro- 
 vince of Benares. 
 
 The duties of Governor-General, ad interim, devolved 
 upon Sir George Barlow, as senior 31 ember of Council, lie 
 trod in the footsteps of the late Viceroy, which had had his 
 entire, approval, preparing to withdraw, as fast as it was 
 prudent to do so, the British troops from their menacing 
 positions, and concluding arrangements with various minor 
 princes as preliminary to a general pacification. Ue dis- 
 claimed altogether the function of self-constituted arbitrator 
 among the frontier tribes, and declared it to be our dutv 
 lo leave them at their own peril to liu'ht out their quarrels 
 among themselves. This abstention was of course regarded 
 as "shocking' bv all the young diplomatists who had Lvn 
 brought to prematurity in what was called Lord \\elie-lev s 
 olitical forcin-house. A still moie shockin s 
 
 inevitablv tending to revive in everv <|iiarler of the frontier 
 all those quarrels, wars, disturbances, and depredations 
 which they would lain believe had been nearlv extinguished 
 bv armed intervention. 'Two objects,'' they said, "were 
 necessarv for permanent tran<]iiillit v and safetv. The re- 
 duction of Holkar to a state of impotence, from which he, 
 should not be able to rai>e himself (his destruction would
 
 Till-: Sll'ORD AY THE SCABBARD. 
 
 261 
 
 In- most desirahle), and tin- maintenance of our alliances 
 and paramount influences with the pettv States of Hindu- 
 stan. In after vrars, when 1 tetter acquainted \\ it h t he real 
 circumstances of the ease, .Me tea lie, who was then anionu' 
 the must ea^'er zealots lor further a^Li'ression, confessed that 
 Ins judgment underwent ]io little modification ; and though 
 he still disapproved of the forbea ranee shown to Holkar, he 
 admitted that at the time there was no help for it.~ 
 
 IVI'oiv the vear closed. Iiimjit Singh offered his media- 
 tion, and preliminaries of peace, were concluded with Holkar 
 on terms which the otlicers of the armv pronounced to lie 
 disgraceful, l)iit wliich the Governor-Genera] and Council 
 were e'lad to accept' under the, cnvum-lances. Holkar 
 a>ked t ial an envov should lie sent to him in order to 
 satisfv his people, \\- 10 were wearv of war. and si^'liin^ h-r 
 its termination. Metcall'e found " Kk-( 'lm> im-iil-1 )o\\da " : 
 i _!i''i\ i ' and polite, no; m ihe Icasi I'csemlilinu' the savage 
 lie ln'lii'\i'd him to In'. Ids Ihii'liar in cam > \\'as devoid 
 
 iW. liavil j' Hot ilillLi' of i tplllellce ill I! lull 1 lie p'U'els 
 
 li- -addle-l.ow. Mo-t o| 
 
 I 
 
 now let] to him, and Seindia. ulad enough lo lake adva 
 
 moderate lulie ii|' I he He\\ ( ioVi '11 h U'-( lelhT 
 
 entered -( it ni aiier mi ii ne-- 1 >t lat ions w iidi ended in 
 
 aen . I :_;' M I i ,';'' !!'-. 
 
 1 ,i ii'i 1 La ke u>ei 1 , 'Yi T\ a I'u'iniii 'lit au'a i n-i i ' . ;. 
 
 edi -IN _!'! i'' led, \\ it hd r< \\ iroin 
 
 ( 'i i i i i | " >. : : ;ea ! ma i i < i'-. lie wa- < -i 
 the i'' '-I ' 'i'a ! ion 1 1, I onk liampot >ra . \\ h a 
 
 I. -t i i : ' M !: ,1. W, S! 
 
 - K; ;. ,. ' M . . .. . : -. 
 
 T y ; ::..' ; "
 
 262 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 to Scinclia and declined, and which, after all other provi- 
 sions of the treaty had been ratified, was spontaneously 
 given up to Holkar by a declaratory article appended 
 thereto. 
 
 In a paper written in 1806, entitled "The Policy of Sir 
 George Barlow/' Metcalfe imputes to him the "design of 
 directly fomenting discord " among the neighbouring States, 
 with a view to our own safety. This Metcalfc brands as 
 barbarous, unwarrantable, and monstrous. He would, in 
 preference, have had us assume the sovereignty over all. 
 There then remained, he said, but two great Powers in India, 
 the English and the Mahrattas ; and where we failed to 
 exercise paramount sway, we left the inhabitants to be 
 harassed and ill-used by them. 1 P>ut the fixed principle of 
 the Government at that period was to relinquish all pos- 
 sessions and protectorates west of the Jumna, and the 
 treaties of 1806 embodied this rule. 
 
 A treat v of friendship and alliance, made between the 
 Pritish Government and the State of Lahore, on 25th April 
 1809, stipulated that the former should have no concern 
 with, the territorv and subjects of tin.' 'Maharajah north 
 of the Sutlej ; that Pain jit Singh should never maintain on 
 the left bank of that river more troops than were neeessirv 
 for the internal duties of his Government; nor commit or 
 sutler any encroachment on the possessions or lights of the 
 chiefs in his vicinity. All the region between the Sutlej 
 and the Jumna was thereby declared to be subject to our 
 suzerainty. The vague relations theretofore subsisting 
 with the local Rajahs gave plaee to ihe formal assumption of 
 the protectorate bv the Paramount Power. A. declaration to 
 this effect announced thai Sirhind and. .Mal\va were taken 
 under Ikitish protection ; that no tribute would be demanded 
 ] Tapers aiul Correspondence of Lui\l M^tealfe, ]>. 7.
 
 THE Sll'OKD IN THE SCABBARD. 263 
 
 from the chief's; hut thai they would he expected lo furnish 
 ;i!l facilities for the movement of our troops through their 
 di-triets, and to join them \vith their followers whenever 
 called on. " lUit" the mutual relation of supremacy and 
 suhjection, appeals from the inferior to the superior in 
 disputes amongst themselves, and the imperative neccssitv 
 of ministering puMic order, speedily multiplied, we are 
 assured, "occasions of interposition; and. after IK.) long 
 interval, compelled the British ( ioveviimeiii to proclaim the 
 right and the resolution to interpose. The regulation of 
 successions from the first demanded the intervention of the 
 protecting Power ; and political expediency has dictated the 
 enforcement of a principle, recognised throughout the 
 feudality of India- the appropriat KHI of a subject territory 
 on fai ure of lawful heirs, 1>\- the Paramount Sovereign.' 
 
 1 n the \\ hig ( 'ahinet of LS(H>, the Indian department \vas 
 
 a-si^'iied to the tViend of liurke who. as Sir (Iilherl Klliott. 
 
 ; ii 'I'D one ot the managers in t ie impeachment of \\ arren 
 
 i . . i ,M ,...,,,.,,,, i 
 
 i 
 
 ii ( 'hiej'-. lust ice ^o i'ir to su-taiu llie language 
 
 liesii >We<l i ill 1 hem 1 iV a cl'il ic ditliclllt '< > please. 
 
 7' '). lie was >ciil to ( 'orsica lo negotiate its annexation. 
 he remained as (lovenior of the inland until the pre- 
 f t i" party attached to I'Vance compelled him 
 thdraxv. lie \\-;is siilise(|Uentlv Aml'a^-ador . ; \ iein 
 
 lie in i w entered Upon t lie dllt ies of Pre-idelil of' ! lie | o;ird 
 
 of ( 'oiitrol. with all the ad\ nl :v< of f.-rnier -ludv of 
 1 in l;an > iiie-i ion< m | 'arliameiit . and of' i l:p!o| it-nee 
 
 al>r< >:(< \. \\ ith t he consi m of ii- e, >! - M;. - he named !. >rd
 
 264 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Lauderdale Governor-General, but the Directors positively 
 refused their assent, desiring in preference that Sir George 
 Barlow should be retained. After some weeks spent in 
 altercation, it was iinallv resolved that Lord Minto should 
 himself accept the post, leaving Mr Dundas to succeed him 
 at the India Board, and allowing the Viceroy ad interim to 
 subside into the Governorship of Madras. The six years of 
 Lord iMinto's administration were peaceful and unaggressive. 
 All his antecedents indisposed him to revert to tin-, policy 
 of encroachment, and with the exception of Lord Grenville, 
 "All the Talents' concurred in his views. lie understood 
 that his mis-ion was to restore, if possible, the finances of 
 the Company to an equilibrium, bv the encouragement of 
 trade and imltt.-trv. and bv enforcing retrenchment in the 
 civil and militarv departments. In 1803, Travam-ore lie- 
 came the scene of disturbances, accompanied bv manv acts 
 of tivacherv and violence bv the dupes of a fanatical and 
 unprincipled man. who had been for some time De\van, 
 and to whom the J'ajah had absolutely committed all 
 executive authoritv. Intrigues with the Bajahs of Cochin 
 and Malabar were set on foot to shake oil' the Company s 
 Yoke. After some loss of life the revolt was suppressed; 
 the- Uajah affected ignorance of hi- Ministers designs, and 
 regret for the act- of his people. Lor three or f< 
 he was not forgiven. but in I M :j he \va- 
 sunic. under cert a m rest rid \< MIS, t he r 
 which t henceforl h reina ined t rampiil. 
 
 The influence- b\- which the people had been for tin' 
 time excited to insurrection \veiv the (car of their ancient 
 religion bei !]_; HIM lerm i iiei 1 bv missionaries, erroneouslv sup- 
 posed to be acting under the direction of the Covernment : 
 and on the other hand, bv unfounded hope- of a rising 
 anionif the Mahratta and other llimlu communities in a
 
 77//-; SU'OKD /.Y THE SCABBARD, 
 
 "(neral league au'amst their Kuropean masters, 
 valence o| such feelings collld Jlot be hidden Iruli) tin- 
 watchful and discerning eyes of men who, having helped 
 to build up rapidlv an empire with the most heterogeneous 
 materials, knew how insecure were its foundations, and how 
 ill cemented was its apparent strength, \\hat they deemed 
 most formidable, was a community of religious suspicion, or 
 a community of new religious belief. Political umtv in 
 India there had never been, and they were sure there could 
 never be ; but " if the leading nut ives should turn ( 'hristian. 
 we should lose the countrv ; 1 and the popular dread of 
 proselvtisin was likely to prove equally embarrassing. 
 
 Throughout the war with France our m'.Tcnntilo marine 
 had suffered severely from cruisers, well equipped and 
 armed, w lich issued. 1'rom the harbours of Mauritius and 
 the Me of Uourboii. It had loiii;' beell an object to gel rid 
 of tin- source of danger to our trade, the transport ser- 
 vice not hemif protected bv colivov. Ill LSU'J a dal'Illg 
 
 llcceeiled ill ta <lllg tile t< i\\'n 
 ie scant mess [' the mini! iers at l heir ci an- 
 I'ed i! imp' issibie fnr l ln-iii to I'stablish t hem- 
 
 11 1 1 11! II" 
 
 ceded 11 
 
 I or 11 - i'ei lud ion. a- \\ ' 
 
 i i 
 
 thai i 'I Maill'lt I Us, \\ i |cl i las ever >!llce rrin; 
 
 of l lie i ir'n :-Ii ( Y< >\\ n. In ! - i I I .< >r> i Mim o i-niii i\ ,>d
 
 266 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 render safe the use that might be made of them by an enter- 
 prising enemy. After due preparation, a squadron under 
 Commodore Rowley, having on board a sufficient land 
 force, sailed from Malacca, and, somewhat to the surprise 
 of many who had regarded Lord Minto a< too much a man 
 of peace, he himself accompanied the expedition. .V land- 
 ing-place near JJatavia had been left unguarded, and the 
 debarkation was effected without molestation. The citv 
 having been occupied without resistance, a brief campaign 
 in the hillv part of the island ended, without much blood- 
 shed, in the surrender of the forts and harbours which had 
 for many generations belonged to the .1 hitch, but which 
 had recently been treated as colonial dependencies by 
 Xapoleon. There was no longer left in the Indian Ocean 
 any place of strength over which the 1 Uritish Hag did not 
 wave. For three vears JJatavia had for its Governor Sir 
 Stamford Rallies, and at the conclusion of the war it was 
 honourably restored to Holland. On the mainland. Lord 
 Mmto adhered to his pacific policv. from which he could 
 not be provoked into departing either bv the occasional 
 plundering of the Pindharries, or the exaggerated import- 
 ance given bv manv about him to the >waggermg de- 
 meanour of the Ghoorka Chiefs. He was not Mind indeed 
 to the real condition of the countrv under his c large, which 
 he feh required repose. It was as much as he could do to 
 maintain the credit of the Government, without adding to 
 taxation which the people were unlit to bear, or withholding 
 a eomparativelv moderate dividend, which the Coiiipaiiv 
 expected. 
 
 Iv-oiioinv was tin- order of the dav. Conquest had had 
 it- Hi ni:'; and having sown it- wild oats, the. time was said 
 to have come when it must lead a more sober and frugal 
 life, retrench wasteful expenditure, ami if it did not clear oil'
 
 THE SWORD IN 77 fE SCABBARD. 267 
 
 <lrl>t, contrive at least for tlic future to |av its \vav. It 
 was not easy to cut down the cost of tlie annv; it \vas not 
 considered safe to seem even to do it. The al>!est and most 
 thought I'ul men who had lieen eng'ng'e-d in the work of pro- 
 vincial administration did not dare to disguise the truth, that 
 what had lieen won l>v force was held onlv liv the inlludice 
 that fear inspires. " Our situation in India, saidMetealfe, 
 " hasalwavs lieen precarious. It is si ill. precarious, not ]e<s 
 so, pei'l laps, a l the present mom cut. l>v the fault of the system 
 prescribed liv( i oven mien 1 at home,] han at anv former period. 
 \\ e are still a handful of Europeans Lfovernin^ 1 an immense 
 Kmpiiv. witlioitt anv lirm liold on the country, having war- 
 like and powerful enemies on all our front iers, and tin- -pirit 
 of disaffection dormant. l>ut rooted universally amonij" our 
 
 There \vas no otln r alternative lutt that of 
 parsimony in i ie civil administration; and to this everv 
 < lie olijected who had a voice in the matter at home, lie- 
 cause n implied curtailment in the numlter of primarv 
 appointments: and evervliodv objected m India who h,-id 
 ad\"anceinent to seek for lnm>eif or his friends. Still some- 
 thing' was effected I >v Lnfd Miiito; and. unlike most of 
 
 tllo-e \\ lo h;id U'one liefol'e him. lie U'as ali'e to sa\" that. Ill 
 his time, no! : iin;_;- had lieen added to tile del>t. 
 
 i, ni Mctva'.fo. SL-lirti-ns fn-ia L'apcrs, K.iii, i l-y J, \V. K ij .
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 SCIXDIA AND HOLKAIl. 
 
 1814 1817. 
 
 I think it well to sketch what appears to me the corrective for many exi-ting 
 embarrassments. Our object oucrht i<-> he to render our Governinent para- 
 ijiount in effect, if not dcclaredly so. We should hold the other States as 
 va>sals, in substance. though nt in name ; not precisely as they stood in the 
 Mi. gul Government, but possessed of peifcct internal sovereignty, and only 
 bound to repay the guarantee and protection e.f their possessions, by the 
 Uritish Government with the pledge of the twi.i great feudal duties. Fii'.-t. 
 they sh'/uld siijiport it witii all their f"i'ces on any call. Second, they should 
 submit their mutual differences to tlie head of the Confederacy our Govern- 
 ment .without attacking each other's ten itories. A fevr suhMniinate >tipulatinns 
 on our part, with immunities secured in return to the other side (especially 
 with iv.'ard to succession), wnuld j-ciider the arrangement ample without 
 C'jiapliuation or undue latitude.'' 1 
 
 IN lip' stormy ilays of tin- Regency, I.onl Muir,-) was one 
 of tin 1 conductors k<'j>t (it <';ir!t'/ii Hou-i' to save it 
 i'mm popular \vrath. Jf>' was. clnct]\- knoAVii fur ins iinc 
 niaiiinTs aii'l fni (i sentiments, parliamentary plianev. ;in<l a 
 meastireli-ss ln;nl of di itt. l)\" profession a s.oMii-r, I>\" traile 
 a f-ourtier, and 1\' oceujiation a spendthrift, one vainlv 
 seek's tor a n \" a i'l \vort 1 1 ri -nil ) 1 1 1 >< j ri i eg. or [or an\" jieriormaiiee 
 to account for lln- jiositioii of influence In- lidd in tin' \vorid 
 of politic- and fa -In on. Moiv insensihle to [lartv ties than to 
 persona eonsiderat ions. lie eliinu'. like Si ien dan, to the I'rinee, 
 \vlien nearlv all his early friends i'-'ir tliat in; had deceived 
 
 1 Private Juurna!. v-1. i. p. G4.
 
 SCINDIA AND IIOI.KAR. 
 
 269 
 
 them. The Recent was said to In- incapahle of ^ratiludc ; 
 lnii lie understood the value of an instrument lit for his 
 purpose when he had it. For him the Marl \vas thoroughly 
 tnistworthv, and accordingly, he trusted him in 1 S 1 L! with 
 the task of attempting to forma Coalition Cahinet, in which 
 he onlv failed Because, though there were nianv ahle Whi^s 
 and accomplished Pittites, there was onlv one _Moira. and 
 neither section shared the roval confidence in him. Next 
 vear witnessed his compensation and reward. Those who 
 knew what manner of man was reallv needed sighed : tin- 
 Directors shriiLru'ed their shoulders, and took care to explain 
 privately that the selection was not theirs : lut the creditors 
 of the insolvent Karl were enthusiastic in their approval, and 
 met to pass votes of congratulation on the propitious event. 
 They did more. Asa signal proof of the interest the v took 
 in the weltare of their fasciiiatin ,' delttor, thev proceeded tit 
 appoint an otlieia assignee to receive hi- -p eiidid salai'V 
 everv ijunrter. This attache-extraordinary was actuallv 
 -cut out to Calcutta, and there awaited his Kxeellency's 
 arri\'al. 
 
 Lord MI lira visited Madras on his wav out, and reas- 
 -ured liv kind and eourtlv words the Xawal) of the (\-ir- 
 natic that he need not fear from him any further degrada- 
 tion " ot his already ahject condition : olisrrvin^' t iat " he 
 would always construe the terms of existing treaties in a 
 \vay most coiisi* crate i'owards the part\" whose security was 
 in reliance on the honour of the other.'' (Mi returniiii;' hi- 
 visit, the \ icerov \\-as struck 1>\~ the inanity and </</<"' to 
 which tin- Nawalis life mu>l he a [i'ev, Indni;' amnl ui'eat 
 mau'iiiiiceiice without pur.-uit or [lower of anv kind. lie 
 add- ex]ire>sii ms of pit v at seeing one occup\"iiiL; his situation 
 suliji-cted to many vexatious restraints : such as ln-ing ci.im- 
 pelled to negotiate for leave to enjoy the pleasure- of the chase.
 
 270 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 so strict was the surveillance held over him. Yet this was 
 the descendant of Princes whose chief sin in the eyes of their 
 countrymen had been their constant alliance with the Com- 
 pany. These expressions are taken from a private diary kept 
 during the earlier years of a long viceroyalty, and from which 
 many curious and suggestive admissions may be gleaned. 
 Did we know nothing of his policy as an administrator but 
 what might be inferred from this talk to himself, we 
 should be led to anticipate a long epoch of tranquillity and 
 conciliation. The first Bishop had been sent out at the 
 same time, with an endowment, recentlv created, on the 
 renewal of the Company s charter ; and at the end of half a 
 century, it was nearlv time that the acts of the State should 
 show some regard for the precepts ( ->f the Church. How 
 little thev corresponded with these, or with the opinions and 
 designs expressed in the private journal, the military annals 
 of India record. Lord Jloira found the usual lack of money 
 in the treasurv of Calcutta, but remembering the pressure 
 put upon him at home, he began by remitting ,300.000 
 in pagodas. This left him very bare in resources, and led 
 him to prolong negotiations pending with the warlike' tribes 
 of Xepaiil. .He succeeded in composing disputes with 
 Scindia and the King of Ava. from neither of whom anv 
 serious mischief was to be apprehended, and with whom con- 
 tentions on [uiltrv subjects appeared to him to be sources of 
 unmixed evil, as tending to keep alive '"an inveterate 
 spirit of anmiositv against us in lln- breasts of those whom 
 we had overborne. 
 
 In t ie absence of all recognised occasions for the inter- 
 change of confidence-, or tor the performance of duties of 
 political co-operation, the position of humbled, yet still 
 proud Princes, could not but be one of perpetual over- 
 susccptibility and tantalisation. Xo good reason could be
 
 SCINDIA AND IIOLKAK. 
 
 assigned for the interchange of courtlv amenities, not to 
 speak of political views ; and beyond the most mechanical 
 contrivances to improve the j)hysical conditiott of the people, 
 there was little if anything for the Princes to do. How 
 ditl'erent would have been the ease had thev been Lrraduallv 
 led to take counsel, and to make proposals at Calcutta, 
 with a vie\v to the development of the resources of their 
 States, the better organisation of their internal forces, and 
 the reciprocal development of all that li'oes to make up the 
 strength of federal empire! Everv Native Prince, on the 
 contrarv. whether he called himself independent or pro- 
 tected, believed and believed with reason that every act 
 of his calculated, however remotelv. to remind his noble- 
 
 or his people o| belter da Vs Ll'one bv.. was certain to be 
 
 regarded as covertlv treacherous or threaten inirlv hostile 
 bv the ill-advisers of the Paramount 1'ower. Lord Moira had 
 sau'acitv enough to discern the truth, and to himseli he 
 avowed ii. "A rational jea'onsv of our power, lie thought, 
 was noi like! v to excite half the intrigues against its, \\ hich 
 nil!-! naturalh be produced bv the wanton provocation.-^ 
 1 1 \vc had been Li'ivin;4' on trivial subjects lu all the States 
 around us. ' Looking, for [he tirst time, at 1 n- anomalous 
 state of t llin'j> eVel'V where prevailing, it seemed to lie on \' too 
 
 evident l h;i ! a communil \ of resentment for past wrongs, and 
 a beiii-' held at arms leiiuth b\- mis^iviiiLi's oi the future. 
 nm-t pereimialK' prepare the subject-chiefs lor concerted 
 resistance to our swav \\ iciiever opport nun \- >hoii!d occur, 
 lie imagined llunjn Sin-h to be the like!ie>! .-.uive of 
 trouble on the front ier. and prognosticated ^erroiie-m.-sK as 
 it j'foved) that his personal influence and adi\ iy vvoiild 
 pro\"e to be stturces ot probable danger. \\\\\ though he 
 erred in this iv.-pect, he evinced true di>ceniment jn his 
 1 Private Journal, v^l. i. p. -i ,.
 
 272 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 general estimate of the situation, and of the perils that 
 encompassed it. ""We have not," he wrote, "simply to 
 look at the irritation of those whom we have scourged with 
 nettles. Each Sovereign must have brought the case home 
 to himself, and must have secretly sympathised with the 
 Durbars which he saw insulted and humiliated." 
 
 The Nawab- Vizier of (.hide was at this time bitterly 
 incensed against the Central (lovernnient. He had been pro- 
 mised complete immunity from its interference when he 
 agreed to surrender the half of his dominions in 1801 ; 
 nevertheless, he had been subjected to every species of 
 petty and prying interference in the management of what 
 remained of his affairs, until at length he declared, "in 
 open Durbar, that we had driven him to desperation." The 
 .Rajah of .Kerar. though professing to be friendly, was not 
 able to conceal his distrust of our intentions towards him 
 with what good cause he was soon to see. The Xizam, 
 who had so early admitted a subsidiary force within his 
 coiitin.es, "did not disguise his absolute hatred of us,' 
 although unable to make any attempt at disenthralment. 
 Scindia found it difficult to keep his irregular forces to- 
 gether, and might fairly be credited with the hope of being 
 able to quarter them in other territories than his own. 
 Ifolkar was in similar case. If one day these ignitable 
 elements should burst into flame, it would lie owing, 
 thought the Viceroy, to our own fault, in not "defining 
 to ourselves, or making intelligible to the .Native Princes,, 
 the quaUty of the relation which we had established with 
 them. In our treaties we recognised them as independent 
 Sovereigns. Then we sent Residents to their courts. In- 
 stead of acting in the character of ambassadors, they 
 assumed the functions of dictators, interfered in all private 
 concerns, countenanced refractory subjects against them, and
 
 SCINDIA AXD HOLKAR. 273 
 
 made the most ostentatious exhibition of this exercise of 
 authority." 
 
 The Nawab of Kurnool died, and his second son seized 
 the capital and was proclaimed his successor. His elder 
 brother happened to be in English territory at the time, 
 and obtained the assistance of the Madras Government to 
 place him upon the musnud. That done, his allies forth- 
 with proposed to the Governor-General that, while their 
 forces remained in occupation of the city, their <protc(iv 
 should be mediatised, and the province incorporated with 
 the Madras Presidency. The Viceroy indignantly rejected 
 the proposal. It did not seem to him a, natural conse- 
 quence of our military interposition that, without the sur- 
 mise of any misconduct urged against the Xawab, he should 
 lie deprived of his authority and revenues, except as to 
 sueh portion as \ve might munificently leave to him. This 
 was a remnant of the, old system, in which our convenience 
 \vas i ie oiilv influencing principle. It was evidently an 
 unjusl principle when no real necessity could be pleaded ; 
 but lie \vas further convinced that it was a thoroughly 
 impolitic view. "'In nothing did we violate the feelings 
 of the Native Princes so much as in the decisions in 
 which \ve claimed the privilege of pronouncing with regard 
 to the succession to the musnud. ' The. .ignorant assump- 
 tion that the rule of primogeniture would be re-cognised 
 among the Mussulman families as binding, it the P>ntish 
 < iovernineiLt openlv lent it their sanction and .-upport, 
 appeared to him thorouiddv delusive. The eldest son 
 would of course avail himself of our aid as tar as he, 
 
 could ; but the moment he had succeeded, he Would begin 
 
 to assert the same freedom of choice among his children 
 as his fat ier had done : and against such an impiil-e no sense 
 of gratitude to us would weiu'h. Thus earlv do we lind
 
 274 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the question seriously engaging the minds occupied with 
 Indian affairs, which, at a later period, was destined to 
 exercise so great an influence over the whole course of 
 
 o 
 
 opinion and action. 
 
 The quarrel with the Goorkhas was certainly not of the 
 Governor-General's seeking, and in a certain sense it may 
 be said to have been forced upon him. He evinced a 
 desire to parley until his forbearance tried the temper of 
 most of those around him ; and it cannot be doubted that, 
 relying on the remoteness of their country, the excellence 
 of their irregular discipline, the number of their well-armed 
 forts, and, above all, the indomitable spirit of their people, 
 these sturdy highlanders mistook tardiness for weak- 
 ness, and prudence for irresolution. A fiercer struggle, 
 over a wider range of country, lias never been maintained 
 in India. Upwards of 100,000 combatants of all arms 
 were brought into the field on our side ; and the numbers 
 on the other must have been much greater. Again and 
 again detachments were beaten back, and columns com- 
 pelled to retreat. At length we triumphed ; but only at a 
 cost of life and treasure such as had never been expended 
 before. The territorial gains, though not large, were im- 
 portant, extending, as tln-v did. our swav from the Jumna 
 to the tSutlej. Lord .Moira might well have been content 
 with these successes; but he had caught the prevalent 
 disease in camp. He could resist neither the promptings 
 of military ambition, or the appetite for popularity and 
 praise. Metcalfe earlv gained his ear, and whispered 
 temptations, varied and splendid, in the shape of terri- 
 torial acquisition. In a confidential paper on the con- 
 duct of the war with Xepaul, ami its probable extension 
 to other regions, he laid down as propositions incapable of 
 dispute or doubt, that our Empire in India had arisen from
 
 SCIXDJA AND HOLKAR. 275 
 
 the superiority of our military ]>O\V<T; tliat its stability 
 rested entirely on the same foundation ; and that if this found- 
 ation were removed, the fabric must fall to the ground. 
 Whatever delusions might prevail in England respecting 
 the security to lie derived from the affections of our Indian 
 subjects, and a character for moderation and forbearance 
 with foreign Native States, our power depended solely on 
 our military superiority. Yet there was reason to apprehend 
 that this comparative superiority had in some measure 
 diminished. The signal repulses "we had met with at 
 Jmurtpore, Kalunga, Kuniano, and elsewhere, showed that 
 our military pre-eminence was no longer uncontested, as it. 
 once had been. Analysing each sanguinary check, and 
 crediting our antagonists with augmented discipline and 
 valour, he urged, that as "' a great portion of our former 
 military fame had been buried at Bhurtpore," it had not 
 been retrieved by any successes since obtained. ( )ur oppo- 
 neiits were In -1 1 1 T able to hold their ground than formerly, and 
 our troops had not the same confidence in themselves they 
 u-i'd to have. The si^ht of a white face or a red coat was 
 inM sii Hi cii >nt on all occasions, as it once had been, to make our 
 adversaries ilee in dismay. Either the gradual circulation 
 of knowledge had u'iveii them a belter mode of defence, or 
 the charm \vhieh in-uivd our success \vas dissolved, or from 
 some other change \ve were less invincible than we had 
 
 lieell. "The IHlUlbcl'S ol olll' ll'oops must be permanent v 
 
 au'jfinenled in pro port ion to the increase oi > iiir possessions ; 
 au'aiu and au'ain laving stress on the fundamental fact, 
 that the existence df Kmpiiv in Asia niu-' e\vr lie 
 dependent on the sword, and that ii had no root in the 
 ions of the people. 1 1 could di rive no -: : < >n from 
 the good-will, or good faith, of our neighbours. Thai 
 j M dicy wa> i ii M t-uii cd [o uiir i, which
 
 2i 6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 tended in the greatest degree to increase our military power 
 by all means consistent with justice. Increased levies, well 
 disciplined and equipped, would, as he elsewhere explained, 1 
 furnish the means of fresh conquests ; and these in return 
 would supply the resources requisite to drill, feed, and pay 
 additional levies. In a word, Metcalfe's estimate of our 
 position was, that we had gone too far in the way of acqui- 
 sition to stop ; that when we abandoned the attitude and 
 aptitude of aggression, we could no longer hold down 
 writhing discontent, or keep external enmity at bay ; and 
 that, so long as hardy and courageous races lay beyond the 
 frontier, that frontier must continually expand, or, at least, be 
 capable of expansion. 
 
 Lord Moira, who at Westminster, and even at Fort William, 
 had been full of moderate and forbearing sentiments, speedily 
 became acclimatised in camp, and learned to think and act in 
 concert with the habits of thought and action that lire vailed 
 around him. The greater portion of his nine years' adminis- 
 tration was consumed in wars, entailing vast sacrifices of 
 life and treasure, and productive of comparatively small 
 benefit of a lasting character. The Pindliamcs, the great 
 robber clan of CVntral India, were indeed hunted down, after 
 a long and sanguinary chase, and their chief was found in a 
 jungle with his head cut oil'. P>ut this was about the most 
 useful of Lord Moira 's costly wars. A harder tight was 
 carried on with the (loorkhas, manv of v\hose strongholds 
 were razed to the ground, and a portion of whose territories 
 was annexed; !>ut after varied conflicts with these proud 
 and gallant mountaineers, the < }overnor-( ieiieral was fain to 
 make peace, and to leave them for the future unmolested. 
 The (loorkhas have well repaid in later times the, immunity 
 thevhave been permitted to enjoy from further interference. 
 
 1 Metallic 's Papers, fruin \>\t, M.' -!)().
 
 SC INDIA AND HOLKAR. 277 
 
 The States of Central India in 18 10 were disturbed 
 and disorganised in a degree which temptingly sufyested 
 a policy of intervention. Each of the Mahratta Chiefs who 
 still maintained a substantive or independent existence 
 was jealous of his neighbours, and each had his stifled grudge 
 against the still expanding Power that ten years before had 
 humbled him. In every Durbar the English liesident was 
 feared and hated as the symbol of past humiliation, the 
 espial of existing weakness, and the fugleman of future 
 attack. It was the aim of every shrewd native official to 
 mislead him the purpose of every subtle and inventive 
 politician to foil him. Anv expedient or device seemed 
 justifiable to bailie the designs imputed by all, and not with- 
 out reason, to that encroaching State whose most saga- 
 cious advi.-ers in their turn believed, and trulv, that the 
 Mahrattas desired our overthrow, and would not scruple to 
 have recourse to any measures destructive to our provinces. 1 
 
 It was clearly "our interest to annihilate them, or to 
 reduce them ID a Mate of weakness, subjection, and depend- 
 ence." | Jut \\ith regard to weak and harmless petty States, 
 it was a just and proper object of a wise and liberal 
 ( iovrrnuient to support them. Scindia, llolkar, and Berar, 
 from whom alone we had anything to fear, had con- 
 fessedly committed no overt act of hostility; nor was 
 there any decent pretext for attacking them. But all of 
 them in mm harboured the 1'indharries, and paid them blaek 
 mail, if they did not occasionally hire them as auxiliaries. 
 The-e it was now declared to be an imperative duty to 
 crush ; their existence was a .-caudal, their impunity a dis- 
 civdit to imperialism^ rule. Their complete extirpation 
 could hardlv be eil'ected without active co-operation on tin- 
 pan of the Mahratta powers : and the scheme was formed of 
 
 1 Mc;e;ilk> i:, Ivive's Life, 1. I:',-'.
 
 2 j 8 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 a crusade against the freebooters, with a clear prevision of the 
 more important consequences that might or might be made 
 to ensue. Once engaged in hunting down predatory tribes 
 
 Q O O 1 J 
 
 on the border, who should say what constituted hindrance 
 of pursuit, or help to escape? Every day and every move- 
 ment would bring new cause of quarrel ; every mosstrooper 
 sheltered would be an occasion of complaint ; every presumed 
 accessary would be the subject of altercation; the multipli- 
 cation of such sparks would be sure to generate flame, with 
 mutual distrust, resentment, and aversion fostering and fan- 
 ning it on every side. In pursuit of Pindharries a free 
 passage through the territories of the ]\Iahratta States might 
 be demanded, and if refused, there would be at once a cause 
 of war. " If Scindia, Holkar, and the luijah of Berar, 
 should neither co-operate nor remain neutral if all or any 
 of these Powers should oppose or obstruct our operations, we 
 had no choice but to consider them as enemies, and attack 
 them accordingly. Their territories would alibrd a recom- 
 pense for the expenses of the war, and an increase of 
 resources for the payment of additional force." 1 Here then 
 we have ayo\ve<], in terms incapable 1 of being mistaken, the 
 anticipations with which a fresh campaign on a great scale 
 was prepared, together with a frank confession of the objects 
 of the war. 
 
 Invents did not fall out preciselv as was expected ; but 
 in the mam tin- end- sought were accomplished in the 
 wide region which is especially designated Hindustan. The 
 formation of alliances with the minor States which lay on 
 every side around the greater and more formidable ones, 
 was at the same time prosed on the attention of Lord 
 Moira bv his confidential counsellors. These, must be 
 oifered the guarantee of Imperial protection, in exchange 
 
 1 Kayo's Life of Metcalfc. p. KIT.
 
 SCTNDTA AND HOLKAR. 279 
 
 for tribute to be expended in the organisation and main- 
 tenance of additional corps. Scindia and Ilolkar would 
 naturally object to be gradually encircled thus with de- 
 pendencies; but if they did, so much the better: there 
 would thus be another obvious cause of quarrel, and a mani- 
 festly good excuse for their destruction. " AVc ought to lie 
 strong enough," wrote Aletcalfe, "to conquer them all, and 
 annex the whole of their territories to the British dominions: 
 or they might reluctantly submit, and then they must either 
 devour one another or waste away." 
 
 One voice, indeed, was eloquently raised against these 
 courses. It was the voice of one who, as we have seen, 
 had in earlier days entered eagerly into the spirit of con- 
 quest for conquest's sake ; but \vho had learned wisdom, 
 justice, and ineivv, in the administrative school whence 
 others had drawn the opposite lessons. The words of 
 .Munro at this memorable juncture are too pregnant with 
 meaning to be forgotten. "Writing to Lord Moira in "Ls I 7, 
 he savs, "\\hen I consider the weakness of the Native 
 States, and the character of the Chiefs under whose sway 
 thev are, I see little chance of war, and none of a protracted 
 resistance. There is so little subordination in Native 
 ( lovernnii'iits, that much more eiiergv is required under 
 them than under ihe more regular Governments of hlurope. 
 Si'india was never formidable, even in the height of his 
 power. The exertions of Ilolkar against Lord Lake were 
 still weaker. The power of Scindia s as well as oi Ilolkar s 
 liovernment has so much declined since that period, that it 
 is scarcely credible that either they or Ameer khan \voiild 
 venture to oppose by force any measure for the suppression 
 of the Pindluirries. \}\i[ there is sometimes a kind of infa- 
 tuation about Indian Chief- who have lost a part of their 
 dominions, \vhirh trinpts them to n-k the rest in a contest
 
 2 So EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 which they know to be hopeless. The situation of the 
 British Government with regard to the Native Powers is 
 
 O 
 
 entirely changed within the last twenty years. It formerly 
 brought very small armies into the field, with hardly any 
 cavalry. It now brings armies into the field superior to 
 the enemy, not only in infantry, but also in cavalry, both 
 in quality and number. The superiority is so great, that 
 the event of any struo*ole is no longer doubtful. It has 
 
 \J OO O 
 
 only to bring forward its armies, and dictate what terms it 
 pleases, either without war, or after a short and fruitless 
 resistance." l He argues against extending the system of 
 subsidiary forces, and recommends instead, " compelling 
 Scindia to cede the districts restored to him in 1S05-G." 
 Whenever the subsidiary system is introduced, unless the 
 reigning Prince be a man of great abilities, the country will 
 soon bear the marks of it, in decaying villages and de-- 
 creasing population. This has long been observed in the 
 dominions of the Peishwa and the Nizam, and it is now 
 beginning to be seen in Mysore. He states, however, that 
 "its inevitable tendency is to bring every Native State, sooner 
 or later, under the exclusive dominion of the British Govern- 
 ment. It has already done this completely in the case of 
 tin.; Nawab of the O'arnatic. It has made some progress in 
 that of the Peishwa and the Nizam ; and the whole of the. 
 territory of those Princes will unquestionably sutler the same 
 fate as the Carnatic. The Peishwa will probably again 
 commit a breach of the alliance. The Nizam will do the 
 same. Even if th'- Prince himself were disposed to adhere 
 rigidly to the alliance, there will always be some amongst his 
 principal officers who will urge him to break it. As long 
 as there remains in the countrv any high-minded inde- 
 pendence, which seeks to throw oil' the control of strangers, 
 
 1 Life of Sir T. Munro. pp. 4C1. -K',-2.
 
 SCIXDIA AND I10LKAR. 281 
 
 such counsellors will be found. 1 have a better opinion of 
 the Natives of India than to think this spirit will ever In- 
 completely extinguished, and L can have no doubt that the, 
 subsidiary system must everywhere run its course, and de- 
 stroy every (Government which it undertakes to protect. . . . 
 Even if we could be secured against every internal convul- 
 
 O J 
 
 sion, and could retain the country quietly in subjection, I 
 doubt much if the condition of the people would be better 
 than under their Native Princes. The consequence of the 
 conquest of India by British arms would be, in place of 
 raising, to debase the whole people. There is, perhaps, no 
 example of any conquest in which the Natives have been so 
 completely excluded from all share of the government of 
 their country, as in British India. . . . Among all the dis- 
 orders of the ^Native Slates, the Held is open for every man 
 to raise himself; and hence among them there is a spirit of 
 emulation, of restless enterprise and independence, far prefer- 
 able to the servility of <>ur Indian subjects. . . . The power 
 of the British (Government is no\v (Us 17) so great that it 
 has nothing to fear from any combination, and it is per- 
 fectly able to take satisfaction for any insult without any 
 extension of the subsidiary system." He concludes this 
 letter to Lord Hastings, which \vaswritfen on the eve of the 
 war, by dissuading him from pushing the subsidiary system 
 further. But his expostulations were disregarded, and the 
 campaign began. 
 
 1 Life uf Sir T. Mnnro. \>. 4C>(..
 
 CHAP T E R XX. 
 
 THE P E I S II W A. 
 
 18181823. 
 
 " The English join the most resolute courage to the most cautious prudence. If they 
 showed as much concern for the circumstances of the farmers and landowners, 
 and exerted as ranch solicitude in relieving and easing the people of God as they 
 do in whatever concerns their military affairs, no nation would be worthier of 
 command. But such is the little regard they show to the inhabitants of these 
 kingdoms, and such their indifference to their welfare, that the people under 
 their dominion groan everywhere, and are reduced to poverty and distress." 
 
 MUTAKIIEKEX. 1 
 
 TT needed little sagacity on the part of the Mahrattas to 
 divine what was contemplated, as we have seen, l>y the 
 advisers of the Governor-General. So long as they sub- 
 mitted mutely or passivelv to be lectured for their indis- 
 cretions, and browbeaten whenever they betrayed any 
 lingering pride or ambition, they might be suffered to escape 
 further sacrifices. Under the (Vet and worrv of incessant 
 petty provocations, it was not in human nature, that they 
 should not sometimes forget the demeanour of prudence, 
 and overstep the. limits of deferential submission. In their 
 ramps and durbars, ill-educated and irritable men were ever 
 readv to take umbrage at what they regarded, if it was not 
 intended, a.s an overweening tone, of dictation on the part 
 of British Residents ; and. it would have been marvel- 
 lous if the weak and irresolute .Princes who overheard 
 ' A Native chronicler "f the EncrlKh invasion.
 
 THE 
 
 malcontent mutterings, had not drifted into the dangerous 
 condition of doubtful fidelity to existing engagements. 
 At Roona especiallv, uneasiness at the threatening forces 
 on tlic frontier earlv showed itself, the 1 pacifying language 
 of ^\lr Rlphinstone having small effect. Trimbuckjee, an 
 intriguing, reckless and cruel man, exercised unbounded 
 influence over the Reishwa, and helped eventually to pre- 
 cipitate his ruin. As if such secrets could be kept, under 
 the lynx-eyed vigilance of well-paid espionage, he had 
 striven to negotiate, with Holkar, Bhonsla, and Scindia, 
 the formation of an offensive and defensive alliance; and 
 when charged with the fact, he denied it with an equanimity 
 which in European diplomacy would be recognised as natural 
 and legitimate, luit which was stigmatised at the time as the 
 climax of semi-barbarous mendacity. 
 
 Since Dowlat Rao Scindia had lost the custodv of the 
 Mo^'iil, he eea.-ed to Itelieve, perhaps, in the prudence ut 
 asserting, against superior odd-, the guardianship of tin- 
 Reishwa ; and he entered into engagements bv whirli, in 
 etfert, lie severed h im.-el f fn nn the other Thief's of his race, 
 and agreed to help in hunting down the Rindhnrrics, Rap 
 Ra wrote to him expostulating. " Your father, Madhajee 
 Seindia, served us heart and >oiil. \\hcn \'ou became his 
 successor voii entered into alliance with the j'ji^li-h ; thus 
 voit go\vrn in Hindustan, and thus you show your gratitude. 
 It is befitting voii to put bangles on vour arms and sit down 
 like a woman. Aft>-r mv [>ower is destro\".'d, i< it po-sibl3 
 that vours ,-liould stand " He mi^ht have answeri'd, that 
 1'V the Treat v of R>assein, the Rei>hwa himself had lirst 
 made si-parate terms \\'itli the conquerors ; yet in 1 u'tis deejJy 
 moved by the rejiroachful appeal thus made to him, and 
 might have yielded had he not alreadv Lfoiie too tar to hesi- 
 tate. R>v the overpowering piv>rnee of the invailinu" armies,
 
 284 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 " lie was forced," says Malcolm, " to become, at the very 
 moment he was recognised as its most powerful Chief, the 
 marked deserter of the cause of his nation." l In truth, 
 however, the struggle against foreign ascendancy could have 
 been prolonged by him to little purpose, and he confided in 
 the assurance that if he would enter into permanent en- 
 gagements, he might combine local freedom with imperial 
 union. Peace and safety would be the lot of his people, 
 and all anxiety for the future of his dynasty and dominion 
 would be at an end. Pie made the bargain, and he kept it. 
 For half a century he and his successors have remained 
 faithful to British connection, and in the worst of times 
 they have proved true to their treaty obligations. 
 
 But what if the terms of these obligations should one 
 day be eaten away by vermiculate questions as to their 
 meaning in point of law ? What if the vital spirit of the 
 com [>act may be evaporated in the alembic of a capricious 
 and unscrupulous experimentalist'? AY hat if public, faith 
 should one day be declared to be. like a, tenant's improve- 
 ment, whereof the benefit is held to expire by the efllux of 
 lime ? This, and nothing less, is Ihc gist of the doctrine of 
 lapse to the Crown, on default of heirs in ta.il male, re- 
 cently set up and acted on, with regard to other governing 
 families in India. Threatening notice has not yet, indeed, 
 been served at Cwalior, and the instinct of self-preservation 
 forbids the utterance of misgiving. But alter what we. have 
 seen done, and attempted elsewhere, it would be idle to 
 a licet disbelief in the. existence of cankerous tears, in everv 
 Native State of sufficient importance to be coveted as food 
 for annexation. 
 
 In 1817, llolkar's numerous and irregular forces, dur- 
 ing the long minority of their Prince, had become mutinous, 
 
 1 Memoirs of Central India, vol. i. p. 141.
 
 THE PEISHWA. 285 
 
 and the Durbar presided over by Toolsah Ilai, the favour- 
 it* 1 mistress of the deceased chief, and guardian of his son, 
 was rent by personal feuds and enmities. A general dis- 
 position prevailed to side with the Peishwa; but no one 
 possessed sufficient influence in council or in camp to bring 
 about an accord, until the army of Sir Thomas llislop 
 approached Mahidpore. After a sanguinary struggle, on 
 the banks of the Seepra, in which the Malirattas were 
 defeated, a. treaty of peace was made at Mundissore. The 
 claim of ascendancy over the States of Eajpootana was re- 
 nounced, as well as the lands of the Jeypore country, and 
 the territories South of the Satpoorah hills were ceded to 
 the I rit isli (Jovernment. The integrity of what remained was 
 guaranteed to the boy Chief and his successors. To scene- of 
 turbulence and violence there gradually succeeded the order 
 and seeuritv of a settled government. The irregular horse, 
 whose multitudinous arrav had long rendered the name of 
 llolkar formidable, were dispersed and Jinallv disbanded; 
 and the IVinees of I ndoiv have never since appeared in arms 
 again.-! us. He re ft of the support of the two principal 
 States of the confederacy, it seemed incredible even to ]\lr 
 Elphinstone that the Peishwa should still seriously meditate. 
 repudiation of the engagements imposed on him bv the 
 treatv of l>asM'in ; but the conduct of Ins chief ^Minister, 
 earlv in 1 s I 7, had been such as to lead at laM to a reijuisi- 
 t ion that he s loiild be banished, or surrendered as a In istage 
 for their observance. Trimbuekjee tied. <''i'd his master lir.-t 
 pretended not to know his hiding-]' ace, and then ivfu.-ed 
 to give him up. although he was believed to lie active y
 
 286 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 subsidiary troops of certain forts in the neighbourhood . of 
 the city. On the refusal of the Peishwa, he was warned 
 that his conduct would be treated as equivalent to a cause 
 of war. The parley being prolonged, instructions were 
 forwarded to Mr Elphinstone to present as an ultimatum 
 the draft of an amended treaty, whereby provinces yielding 
 340,000 a year were to be ceded for the maintenance of a 
 more efficient subsidiary force ; the right to send or receive 
 envoys from other States was to be relinquished ; the offend- 
 ing Minister was to be surrendered; and, finally, the Peishwa 
 was required to renounce for ever all right to the headship 
 of the Confederacy. To give emphasis to these require- 
 ments, the subsidiary troops were summoned to the gates of 
 the city, and twenty-four hours were given for an answer. 
 Baji Rao woke to a sense of his desperate position. His 
 ministers appealed unreservedly to the forbearance and 
 magnanimity of the Power they had, till lately, been coun- 
 selling their master to defy. Some allowance ought to be 
 made, they said, for the perplexities of his situation, which 
 had to a great extent been created by previous concessions, 
 and the attitude assumed by a foreign force so mortifying 
 to the feelings of spirited Chiefs and a credulous people. 
 The public opinion of the world, they said, would not: 
 justify treatment so pitiless, and the imposition of terms so 
 degrading. Even, if.' agreed to, they could not Jong he 
 kept, for the Prince would lose all political respect and 
 authority; and in either case they must be held to imply th* 1 
 extinction of their State. Their passionate logic was but too 
 convincing. Hut .Mr Elphinstone's orders were 1o yield 
 nothing, and after a long but fruitless controversy the. new 
 treaty was signed. The poison of 1803 had done its work, 
 and its latest symptoms were manifested in its effect upon the 
 brain. Every subsequent act of the maimed and wounded
 
 TIIK PEISHIVA. 287 
 
 Government of the Peishwa was characterised by the, craft 
 and incoherency of madness. Tlic treaty \vas no sooner 
 signed than he repented ; its publication alternately filled 
 him with despair, or fired him with wild thoughts of 
 revenge, lie had fitted on the yoke with his own hands, 
 but it was on that account none the more endurable; and 
 after some feeble, efforts to affect resignation, he entered 
 recklessly into schemes of counter-revolution, and in the 
 space of a few months drew down upon his throne and 
 family utter and irretrievable ruin. The capital was occu- 
 pied by the subsidiary corps. Two English armies entered 
 the country from opposite sides, and on the llth February 
 1818, a proclamation announced that it had been incor- 
 porated as a province of the British Empire. After two 
 months' campaign ]'>aji Rao gave himself up as a prisoner of 
 war to Sir John Malcolm, and lived during the remainder 
 of his davs at I>itur. near I'awnpore, on a pension of eight 
 lacs. Some years before Ins death, having no son, he 
 adopted as his heir Nana Sail), to whom he lieipueathed his 
 jewels and resentments, cherish inir to the last the hope that 
 
 ' ' -I- 
 
 the house of Kilaji \ iswaiiath, which for more than a cent ur v 
 had occupied an important place among the dynasties of 
 Central Hindustan, should not utterly perish. 
 
 Appa Sail) lihonsla of Xagpore had from the first acted 
 in secret concert, with the infatuated Peishwa., and, like him, 
 had attempted to escape from subsidiary thraldom, b v attempt- 
 ing to surprise the Ixcsidency, and, failing that, to encounter 
 su terior discipline with greater numbers in th 
 too, >ignallv failed, and was fore '.1 to - k re 
 Sikh-. A grandson of IJaghuji l')!ion-!a \va- e 
 ( i ud i. under the guardianship of his mother, l.a 
 administration was virtually confided to t
 
 288 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 developed, and its productive capabilities much increased. 
 The titular sovereignty of the State was respited during 
 the minority of the new Rajah, who was allowed to reign, 
 but not to govern. In the words of Metcalfe, " "We took 
 the government completely into our own hands, and the 
 country was managed entirely by European officers posted, 
 with full powers, in the several districts. There was not 
 any Native administration, and the interference which we 
 exercised was nothing less than absolute undivided govern- 
 ment in the hands of the Resident." l 
 
 Sir John Malcolm, who, in 18 18, took overruling charge 
 of the whole of Central India, narrates with satisfaction the 
 rapid progress to industrial recovery that took place after 
 the war. Scindia's regular troops were reduced from 2(5,000 
 to 13,000 infantry, and his irregular forces were almost laid 
 aside. The revenue rose 25 per cent., dilapidated villages 
 were repeopled by the return of the fugitives, who rejoiced 
 in the establishment of tranquillity. The recuperative 
 energies of Ilolkar's country bore still more abundant 
 fruit. "Whole, tracts had been laid desolate by the ravages 
 of intestine broils, and the prolonged waste of military ser- 
 vice, while every social tie, save, that of allegiance to the 
 
 J O 
 
 head of the State, had been ruinously weakened. .But here 
 also the excessive, levies were discarded, and peaceful pro- 
 duction took the place of mutual plunder. The. people, 
 weary of warfare, rejoiced in the resumption of peaceful 
 pursuits. Instead of four lacs a year, the Treasury received 
 sixteen lacs as the. year's revenue of 1 820. Universally, the, 
 evidences of a reaction from disorder and insecurity dis- 
 played themselves : all of which proves, as far as it goes, 
 that the protecting influence of suzerain power is not incom- 
 
 1 Letters to Chief Secretary, August 14, 1820 ; Papers and C'urrespuiidcnce, 
 p. ( J1.
 
 THE PEISHWA. 
 
 289 
 
 patible with material prosperity and popular content, pro- 
 vided it is exercised forbearingly and considerately, and 
 that the natural 1'cclin^ of self-respect and of preference for 
 customary laws and usages, and for Native rule, whether 
 elective in the village or hereditary in the State, he not 
 wantonlv wounded or uptorn. The question, nevertheless, 
 remains how far does all this go '? Of nations as of indi- 
 viduals, it has been written of old time, "Alan shall not 
 live l>v luvad alone. ' Malwa prospered, as already noted, 
 under Native rule, and was contented; Alalwa prospered 
 under alien rule, and was discontented. Safe roads, im- 
 proving tillage, rising prices, diminution of the percentages 
 of crime, an increase in the amount vearlv netted for taxa- 
 tion, are undoubted signs of fat: and if the worth of a 
 countrv, sav to a vendor or purchaser, is to lie appraised 
 according to weight, fat tells for more than lioiie. and quiet 
 is an antecedent and a consequent of tat. All which in 
 pohcemansliin is what is called hiu'hlv salisi'actorv. Bui 
 
 m to 
 
 induce the ( lovernor-( ienera] to visii him. He hadliecii re- 
 peatedly assured thai there was hut one dillicultv -namely, 
 that in' acknowledgment, direct or inferential, would lie 
 made o I the dignity he claimed l>v inhei'itance as Suzerain of 
 India. The Act oi 1 M :]. renewing the ( 'miipanv's charter, 
 
 Ih'M by tin' i ; .nu!i-h in the Ivist io he iii the l)i'iii>i ( 'rown. 
 li would In- inconsistent, therefore, as well a> impolitic, <>\\ 
 the part of an 1-ln^'lish \icerov to do anv act that miidit 
 lie represented a> acknowledging the ancient dvna>ty oi- 
 dominion. The eldest .-on oi' the titu ar \<>r*\ of the I-^ast, 
 
 Jehangir, was a yoiin-' man of spirit and energy, who might 
 
 T
 
 290 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 soon succeed his father. He was known to be inimical to 
 the existence of European power, and lie might one day 
 take advantage of any admission of his hereditary title 1 , to 
 call the Mussulman Chiefs to arms. We should have 
 difficulty in making out a good case, thought Lord Moira, 
 consistently with our own theory ; and the practical part 
 of the business miidit lie no less embarrassing. The hopes to 
 
 O o 1 
 
 which Shah Alum had for ten years clung, for ever passed 
 away. Hi* deliverance from the Mahrattas had been one 
 of the excuses for the war of 1802 ; and that deliverance 
 effected, he dreamt that he was free. Provinces might have 
 been lost, and revenues lessened ; the name of Delhi might 
 have sunk in the estimation of the world, and the pomp of 
 its Imperial parade might be impaired ; but the throne of 
 Akbar and of Aurungzebe remained; and he was its thirty- 
 third occupant in the direct line of Kings. Faithless 
 lieutenants might have forgotten to pay tribute; Chiefs 
 whom he or his fathers had entiefed might have abjured 
 the ties of loyalty; but he was still the acknowledged and 
 visible head of the Mussulmans in Southern Asia; and in the 
 fluctuations <f revolt and conquest, a day of restitution 
 miirht come, when his descendants would reiini again in 
 splendour and in power. lie had been held in captivity by 
 Pagans, but Christians had delivered him; at least, they 
 had gone to battle saying thev would. Was he to believe 
 them false \ Had not his father given them, at the Jiist, 
 leave to live and trade in India ; then grants of land and 
 jurisdiction; afterwards the eollectorate of three great 
 provinces, and tin. 1 lordship (| f man}" more Had thev not 
 made solemn treatieswith him, and ever until now recognised, 
 with effusive protestations, his sovereign rank and dignitv ? 
 And was not Mr Seaton their accredited Ivesident at 
 his Court ? How could he harbour a suspicion that all
 
 THE PEISIIU'A. 
 
 291 
 
 this was to go for nothing ? They had unlatched the door 
 of his gilded and jewelled cage; hut told him. at first 
 gentlv, then peremptorily, that he must not come forth. 
 They would keep the door for him, and see that neither 
 (loorkha nor .Mahratta should again venture near. \Ylrv 
 not lie content to eat and drink, and smoke and doze, and 
 issue dai v mandates to a multitudinous train, and prav at 
 eventide towards Mecca, and teach his son the philosophy 
 of fickle fortune ? Rich farms and pleasure-grounds and 
 groves and gardens lav around the citv, carefully kept for his 
 support in the seclusion of voluptuous case their produce 
 and rental heingexpressly guaranteed! >yhis English deliverers 
 for that purpose. Thev were once his allies : were thev not 
 so still? and if so, whv would not the Governor-General, 
 when not a long way oil', pav him a visit ; ^soiie had ever 
 <|Uestioned his title, and he no longer questioned English 
 dominion wherever it hail heel) gained liy the sword. 
 l>elhi had keen tin- capital of the Empire; the Empire was 
 gone. l,ui I)e!ln remained: and it took ten years to mak' 1 
 the au'ed monarch understand that in future it was to lie 
 stni] '! v his [prison. 
 
 The Resident, a man of susceptibility and gentleness, 
 nk from the performance of iis duties as a keeper. He 
 thought In- could not study too much the feelings ofa Prince 
 so situated; that the most oliseijiiious attentions did not 
 coin promise our dignit v; and that l>v vielding in small ;hings 
 we could with a hetter grace oppose his will when nece-sary. 
 Metca.lfe thought otherwise. In his \ : 
 
 -ion- i: .. 
 
 illy ni-:ncere. n scrveil hut to ke- 
 
 mil " ouuht ti> lie put to rdeep f. ir c\ . \\ he] 
 
 ^Ictealfe lii'canie IvesMuiit. he lost no tini" 1 in rcalisiiiLi' :. :
 
 2 9 2 EMPIRE IN A SI A. 
 
 theory of dis-illusion. The management of the lands round 
 the city, and the direction of the police within it, as well 
 as the administration of local justice, were successively 
 assumed as part of the functions which the diplomatic 
 representative of England, at what was still called the Court 
 of Delhi, had to perform. In clue time complaints arose of 
 extravagance and \vaste, and the need of greater frugality 
 in keeping up the pageant of superseded royalty. It took 
 long to die ; and those who witnessed its last agonies may 
 have been tempted to regret that Metculfe's summary way 
 of deposition and dethronement was not taken. 
 
 To meet the military expenditure, which four successive 
 campaigns had entailed, the Governor-General was obliged 
 to raise, monev on any terms that might he demanded from 
 an insolvent treasury. lie borrowed largeiv from the 
 \ i/icr of (Jude ; and when other securities were not forth- 
 coming, he sold him the provinces reft from the Goorkhas, - 
 the foolish Saadut Ali forgetting that he who gave fora valu- 
 able consideration could take awav without OIK;. Provinces 
 and llieir inhabitants were treated as chattels bythi.^ chiv;d- 
 rous statesman of the superfine ( 'oiirt of (he Reovnev, who, 
 being a mail of sentiment and honour, and not as other men, 
 might do, in short, anything In- j>!e;ised. It pleased him to 
 sanction ;i near relative becoming a partner in the !in;in< i;d 
 house of W. Palmer t\: < 'o. ;tt Hyderabad, whose usurious 
 dealings with the Nizam were of ;i nalure to call foi'lh ih 
 denunciation of the ('oiirt o! Directors, a> being utterlv re- 
 gardless of the limits of decorum. Tin- newly-made Marouis 
 defended Palmer & ('<>. as injured and insulted indivi- 
 duals, and challenged the invest iga t ion of account s which had 
 been fran KM! upon figure-proof principles. The friends of 
 the Viceroy relied upon his character as a man notoriously 
 indifferent as to money to show that he could not have
 
 THE PEISI1WA. 293 
 
 been in any way to blame in the shameful business at 
 Hyderabad. Had he not squandered his patrimony, 
 nobody knew how, and then offered to goyern India for 
 the benefit of his creditors! 1 Could anything be more 
 gallant or unsordid and was he not now "most noble '.'' 
 The Xi/am, it is true, was simply fleeced by a linn of 
 whom the Viceroy's relatiye was one. Imt no one could 
 belieye that the Marquis k new an v thing of t he transactions; 
 and the tenderness of his domestic affections forbade him to 
 think' eyil of his kinsfolk. So the Xi/am was robbed; 
 and Lord Hastings came home; and, --that was all. Lord 
 Amherst, who succeeded to the government in 18:2:}, was not 
 a tine gentleman of the d'eorge !\. school, but was only an 
 honest man : and one of his lirst acts, therefore, was to lend 
 the Nixam money to Liquidate hi- debts to Palmer A; Co., 
 \\diich he did upon condition that the Court of Hyderabad 
 should have no more dealings with the linn, soon after- 
 wards compe led thereby to su>pend tlieir commercial enter- 
 The coiujueror of the ( loorkhas and the Mahrattas 
 reajipeareil in London society as badly off as ever, and after 
 haying seized and occupied lor a M-ason the throne ol 
 Tamerlaii' 1 . he was -'lad to take the Governorship of Malta 
 : sinecure pen-ion for his closing days.
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 LOUD WILLIAM BEXTIXCK. 
 
 18241835. 
 
 " The man who docs most honour perhaps to Europe in Asia, is lie who governs it. 
 Lord William L'entinck, on the throne of the Great Mogul, thinks and acts 
 like a Pennsylvania!) Quaker. You may easily imagine that there are 
 people who talk of the dissolution of the Empire, when they see the tempor- 
 ary ruler of Asia rkling on horseback, plainly dressed, Avithout escort, or on his 
 way to the country with his umbrella under his arm. Like 'Washington, he mixed 
 in scenes of blood-lied and tumult ; and like him, he preserved pure- and 
 unsullied that flu\ver of humanity which the habits of a military life so often 
 withers. He has issued from the ordeal of diplomacy with the upright mind 
 and the simple and sincere language of a .Franklin, convinced that there 
 is no cleverness in appearing worse than one really is.'"' 
 
 JACQUKMOXT.! 
 
 A A\ A K undertaken witli inadequate preparations, to re- 
 venge sonic a I Iron Is offered bv the lUirmese, lasted 
 from 18i!:J to Isilf;. and \vas terminated then l>y a treaty, 
 IIY \\liirh llie Kingol'Ava ceded eleven manlime provinces, 
 and ]aid a crorc of rupees. In England the \v,-ir was 
 liighlv unpopular, from ihc loss of hie and ti'ea:sure il en- 
 tailed, ;md the unprofitable natui'e of the country sought to 
 IK- partitioned. iiut Lord Amherst \vns made an Earl, mil- 
 lions \\"ei.'e added to t ie consolidated deljt, and the widows 
 and orphans of the brave jnen \\d:o [jc-rislietl on the Ijailks 
 oi' the Irrawadi became, permanently chargeable on the 
 general estate of the Company. 
 
 j "The Travels of a French Gentleman in India," vul. i. \i]>. ^-7. bs.
 
 LORD WILLIAM BENTIXCK. 295 
 
 The apologists for the conquests of 18-0 admit that the 
 provinces it was deemed advisable to exact from Ava 
 were, at the time of their cession, of little value ; and they 
 particularly observe, that far from beincc hailed as deliverers, 
 
 * O 
 
 " our advent was followed bvthe disappearance of the whole 
 of the population." 1 For many years districts lay wholly 
 waste, contributing in no way to the cost of obtaining 
 them. Partlv to secure these doubtful gains, and partly 
 to pay for previous wars, loans amounting to 19,000,000 
 were raised. Portions of these were employed in liqui- 
 dating smaller incumbra.nces, but a permanent addition was 
 made to the financial charge for the year, of oyer ,1,000,000 
 sterling, in addition to two millions and a half paid in 
 Kngland in I ^i!7--S, for what were termed territorial 
 expenses. 
 
 Meanwhile, the weakening of garrisons everywhere 
 throughout (Vntral India, bv the necessities of the Ihirmese 
 war,created widely an impression that all the resources of the 
 lovernmcnt were taxed to carrv on the contest, 
 lances liroke out in manv place-, which, not with- 
 nible were ivpi'essed ; but the manifestation of 
 era I discontent on the p;irt of both princes and people 
 lowed ho\\- lntle sympathv muted the subject and the 
 
 disposed i' 1 contemplate the downf;i!l of their rulers. ' 
 
 Mr Canning's iVien. ship for Lord VTelle.ley, and his elo- 
 (jUent eulogv. when, as President of the Hoard of Control, 
 h-' had moved the thanks of Parliament to Lord Ji;i-; : !i_:-
 
 296 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 error. Beset with difficulties at Windsor and at West- 
 minster, lie might well have been tempted to use the 
 greatest prize in the gift of Administration to silence or 
 propitiate some of his influential adversaries. He preferred 
 
 to give India security for pence, by nominating as its chief 
 ruler, the, man of all others who was known to cherish a 
 deep repugnance to the policy of aggression, and who had 
 actually risked and lost high office there, bv the exceeding 
 lenity IK.' had shown to Native troops beguiled bv over- 
 susceptibility on account of their religion into mutiny at 
 Vellore. The appointment of Lord William Bcntinck was 
 imputed at the time to favouritism, on account of 
 family connection. Hut the sin of jobbing is the sin of sel- 
 fishness : and had self-interest swayed the mind of the 
 Minister, IK.' would at least have hesitated long before' 
 bestowing the greatest place under the Crown upon one 
 from whose disappointment he had nothing to fear, and by 
 whose advancement he could not hope to gain a single vote 
 on a. division. Lord William Bentinck had not (putted 
 Lnidand when the Ministry was changed, and he wrote at 
 once offering to resign his new dignity. But tin- Duke of 
 \\ dlington, who knew t he real wort h of t In- man. though dif- 
 fering widely from him in political sentiments. frank 1}' assured 
 h i in o| his confidence, and confirmed his appointment. I he 
 truth is. that throughout his long and varied career, the 
 
 l)llke had but a Vel'V moderate ap]ie|||i' for cotK|Ue.t. \\ e 
 
 have seen his earlv objections to ihi' svstem in India, and 
 we know ho\v patrioticallv abstinent was his tone, when the 
 Ki nil's of Chi'istenflom huni;" iijion his words, and watched 
 his everv look, at the Conference of Paris and the Con- 
 "Tess of Vienna. \\ e. shall vet find him giving other 
 proof of the little store he set on t'-rritorial dominion in 
 Asia.
 
 LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK. 297 
 
 Lord William was the second son of the Duke of Port- 
 land, who held in more than one Administration the nominal 
 rank of Premier. Pn-d a soldier, he had witnessed the 
 campaigns of Suwarrow in Italv, and he subsequently held 
 a command during the war in Spain. As (lovernor of 
 Madras, lie dilli-ivd with the military authorities, and was 
 recalled. lie subsequently held command in Spain and 
 Sieilv, where his name was long remembered with affection 
 and respect. Lord M ilbam went forth as (.lovernor- 
 (iein-ral J'ull of good intentions, and. with manv ad, van- 
 tages for their realisation which his predecessors had 
 not enjoyed. The circumstances of the tune were favour- 
 able. India was at peace. The Hindus were subdued. 
 and the Mussulmans bowed to fate. Peyond the frontier 
 no eiieinv stirred. ?so races, save the Sikhs and Allu'hans, 
 ciiitld be said to be formidable: and there \va< no indi- 
 cation that their rulers meant to deviate from the policv 
 tln-v had li)<j- pur-lied,. The new ( !overnor-( ieiieral had 
 leisure, t icretbre, to Jipplv himself uninterruptedlv to 
 
 the U'l'eal Int-lUesS ol peaceiul 1 ! II pi'i i\'d I \< -\ 1 1 alld adiilllll- 
 
 -irative reform. One \\dio served manv vear< under him 
 
 in hnba. las said, "lie was nearer to the l^.m ,,/,,!/ (l f 
 
 1 a ( !overnor-( Jeneral ouu'ht to be. than anv man that 
 
 is tug i pra:-e : ;; 
 ( hie of the earliest provisions o|' Loi'i \\ iii:- 1 !!! I '":;; :ii'-!\, 
 \\ a> thai for : he suppression "i' Sut tee. L- >] i ' ' 
 and Lord \Ve loley had each de.-iivd to :I bo!i-Ii ih" practi.-e. 
 bul had shrunk from the popular re-'-nniiein uh'ch might. 
 
 h
 
 298 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 elicited considerable difference of opinion among both 
 Natives and Europeans who were consulted as to the possible 
 consequences of such an interference with superstitious 
 usage, Lord AVilliam Bentinck, with the assent of the Council, 
 issued a Regulation forbidding the immolation, whether 
 
 o o 
 
 voluntary or otherwise, of Hindu widoAvs ; and requiring 
 the police to bring to justice all accessaries in such acts of 
 suicide. In Bengal, where the cruel rite had chiefly pre- 
 vailed, there were murmurs for a time, and attempts at 
 evasion ; but little or nothing that could be called resistance. 
 In the other Presidencies one serious case occurred of the 
 rite being performed in defiance of the police.- In the 
 Central and Northern Provinces, it had less extensively 
 prevailed, and its abolition there excited, therefore, no 
 observable emotion. In several of the Native States the 
 example was followed, and decrees were issued putting an 
 end to the inhuman custom. The interference of alien 
 authority was ascribed In* the people at large to its true 
 motive, and recognised as being for once wholly disinter- 
 ested. Even his enemies, and they were not few, gave 
 tin- A iceroy credit for the cautious circumspection and 
 courage shown by him in effecting this salutarv change. 
 Kindred in spirit, although who]] v different in the subject 
 of its operation, was a Regulation e< |iiiva!eiit to law. made 
 in !S!L!. exempting from forfeit tire the property of Hindu.- 
 abjuring their faith, as tune out of mind had lieen the e;ise 
 under the system of jurisprudence founded on the enact- 
 mi 'ii ts oi Menu. 
 
 \\ iih regard to th' 1 condition of long misgoverned com- 
 munities, it is sometimes forgotten t lat it is not so easv to 
 do real or substantial good as those imagine who have 
 never had the oppoituniiv to trv. Lord V\ illiam's upright 
 and benevolent intentions were not, indeed, whollv without
 
 LORD WILLIAM BENTIXCK. 
 
 299 
 
 fruit". They formed, if it were notliing else. ;i -jTeat and List- 
 ing protest against the policy of centralising absorption and 
 excessive expenditure. They showed that the dignitv and 
 influence of the Paramount Power might lie maintained 
 without new aggressions upon neighbouring States, or 
 furt li ei' measures of absorption within the confines of our 
 sovereignty. Tliev proved that extravagance might be 
 curbed, and the expenditure and income of the Government 
 nominally balanced, without any worse effect than that of 
 t'-mporarv anger among the classes who thrive upon corrupt 
 and lavish outlay. They proved that justice might be dour, 
 in many essential particulars, to the ^Natives, without wrong 
 to Europeans, or hazard to the stabilitv of our empire. 
 They showed that, without preaching a crusade, or troubling 
 the waters of intolerance, some of the worst evils of heathen- 
 ism miu'lii be lessened, and the protection of a human'- and 
 
 a man WHO i 
 -. am i di-dam 
 in. could win respect and lovi
 
 300 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 reignty of Mysore was in no way questioned under these ar- 
 rangements ; and all administrative functions, whether judi- 
 cial, military, or financial, were continued in Xative hands. 
 Once, an \ dice only, the Governor-General was induced to 
 deviate from his maxim of non-interference with Xative 
 rule. Vira Eejendra was the last of a long line of Princes 
 who governed Coorg. They had l>een subdued l>y liyder 
 Ali, and the country annexed to Mysore ; hut on its parti- 
 tion file local government was restored l>v English help, 
 upon the usual terms of protection. Vim 1'ejendra enjoyed 
 an unenviable notoriety, on account of his vices and his 
 crimes, which were ascribed to confirmed lunacy. Yet even 
 in his case the Governor-General showed great forbearance, 
 after multiplied cause of offence; making repeated oilers 
 which any rational man in the position would have readily 
 accepted, and refusing to believe to the last that the 
 1'ajah contemplated actual hostilities. Ten davs suliiced 
 to overpower his ell'orts at resistance, and when the capital 
 was occupied without serious opposition, no male survivor 
 of the Rajah's family \vastobefoimd. How Lord William 
 licntinck was persuaded to pass bv the claims of the female 
 line, doc- not appeal-; but it has been said that in after 
 years he regarded his decision with regret, as lending to 
 iortilv ihe precedents in support of the < octrine of lapse. 
 
 ( 'oorir was annexed bv proclamation, and the 1'aiah kept a 
 .1 . 
 
 state prisoner at Benares. 'I he countrv has long since been 
 reduced to the approved condition of dull and Maunant 
 quietude. The Collector and Judge of the district is an 
 artillery ollicer, of good attainments and intentions, luit 
 who. like his predecessors, lives apart, onlv known bv the 
 people when discharging his puMi<- duiv. ( )ne Native 
 gentleman onl\- holds the coinmissiun of the peace : and in 
 matters of anv moment he docs not interfere. A lew en-
 
 LORD WILLIAM JyRM'lXCK. 301 
 
 terprising Englishmen make money off coil ee plantations in 
 
 the lulls, and when they are not content with decisions in 
 law or equitv by the gallant Judu'e and Collector, tln-v 
 appeal to the Supreme Court of Madras ; bur the Coor^is, 
 when tliev are dissatisfied, have neither time, confidence, 
 nor money enough to undertake a journev of 000 miles in 
 search of pistice ; and nobody cares or knows how they like 
 their lot. 
 
 Lord AY. Bentinck found the Government heavilv in 
 debt, and fivinientlv borrowing lar^elv to make up the 
 sum of its expenditure. lie set resolutely about the reduc- 
 tion of salaries, perquisites, and sinecures; but his retrench- 
 ments made little impression upon the inveterate habits of 
 waste and indebtedness. lie was incessantly abused for 
 hi- eiforts ;it ecoiiolllV bv all the jobbers of 1 ie civil and 
 mibtarv establishments. Tliev would liave hai him u'o on 
 borrowing money, or adding to the taxation. lie would 
 r. lie i hou^ht 1 hat. upon the \\ hole, t he pnv of 
 
 the tlincl loliai'les o) I '.i !]'_;; I 1 Was too lll'jll. IlleV sh;iivd 
 al)lo]i'_|>1 tllelil lio less th;ill 1) 1 Ih't V-seVell hies o) rupees, or 
 
 lira : lion -trrhnir. lie reduced the tot;d to mn<'i v- 
 
 Olie |ac>. or Milllewllerc about .I'lll MI.IIDO ;| Vral'. to be 
 
 di\'id''d aniop'j-; I hi individuals : and this he did bv cur- 
 tailing the luxuries of the indolent, a lid cutting down the 
 rs of the ovri'jiaid. Alter all those distre-.-inu; 
 redui-t ions, he -nil let'! eac i ci\"ilian. from the writer to the 
 Member of ('ouiicil. on an avera^'' 1 . 1 ie -inn of .i.''J.^on a 
 year. 1 These chant's earned for him the execration of 
 :v and wort ile-s in the service. Th' 1 tone m whidi 
 he wa- >poken of b\- thes<> much av.'uricN'i'd characteis i> 
 illustrated bv an anecdote that i.- told of a poinjt-h.vin^ old 
 otiicial. \\dio was in the habit of having carpets spread ii]i"ii
 
 302 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the ground whenever he alighted from his equipage ; and 
 who, though only a circuit judge, moved about attended by 
 a showily-appointed retinue or g'^ard. He was asked if he 
 was not related to Lady AVilliam. "Xo," he replied; 
 "unfortunately to the brute himself." The Viceroy was 
 obdurate. He persevered; and not only abated th > excess 
 of expenditure, which Government could ill afford, but 
 the sins of negligence, delay, and inefficiency in the 
 administration, which the country could afford still less. 
 His declaration at the outset was. that he had come to see 
 what service he could render to the people of India, and 
 that he was resolved to prove that he was open to sugges- 
 tion and remonstrance from men of all ranks and races, and 
 to show that lie would not govern for the benefit of any 
 particular class, or submit to be a puppet in the hands of 
 others. These promises he faithfully redeemed. He spent 
 some months of every year in visiting various districts of 
 his vast vice-realm. The physical and social condition of 
 remote regions thus became known to him in a way they 
 could hardly have otherwise been. He invited, moreover, 
 and. indeed, required, constant reports to be made to him 
 confidentially, in addition to those forwarded in due routine 
 to ('alcutta. and thereby obtained acquaintance with per- 
 sonal and local circumstances frequently of great value in 
 discriminating between competitors for promotion in the 
 public service, and in estimating correctly the worth of 
 oiiicial representations of all kind-. The labour of all this, 
 superadded to the duties he had osteiisiblv to perform, 
 was necc.-.-arilv very great ; great also was the odium it 
 excited. Indolence, peculation, and incompetency of all 
 sorts waxed wroth at the imposition of a yoke of surveil- 
 lance to which they had not been accustomed. Old and 
 tried servants of the Company complained that they were
 
 LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK, ?oi 
 
 J / 
 
 subjected for the first time in their lives to a system \vliirh 
 they were pleased to term espionage, l>ut which in iv;ditv 
 had nothing in common with that worst artifice of police. 
 The reception of complaints 1>y the weak and timid against 
 men clothed with absolute authority, is simplv admission by 
 those in supreme power of the only means bv which oppivs- 
 sion and delinquency can often be made known, and anv 
 species of redress secured. Public complaint is, in a free 
 countrv, easv and natural; and none other need be then.; 
 resorted to. J>ut in a country governed arbitrarilv like 
 Hindustan, where no single tie of common feeling, origin, 
 or creed exists between the disfranchised population and 
 the dominant few, it was the impulse of a truly ^ood and 
 U'enei'ous mind to open a door of appeal against liardshij) 
 and oppression direct and immediate to the centre and 
 seat of authority. 
 
 The pvat experiment about to be tried, for the first 
 time of' ;i five press, \vas nalurallv viewed with the utmost 
 ap u'ehcnsioii b\- nio-t of the ofHcials of the old school. 
 Lord \\ il!iam IVntinck did nor deceive himself as to its 
 effects, lie believed that it would increase indeiinitelv the 
 perilous position of the Paramount 1'ower. Metcalfe 
 thouuhl otherwise.; thev agreed that the time was at 
 
 dauber, >,-iid ,Metcalt'e ; "be ivallv to be a]>]irehendeil 
 tVoin. increase of knowledge, it is what \ve must c icer- 
 fu! v submit to. \\ e must not trv to avert n : and if we 
 did we should fail." Nevertheless, Lord William liditinck 
 lefi to his successor the ivspoiisibi ity and credit of 
 niLj.' the Indian press. 
 
 Metcalfe freely owned in ISo'X thai ''"'were he n>ked 
 whether the increased happiness of our subjects was pro- 
 portionate i" the heavier expense of our establishment, ho
 
 304 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 should be obliged to answer according- to his belief in the 
 negative ; for we were foreign conquerors, against whom the 
 antipathy of our Native subjects naturally prevailed. We 
 held the country solely by force, and by force alone could 
 we maintain it." l Lord William Bentinck could not bring 
 himself to realise the inevitability of this dismal and heart- 
 hardening creed. It was an honest grief to him to think 
 lie was regarded as the greatest Jailor-General in the world. 
 He longed to be respected and to be loved, and to make 
 the name of his country loved and respected also. At 
 least, he was determined to try. The most important of 
 his many administrative reforms was the practical admis- 
 sion of Natives to various branches of the Civil Service. 
 The svstem of Lord Cornwallis had been based upon their 
 virtual exclusion from every object of legitimate ambition 
 and every hope of reward ; and the principle of administra- 
 tive outlawrv had been maintained inexorablv by those 
 who succeeded him. Lord William and his best advisers 
 in Council were resolved to remove it. Experience had 
 proved its impolicy; it needed, in their minds, no argument 
 to demonstrate its injustice. One after another, natives 
 were placed in minor situations of trust. The (iovernor- 
 (leneral \vas loo wise a man to believe that sndi concessions 
 could sudd''iil\- absorb the deep discontent prevailing 
 everywhere among the subject population. Neither was he 
 weak enough to helieve that when- pertidv or treason lay 
 at the heart of an individual so trusted, the confidence 
 reposed in him would work a miraculous change. lie cal- 
 culated upon nianv instances ot political ingratitude, and 
 was prepared to hear of disahYction in the mass, after he 
 had done his best to disarm it. But he did not hesitate to 
 do the riedit thinir therefore. lie had a faith in eveut- 
 
 o o 
 
 1 Met calf e, vol. iii, p. Isl.
 
 LORD U'JLLIAM BENTINCK. 
 
 \\\\\ good, and a sense of the duty those who bear rule 
 owe to those whom they g'overn, that no miserable fear of 
 ill-requital could disturb. And in this far-sighted view 
 of policy, lie clearly saw that through the path of gradual 
 enlistment of the intellectual ability and ambition of the 
 Natives in the permanent service of their own land, lav 
 our onlv reasonable or definite prospect of retaining an 
 ascemlancv therein. 
 
 His seven years' administration did not indeed eradicate 
 the greatest evils with, which he tried to grapple, for that 
 was bevond his power. He saw the unpopularity of the 
 central ( lovernment, caused in a great degree bv the pressure 
 of excessive and unequal taxation; but he saw nut how to 
 cure it. He discerned the unreliability of the Native army, 
 and lett behind him a Minute, in which he MUDS up its 
 characteristics in these words, "It is in niv opinion the mo-t 
 expensive and the least ellicieiit armv in the world. \\ hetlier 
 lie felt sanguine, at the close ot his career, that perseverance 
 in a poliev of peacefu and enlightened rule-., would eventu- 
 ally reach i ie popular heart, and thai we might hope to 
 become trusted instead of feared iii India, we know not. but 
 1 lie re can be no doubt i hat he strove anxiouslv and patriot!- 
 callv to that end. lie saw, as all the best men about 
 him saw. that r>rit:.-h rule in Asia was a stoc<ade driven bv 
 
 dleer force into the grollll 
 
 he garriso 
 iitval : but 
 
 11(1 impl'egll; 
 
 manned it wen 1 numerous ei 
 i ha ; it had in > n n >! in t he << mvie 
 v. l ; or i ic first t ime ; he a n 
 Indian debt was pa![iablv and substantial \ < 
 Swi illeti 1 iv i he \\ M rbke administ rat i. >n of In- j ii'i 
 upward- of !_':]( MM MI. i MM) sterling, i; wa-
 
 3 o6 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 industry and general commercial credit, inflicted by the 
 failure of the great English capitalists of Calcutta, conse- 
 quent, as was believed, upon the sudden competition, which 
 they do not seem to have anticipated, from the abolition of 
 the Company's monopoly in 1833, and the complete emanci- 
 pation of private trade. The revenue remained very nearly 
 the same as it had been fifteen years before ; the expendi- 
 ture was reduced more than a million and a half; and thus 
 at last, instead of a deficit, a surplus appeared in tin- 
 accounts of the Indian Exchequer.
 
 CHAT TEE XXII. 
 
 A FG HAN 1 ST A X. 
 
 18351841. 
 
 Th ore i- no expediency in the course which the Governor-General lui.s pursued ; 
 
 there is no ju>tice in the policy he has pursued; it is in complete deivdc- 
 
 : t' i \ erv ordinary rule of iva>' 'ii. I have not objected to the piihlication of 
 
 the Simla Proclamation, hut to the tiling ptil>!i>hed : my ohjectiun is not to 
 
 the manner of doin it. but to the thing done.'' 
 
 iS si'iiiur Manlier of ('onm-il. Sir (\ .Meii-ilf.- ncccdcd to 
 ^ tin- iHii>miil of Fort \\"i!ii;ini. until the pleasure <>t' 
 
 I)I< siqK-riors ID Lli;_M;il! 
 [ill liV M 
 
 civil ;iiiil military ;i<lmijnstni- 
 
 1 !i iVi 1 nt illM Hlrt ]iin, lie ci illlil 
 
 | 
 
 [>;l I h ?1 ' 
 \ -iip|Hiri ' l.y Mr M.-irnul; . I 
 
 of I,,. .: Tii Dii
 
 3 o8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 stuart Elphinstone should be placed at tlie head of the 
 Indian Executive. Ho declined, on the ground of 
 broken health. Lord Hcytesbory was named by Sir 
 Robert Peel, and was actually on his way, when, in April 
 1835, the "Whigs returned to power, and recalled him. 
 When questioned on the subject, Ministers defended their 
 right to place, in a position of so much importance, one in 
 whose political opinions and personal qualities they had 
 entire confidence, Lord Grenville had laid this down as a 
 constitutional maxim not admitting- of dispute, and Air 
 Canning had always contended that, on each occasion of 
 a vacancy, a representative of the Crown should be sent 
 out from England, thus visibly and intelligibly asserting the 
 unity of power throughout the Empire. 
 
 Xo final decision was m;ide until Lord AY. J>entinck's 
 return to England, when, to tin- surprise of all, except the few 
 who were aware of the influence whereby it was brought 
 about, the public were informed of the unfit and unfortu- 
 nate choice of Lord Auckland. Metcalfe was deeply morti- 
 fied at being, as lie said, pronounced less fit than an inex- 
 perienced stranger to till the Inchest place in the profession 
 to which lie h;id devoted undividedlv his youth find prime. 
 J>ut the \vaysoi patronage are inscrutable; ami as he knew 
 nothing of the \\e-tern hemisphere, he was sent lh'.-t to 
 Jamaica, and then to Canada, as (ioyrrnor. 
 
 A sense of uneasy languor lav heavily on .\n'_do-I ndia. 
 The romance of adyenturc slept. Occasionally a < i.-jnited 
 succession jn some Naiive St.-ite stirivd a fee inu' of curiosity 
 among listless collectors and dozing judges, or wakened 
 hopes of something to do in barrack or in camn. Uut the 
 drowsy monotony ot. unresisted don i mat ion was undisturbed. 
 Coiiqiie.-t. though tat, had not grown fastidious, but it, had 
 nothing fresh to eat, and the expedient had not yet been
 
 39 
 
 suggested of grilling or boiling down the bones. Over every 
 palisade it looked in vain for some hill tribe coming to 
 molest it. The (Joorkhas were <|iiiet, the Sikhs affectionate, 
 and the Burmese showed no disposition to budge. Was 
 political invention dead ; or could no ingenious young man, 
 in want of a career, discover a danger, or invent a foe 
 of being made to look formidable? Alexander 
 did his best to find a new outlet for energv in want 
 of employment; but lie would, probably, have failed to rouse 
 Lord Auckland from, his poco-curantist dream of office, had 
 not politicians in England, about this time, become haunted 
 with a dread that the Czar Nicholas was bent upon aggran- 
 disement at our expense in the East. Ihissian emissaries 
 were everv where to be traced throughout the border States of 
 ( 'eiitral Asia. Persia, was to be bribed or driven into making 
 encroach men is on Scinde and Candahar. Muscovite intrigues 
 were suspected among the Afghans, and Pun jit Singh, though 
 he had never swerved from his alliance with u<. was not fo be 
 trusted. Tin 1 Indus, had plamlv been designed hv Providence 
 as the natural front KT of Mnirlish Mm pi re in Asia. I h>w to get 
 to it was t he onl v (puestion. In the sultry and still noon-tide 
 of prevailing peace, it wa- so diliicult i" arouse people to a 
 sense oi belligerent dutv. Buriies had astutely suggested 
 that the matter should at first be put merely on a commercial 
 looting. A harmless race, inspired about half-and-half with 
 mercenary and missionary motives, ought not to be sus- 
 pected of meaning any mischief hv asking that the naviga- 
 tion of the Indus, should be declared free from the sea to its 
 
 nil 'iintain si iiuve. 
 
 thropic in t he demand. Suspicji ais am 
 
 might not appreciate the worth of the disinterested idea; 
 
 but i iey must be made to understand it. Once a footing 
 
 gained on any pretence, all the rest was sure to follow.
 
 310 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Eussia was stealthily, but steadily, advancing or what was 
 the same thing, making her political minions or stipendiaries 
 advance towards the Indus. ATe must cross the Indus and 
 get firmly posted on the farther side, to prevent her reaching 
 its shore. The siege of Herat, unwisely undertaken by the 
 Government of Persia, and pressed for nearly a twelvemonth, 
 threw a lurid light of reality on these speculations. 
 
 In 1837, a mission to the Courts of Hyderabad and 
 Cabul, professedly for commercial objects only, for the most- 
 part failed. Dost Mahoinmed, who then ruled in Afghanis- 
 tan, longed for Peshawar, which had been ceded to liunjit 
 Singh bv Shah Sujah, then deposed and in exile. Burnes 
 could not promise him help ; the envoy of Persia did, and 
 to earn it he undertook to assist in the reduction of Herat. 
 About the same time the English envoy, Air M'Xcile, 
 complained of having been insulted at Teheran. Shah Sujah 
 was ready to promise any terms as the price of assistance to 
 regain his throne, and Eivnjit Singh was ready to enter 
 into anv compact that would secure him the possession 
 of Peshawar. Eortune had dealt the cards, why hesitate to 
 play them ' On the iM>th June 183S. a triple alliance was 
 signed at Lahore, whereby Lord Auckland engaged to send 
 a Lriti-h army into Afghanistan, to replace his Majestvon 
 1 he in 11. -mid i >i Ins ancestors, to secure t lie Lion Chief of the 
 Sikhs the possession of certain territories named on the 
 right bank of the hid, us. and to bind in everlasting friend- 
 ship the three I'owti's, for mulua! defence against foreign 
 int rigue and host ill! v. 
 
 Orders were forthwith given (<> prepare for war. Loud 
 was the crv of jov that rose on all -ides, that the lethargv 
 ofiM-ace lua! been al length shaken ol!'. and that the spirit 
 
 il]u>ions might be kept up in England about the scope and
 
 AFGHANISTAN. 3 1 1 
 
 purpose of the movement, there was no misapprehension in 
 India. In a proclamation issued at Simla, on the 1st 
 October 1838, the Governor-General promised indeed, that 
 an Afghan army would with our auxiliary aid conduct the 
 legitimate King to the seat of his government at Cabin 1 , and 
 that done, that the auxiliaries would l>e withdrawn; Imt 
 nobodv, either then or afterwards, imagined that the raw 
 levies assembled on the confines of Scinde, would be able 
 to face the disciplined troops of Dost Mahommed, or that 
 the fugitive Shah, in whose long-forgotten cause the Viceroy 
 professed to take so deep an interest, had a lac of rupees to 
 spare them for food or pay. 
 
 The Simla Proclamation was denounced in Parliament 
 earlv in the session of 1839, bv Lords Aberdeen, Elleii- 
 homugh, and Brougham. In its vindication, papers were 
 laid before both Houses, containing extracts from con- 
 fidential despatches during I .^37, from our diplomatic 
 agents in the KaM, and especially from ('aptain Humes, 
 lending to .-how that a network of llus.-iaii intrigue had 
 been stealthilv spread over all the countries of the Indus. 
 P'inu' preyed upon the point. Lord Melbourne admitted 
 that explanation- had been soiighr through our Minister at 
 St IVteishurg, and that the ivplv " ha< been sat isfactorv.'" 
 lint this explanation was not communicated to Parlia- 
 ment along with the accusations of llu--ia. and further 
 time was thus permitted to clap-", durum' which the 
 latter might have an effect upon the public mind. \ 
 tidings were await'ed of' the iv.-ult of' the campaigi 
 
 -mil led to ( 'alcin la. where i ie 
 the ('/:ar read with amazement info 
 which he had never given, but which. ; 
 
 : K' u:e, L .:.'.-. 1 lih Axil !-:;:' ll
 
 312 EMPIRE IN ASIA, 
 
 plained cause, had been published as accurate. Burnes 
 told Lord Auckland that he meant publicly to correct 
 these grave errors, but he was dissuaded by the representa- 
 tions of the Viceroy, who argued that now his country was 
 committed to a momentous course of policy, it would be 
 held unpatriotic in a confidential servant to cast doubt on 
 its accuracy and good faith. He could not suppose that 
 the misrepresentations had been intentional, and as all was 
 well that ended well, he had much better resume diplomatic 
 functions in Afghanistan, than worry himself and others 
 about discrepancies of statement that had become historical. 
 At the moment all looked bright with triumph, and Burnes 
 felt that his name would for ever be associated with the 
 notable changes that had been brought about by a combina- 
 tion of diplomacy and arms ; and he contented himself with 
 reprinting privately the more important of his original 
 despatches, with, the corrections needed, for circulation 
 among his friends at home. And this is the way history is 
 made. There were 1 in those days no electric means of colla- 
 tion, correction, or confutation ; and the people of Eng- 
 land, without means official or unofficial of understanding 
 what the quarrel was about, read onlv of conflicts worthy 
 of their flag, and listened to the guns firing for victories 
 gained, and lay down thankfully to sleep, unconscious of 
 what manner of deeds \vere doing in their name. 
 
 A large Sikh force joined, the British army under Sir 
 Willoughby Cotton, at Ferozepore ; and, proceeding through 
 the Bolan pass, formed a junction with the main army 
 under Sir John Keane at Ouettah. Thence thev moved on 
 ( 'andahar, where thev proclaimed the restoration of the 
 Afghan King earlv in May '1839. The fortress of (ihuzni 
 was attacked soon afterwards, and taken ; Dost Alaliommed 
 abandoned the capital, and on the 7th August, Shall Sujah
 
 A FGHANIS TAN, 3 1 3 
 
 was by British bayonets enthroned at Cabul. For months 
 a (IrsultoiT resistance to his authority was maintained ; but 
 after the battle of Purwan, Dost Mahommed, in a lit of 
 despondency, surrendered and was sent to Calcutta, where 
 lie was treated with all the consideration due to his rank and 
 reputation. The submission of the Afghans seemed to be 
 complete. Sir John Keane was elevated to the peerage, and 
 Sir \\ illiam Macnaglitcn prepared tocpiit Cabul Ibr Boinbav, 
 of which, as Ins reward, he had been appointed Governor. 
 A portion of the British troops left the couutrv, but 
 5000 men under General Elphinstone remained, to ^ive con- 
 fidence, as was said, to the partisans of the restored regime ; 
 while a cor[>s under Xott still occii]")ied Candahar, to 
 insure the complete trampiillisation of the countrv. Sir 
 Alexander Humes was about to assume the duties of llest- 
 di'iit in the outpost realm \\'hich he had contributed so 
 much to briii' 1 ; within the ambit of the Paramount Power, 
 win !! suddenlv the ice of submission LTavc way. and he. wit h 
 ncarlv all the best men of his race who had taken their 
 
 Bitter resentments had been, thicklv sown throughout 
 Afghanistan during its two vears occupation, bv the hiii'h- 
 handed method of repression imported from beyond the 
 Indus. Conspiracies were formed, discovered, and batlled ; 
 but oiilv to be ivuewod a u'a i 1 1 and aii'ain. (humous warn- 
 ings were confidentiallv ii'iven at head-ipiarters, by cool- 
 1 leaded observers of the scene, and listeners to the whispered 
 
 Talk of t 1C people. But tile leSSOHS of el- \\\ Veal'S ot 
 
 unchecked expansion wen 1 too deeplv engraved on the 
 
 minds of men like tho-e in charge: and thev could not be 
 waked from their fatal sccitritv. To humour a whim of 
 their reu'al pupp-'l. the B>ala Ilis-ar. a citadel of ^Teat 
 strength, was L-vaeiiated bv the troops, and converted into
 
 3 1 4 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 a zenana. Little, if any care seems to have been taken to 
 lay in stores on the approach of winter, or to arm the forts 
 in the neighbourhood, which might have rendered the camp 
 ordinarily safe from attack. On the 2d November, 
 without any known provocation or notice, the Residency of 
 Sir A. lJurnes was beset by an armed mob, by whom, after 
 vain expostulation, lie and his staff' were slain. A detach- 
 ment ordered to occupy the quarter where the outrage had 
 been committed, was hemmed in for hours in narrow 
 streets, and after considerable loss was compelled to fall 
 back. Incapacity and irresolution paralysed those in 
 command. Macnaghten sent urgent appeals for ix-lief to 
 Xott at Candahar, and to Sale, who was still at Jellalabad ; 
 but some of his messages were never received, and the 
 
 O 
 
 answer of Sale, when at length made acquainted with the 
 exigency, was that he had neither commissariat or ammuni- 
 tion sufficient to justify his undertaking a winter march 
 through a ho-tile country. Six weeks were wasted in fruit- 
 less negotiation. Food grew more scarce, and the severity 
 of tin- weather more- intense; while, every day the com- 
 passing hosts grew more numerous and menacing, and the 
 terms of accommodat ion demanded by their Chiefs grew more 
 humiliating to vicld. The -ituaiion had become desperate, 
 \vlien. on the il:]d December the IJesidcuf. \vas beguiled into 
 an interview bv an invitation from Akbar Khan - now at 
 1 ie head of the insurgents- and on a signal given, seized 
 and butchered in cn!d blood. No attempt was made to 
 avenge his death; but some days later terms were agreed to 
 by which fourteen lacs ot rupees were paid as ransom. 
 
 given as hostages for the immediate retreat of the entire 
 armv from Afghanistan. lv\'en this failed to secure the 
 immunitv so dearly bought. Ilardlv had the troops 
 
 ,/ J V i
 
 AFGHANISTAN. 
 
 quitted their cantonments, when they were assailed by 
 their implacable foes. On the third day, Akbar Khan 
 appeared to deprecate the imputation of treacherv, and to 
 otter proteetion to the families of the officers if they were 
 given up to him, declaring his inability to restrain the 
 mountain elans through the midst of whom the retreating 
 corps had to pass. Ten days Liter General Elphinstone, 
 a few of his staif, and the ladies thus surrendered, alone 
 survived. Four thousand troops, and eleven thousand 
 camp followers, perished in the futile effort to reach 
 lellalabad; one officer only gained that fortress to tell the, 
 miserable tale. A disaster like this had never befallen the 
 eountrvmen of I. 'live and AVellesley, and wherever tin; 
 tidings were made known they spread mortification and 
 dismav. Lord Auckland's term of of lice had a! read v expired, 
 and lie was but too glad to leave to other hands the task 
 of retrieving the results of his ill-fated poln-v. 
 
 Lord Klleiiborough was sent out as \iceroy. with in- 
 structions from Sir Pobert peel to l>ringthe Afghan busi- 
 ness loan end as ipiicklv as \vas compatible \\\\ i honour; 
 and. fo]- tip' rest, to keep \\\c peace towards all our neigh- 
 bours. 'Tip' lirM news t ial greeted him on his arrival was 
 the repulse, with lieavv loss, of (ieiieral \\'ild's division in 
 
 Ihis defeat was followed 
 
 v. ;:- t'malh al>: nd< >iied. Shah Sujah had | > 
 
 the Mrug-le. and the claims of hi- dvnastv were i 
 
 no more, i^^i Mahommed was set at libertv. and
 
 3 1 6 EMPIRE IN A SI A . 
 
 to reign over Afghanistan without molestation for more 
 than twenty years. For all the blood and treasure wasted, 
 and all the shame and grief endured, the Government of 
 India had nothing to show l>ut the rates of Somnath, 
 
 O O 
 
 which Lord Ellenborough 1 toasted that our troops had reft 
 from the tomb of ILahmud at dUmzni, where they had stood 
 for eight hundred years, as a trophv of Afghan spoil; but 
 which it was afterwards discovered were not, as he sup- 
 posed, the dours which belonged to the (hi/erat shrine, but 
 substitutes of modern workmanship made of the pine 
 wood in which Oabul abounds.
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Tin-: AM ins OF SCIXDK. 
 18431844. 
 
 " I have all along said, and ever shall say under all circumstances, and in all societies 
 and jilaces where 1 may hear it alluded to, that the ease of the Amirs is the 
 most unprincipled and disgraceful that has ever stamped the annals of our 
 Umpire in India. N" reasoning can. in my opinion, remove the foul stain it 
 lias left (,'!i eiir faith and honour: and as I know mure than any other man 
 liunu' of piwi"us events and measures connected with that devote 1 country. 
 I feel that 1 have a full I'L'ht t" exercise my judgment and expre my >enti- 
 ments nil the M:l>jt-ct. 1 cannot use tuu strong language in expressing my 
 disgiust and sorrow.'' 
 
 Sut HI;NUY I'. aTiX'iKR. 1 
 
 T 
 
 son of Idinjit Sinn 1 i feasted. at F 
 
 the 
 
 t 
 
 \c\ cVi'll tlli-11 til" s\\'oril W;is Imt luiif jvtiinicd {(} 
 
 sr;il>l>;ml. A fcclin^ 1 intense and unrcstrainnltli 1 I'vcrvw 
 jii't'\";iil'il, that smin'thini!,' inust lc done ti> ctlact 1 i ic I 
 lection of ivrrul reverses, and to restoi'e. at an\' 1'isk and nl 
 anv price, the prestige of irresisfiliilitv. I iiavo\\"rdlv pre- 
 
 I , . I 
 
 paratioiis \veve alreaolv 
 
 compensate f,>r that whicli liad ln-en m 
 
 ditch had lieeii, in 1 -:]'.). used \vil loin 
 
 reiulexvoiis for t lie armies of Sir \\ . ( 'oil on and Sir .1, 
 
 The military chiefs who. under the title of Amirs, ^ 
 
 ; Letter t A' ' ' ' . Sth Ja::uarv 1-14. 
 
 ing for another eiiiii|iie.-t. to 
 il. Seinde and 
 ave a- laet-s n
 
 3 i8 EMPIRE nv ASIA. 
 
 tlieir secluded country in a rude and jealous way, had not dis- 
 guised tlieir reluctance' to its being thus made a base of opera- 
 tions against the Afghans ; not from any loye for them, but 
 
 O o f 
 
 from instinctive fear of consequences from us. From those 
 who dwelt in the country previous to its invasion, we learn 
 that the occupiers of the soil, and those who lived by 
 handicraft and other kinds of peaceful industry, had no 
 great cause to complain of their rulers. The Amirs led 
 tlieir Beloochec followers in Avar, and administered justice 
 among their people during peace, in a. rough, irresponsible 
 fashion, not very different from that which prevailed in 
 most parts of Europe in feudal times. It \vas the absolu- 
 tism of chieftainry, but it was absolutism tempered by a 
 looking for sharp and swift vengeance for personal wrong. 
 The spirit of equality, in the eye of the law, which has 
 exercised so potent a spell over the minds of men wherever 
 islamism prevails, alleviated the weight of arbitrary power. 
 It could not turn the edge of the sword when uplifted in 
 passion, but it often sent it, half-drawn, back to the scab- 
 bard, and often snapped it in twain. The daughter of a, 
 Ka/i of K hairpin 1 , \vheii visiting the Zenana, wh<Te she 
 ; a light, its inmates to read the Koran, attracted by her 
 
 of 
 
 his ivtainei's : and ins] -ad of being sacrificed for what he 
 had done, he was protected by the other Amirs, who judged 
 the provocation to hav been intolerable, and the penalty no 
 more lhan lair. In the ad 
 "erred on the side ol clemency 
 to the sheddiii"' of blood." 
 
 inistration of justice they
 
 77/7? AMfRS OF SCIXD!'.. 319 
 
 parison with that of the people of manv of our own pro- 
 vinces." 1 The Hindus stood in somewhat the same relation 
 to the professors of the ruling faith as J)isscnters in 
 England and Catholics in Ireland did with reference to 
 the Home Government fifty years ago. Plantations of sugar- 
 cane, and rich fields of grain, with Innumerable water- 
 wheels, attested the activitv of labour and the sense of 
 securitv. To the honour of the Amirs it should also be 
 remembered, that to political fugitives, whence soever they 
 came, they fearlessly afforded the rights of asylum, which 
 is more than can be said for certain Governments of the 
 AVest. lofty in their pretensions to regard for the highest 
 duties of civilisation. 
 
 Their mistrust of European intermeddling in their affairs 
 had early been shown. A factorv, planted at Tatta in 
 177.). had been abandoned m 17'- 1 -. and an attempt to 
 re-e<fabli>h it in 17 ( . )l .' proved unsuccessful. In I so;). 
 Lord Mmto had with difficulty induced the Amirs to 
 make a general treaty of friendship, b\- which they en- 
 gaged not to have anv political or commercial dealings 
 with the lYench. Thi- was followed in IM!< I >v another, 
 ng up. ;n a ([iialitied manner, intercourse and trade. In 
 I-.'! I. v. '; ii Sir Alexander lUirnes explored the countrv on 
 the right ban ; of the Indus, a Svud whom he encountered 
 exclaimed. "Alas! Scinde is now Li'one. since the Kn^Ii-h 
 have se M the \\\ \' \\ i idi i- the hi'jh road to its cnin|Uc<t. ' 
 XeXl \'c;ir ('olollel Potlill"'!'!' concluded a tl'eaiV oj' com-
 
 320 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 used for military purposes at any time. There was also- a 
 supplementary convention regulating tolls and duties, which 
 were to be abated if the British Government thought them 
 too high. In 1838, the Amirs admitted a permanent Resi- 
 dent at their capital. After the Tripartite treaty was signed, 
 Lord Auckland volunteered to arbitrate between the Amirs 
 and Shah Sujah regarding arrears of tribute, said to be due 
 from Scinde as an ancient province of Afghanistan. The 
 Princes, who had never been consulted as to whether they 
 would accept such arbitration, wholly denied the liability ; 
 and when pressed by A la j or Outram, produced a release 
 in full of all demands, in consideration of a Jarge sum 
 paid in commutation to the ex-ruler of Cabul. Outram 
 wrote to Calcutta, " How this is to be got over, I do not 
 myself see."' The reply was unhappily but too character- 
 istic : "The Governor-General was of opinion that it is not 
 incumbent on the British Government to enter into any 
 formal investigation of the pica adduced bv the Amirs.'" 
 
 One of the Chiefs was about the same time reported to 
 be in correspondence with the Court of Teheran. This was 
 denounced as duplicity and treachery; all the rest were held 
 responsible for his acts whatever thev might have been, and 
 the Resident, was instructed to demand the admission of a 
 subsidiary force, and the engagement of the whole military 
 strength of Scinde in tin- invasion of Afghanistan. When 
 the armies had been collected at Shikarpoiv, a draft 
 treat v was present i d to th<- Amirs, from whic i the\" learned 
 with ama/emi'iii that the ( lovernor-( iencral had directed 
 a liriiish force to In- permanently kept in cantonments 
 at Tatta. and that its numbers should from time to time, 
 be regulated by his pleasure. It was further provided 
 that thev should pav a fixed sum forks maintenance. One 
 
 " Thornton's History ol' .British India, p. u^i).
 
 THE AMJRS OF SCINDE. 
 
 321 
 
 of the A mil's drew forth the previous treaties, and asked 
 sio'iiificaiitly, " What is to become of all these From 
 the day that we made the iir.-t of them there has al \vavs 
 been something new. \Ve are anxious to live in friend- 
 ship with you, but we cannot be thus continually per- 
 secuted. \Ve have 14! veil your troops a road through our 
 territories and already vou want them to remain." J5ut; 
 in the. lace of overwhelming odds, they were unable to 
 re-ist, and ai'ter manv protests and objurgations, tliey suc- 
 cumbed. It was stipulated bv them, that when no longer 
 .needed for the immediate objects then impending, the port 
 of Kurrachee should be evacuated and restored. Outram 
 consented, and forwarded the treat v, with this stipulation, 
 and also \vith one thai the camp of the subsidiary troops 
 should be fixed at Tatta. lioth stipulations were .-truck out, 
 as it was not intended to give back Kurraehee to its owners, 
 and it miidit be necessarv to increase and remove the live 
 thousand men. Thou-h naturallv niortitied hv these suc- 
 cessive exactions, thev took" no ho-tile part against us in tin.' 
 season of disaster, and Outram reported that then 1 was 
 
 men civilised or uncivilised are wont to do 11 
 wmton humiliation and wrong, we mav take for granted 
 without proof, and their doing so was enough to draw down 
 upon them the weight of viceregal indignation. 
 observe.-. Sir William Xapier. the hi.-lorian of th< 
 
 \\ 
 
 --I Me to mi-la ki- ni 1 to i ! \ in- 
 
 >implv an impiul \-.' ' ' ;- -: :d 
 
 awav the ci.nintrv .' Tli>' propo-al to ni' dial w; - nii less 
 iniiiuu'al than subtle ; the obect wa> i''-::!. ci.i\'ei'ed \vith a
 
 322 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 sickening declamation about friendship, justice, and love 
 of peace, all of which recognised Scindc as an independent 
 power." l 
 
 Lord Ellenborough, in October 1842, ordered Sir Charles 
 Napier to take the command in Scinde, where he was to 
 inquire and report whether any Amir or Chief had evinced 
 hostile designs against us during late events, which might 
 have induced him to doubt the continuance of our power : 
 "as it was the intention of the Governor-General to in- 
 flict upon the treachery of such ally or friend a punish- 
 ment so signal, as should effectually deter others from 
 similar conduct." 1 Outram's instructions peremptorily re- 
 quired him to lay before the General "the several acts 
 whereby the Amirs or Chiefs might have seemed to have 
 departed from the, terms or spirit of their engagements." 
 Me was, therefore, obliged to enumerate, anv acts, more or 
 less frivolous and inconsequential, into which two or three 
 of them had been provoked by the demeanour adopted 
 towards them, but none of which, in his judgment as Poli- 
 tical Resident, warranted a convict. ion or any actual punish- 
 ment. 3 lie added his testimony of the innocence of the 
 majoritv, and reminded the Government at Calcutta of 
 their collective fidelity to their engagements on the most 
 critical occasions. lie remonstrated, moreover, with Sir 
 Charles Napier, who took' a different view, and urged ihe 
 expediency and duty of a policv of conciliation, and the 
 wisdom of showing the chiefs a more excellent wav of 
 o'overmnent than their own. 
 
 rounds of complaint con- 
 
 the natives. 
 
 !o have the construe- 
 
 1 In (lomtdi, Lieutenant Ka^twick, ifjtli ,J;iniiarv Is:!!). 
 
 - Conquest of Sdnde, by General \\ . V. Napier. ]>. \ \: > J . 
 
 ' Outnun's Cdiujuest of fScinde, juul I. ]>. 4i>.
 
 THE AM tRS OF S CLYDE. 323 
 
 live effect of impeding trade. When the provisions of the 
 treatv were pointed out to the Amirs, which the lewing 
 of such duties was said to infringe, they exclaimed that 
 thev had not understood this to be the meaning of them, or 
 thev would not have signed them; and the Resident, 
 when appealed to, owned that he took the same view. 
 I hit Napier, now invested with supreme command, over- 
 ruled him, and grimlv warned the Chiefs that thev must 
 abate their pride or prepare for a day of wrath ; unless, 
 indeed, thev would make a new treatv, and cede districts 
 along the river in commutation of the three lacs thev had 
 bound themselves annually to pav. In anv case, a certain 
 province was to be expropriated to reward the fidelity of 
 ihe Khan of lihawalpore. Aleer Uoostum. the oldest and 
 wealthiest of the confederate Princes, desnvd an interview 
 
 times an unswerving friend; and though far advanced in 
 wars, retained perfect intelligence and great personal influ- 
 ence. Neither the venerable Prince, whose friendlv 
 advances were unconrteouslv repelled, nor anv of his 
 brethren, hail ever injured the hair oi a head ot an\' l>ritish 
 
 Mlbjeet ; but llle\' had. 11! the holll 1 of our greatest Heed, 
 
 hev were now to ha\"e their reward. A new treatv wa 
 re-en ted for signal ure on the <u h I )ecember. which, b, ~.\(\ ( 
 he-e 1 1 'nil-, contain 'd provisions t hal 1 ie A mils >ho;;l i ^up- 
 
 il inii:':; b ' 
 
 : llloli"\ r be 
 
 ci I'lled ' 'V 1 lie Hal i\e ( li iVi I'll'ileHt. Ul b \ !<- 
 
 If I'ne-e pr, i\ , ik'm-' ' li-maiid- -h ;; d fail in 
 
 .'. -..'- . .:, ..-'. : .. : , \, '. i, i,. I"'.
 
 3 24 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 their intended effect, the General wrote, lie would forthwith 
 take possession of the provinces enumerated ; and, as if to 
 shut out the remaining possibility that his letter might 
 
 OX *> 
 
 not be published by the Chiefs, a proclamation was issued 
 announcing that no new tax or existing impost should be 
 levied after the 1st day of the year, then at hand, in the 
 territories which were to he. alienated. Discussion was 
 thus rendered a mockery, when every semblance of regard 
 for the rights of negotiation was set at naught. Though 
 disapproving of the policy pursued, Outram felt it to be his 
 duty to dissuade, the Amirs from ineffectual resistance, and 
 he actually induced several of them to aflix their seals to 
 the humiliating treaty. When doing so, thev avowed that 
 their wild and turbulent followers would not easily be 
 reconciled to its conditions, and that it would be impossible; 
 to hold them within bounds if the English army continued 
 to advance towards the capital. If half the tales were true 
 of domineering violence and ruthless lust, set forth invidi- 
 ously as illustrating the prevalent plight of the people 
 under their Native Chiefs, some sect or section, minoritv or 
 majority, of them would assuredly have shown gladness at 
 their approaching deliverance, if not love for their deliv- 
 erers. l)iit no class or Iribe affected to regard the invading 
 army with ]<>v, to put anv faith in the sincerity of our 
 professions, or to feel grateful for our interference. 1 The ad- 
 vance was nol arrested, and the heloochec soldierv, believing 
 that Outram was the. eneniv who had insidiouslv beguiled 
 their Chiefs into unworthy concessions, assailed the Jfesj- 
 dency. and compelled him to seek refuge in the General's 
 cam}). The victory of Meeanee, on the I 7th February, virtu- 
 ally decided the fate of the campaign. hi the murderous 
 combat no quarter was given, and the havoc on both sides 
 1 Eushviek, Dry Leaves. iSa'., p. I' 14.
 
 THE Air IRS OF SCI N DR. 3-5 
 
 was terrible. Many instances of heroism and of prowess arc 
 recorded, and at nightfall six thousand Beloochees lay dead 
 upon the plain. '' fSo heavy wen; the retreating masses, so 
 dogged Iv did thev move, without showing ynv sign of 
 i'ear, that no attempt, was made at pursuit." 
 
 The hopes of the General, deferred through long years of 
 tantalisation, were fulfilled at last. At the head of gallant 
 troops, pitted fairly against a numerous and well-appointed 
 host, Xapier had won a great battle. The hankering for 
 fame which made him clutch with jov at Lord Hill's oiler 
 of command hi India, and which breathed through all his 
 communications with Lord Ellenborough., was satisfied. 
 And yet lie would fain have won the goal with less pro- 
 digal expenditure of blood. lie fore Iving down to rest, he 
 wandered forth through the midst of the dead, and invol- 
 umariiv asked [leaven if he wen- responsible fur all tin- 
 mi-crv and ruin piled m g lastlv heaps around him. His 
 
 cnliscietice, as lie [ells US, ail-Wet'ed Ho. Tile compunctious 
 
 \,-;i;!r:- of nndiii'jjil passed a\\'av, and he slept so soundlv 
 that il wa-d it'll cu It to wa \e him. Hut who shall tell how 
 often doubts mav lia\'e recurred to the mind of one who 
 plamlv enough had lad it in his power to avert the war, it' 
 tin! to mitigate its miseries ' 1; is but justice t" add. that 
 w ien the struggle was over, no man could labour more 
 diligent Iv and devotedlv to make civil reparation for the 
 damage and det rinient he had wrought. And if -eeiint \ and 
 ijir.et could compensate a cotintrv for ha vmg it.- e\v- put oui , 
 or it gravelled walk- and carpet niu's of police could recon- 
 cile it to being f >H ii< ] !m Ili'Ver to '_|i-t ( Ml : _."i Ml. 
 
 we might believe that Scinde was ci in I ; : _' nearly 
 thra-hed to deal h. and t hen bat lied and fed and bade \, > 
 
 slumber. HoW little the In'loochee- 1 hoUght "(' I 1 } 1 1 ., >ri -ing 
 
 with t icir a->ailants. is shown in uv* 1 brief !im.'< bv the
 
 326 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 triumphant chronicler of the Avar. But three of the wounded 
 were found still living after Meeanee. 1 
 
 The next morning Xapier sent to demand the surrender 
 of the capital. "When asked what terms he would give, he 
 replied, " Only life." Not long afterwards six of the 
 Amirs rode into camp and surrendered. In the treasury 
 of Hyderabad 400,000, besides a varied store of curious 
 and precious booty, was found, the whole of which 
 passed into the hands of the prize agents. In a few 
 weeks Shere Mohammed had re-assembled an army of 
 twenty-five thousand men ; but he was attacked and de- 
 feated in a general engagement near the capital, and no 
 further resistance of importance was made. Sheerpore and 
 Omercote surrendered; Xapier reported that the countrv 
 was subdued; and its annexation having been formally 
 proclaimed, he was rewarded with the appointment ol 
 ( Governor of Scinde. 
 
 Outram returned to England, where his narrative of 
 events confirmed the impression on the minds of many that 
 the invasion had been, unprovoked, and that the annexa- 
 tion was unwarrantable. Thanks wore voted bv Parliament 
 to the army, the Vicerov, and the (Jeneral. .Many who 
 knew India well, and who appreciated keenly the difficulties 
 of the situation, lamented Lord Kllenborough's pnliey, not- 
 withstanding the success whieh apparentlv had crowned it. 
 ' : Let it lc remembered that all our treaties with the Amirs 
 were made after their warmest remonstrances against the 
 intended honour of treating at all ; that the mere circum- 
 stance of marching large bodies of troops through an inde- 
 pendent country, contrarv to the declared wish of its rulers, 
 and cutting down timber, abolishing imposts, garrisoning 
 forts, buving up grain and beasts of burthen therein, would 
 1 The Guiltiest of .Scinde, ny Gun oral W. F. Xnijier, ]>. 3:JD.
 
 THE AMIRS OF S.CIXDE. 
 
 Isc in. Kuropc considered a most flagrant breach of inter- 
 national la\v ; and I think enough will be remembered 
 to slio\v that the Scindc case is one that justice (sweeten it 
 however much voii mav) will iind too nauseous to swal- 
 low. ' Such is the verdict of one who was resident in the 
 country during the years I8oi) and 18-41, and Avhose 
 acquaintance with its language, and whose intimacy with 
 its people and their customs, enabled him correctly to 
 appreciate their character and conduct. Moimtstuart 
 Klphiustone, writing to Sir Charles _Aletcalfe, said, '' 'Scinde 
 was a .sid scene o!' insolence and. op[)ression. Coming after 
 Afghanistan, it put one in mind of a bully who had been 
 kicked in the streets, and went home to beat his wife in 
 revenge. 
 
 Klated with, his successes on the banks of the Indus, the 
 ( Jo\ erin >r-( leiieral. ere the close of the year, sought fresh 
 laurels in a less arduous ami unaccustomed field. For five 
 and tweiitv vears tin- Mahratta princes of (Iwalior had 
 <crupulouslv observed I he terins of the subsidiary alliance 
 \\"ith the ilnti-ii ( iovcrnnicnl : nor was there now any 
 nvadi al eged of it- obligations. The death of the Maha- 
 rnjah had nece->siiated t he appoint lue.nt oi a IJegeiii during 
 ! he minority of his adopt ive heir ; but t he internal admin i-- 
 tratioii of Mama Sahib was thwarted by a court faction, 
 at whose nominal head was the Maharanee t>r widow of the 
 deceased [Vince. Tin- unintelligible can-''-, d lai!-, and 
 
 coll-ei lUellces i >[' I hese disputes, ai'e !lo] \\ : . '
 
 328 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the mutineers should be punished, and offered to lend the 
 aid of the subsidiary troops for the purpose. The offer was 
 declined by the Regent, on the vuy reasonable ground that 
 such interference would inevitably awaken national sus- 
 picions and jealousies that had long slumbered. He under- 
 took that discipline would be restored by other methods ; 
 but in this lie unfortunately failed, through want of 
 influence rather than inclination, and in the attempt he 
 was compelled to withdraw from the seat of Government. 
 One form of disorder followed another, and Jiritish troops, 
 collected at Agra and elsewhere, were removed towards the 
 disturbed districts. The Yiccrov repaired to the head- 
 quarters of Sir Hugh Gough, then Commander-in-Chief, 
 and from his camp issued a proclamation, which set forth 
 that the tranquillity of neighbouring provinces was threat- 
 ened by the turbulence and disorder in the State of (Jwalior, 
 and that he was about to interpose by arms for their 
 suppression and the re-establishment of the authoritv of 
 Scindias Government. The Mahratta chiefs besought him 
 to forbear, aliening that the disquietude would prove but 
 temporary, and pointing' to the uncontested fact that in no 
 case had the evil overpassed their confines. The army 
 notwithstanding received orders to advance, ami when 
 approaching Mahrajpoiv. the (Icneral miexpectedlv found 
 
 himself ID pl'e-ence <>f the main In >d V of Scllldlas forces. 
 *'ll tile ll'Jth I )ecember was fought a Sa !)!_! 1 1 i I la \'\ battle; 
 
 he |o-S on t he side oj' [lie 
 
 A new 1 real v dictati'd 
 in which the sub- 
 lain districts ceded 
 fr its support. The minoritv of the .Prince, was to 
 
 interim the ali'airs of the State were to be Conducted bv a
 
 THE AMIRS OF SCIXDE. 329 
 
 Council of Regency, who not only in nil affairs of moment, 
 but e-eiterallv, were to act upon the advice of the Liiii'lish 
 Resident, who should be instructed from time to time bv 
 the ( ioveritor-( leiieral. The Maharanee \vas 1o le consoleil 
 for the extinction of licr pretensions to MIIV influence over 
 the administration,!)}' an annual allowance of three lacs. 
 1 1 is almost superfluous to note that for a period of ten 
 years the whole executive authority \vas bv these stipula- 
 tions transferred from (iwa'ior to Calcutta. It was a ten- 
 tative step towards annexation, and but for events then 
 unforeseen, it illicit have been followed up to completion. 
 
 Lord Kllenljorouci'h'.s policv was so much disapproved lv 
 the Directors, that they resolved he should hen-called. Tin- 
 act was warnilv disapproved, bv the i>iike of \\'e lin^ton, 
 and the I'.oard appeased his dissatisfaction bv immediately 
 jiroceediiiL!' to nominate Lord IlardniLi'e (iuveriior-(Jeiu'ral.
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 P U X J A B A X D P E G U. 
 
 18-451852. 
 
 ' ; Many "believe that a really Christian empire would <.htain wr.rhl-wide sovereignty 
 ]>y the voluntary and ea_'er resort of all nations under the shadow of its wings. 
 Whether hy such means as these Great Jir:ta::i shall acconipli-h the d"!n:ni"H 
 of the East, remains to he .seen. We have not, 1 fear, made an auspicious 
 ]ic_'i',:idng. J3ut if we are tu gain no mure hy virtue, let us not lo^e what we 
 have hy injustice. Let us hasten to wipe cut the awful ix-liuke passed hy 
 tne natives on their Ciiri.-tian euii'[i;ei''i).s, as they wei'e led a\vay into cap- 
 tivity, ' Xow. we perceive that there is n<j hope fr us uf judgment <A~ ju.-tice 
 until G"d Almighty .-hall .-it in the last great A'iav.lut.'' ''' 
 
 L'UU) SllAFTESBCKY. 1 
 
 TI^IIEX Lord Hardinuv I'oadied India the Sikhs weiv in 
 commotion. Tin 1 Maliarajali had fallen lv the hand 
 df an assassin; and his lirother. Uir ten years old. had 
 l>eri) ivcoii'iiiseil as, the lawful heii- of Kunjit Sin^h. As 
 a child, he was full of excellent promise; and the Sirdar-. 
 ihoii;_;li ih\idcd 1)\- internecine enmities, agreed TO ] - a!l\" in 
 defence of his endanu'ereil tlirone ; for. reckless and ill iterate 
 though lhe\- were, they could not I >< unconscious of the 
 nniniiiencv of danger. 'I he spectacle of Afghanistan wan- 
 tonl\" o\'i-rrun. and onlv emancipated l>y the stei'n pertina ( Mt\' 
 or resistance on the part ot its peojiie, and the yet more 
 recent spectacle of S.-mde Itrow-lieaten, overlx.M'iio. and at 
 length reduced to unijiialiiiei] \'assala;j;e, warned, them ui
 
 PUNJAB AXD PEGU. 331 
 
 what they had to expect so soon ;is their turn should 
 conic. Ho\v could, the most trusting, credulous, or peace- 
 ful amongst them believe that they were safe > : Already 
 their sul.)jugation had been publicly discussed in the Jiritish 
 Parliament as a (question onlv of time. Within t:\vo vears 
 from the annexation of Scinde, it had been openly foretold 
 that the ( 'ountrv of the Five .Rivers would be ours. The 
 forecast had not been uttered by official lips, indeed, for 
 such candour would haye been, without precedent; and Sir 
 Robert Peel, above all men. trod faithfully in the wav of 
 Parliamentary usaijv. But the assertion made by Mr 
 Roebuck 1 was not repudiated; and whatever may haye 
 been the confidential counsel ( u'iven. by his colleagues lo Sir 
 Henry Uardin^e, it \vould be. yain to pretend that his 
 approval, as a soldier of experience and repute, h>r the post 
 of ( iovcrnor-( ieneral, was likely to tramuiillise the mis- 
 e'ivinii's ot the Sikhs. 
 
 ni. and t nose wno knew 
 
 1 '"ill probably contend, with excellent reason, that 
 he was of a nature too |u-t and Li'eneious to incur t ie 
 teri'ible res loiisiliilities of a sanguinary conflici through 
 anv motive of mi itarv ambition or personal vainglory. 
 Like the Ljviit mast el 1 o f st i'a teu'V he had served so Imi^. he 
 had seen too much of the realities of war to wish to set- 
 any more of them. Had there been anv man amon<.r the 
 Sikhs of ascendant intellect and capacity for pvai a tans, 
 he miu'lit have led them to restrain their fear-. c<>i 
 date their resources, and wait for events : in which t---e. M 
 is by no means clear t hal t hey \\-\ >uld have : r y 
 molested or easily reduced. Hut n was i\> - : and 
 the tirst duty of Sir II. Harding wa-> to or-'ani-e ju-.-iiara-
 
 332 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 tions to resist an irruption of the fierce and well-armed 
 Klialsa army. The Ranee arid her Minister Lall Singh 
 could with difficulty control those restless Lands, daily 
 growing more distrustful, not without reason. Letters 
 from the other side of the Sutlej descriLed, day after day, 
 the gathering of additional troops, and the strengthening of 
 garrisons. 1 It was said that the next move in the game of 
 aggression would Le to sweep the .Rajah of Bhawalpore 
 and other we,-ik powers off the Loard. A province 1 of 
 partitioned S.cinde had Lorn given liim as the price of his 
 aid; Lut the uninterrupted course of Anglo-Indian annals 
 showed iliat what SaiL Company had given. Sail) Company 
 could take away. The "devil's Lrothor ;; also was still 
 in Seindr. Had he not Lorn thanked Lv Parliament for 
 his doings there ' and was he not Lelieved to have said that 
 his troops were readv for more work All which did not, 
 and could not justifv indeed what followed, though it too 
 clearly explains and accounts for it. Eighty thousand 
 fighting men. atlended Ly a, multitude of cam]) followers, 
 asseinLled at the tomL of Run jit Singh, whore, according 
 t<> thi 1 custom ot their race. pa>sai;'es suitaLle to the occasion 
 s\'< i'e iv;ul 1\- the ofiiciating (iooro or 'pi'iost ; al'ler which, a 
 sacrameni of Lj-rail and wine, accoi'dijig to their rites, was 
 puLliclv adniimsterril. I'^ach chief, as he jiassed, touched 
 the hen) of the funeral canoiiv of the old Lion "i Lai i ore, 
 
 Maharajah." ( n the 4th I)ecemLer IS -If) thev crossed tin- 
 Sutl'-j. ;md we were al wai 1 . Two davs later Sir Hoiirv Ifar- 
 dinge issued a proclanintioii calling rm tlie protected states to 
 
 assist him. An armvof :}2.C>00 men. comprising several Iiluro- 
 {i-an regmiriits, \\'rre ah'ea'lv assrinLled at Meerut: and from
 
 PUNJAB AND PEGU. 333 
 
 other quarters contingents were ready to advance. In four 
 general actions the Khalsa soldiery sustained their reputation 
 for intrepid valour, and were not finally discomfited at Soli- 
 raon unt il t lu-v had inflicted fearful losses on their antagonists. 
 Colal Sinu'li, who throughout the campaign had avoided 
 taking active part with his countrymen, whose Mind im- 
 petuosity he disapproved, met Sir Hugh Gough at Kussoor, 
 and, in the character of an envoy, ottered terms of peace. 
 
 A treaty was made, which added to the Company's 
 territory the Jullindhur l)oal>, a line tract of country situ- 
 ated l>et ween the rivers I>eas and Sutlej, which, together 
 with the Cis-Sutlej States, previously under our protection, 
 were now formally annexed. A war fine of a million and 
 a half sterling was exacted, Mit the Lahore treasury lieiug 
 nearlv empty, Cashmere was purchased hack for two-thirds 
 of this MIDI by ( iolal> Singh. It was also stipulated that 
 a l>nti>h I!e>ideut should lie accredited to tin- ( 'oiirt of 
 Lahore, and thai a force of lo.oon of the Company's troops 
 should lie maintained lieyond the Sutlej, ostensibly to pre- 
 serve on er 111 the interest of t ie young .Maharajah. I )huleep 
 Sin- i. l',\ the Articles agreed on in a supplementary con- 
 vention, the I In 1 1 si i ( I o \vrii in ei it acknowledged the several tv, 
 aini Lfiiaranlecd the inte^rit \". ot the Sikh State, and under- 
 took the political guardianship of i he Maharajah during his 
 minority. The engagement was to cease "and terminal 
 \\\> 1 1 Silliness attaining the full age of sixteen vears, or on i he 
 llh September !>.")!. Sir II. Ifardmge wished the>tipu- 
 lation res iceti 1114' the trusteeship thus a-Minied. r 
 the existing rights and I'm lire intere>[s oi the ['mice, to 
 he made as puMic as possiMe; tor lie wa- a and a 
 
 statesman, with a heart full of humanity, and an under- 
 standing true to honour. "It was determined, he wmt . 
 "in communication with the Sirdars, that his lliu'hne^s should
 
 334 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 come to my camp on this side of the Beas, and I proposed 
 afterwards, when the agreement would be formally ratified, 
 to pay his Highness a friendly return visit at Lahore.'' 1 
 In the proclamation subsequently issued, the Governor- 
 General said that he felt "the interest of a father in the edu- 
 cation and guardianship of the young Prince," and that "he 
 had at heart the peace and security of the country, the firm 
 establishment of the State, and the honour of the Maharajah 
 and his Ministers.' : .1 hiring the period of Protectorate thus 
 defined, the Queen's representative in India was to be em- 
 powered to occupy such outposts, and to keep such a garri- 
 son in the capital as he might deem necessary for securing 
 the objects of the exceptional trust thus assumed. The 
 Resident was. for the time, to be head of the Administration, 
 and to preside over a Council (.if Regency, to whom was to 
 be delegated all domestic and local control. This arrange- 
 ment gave the British Minister at Lahore all the authority 
 that could be desired. AA hat Sir If. Ifardinge meant by 
 the conditions he made, we know from his own pen. In- 
 structing the Resident how to act, he admonished him that 
 it would in all cases be "politic to carry the native council 
 with him.' 1 ' He mi f L;ht change them and appoint others, as 
 they were '''entirely under his control and guidance: and 
 in military aliair- hi- power was as unlimited. 3 Sir II. Har- 
 din'je had sat in Cabinet where every .Minister but one j> 
 removable at the pleasure ol thai one: but he remembered 
 that such association, while it 
 
 ir Robert Reel taught 
 
 ministerial rule i.- 
 
 L'anL'1--:. 1S4M. - l'->i'-L,l\ 53. " //,/./., p. Is
 
 PUXJAB AXD PEGU. 335 
 
 not only not unworthy or unwise, but is indeed one of the 
 best imaginable for securing the benefits of stable and eilicient 
 government. After some months' trial the experiment, far 
 from proving chimerical, seemed likely to succeed. The " I )ur- 
 bar gave the Resident as much support as he could reason- 
 ably expect. There had been a <|iuet struggle for mastery ; 
 bin thoii'jh he was polite to all. he never allowed anything 
 wrong to pass unnoticed, and the members of Council were 
 gradually falling into the proper tram. It was, in short, 
 a fair and honest attempt to adjust the claims of su/eramtv 
 with those of local rule, not indeed theoretically perfect ; 
 not perhaps capable, within less compass than that of a 
 dissertation, of being analysed completely, as analysis is 
 employed by political metaphysicians. : but something much 
 better a practica expedient, which everybody who wanted 
 to understand it could understand, and by means of which 
 it would have been pojble jo preserve the self-respect, and 
 [d ci the cdnfideiice n!' ;, subordinated State with a! 
 
 the requisite guarantees of security for th<' iieace aii> 
 
 . 
 
 ngth of empire. I nhappilv there were those on both 
 
 >lde- who would llol lie sat;>lied with this; and lietWeell 
 111 they succeeded el'e long m overturning it. thereby 
 
 i-hing despotism with another pretence for sivinu 1 ilia! 
 nothing m India is possible, but the UlHjUe-tiolled -v. ,-, o| 
 
 ;-m n every orm s a esson tat a- neVi'i' 
 
 iniei 1 \\ ] i h' 'lit il!;l!l\" 1 >1 U lid' 'H | 111- alld 
 
 : ' ri lie'e--, i j > . ; r \\-, ir; j] e;: ruin' _f ; ' 
 
 - f life. 
 
 L'I ii.-eCl iliewid..w,-f'Runjii Sii ,,! to ;- 
 
 '-^ ofwhie] ; ' I,! -
 
 336 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the reverses of fortune. The young Maharajah showed indi- 
 cations of teaching hostile to English domination, and it was 
 easy to divine the source. Soon after, the disclosure of an 
 alleged scheme to bring about a revolution was thought to 
 furnish sufficient pretence for the separation of motherand son, 
 and the detention of the Kanee in the fortress of Shikapoor. 
 Jhvt though stripped of political power and guarded with the 
 utmost caution, her spirit was not subdued, and, like the 
 captive of Fotheringay, she became the centre of a thousand 
 rash cabals and intrigues for her deliverance. Notwith- 
 standing these petty rufrlings of the stream, it seemed to flow 
 on steadily and peacefully. On the eve of quitting India, 
 .Lord Hardinge complacent]}* boasted of the "quiet" which 
 prevailed in the Punjab, and he could write this with the 
 more confidence, because he had permanently posted 50.000 
 men and GO guns in strategic positions in the valley of the 
 Sutlej. while the Sikh army, which four years previously 
 had numbered 85,000 men and 350 guns, within two days' 
 march of the .British frontier, was reduced to :24,000 men 
 and 50 n'uns. scattered in remote detachments. 
 
 Lord Ualhousie was received in Calcutta with congratu- 
 lations bv all classes. ''Jle arrives at a time, said one 
 journal, ''when the last obstacle to the complete and linal 
 pacification of India has been removed, when the only re- 
 maining ;innv which could create alarm has bei-n dis-olvrd, 
 and when the peace o| the country re>ts on iln- linnet and 
 most permanent basis. I he chieis whose ambition or 
 hostilitv have been the source oi disquietude to his pre- 
 decessors have one and all heel) disarmed. .Not a >ln>t is 
 iired from the Indus to ( 'ape Coinorm against our wdl. J 
 In the political atmosphere there was a great calm ; but it 
 was not the calmness of content - it was the lull before the 
 
 : Friend vf India, January :M>. lb-ls.
 
 PUXJAfi AND PEGU. 337 
 
 storm, the silent accumulation of elements for a violent 
 effort to break the thrall of subjection in which the defeat 
 of Sobrfion had bound the high-spirited Sikhs. Ten thou- 
 sand bayonets at Lahore, and thrice ten thousand within 
 call, might indeed pinion native resentment against Fer- 
 inghee domination, and the insults of its Moslem servants 
 to Hindu caste and creed; but they could not extinguish it. 
 Government was still exercised in the name of the young 
 Maharajah, and the Sikh Council of llegency were the 
 visible exponents of authority to native eyes. Foreign 
 power was at least disguised under the mask of native forms, 
 and the independence of native chieftains was not openly 
 threatened. Pecuniary exactions, which, as we have seen, 
 excited so much of the misfortunes of Bengal in the Com- 
 pany's earlier days, and the avowed intention to denude of 
 his title and authoritv a popular chief, fanned the smoulder- 
 ing resentment of the nation into a tlame of ripen resistance. 
 .Moolra]. the governor of the citv and province of Mooltan, 
 \vas indebted to the('ourt of Lahore in eighteen lacs of 
 rupee-, the reduced amount of a }\\r/.7.\\r he hail agreed to 
 pav on his confirmation in the Xi/amut in 1M4. Payment 
 \vasdemanded bv tin- British Resident at Lahore, acting on 
 behalf of ilte Council, and the amount was paid, a further 
 engagement being extorted from Moolraj for a vearly pay- 
 ment of nineteen lacs. Th:- sum he afterwards professed 
 himself to be unable to pav ; and failing to obtain any 
 modification of the demand, and unwilling 1 to resist the 
 authority of the Ihirbar. he offered to resign il a suitable 
 laghire were given him for his future maintenance, and lie 
 were given a receipt in full for all pa-t claims. But "the 
 Resident was firm almost to harshness." .Moolraj mi-'ht 
 iv.-ign if he liked, but no quittance or pension would be 
 
 given him. < >n the contrary, ten vears' accounts were de- 
 
 v
 
 33 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 manded. " How can I produce my father's papers ? " said 
 the brow-beaten chief. " The ants have eaten them ; or if 
 the ants have left any, they are useless for your purpose." 
 Then, conscious that he was in the power of those who were 
 bent on his downfall, he added, " I am in your hands." 
 This was construed into a resignation of office, and notice 
 was quickly given him that he was superseded in com- 
 mand. 
 
 On the Utli April 1848, Sirdar Khan Singh, the 
 new Governor, accompanied by Mr Vans Agnew and 
 Lieutenant Anderson, in the character of Political Agent, 
 arrived at Mooltan, and had an interview with the deposed 
 Bewail outside the fortress. On the 19th, formal pos- 
 session of the place was given, the keys were handed over 
 to Khan Singh, and fresh sentries were posted. As the 
 party, Moolraj among them, were returning to their encamp- 
 ment without the walls, the first signs of a Sikh outbreak 
 betrayed themselves, in an attack on the English officers, 
 who, severely wounded, barely contrived to escape to their 
 quarters. A message from Vans Agnew to the native 
 chiefs in Mooltan, to obey the mandate of the Maharajah, 
 and accept the new ruler, only brought the reply that 
 " Hindu and Sikh, they were all sworn on the Grunth and 
 Koran to obey Moolraj as their leader, and to tight out his 
 battle." Tidings of the outbreak were despatched to Lahore, 
 as well as to other stations, and. the two Englishmen, with 
 Khan Singh, who remained faithful to his trust, prepared 
 to defend themselves till aid should arrive. Hut the con- 
 tagion of disaffection spread to their little escort of five 
 hundred men, and before evening they were left with only 
 their servants and half-a-dozen soldiers to repel the assault, 
 which was not long delayed. The mob, fired with fanatical 
 zeal, broke into the apartment where the wounded English-
 
 PUXJAB AND PEGU. 339 
 
 inon lay, and despatching both, carried their heads to the 
 palace in Mooltan. 
 
 There is not a tittle of evidence to connect Moolraj with 
 the first assault, or the subsequent murder. On the contrary, 
 the written testimony of the insurgent chieftains after the 
 sad event, distinctly exculpates him from a share in the 
 conspiracy which had been organised among the soldiery 
 and priesthood. His dispossession enraged them, and the 
 arrival of a successor, accompanied by, and known to be 
 the subservient nominee of, the hated Feringhee, drove them 
 to frenzy. The outbreak at Mooltan aroused further suspi- 
 cion at Lahore. The imprisoned Kanee and almost every 
 Sirdar of the Court, Moolraj himself excepted, were said 
 to be engaged in a wide-spread conspiracy. He indeed 
 drifted into a position which he would not willingly have 
 chosen. Ir was eminently unsafe to provoke native patriot- 
 ism by any formal proceedings against the Queen-mother; 
 she was therefore suddeiilv and secretly spirited away to 
 the less dangerous precincts of Benare- ; but an example 
 was made of lesser delinquents, some of whom were exe- 
 cuted as rebels at the gate of Lahore. 
 
 In the few hours intervening between the assault on the 
 two Englishmen and their barbarous murder, they had 
 found means to despatch information to the Resident at the 
 capital, as well as to the detachment at Futteh Khan on 
 the Indus. Tin 1 otlicer in command there, Lmuti'iiant 
 LdwaroVs (afterwards Colonel Sir Herbert Rdwardes), 
 at once marched to the relief of his distressed country- 
 men, though too late to save them. Compelled by the 
 superior numbers of the enemy to maintain a defensive 
 warfare for some time, he lied the Monltan army at bay, 
 ami when joined bv the friendlv forces of the iNawab of 
 Bhawalpore, he defeated Moolraj at Kin^vru. and again at
 
 340 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Suddoosain a month after, forcing him to retire within 
 the walls of Mooltan. The brilliant genius and energy of 
 this young officer, indeed, saved the appearance of British 
 influence in the Punjab. The Resident had sent earnest 
 demands for aid to the Governor-General at the outbreak 
 of the revolt. He deemed it dangerous to leave the British 
 community at Lahore at native mercy by sending the 
 European troops at his disposal to Mooltan, and to send 
 Sikh soldiers for that purpose might only be to swell the 
 ranks of the enemy. Assistance from Bengal was therefore 
 urgently requested. If this insult were not punished, and 
 speedily, we might expect the Afghans to establish them- 
 selves on the Indus ; the Cis-Sutlej tribes would not remain 
 quiet ; and thousands of Sikhs would join Moolraj in the 
 Manjha, giving him out as the restorer of Khalsa rule pro- 
 phesied by their priests. Lord Gough, however, deemed it 
 impossible to undertake operations at that season of the 
 year, and the Governor-General coinciding with his mili- 
 tary coadjutor, refused to consider events in the Punjab as 
 immediately calling for the movement of an army to the 
 north-west. 
 
 Executions, banishments, and the open manifestation of 
 suspicion, only inflamed the passions of the discontented 
 chiefs and soldiers, who saw in the disregard of treaties, 
 
 o 
 
 engagements, and native forms, an intention to subvert the 
 Sikh dynast v and dominion. The deportation of the 
 Maharanee indeed decided the wavering opinions of some 
 of the most powerful chiefs and their followers. "Greater 
 indignation was felt than shown when the Maharanee was 
 taken from her people and her child,'' l and the manifesto 
 of one of the malcontent chiefs " is a frank and straightfor- 
 ward state paper, as such things o-o." "It is known," wrote 
 J Arnold's Dalhonsie's Administration,
 
 P UNJA B AND PE G U. 3 4 1 
 
 Shere Singh in this document, "to all good Sikhs, in fact, 
 to all the \vorld at large, with what oppression, tyranny, 
 and undue violence the Ferino-liees have treated the widow 
 
 O 
 
 of the great Maharajah Runjit Singh, and what cruelty 
 they have shown towards the people of this country. In 
 tlic lirst place, they have broken the treaty, l>y imprisoning 
 and sending away to Hindustan the .Maharanee, the mother 
 of her people. Secondly, the race of Sikhs have suffered 
 so much from their tvranny, that our very religion lias been 
 taken away from us. Thirdly, the kingdom lias lost its 
 former repute." After the arbitrary deed was done, the 
 Resident himself acknowledged its mischievous effects on 
 the native mind in a despatch to Calcutta, wherein is 
 reported tin-, disturbance it caused among the Khalsa 
 soldiery at Rajah Singh's cam]), and their declaration that, 
 the Maharanee being gone, and the young Maharajah in 
 our hands, thev had no longer an inducement to oppose 
 Moolraj, and would sei/e their oilicers and go over to him. 
 1 )ost Mahommed, the friendly ruler of Cabul, also warned 
 the British Resident, Captain Abbott, that the Sikhs were 
 "dailv becoming more and more discontented,' and he 
 cited the treatment of the Maharanee as one of the cliiei 
 causes of that discontent. 'The Sikhs were strongly pos- 
 sessed with the luve of home and country : and banishment 
 was regarded as a worse punishment for political ollences 
 than even death. ''Such treatment/' wrote the sovereign 
 of ('abul, "is considered objectionable bv all creeds, and 
 both high and low prefer death." This incident att<>nls 
 another illustration of that want of equity in matters ot 
 State dealing with native powers, winch i- so often repeated 
 in the pages of Indian history. It is not to be doubted or 
 denied, that the widow of Runjit Singh was a steady 
 opponent of Britt>h power in the Pi
 
 342 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 fully guarded from collusion with more active plotters, her 
 influence would have died out. " There was not a man 
 who would shoulder a musket at her bidding," wrote one 
 who had the best opportunities of gauging native inclina- 
 tions at the time, 1 " Her memory survived, for she was not 
 a woman to be forgotten/' and the unjudicial and injudicious 
 act of the Eesident stamped that memory with the seal of 
 martyrdom in the national cause. Though there was 
 matter for grave suspicion, the Eesident himself acknow- 
 ledged that "legal proofs of the delinquency of the 
 Maharanee would not, perhaps, be obtainable ; " but he 
 considered it was " not a time for us to hesitate about 
 doing what might appear necessary to punish State 
 offenders, and to vindicate the honour and position of the 
 British Government." 8 That position, be it remarked, was, 
 by the treaties of Kussoor and Byrowal, one of joint trustee- 
 ship with the native Sirdars. They had no right or title 
 to act in any other capacity Dhuleep Singh being the 
 acknowledged sovereign prince, awaiting his majority. 
 But the members of the Council of Kegency affixed their 
 names to the decree of banishment; one of whom was a 
 known personal enemy of the Princess, the other two being 
 separated from her by differences of creed. A show of 
 numerical support was sought by the signature of a 
 councillor's brother, but the native draughtsman of the 
 document destroyed this flimsy disguise when he wrote 
 the preamble- that it was issued " according to the ad- 
 vice of Sir .Frederick Currie, and Fakir Xur-ud-din," 
 the first being the Eesident himself, and the last a 
 Mohammedan confidant. That there would have been con- 
 siderable difficulty in obtaining "legal proofs" for con-
 
 PUNJAB AND PEGU. 343 
 
 detuning the Maharanee in a proper investigation, which she 
 herself demanded, is clear from the fact that \vhen, at the 
 Resident's order, her papers and effects were seized, nothing 
 of a compromising nature was found among them. True to 
 the habit of confiscating the property of those whom they 
 iirst forced to quarrel and then to light, the invaders of the 
 Punjab stripped the deposed Princess of all her jewels and 
 valuables and her allowance, which had been fixed by the 
 treaty of Byrowal at 15,000 a year, and on her imprison- 
 ment in Shikapoor reduced to 4800, was now cut down 
 to 1:200. 
 
 The feelings of resentment thus engendered were fur- 
 ther intensified bv fresh arbitrary acts on the part of the 
 ]>ritish political agents. Tin. 1 young Maharajah, Dhuleep 
 Singh, was betrothed to the daughter of Sirdar t'huttur 
 Singh, (Governor of lla/ara, and sister of Rajah Shere 
 Singh, the commander of the Sikh roval armv ; and it was 
 agreed between the t\\'o chiefs that the acquiescence or 
 objectii'ii of the Prince's guardians should be regarded as a 
 test of their intentions with regard to the future. Formal 
 application was accordingly made to the Resident at Lahore 
 t<> tix a date for the marriage ceivnionv. Major Edwardes, 
 who united keen diplomatic instinct with military skill, 
 supported the application by a letter, in which he reported 
 the tenor of a conversation with Shere Singh on the subject ; 
 and added, " there c;ui be no question that an opinion has 
 gone verv prevalently abroad, that the British meditate de- 
 claring the Punjab forfeited bv the recent troubles and 
 mi-conduct of the troops. It would. 1 think, be a wise and 
 timelv measure to give >udi public assurance of British 
 good faith and intention to adhere to the treaty as would 
 be involved in authoritative preparations for providing the 
 vounu' Maharajah with a queen. It would, no doubt.
 
 344 EMPIRE IN ASIA, 
 
 settle men's minds greatly." The answer of Sir F. Currie 
 was just of the indefinite nature calculated to increase and 
 not allay suspicion. He promised to consult the members 
 of the Durbar, professed the desire of the British Govern- 
 ment "to promote the honour and happiness of the 
 Maharajah, the bride, and her family ; " but he added this 
 qualification, " I do not see how the proceeding with the 
 ceremonies for the Maharajah's nuptials can be considered as 
 indicative of any line of policy which the Government may 
 consider it right to pursue now, or at any future time, in 
 respect to the administration of the Punjab." The mis- 
 chievous effects of this subtle rejoinder to a straightforward 
 request were increased by the conduct of the Resident in 
 the province of Hazara, Captain Abbott had the unfortu- 
 nate distinction of disagreeing with every native of note 
 with whom he came in contact, yet at this critical juncture 
 he was suffered to remain at his post. Long before the 
 events under consideration, Sir Henry Lawrence had written 
 of him, that he was " too apt to take gloomy views of 
 tilings," and that he had "unwittingly done L)ewan Jowla 
 Sahaee injustice," the chief referred to being, said the 
 Resident, " a respectable, as he is assuredly an able man." 
 On the outbreak at Mooltan lie imagined that Chuttur 
 Singh and other nobles were leagued with Moolraj fur the 
 extirpation of the English, and he became so offensive in 
 his conduct towards them as to call forth remonstrances 
 from his superior olHcer at Lahore. "The palpable 
 distrust with which Captain Abbott regards Sirdar 
 Chuttur Siii'di seems not unnaturally to have estranged 
 
 O i, O 
 
 that chief from him. lie looks upon Chuttur Sing as a 
 sort of incarnation of tn-asun ; and the Sinlar has been 
 led to believe that Captain Abbott is bent on tin} anni- 
 hilation of himself and the Khalsa armv on the first
 
 PUNJAB AND PEGU. 345 
 
 opportunity." Tin- suspected chief was old and infirm, 
 and his connection with the rovul iamilv gave him a 
 position in itself some guarantee for his being circumspect, 
 if not cordial. Another .British official had called him " a 
 harmless old fool." Captain Al>l>ott, however, refused all 
 personal communication with him, and took up his residence 
 at thirtv-five miles' distance. A portion of the ClilllTUnjeet 
 regiment of horse having mutinied, the Resident charged 
 their general, Chundah Singh, with wholesale conspiracy, 
 and drew forth the rebuke from Sir F. Carrie that such 
 charges were "without foundation;" and that the Sikh 
 commander " had closely and scrupulously obeyed his 
 orders;'' in a despatch to the Governor-General he also 
 complains of the '' readv disposition of Captain Abbott to 
 believe in conspiracies, treasons, and plots ; suspicion ot 
 everybodv far and near, even of his own servants, and a 
 conviction of the infallibility of his own conclusions, which 
 was not shaken bv finding, time after time, that thev were 
 imt verified. ' A small portion of the. Pukli brigade of 
 troops, stationed near the residence of Chuttur Singh, 
 avowed an intention of joining the malcontents at Mooltan; 
 but thev were few in number, were whollv unsupported bv 
 their otiicers, who strove to tpiell the imitinv, and there was 
 nothing to substantiate the idea that the Sirdar Governor 
 approved or encouraged the movement. Captain Abbott, 
 however, chose to regard it as a formal participation in 
 the revolt at Mooltan. and appealing t< fanatical instincts 
 ot men of a ilill'eivnt race and creed, he ca led out the 
 Mohammedan militia of the district in great numbers, sur- 
 rounded the town of 1 lorripore, where Chuttur Singh re- 
 sided, and made such hosti e demonstrations as forced that 
 se hi- troops, in order to repel the attack which 
 
 I'm.jul. r il ,c-r S p. -N-,
 
 346 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 seemed imminent. The commandant of artillery under 
 the Sirdar, an American, when ordered to move his 
 battery with the rest of the troops, refused to do so without 
 permission of Captain Abbott. A second command, with 
 an explanation that " Captain Abbott could not know 
 that the guns were in peril of seizure by the armed 
 population," failed to move the disobedient officer. Two 
 companies of Sikh infantry were sent to enforce the Sirdar's 
 commands ; but Canora loaded his guns with grape 
 in double charges, and when the native havildars or ser- 
 
 O ' 
 
 geants refused to fire, he cut one of them down, and ap- 
 plied the match himself. The gun missed fire, and Canora 
 was shot down by the advancing files, not before he had 
 pistolled two Sikh officers. That Canora met the due 
 punishment of insubordination, there can be no doubt in 
 the minds of impartial judges ; yet Captain Abbott wrote a 
 highly-coloured account, charging Clmttur Singh with " an 
 atrocious deed/' in the "determined" and "cold-blooded 
 murder " of Colonel Canora. The Sirdar also sent a manly 
 and consistent report of the transaction, and the unpre- 
 judiced mind of our representative at Lahore accurately 
 estimated the value of each. Sharp, but just, was the 
 remonstrance and reprimand which he addressed to his 
 impetuous subordinate, lie refuted the gratuitous assertion 
 that Canora was basely murdered, affirming that he justly 
 fell a victim to circumstances arising out of his disobedi- 
 ence of the lawful commands of his superior officer, the 
 Sirdar Clmttur Singh. He deplored the injudicious excite- 
 ment of civil war in Ilazara. "1 have given you no 
 authority," he wrote, " to raise levies, and organise paid 
 bands of soldiers, to meet an emergency of which I have 
 always been sceptical. 1 cannot approve of your having 
 abstained from communication with the Sirdar on the state
 
 PUNJAB AND PEGU. 347 
 
 of his administration, for the purpose of making his silence 
 or otherwise on the subject a test \vhereby his guilt or inno- 
 cenee was to be determined by you. You had alreadv 
 withdrawn your cilice from the seat of Government, and 
 had ceased all personal communication with him, and had 
 told his Vakeel that you had no confidence in his master. 
 It is not to be wondered at that, under the circumstances, 
 a weak, pi-cud chief should feel offended, and become 
 sullen." Xor is this a solitary illustration of the demean- 
 our of subordinate officials. The correspondence of the 
 time teems with proofs that the unjustifiable misgivings and 
 domineering spirit of our agents goaded the Sikh chieftains 
 at last into an open breach. In the words of Sir F. Currie, 
 "the initiative was clearly taken by Captain Abbott," and 
 that initiative was not openly repudiated at headquarters, 
 but, on the contrarv, being threatened with sequestration 
 of estate and title, ('huttur Singh at last joined the ranks 
 of his outraged and insulted countrvmen. His son, Sin-re 
 Singh, had striven bv every means in his power to prove his 
 own lovaltv, and to preserve that of his troops. He showed 
 his father's letters to Major Kd\vardes in the camp at M col- 
 tan, di>cussed the matter, says the latter, "with great g 1 
 
 sense," and, defending his fathers resistance to Captain 
 Abbott as perfeetlv natural and excusable, said, " Xo man 
 will allow himself to be killed without a struggle.'" The 
 same otlicer adds his testimony, "that up to the end of 
 August, Rajah Sheiv Singh was st ill faithful, and determined 
 to go anv length- to check dislova ly in his men. Karly 
 in September, however, he received letters from hi< father 
 couched in terms of despair at the treatment to \vhich he 
 was subjected ; and he vrrote to his brother, (Jolab Singh, 
 at Lah>r ( \ on the I4th. that he "' resolved ve>terdav to join
 
 348 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the Singh Sail) (his father), and devote himself to the 
 cause of their religion." 
 
 That which at first was nothing but an emeute of dis- 
 satisfied soldiery, was thus by perverse policy developed 
 into a formidable, outbreak. As late as July it had been re- 
 corded that, " the Sirdars were heart and soul on our side/' 
 and evidence is overwhelming as to their energy and sincer- 
 ity in resisting the spread of military revolt. On the 18th 
 August, Major Edwardes was reinforced by a contingent of 
 British troops under General AYhish, and the siege of Mool- 
 tan was commenced. The defection of Shere Singh in 
 September left the besieging force too weak for safety, and 
 the sieo-e was accordingly raised on the 15th. The Rajah 
 
 O O <j 'J 
 
 met with scant welcome in Mooltan. His previous fidelity 
 to the Feringhees caused him to be regarded with distrust 
 and suspicion, which a fictitious correspondence from the 
 English camp helped to increase ; and disgusted with the 
 doubts cast on him, he left Moolraj to join the army of his 
 father, Chuttur Singh. Reinforcements arrived from Bombay 
 in December, and the siege of Mooltan was renewed on the 
 ~Gth. The city \vas stormed and captured on the 2d 
 January 1849, and siege operations were commenced 
 against the fort, whither Moolraj had retired. After a 
 gallant resistance lie surrendered unconditionally on the 
 *2'2d ; and begged for instant execution by his conijuerors 
 rather than exile from his country or banishment over 
 the Dark Sea. Partial engagements at Rammiggur and 
 Soodalapore, in which the British forces had suffered 
 severely, showed that valour and skill were not alone on 
 their side. Shere Singh's army no\v amounted to 30,000 
 men and GO guns; Chuttur Singh was master of Peshawar, 
 Attock, and other places in the north, and was moving 
 to join his son ; and Lord Cough was requested to
 
 PUNJAB AND PEGU. 349 
 
 "strike a blow at the enemy with the least possible delay. " 
 A drawn battle, which came very near becoming for 
 us a defeat and rout, was fought at Chilliamvalla on 
 the 13th January. The Sikh commander eluding the 
 vigilance of his foes, drew off his army unmolested, 
 and effected a junction with his father's troops at Goo- 
 jerat. Their united forces, 40,000 in number, occupied 
 there a strong position, protected by GO guns ; but Lord 
 Gouidi, strengthened by the contingent under General 
 
 O V O 
 
 Whisli, just relieved from Mooltan, gave battle on the 21st 
 February with 25,000 men, and nearly 100 guns. From 
 dawn to noon a terrible artillery duel went on ; the superior 
 numbers and heavier metal of the British guns gradually 
 silencing and beating back those of the Sikh armv ; the 
 infantrv carried the Sikh positions at the point of the 
 hnyonet, and cavalry charges, in which Lord Gough himself 
 took part, completed the discomfiture and rout of the Khnlsa 
 troop-. Goojerat retrieved the disaster of ( 'liillianwalla, 
 and practically ended the second war. Firing columns 
 wen- sent in pursuit of the broken srptadrons, and especially 
 to capture or extirpate a bodv of Afghan horse under Do>r 
 Mahommed, which had left the battle-field intact, but which 
 was driven ignominiously through the Khvher Pa-s. (In 
 tin' 1 Ith March, at Rawul Pindee, Lord (Jough received 
 the submission of the J\ajahs ('luiitur Singh and Shere 
 Singh, who presented. " nuzzurs " of fealt \ ; thirty-five lesser 
 chiefs laid down their swords, and their followers, pa-sing 
 through lines of Hriiish infantrv. piled their anus and 
 armour at the feet of the victors. 
 
 The submission of the nrmy was speedily followed by 
 the despatch of instructions to the Resident nt Lahore, to 
 inform the ('ouncil of Regency. It wns Lord Dal- 
 housie's first opportunity to gra-p at territory, and he
 
 350 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 hastened to enjoy it by annexing the Punjab to the 
 Queen's dominions. A brigade was sent to overawe any 
 remonstrance or resistance that might be shown to the 
 imperious edict, and ]\Ir Elliot, the Governor-General's 
 secretary, was charged to represent him at the Durbar. The 
 time had arrived, it was said, when it was necessary to 
 acquaint the Lahore Government with the determination 
 formed regarding the future administration of the Pun- 
 jab. If the Durbar acquiesced in that determination, 
 the Resident was authorised to grant the terms contained 
 in an enclosed paper, that on their relinquishing at once 
 and for ever, on behalf of the ^Maharajah, the title and 
 sovereignty of the Punjab, he and they should be secured 
 in the enjoyment of an adequate state and income. In 
 case of their refusal, the British Government would take its 
 own course, and they would receive no such consideration. 
 Six of the eight Sirdars of the Council had remained faith- 
 ful to the treaty and to their trust all through the late out- 
 break. They well knew that it had been at first but an 
 isolated effort of revenge on the part of a disbanded and 
 disaffected soldiery, which prompt action in its earlier stages 
 might have quelled ; but which the supineness, suspicion, and 
 wanton insolence, of the British agents had spread through 
 the Khalsa army, and 'which hnd entangled, much against 
 their better judgment, two and only two of the higher 
 nobles of the count rv. No wonder thev told the Governor- 
 General's envoy that they were unconvinced of the right 
 and justice of the threatened proceeding, while they con- 
 demned the rashness of the war which had lent an excuse 
 fur it. Urgently and feelingly they pleaded against the 
 expatriation of the .Maharajah and the royal court. 
 " When they have quitted the palace and its restraints," 
 said the Dewan Deena Xath, " they will lead liccn-
 
 PUNJAB AND PEGU. 351 
 
 tious lives, and bring scandal on the memory of Run- 
 jit Singh." it was answered that he would be sent 
 to the Deccan, to which the Rajah Tej Singh replied, 
 "He must not go there, God knows whether the people 
 there are Hindus or Mohammedans. Let him go to 
 Benares." It was finally promised that he should not 
 be sent far from the sacred Ganges; and convinced that 
 prayer and remonstrance were now alike useless, they reluc- 
 tantly put their hands to the deed of abdication. Xo time 
 was lost in publicly opening the new chapter in Indian 
 history. On the following day (29th March 1849) the 
 last Durbar was held in the palace of Lahore. Sir Henry 
 Lawrence, who had reassumed the duties of Resident, and 
 Mr Elliot, attended bv a strong body of cavalry, were met 
 at the gate of the citadel, and escorted by the young 
 Maharajah and his suite to the hall of audience. There, 
 with a callous disregard to the feelings of the I Vena Dewaii 
 Xath, who made another effort to mitigate the harshness of the 
 treatment of his sovereign, citing the treatment of Franco 
 aft'T the fall of XapoVon as a precedent for restoring the 
 Punjab to native rule, the bov Prince was required to 
 atlix his initials to the conditions of abdication, and the 
 ceremony was over. As the envoy left the palace the 
 Union Jack was hoisted on the fort, and the thunder salute 
 of artillery announced that the country of the Five 
 Rivers had passed under British rule. Xatives assembled in 
 large numbers, and the 1 farce of explaining the object of the 
 meeting was gone through. A narrative of Sikh and 
 British relations since the death of Runjit Singh from the 
 Briti-h point of view was recited in English, I Vivian, and 
 Hindustani. Its ingenious sophistries evoked no sign of 
 ane-er or comment from the stupelled and overawed Sikhs. 
 The fruit of illegitimate conquest thus forced to ripening
 
 352 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 was plucked without delay. On the 30th March a pro- 
 clamation, dated from Ferozepore, was circulated through- 
 out Anglo-India declaring the Punjab to be thenceforward 
 a portion of the empire ; and on the 5th April the Gover- 
 nor-General ratified the conditions of abdication which 
 secured to Maharajah Dhuleep Singh a yearly allowance of 
 five lacs, and the courtesies due to a deposed .sovereign. 
 Acquisition did not stop, indeed, at title and territory. It 
 was stipulated that the splendid jewel known as the 
 " Koh-i-noor," orMountain of Light, the central gem in the 
 state turbans of the Khalsa rulers, should lie surrendered to 
 the Queen of Great Britain, as a token of submission. Thn 
 history of this wonderful diamond is remarkable and 
 romantic. First heard of in the possession of Kama. Kino; 
 of Auga, invasion and conquest made it successively the 
 property of Mohammedans, Hindus, Afghans, and Sikhs. 
 Poison, bullet, or steel, captivity or defeat, had been the fate 
 of most of its wearers, and native superstition ascribed to it 
 baneful influences which its associations went far to justify. 
 The story of this transaction, when limited to the mere 
 outlines of facts, or even when ingeniously coloured to give 
 it a plausible excuse, must raise a doubt in the minds of re- 
 flective readers. lUit it is only after the perusal of official 
 documents, despatches, and private letters, the minutiae of 
 
 intelligence and testimonv which form the connectino- 
 
 - 
 
 links between prominent incidents of history, that we are 
 able accurately to understand the true nature of such in- 
 cidents, ami to judge the character and policy of the 
 
 >J I . 
 
 individuals who figured in them. The, full story of the 
 Punjab annexation is only to be gathered from such 
 sources. Measured by any known rule of public law, the 
 deposition of Dhuleep Singh and the annexation of his 
 country must be held to be unjustifiable. As a minor ho
 
 PUNJAB AXD PEGU. 353 
 
 was not personally accountable for political actions. At tho 
 head of tho J'ogency sat tho British Resident, who not for 
 an hour during tho insurrection was interrupted in the 
 discharge of his duty. No tumult took placo in tho 
 capital, and no proof, however faint, was oven trumped up 
 of any general outbreak among the people at largo. The 
 Jianoe was a thousand miles off in captivity at Benares, 
 and (iolab Singh, the most powerful and opulent of tho 
 Sikhs, was confessedly unshaken in his devotion. Mooltan, 
 the. only strong place which had shut its gates against 
 British troops, had boon taken, and the crime committed by 
 its wretched mob oxemplarily avenged. If the proclamation 
 for a time, of martial law and the suspension of ordinary 
 rights, with the disbanding of tho insurgent Klialsa corps, 
 had boon decreed until punishment for acts of individual 
 violence, and compensation for public and private losses had 
 been exacted, rigorous justice would have been satisfied. 
 Beyond this, impartial history will say that all \vas mere 
 spoliation. 
 
 \\liile Lord Dalhotisie was laving out the Punjab like 
 a Scotch estate, on the most approved principles of planting, 
 road-making, culture, and general management, the chance 
 of another conquest at the opposite extremity of his vice- 
 kingdom summoned him to Calcutta. The master of a 
 trading barque from C'hittagoiig. who was charged un- 
 justlv with cruelty to a pilot, had been lined I'lnO bv the 
 authorities of Rangoon, and the captain of a bri^' had in 
 like manner been amerced for alleged ill-treatment of hi- 
 crew. To support a claim for iv-titution. two Lngh-h 
 ships of war had been sent to the mouth of the [rrawadi. 
 The Burmese (Governor had been removed, and hi.- -neci >-or 
 professed hi- willingness to treat. But mi-under.-tanding.- 
 aro.-e on some inexplicable point of ctioueite. which ( 'om-
 
 354 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 moclore Lambert considered an opportunity " tliat ho with 
 sword would ope." The English residents in the town 
 were warned to come on hoard tin Hermes and the Proser- 
 pine without delay ; whereupon at midnight on the 6th 
 January, he proceeded to seize the Yellow Ship, a royal 
 yacht which lay defenceless in the river. As might have 
 been expected, this breach of the pence without any sort of 
 notice proved too much for the discretion of the Burmese ; 
 the guns from whose forts commenced an attack in retalia- 
 tion, which drew from the ships a damaging fire of shot 
 and shell. With an unprecedented economy of time and 
 trouble in the discovery or making of plausible pretexts, a 
 second war with Burmah was thus begun. 
 
 A long catalogue of affronts, wrongs, and injuries, now 
 for the first time poured in. When claims for compensa- 
 tion are receivable on national account, there are never 
 wanting claimants. The subjects of the "Golden Foot" 
 
 O / 
 
 must be taught the consequenees of their presumption, and 
 must be reminded of their former lesson in the principles of 
 civilisation. They must make an official apology for their 
 misbehaviour, pay ten lacs compensation, and receive a 
 permanent liesident at Piangoon. If these demands were 
 not met within five weeks, further reparation would be 
 oxar-ted otherwise, nn<l ;is there was no fear that thev 
 would, preparations were made for an expedition, troops 
 being ordered from Madras and Bombay. The sepoys did 
 not relish the notion of crossing the dark water. Thev 
 had been enlisted, they said, only to serve on land, and when 
 ordered to go on. board fhev stood fast, and could not be 
 induced to move. They wore sent forthwith to])aeca to 
 be decimated by cholera, then raging there ; and the other 
 battalions were quietly shipped to their destination. The 
 ( Governor-General throw himself with enthusiasm into an
 
 PL'XJAB A XI) PEGU. 355 
 
 undertaking which promised him another chance of grati- 
 fying, as his biographer says, his " passion for imperial 
 symmetry/' He resolved " to take in kingdoms wherever 
 thev made a gap in the red line running round his 
 dominions or broke its internal continuity." There was a 
 gap in the ring-fence between Arracan and Moulmcin, which 
 Pegu would fill. The logical inference was clear, the duty 
 of appropriation obvious. Let us have Pegu. Ten millions 
 of silver happening just then to lie in the coffers of Fort 
 William, how could they be better invested than in a jungle 
 on the sea coast, inhabited bv quadrupeds and bipeds after 
 their various kinds, alike unworthy of being consulted as to 
 their future destiny ? ]\Iore than countervailing damage, 
 had been done; and the king's ship was held in pledge for 
 pavment of compensation, f Grievance, if any, lay the other 
 wav ; but what did that si^nitY Ahab would have the 
 vineyard : so the expedition sailed. In April, Martaban 
 and IJaiigonn were taken with trilling loss. Operations 
 being suspended during the rainy season, the citv of IVome 
 was not attacked till October, and after a few hours' struggle 
 It tell, with the loss of a single sepov on the side of the 
 victors. There was in fad no serious danger to encounter, 
 save from the climate ; but that unfailing ally fought with 
 terrible effect Upon the side of Ava. 
 
 Lord Dalhonsie was not blind to the financial conse- 
 ([Uences o| this wanton and inglorious expedition. At the 
 outset, lie professed to regard further possession in Inirmah 
 as '-eeniid onlv to calamity in war. and on learning thai 
 IVome had capitulated, he confc.--ed thai im' maintenance 
 1 M > men at >ucli a di>t a.nee. an< ' ' a ci >untry, 
 
 -oon brinii 1 the government of India to exhausted
 
 356 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 he sent forth an army under General Godwin, at a huge 
 expense and risk of life ? or why, when vengeance had 
 been sated for mere affronts, did he persist in the annexa- 
 tion of Pegu ? Will history accept his answer to the 
 question ? " Let us fulfil our destiny, which there, as else- 
 where, will have impelled us forward in spite of our 
 wishes." 
 
 Well might Richard Cobden say of this empty and 
 thoughtless make-believe of a reason for doino; what its 
 
 O O 
 
 author confessed to be wrong : " If we are to have credit 
 
 O 
 
 for the sincerity of all this, what will be said of its states- 
 manship ? I put aside the pretence of ' destiny,' which is 
 not to be tolerated as a plea amongst Christians, however 
 valid it may be in Mohammedan casuistry. But where lies 
 the necessity for annexing any part of Burmah, if it lie not 
 our interest to do so 1 We are told that, if we do not seize 
 a portion of the enemy's territory, we shall be disparaged in 
 his eyes. In other words, unless the Government of India, 
 with three hundred thousand troops, and backed by the 
 whole power of the British Empire, pursues a policy in- 
 jurious to its own interest, it will suffer in the estimation of 
 the Burmese."' At first the Lieutenant of the Queen de- 
 mands restitution of 090, and an apology, from the 
 Governor of a Burmese town ; without giving time for fair 
 discussion, he raises the terms of his requisition to '100,000, 
 and an apology from the Burmese Court; and while a 
 temperate, letter from the King, offering to negotiate, re- 
 mains unanswered, lie hurls an invading force against his 
 realm, drops all mention of compensation or apology, and 
 M-ixes an extensive province, with threats of further parti- 
 tion of his dominions if he will not pav the expenses of the
 
 PUNJAB AND PEGU. 357 
 
 \v;ir, the world being asked the while to believe that all lias 
 been done unwillingly, in self-defence. 
 
 On the 120th .December 185:2, a proclamation was issued, 
 which, after reciting undiso'iiisedly the ineffablv inadequate 
 
 O O */ t 
 
 pretext for the war, informed the inhabitants that the 
 Governor in Council had resolved that the maritime pro- 
 vince of Pegu should henceforth form a portion of the 
 British territories in the East, and warning the King of 
 Ava, " should he fail to renew his former relations of friend- 
 ship with the British Government, and seek to dispute its 
 quiet possession of the province, the Governor-Gene ml 
 would again put forth the power he held, which would lead 
 to the total subversion of the Burman State, and to the ruin 
 and exile of the King and his race.'' Pmt no depth of 
 humiliation could bring the Sovereign or his Ministers to 
 acknowledge the hopelessness of defeat or the permanency of 
 dismemberment. Envoys came from Amarapoora olfcring to 
 buv off the invaders, bv payment of all the expenses of the 
 war, if thev would retire within the former landmarks; and 
 subsetjueiitlv Captain Phayre was sent on an embassage 
 tendering a treatv couched in the threadbare phraseology of 
 eternal friendship and peace, but it came to nothing. Twe'ntv 
 veal's have passed, and no treatv recognising the alienation 
 of Pegu has yet been signed. Is there a Statute of Limita- 
 tions barring the execution of pivdatorv threat.-, or mav 
 the obduracy of lUirmah be one day set up as a pretence l\>r 
 its further partition {
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 ZULM. 1 
 
 1849 18.33. 
 
 '' The safety of our rule is increased, not diminished, by the maintenance of native 
 chiefs well affected tu us. Simula the day come when India shall be threatened 
 by an external enemy, or when the interests of England elsewhere may require 
 that her Eastern Empire shall incur mure than ordinary risk, one of our be.-t 
 mainstays will be found in these Native States. But to make them so we 
 must treat their chiefs and influential families with consideration and gener- 
 osity, teaching them that, in spite of all suspicion to the contrary, their inde- 
 pendence is safe, that we are not waiting for plau.-ible opportunities to Convert 
 their country into iiritish territory/' 
 
 LOUD 
 
 fPHE gilded frame of acquisition was complete : it re- 
 
 T 
 
 maiued only to paint out the forms and hues, yet 
 imoLliterated, which did not harmonise with the general 
 tone, colouring, and perspective of empire. Two-thirds of 
 Southern Asm owned our sway, and the rest no longer 
 challenged it. Many Mohammedan and Hindu Princes 
 still exercised the power of life and death, the right 
 to lev}' local taxation, to enrol battalions of militia, to 
 hold Durbars, to sund Vakeels, and to enforce within their 
 ancient limits the respect due to their dynastic dignity. 
 But their territories lav like islands compassed round on 
 
 t/ 1 
 
 every side b\* the encroaching waters of foreign rule. 
 In every direction lay in ruins the moles and outworks of 
 
 1 Oppression. " Ad"pti"ii Mi:u;te. :^'th April l^'i.
 
 ZULU. 359 
 
 native principalities and cliieftainries, "which but yester- 
 day had been like their own. Of those that .still retained 
 nominal independence, none any longer struggled or, 
 save in passing dreams, realised the possibility of .secession 
 from our Empire in Asia. Some acknowledged unreser- 
 vedly their allegiance to the Suzerain Avlio.se sword had 
 taken the place of the sceptres of Mahratta and Moham- 
 medan dominion : others mtirnmringly bowed to kiaiiiet, 
 but questioned no more the overruling authority of the 
 raramount Tower. AVith all of them its relations Avere 
 defined in treaties actually subsisting ; and in each of 
 
 J O y 
 
 these engagements one of the chief considerations named 
 Avas the recognition of State severally, and its permanent 
 guarantee by the indefeasible inheritance acknowledged in 
 the family of the reigning prince. On what principles the 
 law of inheritance was based, to what exceptions, if any, 
 it was liable, and according to what rule contingent re- 
 mainderships were to be traced, was not set down in anv 
 of the pacts made in the name of England by successive 
 \ iceroys with the chiefs or rulers of Asia, lias any one 
 ever heard of Stipulations of the kind being embodied in 
 similar documents by any other Government in the world, 
 in any age or clime' Treaties have throughout all time 
 been for the most part brief in language, general in the 
 terms emplovc'l, and confessedly intended, not as ex- 
 haustive anticipations of all imaginable contingencies, but 
 as laying down broadlv, and in simple forms of >peech, 
 the outlines of peace and amitv: upon the implied con- 
 dition that the application of thc.-e terms to any and 
 cverv case that might thereafter an.-e should be such 
 as the common understanding of both communities 
 would admit, or the judgment of an impartial arbiter 
 declare. Tested bA~ this obvious rule ot international riu'ht.
 
 360 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the guarantee of perpetual inheritance was undoubtedly 
 intended, and undoubtedly understood, to imply the de- 
 volution of title, dignity, and power to whatever heirs 
 could from time to time establish their respective claims, 
 not according to the lex loci of the foreign and alien 
 party to the compact, but according to the lex loci of the 
 State whose autonomy the treaty had been confessedly 
 framed to assure. Until the circumambiency of conquest was 
 complete, scarce the whisper of a doubt was ever overheard 
 as to the simple honesty of this rule. The case of Coorg 
 has indeed been sometimes relied on as furnishing an early 
 precedent for lapse to the Paramount Power through want 
 of male heirs. But it is enough to say, that no case 
 resembling that of Coorg, either in point of fact or in point 
 of principle, has arisen of recent years. Those which of late 
 have engrossed unhappily the minds of men in India, have 
 each and all of them turned upon the right of succession 
 by collateral heirs, or heirs by adoption. About the 
 traditional usages which recognised in native states such 
 
 ~ O 
 
 claims to succession, there is hardly, among unofficial men, 
 standing room for doubt. The assumption by Lord 
 Dalhousie, in the case of Sattara, that notwithstanding 
 the treaties of ISls and 18 IK, the Raj had lapsed to the 
 British Crown, because the heir of Pratab Singh was not his 
 son, was as blunt and bald an act of usurpation as though it 
 had been made in the form of asserting that he was not of 
 Pietish or Norman lineage. Time out of mind the rights and 
 duties of adoption have been as notoriously part and parcel 
 of Hindu law and religion, as the powers to dispose of fee- 
 simple at the pleasure of the owner has been part and 
 parcel of our own system of jurisprudence. The limitations 
 as to property and privilege varied in different states, and 
 when the Mussulmans began to interweave portions of Hindu
 
 7.ULM. 361 
 
 law and custom with their own, one of the most prominent 
 and important they appropriated was that of adoption. So 
 long as the Xawab or Maharajah retained life and health, 
 
 \) 
 
 the hope of posterity remained, and he seldom bequeathed 
 bv anticipation his diadem, lest his grey hairs, like those 
 
 s CD */ 
 
 of Lear, might prematurely be discrowned. But when 
 his end palpably drew nigh, the childless prince was wont 
 to nominate his successor, whose first duty after the decease 
 was to perform his obsequies with pious care. If he were 
 young, feeble, or depraved, a pretender sometimes started, 
 bid high for popular support, and offered to abide the 
 arbitrament of battle. Have we not heard of like question- 
 ing and conflict amongst kings and feudatories in Christen- 
 
 O O O 
 
 dom, where the title by primogenitnral right could not be 
 disputed? But revolution is the converse of law, not a 
 part of it ; ami the Paramount Power which would rely on 
 the success of supplanters vt d (////< /s. must prepare for the 
 crop which proverbially springs from the teeth of the dragon. 
 Death, which is no respecter of longitudes, any more than 
 of conditions, sometimes stole upon the sick man in his sleep, 
 so that he woke not on the morrow to fulfil his purpose of 
 naming a successor; and then Muftis and Brahmins held 
 that the lianee or Begum should carry into effect the 
 intention of the deceased, which she was naturally presumed 
 to be most likely to know. Numberless instances are upon 
 record where this course was followed, for the most part 
 without cavil or controversy. Avarice or ambition occa- 
 sionally brought an uncle or cousin to wrestle with the 
 adoptive heir. A\ e too have heard of struggles not dissimi- 
 lar, of a disinherited Tudor superseding and beheading the 
 successor by adoption named bv the previous kinu'. and ot 
 a Saxon monarch actuallv in possession overthrown by a
 
 362 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Norman devisee by will. But cases like these were never 
 held to alter or settle the national law of inheritance. 
 They were appeals to the power of moral force or of 
 physical force, or of both combined ; the convulsion 
 passed, the legal current of the blood resumed its natural 
 course ; and the form, of the visage of property and order 
 was not perceptibly changed. Succession through the female 
 line, in default of male heirs, has been the prevalent law 
 of Europe as well as of Hindustan for centuries ; and the 
 indefeasibility of pretensions through the parenthetical 
 exercise of female power to lands, honours, privileges, 
 principalities, and powers, has prevailed as widely near 
 the rising- of the sun as beneath his o;oin> m down. 
 
 o o o 
 
 It pleased the Governor-General of India, notwithstand- 
 ing, to be persuaded of the contrary ; and being persuaded, to 
 proceed, with as little moral ruth as legal truth, to proclaim 
 his right to interpret the meaning of Hindu or Moslem 
 lieirship, and to fabricate a meaning as unknown to Menu, 
 Mahomet, or Akbar, as to Alfred, Edward III., Elizabeth, or 
 Cromwell. In one of his earlier despatches he expounds 
 the policy he had it in contemplation to pursue, of appro- 
 priation on the plea of lapse to the Paramount Tower. 
 ' I take occasion of recording my strong and deliberate 
 opinion, that, in the exercise of a wise and sound policy, the 
 .British Government is bound not to put aside or neglect such 
 rightful opportunities of acquiring territory or revenue, as 
 may from time to time present themselves, whether they arise 
 from the lapse of subordinate States, by the failure of all 
 heirs of every description whatsoever, or from the failure of 
 heirs natural, where the succession can be sustained onlv bv 
 
 / *J 
 
 the sanction of the Government being given to the ceremony 
 of adoption, according to Hindu Law." The iirst occasion 
 
 I O
 
 ZULU. 363 
 
 fur applying tlii.s sweeping doctrine of confiscation presented 
 itself in 1848 in the principality of Sattara. 
 
 When the Peishwa fell inl 81 8, a proclamation was issued, 
 in which it was declared that, as his usurping authority 
 had ceased to exist, the legitimate heir of Sivaji should be 
 restored, " and placed at the head of an independent sove- 
 reignty of such an extent as miidit maintain the lluiah and 
 
 O */ O \) 
 
 his house ;" and in the treaty of 1819 Lord Hastings had, 
 in words of widest meaning, recognised and guaranteed the 
 liajali of JSattara to i'ratab {Singh, and his heirs and suc- 
 cessors for ever ; whether heirs of the body, heirs by adoption, 
 or heirs by will. The Persian words which signify these 
 different species of heirs, were inscribed in the counterpart 
 held by the Maliratta chief. No question was ever raised 
 as to their authenticity; but they were rendered in the 
 English version of the treaty by simpler and more generic 
 terms. Fur seventeen years the Maharajah had confessedly 
 
 v J * 
 
 been among the faithfulest of feudatories. General 1'obert- 
 son and General Uriggs, who were successively Residents at 
 his court, uniformly testified to his worth, ability, and 
 rectitude; and in 1S3.5 the JJoard of Directors presented 
 him with a jewelled sabre in acknowledgment of his 
 undeviating friendship and fidelity. Subsequently a mis- 
 understandini'' arose respecting certain ianjiires, to which 
 
 O i. O L' O 
 
 his reversionary rights were disputed by the Government "i 
 Bombay. Hurt by the neglect of his representations, he 
 offered to refer the question unreservedly to Mountstuart 
 Elphinstone, by whose advice he had. been freed from 
 duress on the fall of the IVishwa and re.-torcd to his 
 ancient heritage. This was refused : further delays oc- 
 curred, vexation gave place to suspicion, and suspicion to 
 resentment, until at length his mind became po.-scssed with 
 the idea, that having served a temporary purpose, he and
 
 364 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the severalty of his State were to be brought to an end. 
 The vehemence of his objurgations piqued the Government 
 of Bombay into a temper of hostility, and eventually into 
 a course of proceeding Avhich it is impossible to justify. 
 During three years he was the object of secret inculpation, 
 and of inquiries which drew down the censure of the Court 
 of Directors as being " a waste of time, and seriously 
 detrimental to the character of the Government." They 
 were, notwithstanding, persisted in, and Pratab Singh asked 
 in vain for a copv of the charges made against him. It was 
 
 J- J O O 
 
 refused. He then waited alone on Sir James Carnac, the 
 Governor of the Presidency, and offered to give himself up, 
 and remain in captivity, surrendering "the charge of his 
 kingdom until his innocence was established." But this was 
 likewise declined. He was asked to sio-na paper admitting 
 
 Oil O 
 
 his dishonour, which he passionately spurned. A lying 
 story of his being in conspiracy with Scindia and the 
 Nizam was confuted by ^letcalfc and Stuart, then resident 
 at their courts ; but mutual distrust had become ineradicable, 
 and his appointment of an agent to appeal for him in Eng- 
 land,, to the justice of the Company, or of Parliament, was 
 treated as a proof of duplicity. Finally he was seized at 
 dead of night, in his palace, and borne away under escort 
 to a distance from the happy and pro-porous country he was 
 never to sec again. ^ hat was to be done with the vacant 
 throne ? Sir .Robert Grant had been told by those about 
 him that the "erection of Sattara into a separate principality 
 was a blunder, as it broke the continuity of P>ritish territory/'' 
 and that " the present was an excellent opportunity for re- 
 pairing the error." Precedents were not wanting. "The 
 history of the British connection with India recorded the 
 names of many chiefs and princes whom we began with 
 advancing to honour, or at least supporting with our pro-
 
 XULAf. 365 
 
 tection, and ended with deposing, destroying, depriving of 
 a groat part of their territories or reducing to political 
 annihilation." But there were circumstances which rendered 
 it just then inexpedient to destroy or annihilate this inter- 
 ceptive state. People would be apt to say that there was 
 no overt act warranting forfeiture, and many countervail- 
 ing circumstances. " If we awarded the Rajah any punish- 
 ment which should be of material benefit to ourselves, the 
 story of his guilt would never be believed. . . . Persons 
 would argue that, having made use of this prince, and now 
 considering his dominions a convenient acquisition, we 
 had readily admitted or even suborned calumnious accus- 
 ation against him as an excuse for the fulfilment of our 
 rapacious purposes. Such would be their representation, 
 and it would, I fear, be very generally credited.'" 1 Lord 
 Auckland was then preparing the invasion of Afghanistan, 
 and did not think it expedient unnecessarily to multiply 
 provocations in the Western Presidency. Instead of 
 annexing Sattara, therefore, he resolved to set up Appa 
 Sail), the brother of the deposed prince, in his room, 
 requiring him to renounce all claims to the disputed 
 jaghircs. When dving, Appa Saib nominated a youth of 
 his kindred, who in due course lighted his funeral pyre, 
 and took possession peaceably of his rank and station. 
 His only rival to the (itidi was the adopted sou of the 
 deposed Pratab Singh, whoso will, executed three years 
 before, now became known, lie died in 1847, and thus 
 the only reasonable competition was between the two cousins 
 by adopti'in. Mr Frere, the Kngli.-h Resident at Sattara, 
 apprised .Lord Dallnnisie, that among collaterals there 
 was "no one who would think his claim sullieicntly 
 strong to be put in competition wit i that oi the 
 ; Minute in Connd!. 1-v Sir K. (Jni t, :: ' . T i iw l-:',7.
 
 366 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 adopted son of either the late Raj all or his brother ; 
 because all other relations, who might otherwise be claim- 
 ants, believe both adoptions to be regular. But there were 
 many who might have asserted their claim had no adoption 
 taken place, and who might possibly assert it should they 
 hear that both adoptions were invalidated ; and any of them, 
 as far as he could judge of the facts of the case before him, 
 would, were other competitors save the British Govern- 
 ment out of the field, be able to establish a very good 
 prima facie claim in any Court of Justice in India, to be 
 the Rajah's heir bv blood, as against the British Govern- 
 
 ) / 
 
 ment in its character of heir to all who die leaving no 
 natural heirs of their own ; which appeared to him the 
 only character in which our Government could, consistently 
 with the treaty, lay claim to the Sattara State." 
 
 To deny the universality of adoption as a practice was 
 as idle as to question the prevalence of Brahminical 
 traditions ; and to dispute the duty of adoption was 
 to outrage the general sense of right and wrong in one 
 of its chief behests. Adoption, it should never be for- 
 gotten, is not a means of merely supplying, in some 
 occasional instance, the lack of kindred, or of inventing 
 an heir-at-law where there is none by blood; it is 
 ordinarily a mode of choosing among manv relatives who 
 shall stand in place of a son, not only to inherit pro- 
 perty, but to discharge sacred obligations, and to oiler 
 up those propitiatory prayers and sacrifices for the de- 
 parted soul, which none can offer but one who is dulv 
 clothed with a filial character ; and without which, a lono- 
 
 O 
 
 sojourn in the Gehenna of the Hindu is believed to be 
 inevitable. The upstart claim of annexation by virtue of 
 the doctrine of lapse was the most foolish and offensive 
 form confiscation could be made to assume ; inasmuch as
 
 7.ULM. 3 r >7 
 
 it wounded every moral and religions, as well as every 
 social and political, feeling. In the case of Sattara, it 
 casts a retrospective glare upon the pretender! conspiracy 
 of 18o7 and all the events of that time. What made the 
 annexation of Sattara recklessly unjust even in European 
 eves, was the fact that Tratab Singh, whom Lord Hastings 
 
 t O 7 O 
 
 had made much ado about restoring to his ancestral 
 throne, was himself the heir of Sivaji by the observance of 
 the law of adoption. Twice had the descent in the male 
 line failed, and on the second occasion it had been pre- 
 served so late as 1777 by resort to this natural, legal, and 
 hitherto undisputed expedient. Appa Sail) was a wise 
 ruler, who' laid out, it is said, eight per cent, of his income 
 on works of public utility, and there never was an allega- 
 tion of the country being misgoverned, lint, in truth, one 
 sickens in the unavailing search for plausible ground of 
 justification, or of palliatives for wrong, so repugnant to 
 everv principle of public equity or private right. 
 
 T iroughout Malwa and Rajpootana the tidings spread 
 dismav and hate. There was no mistaking their import or 
 their scope. All landed property held by tenure, analogous 
 to our fee simple or fee tail, was put in jeopardy. The 
 decencies of consistency, legality, expediency, were rent 
 and torn. The .Resident, Sir John Low, a friend of 
 Malcolm, reported that " the confidence of the native States 
 was shaken." Colonel Macpherson wrote from Gwalior 
 thai Scindia and other Hindu princes were thrown into "a 
 slate of great anxiety on the subject of family succes- 
 sion." Sir Frederick ( 'urrio also placed on record his 
 conviction, as a .Member of the Council at In-ngal, that 
 " the decision in the Sattara case caused surprise and alarm 
 throughout India." lie exposed the fallacy of those who 
 argued against the riejit, because it required recognition by
 
 3 68 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the Paramount Power. This was equally true with respect 
 to heirs natural, and amounted to no more than the 
 ordinary discretion of investiture or confirmation, which, 
 in some form or other, has always belonged to suzerainty, 
 whether temporal or ecclesiastical. But a discretion to 
 guard against heedless choice, or the imposition of an 
 incapable successor through corrupt artifice or death- 
 bed fraud, cannot warrant the indiscretion of a usurping 
 power to destroy for the future the very relation in virtue 
 of which it claims to act. This, likewise, was the opinion 
 of Sir G. Clerk, who contended again and again that adop- 
 tion conveyed as clear an equitable right to recognition by 
 the Suzerain as heirship by birth. 1 
 
 Sir Frederick dime's views, ably and unbendingly ex- 
 pressed in Council, were happily sustained by Sir Henry 
 Lawrence as successor to Sir John Low, when, in 18-32, the 
 Governor-General meditated the application of his doctrine 
 of lapse to the small State of Kerowli. It was the first of 
 the Eajpoot States thus threatened, and there can be little 
 doubt that had one of them been sacrificed, a great fear 
 would have fallen upon all of them, and implacable feel- 
 ings engendered of detestation proportionate to their dread. 
 Intelligence reached England, moreover, of what was im- 
 pending, and the India Eeform Association, led by 3Jr 
 Dickinson, succeeded in calling public attention in time to 
 its impolicy and iniquity. A motion by the late 31 r 
 Dlackett was threatened in the House of Commons, and 
 the Peelite Administration, careful of the repute of one of 
 the chief personages of their party, bade the Viceroy hold 
 his hand.
 
 ZUf.M. 369 
 
 Thus Kerowli was reprieved, and after a period of un- 
 certainty, prolonged through many months, adoption was 
 recognised in favour of Madden Pal, by whom the little 
 State has been ever since quietly governed. Whether 
 owing to the intercession of Sir Henry Lawrence or Sir 
 Frederick Currie, the 'danger was for the time averted; 
 but who should say what might happen when they were 
 gone ? The shock given to the Mahratta Princes, great as 
 well as small, was not easily forgotten. " There were 
 childless men amono; them, and from that time a restless, 
 
 O * 
 
 uneasy feeling took possession of them, and no man felt 
 sure that his house would not perish with him." l 
 
 Thc residue of what was once the powerful State of 
 Berar, had since its partition in 1S05 been left to the 
 family of Bhonsla. In 1818, the Maharajah had been 
 deposed and banished, and in his room the next of kin to 
 the former Sovereign was chosen bv the chiefs and nobles 
 
 v_ %/ 
 
 to take his place, which he did with the full sanction and 
 approval of the British Government. There was no dispute 
 
 regarding the inheritance. Sir Kichard Jenkins, who was 
 l\esident at his court, and who thoroughly possessed the 
 confidence of his Government, at the time spoke of the "re- 
 storation of the State of Xagpore to its rank, as one of the 
 substantive powers of India."' It was sheer trifling there- 
 fore to pretend that the Government had boon set up by 
 alien power, and might be superseded, when occasion served, 
 by the like authority. I pon his demise in 1S54, the 
 Uajah being childless, the natural wi.-li of his family and 
 chief adherents was expressed though the Pesident at 
 Xagpore. that his successor by adoption nn^lit be dulv 
 recognised by the Supreme Power. Mr Man-el in no 
 doubtful terms enforced the iitness of the claim. It 
 1 Arnold, u.l. ii.
 
 370 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 was the bitter cry on all sides, he observed, that our 
 rule exhibited no sympathy, especially for the natives of 
 rank, and not even for other classes ; that the improve- 
 ment of the native princes was in our own power ; and 
 that whatever sins of mismanagement were chargeable on 
 the past Government of the Principality, the blame was at 
 least partly due to want of care and solicitude on the part of 
 the representatives of the suzerain. 1 The Viceroy and his 
 Council treated such suo'o'estions with disdain. Mr Man- 
 
 OO 
 
 sel's functions as Resident were at an end, and his advice 
 was no longer wanted. Measures were taken to cut down 
 pensions to the Ranees, and minutes were recorded of the 
 value of the jewels, no more to be accounted heirlooms in 
 a family about to be stripped of royal rank and fortune. 
 Jeswunt Alice Rao publicly performed the obsequies of the 
 deceased prince, and, attended by the nobles and officers of 
 the household, was installed in the palace of the Maha- 
 rajah s of Xagpore without the semblance of contention. 
 Suddenly in October it was surrounded by British troops 
 the regalia and caskets containing gems valued at 
 .1,000,001) sterling were seized and subsequently put up 
 to sale by auction in the Viceroy's name ; the princesses 
 and their retinue were treated as prisoners of State, and 
 interdicted from holding any communication with persons 
 outside their garden bounds, save through the newlv ai>- 
 
 ~ O j 1 
 
 pointed Commissioner sent to take charge of the dominions 
 of our late ally ; and, finally, those dominions were publicly 
 proclaimed by Lord Dalhousie to have, by failure of heirs 
 male, lapsed to the Central Tower, and to be henceforth 
 incorporated with those of Britain. In vain the aged 
 Maharanee Banka Baee pleaded and remonstrated with 
 her o-allaiit ^aolers on behalf of the ladies and children of
 
 ZUL.V. 371 
 
 lier court ; in vain she asked permission to send persons of 
 distinction, hitherto treated with every outward mark of 
 honour, and against whom not a Lreatli of complaint had 
 been ever heard, to sue for justice at Calcutta. All inter- 
 course save through the Commissioner was for months for- 
 bidden, and effectual means were taken to prevent any 
 evasion of the interdict. Major Ouseley was arrested on 
 his way to Xagpore, where he was ready to offer such 
 services as loyalty would permit, to the unhappy prin- 
 cesses ; and certain Mahajurs, who were willing as bankers 
 to advance funds for their release, were likewise flung into 
 prison fcr their contumacy. 
 
 AVhen the chief articles of value had been removed, and 
 all apprehension of tumult or resistance had passed away, 
 some of the captive nobles were allowed to approach the 
 rifled treasure-house, and to communicate by letter with the 
 bereaved and broken-hearted Queen, urging her in language 
 
 * o o o o 
 
 of desperation never to acknowledge the disinheritance of 
 her race or the annexation of her country. She contrived 
 to send agents to England in the idle hope of obtaining 
 justice here. Could she not await their answer ere she 
 signed the capitulation drafted by the Commissioner, 
 whereby pensions were offered to her helpless relatives and 
 courtiers as the price of her nominal acquiescence? Her 
 Vizier had died of mortification and rage, and most of 
 those who were suspected of being aide to counsel her 
 aright, were .-till detained in custody. A hot breath or 
 two strove to rekindle the embers of expiring self-respect 
 and pride in her aged bosom ; but the chill oi eighty 
 vears and the feebleness of despair, quenched each spark of 
 hope ere it could be fanned into llanie ; and the widow 
 of the once feared and formidable Jvugl.ogee Hhonsla, amid 
 tears and tremblings, was driven at length to sign a re-
 
 3 7 2 EMPIRE IN A SI A. 
 
 nunciation of all claims of Regency or Sovereignty on her 
 own behalf. Even in this extremity not a word was said 
 repudiating the legal and religious title by adoption of 
 Jeswunt Rao. Sentries mounted guard no more; trusty 
 garrisons were maintained at every post of the appropriated 
 realm; trusty agents were set to watch each chief suspected 
 of harbouring resentment, and the Civil Administration of 
 the country was rapidly reorganised in accordance with 
 injunctions from Calcutta. Local self-rule at Nagpore, 
 which had lasted for generations, ceased to be ; and all was 
 over. 
 
 Not all : for the trophies of this glorious exploit were 
 still to be displayed ; and the value of the stolen goods was 
 yet to be realised in cash. In the Calcutta Morning 
 Chronicle of 12th October 1855, was read the following 
 advertisement, which it were a pity to abate by any jot or 
 tittle of what it has to say for itself : 
 
 GEAXD PUBLIC SALE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NAGPORE JEAVELS. 
 
 HAMILTON AND COMPANY 
 Have the honour to announce, that they have been favoured with the 
 
 COMMANDS OF GOVERNMENT, 
 
 To submit to I'Mii; and Unreserved Sale, 
 
 TIU-: WHOLE OF TIIK 
 
 XAGPOKE JEWELS, 
 
 tXc. 00'. &c. 
 
 Thefc M>iyn-(l!<:>:nr Ornaments (the L'irr}-:4 and A/W Vubi.^h Collection cr-.-r 
 exhibited in Calci'tta], arc nov: on J"u' at Messrs H'nniHon and (J<jrr,par,ys frhom 
 J \'oo in *. 
 
 TIIKY CoMTIUSE 
 
 DIAMONDS, of Immense Si/r and \\ViJn, and of Pure Water, Set as Ann- 
 lets. Bracelets, ]!inx>, and Lar_;<' Diamond ])n>p< cf A'arimis Wt-i^hts. One 
 of tht'su Dianumd- is Con>idembly Lai'p'i' than tlie Darya-i-Xoor.' 
 
 PKARL XKI.'KLAC'ES, Very Lar-e and Uncommon, Sin-k-, Double, and 
 Fuur-Jlo\v<, witli Diamond lV-nd,nu-, or D')ok Dhookie.~.
 
 ZULAf. 373 
 
 LARGE EMERALD NECKLACES, Elegantly Carved and Poli-hed. 
 SEVERAL Superb Drop-shaped DIAMONDS and Other NECKLACES. 
 HIXDOOSTANEE EAR-RINGS, Very Handsome, Set with Diamonds and 
 
 Pearls. 
 VARIOUS Diamond, Ruby, and Emerald .IEEGAHS, SERI'ECHES, 
 
 GOSEPA1CH and RAJEILSYE, or HEAD ORNAMENTS. 
 A VERY Eh-ant Diamond TORRAH, or TURBAN ORNAMENT, Contain- 
 ing many Dr<>p-. 
 
 SEVERAL PEARL Ditto, Ditto. 
 A CHARCOBE, or ROYAL DRESS COAT, Ornamented with Beautiful 
 
 Diamonds, Pearl-, Rallies, and Emeralds all over. 
 
 SEVERAL COLD and Enamelled HORSE TRAPPINGS, Set with Dia- 
 monds, Rul.ies, Emeralds, Cats' Eyes, and Pearls ; (iUNDAS ; HYKULS ; 
 
 KULGEE; and FLOWER ORNAMENTS for HORSES' HEADS; 
 
 SADDLES ; CHARMAJAIIS, or SADDLE CLOTHS, Embroidered with 
 
 Diamonds, Emeralds, Rabies, and Pearls. 
 YERY Handsome Gold and Enamelled ANKOOSES. or GUZBAGS, for 
 
 Driving Elephant*, Set with Diamonds. Rubies, Emeralds, &e. Gauntlets, 
 
 Set with Ditto, Ditto, Ditto. 
 GOLD and Enamelled UTTER and PAUN DAUMS, ROSE-WATER 
 
 SPRINKLERS, SPICE BOXES, SURROY, WATER JUGS, KULLUM 
 
 DAUNS, ,Vc. &c., Set all over with Purely Whin- Diamonds. 
 A VERY Elegant C..M and Enamelled HOOKAH, Set all mund with 
 
 I'.-.ntit'ul Lar_v and Pure- Water Diamonds, with Chillum, ('up. Surpose, 
 
 Mouth Piece, Kirrenah Mounted with Diamonds,, and a Snake Embroidered 
 
 with Pearls and Rabies and Lar_v Emerald Pendant-. 
 A LARGE number of G-ld, Diamond, and Ruby Mounted SWORDS, 
 
 RHINOCEROS' HIDE SHIELDS, DAGGERS, KNIVES, BOWS, 
 
 ARROWS. < V )UIYERS. AV. &c. 
 SEVERAL Very Costly SWOliD V.ELTS and KNOTS, Studded with 
 
 Diamonds, Itubit^, I-lmt-raLN, and I'carls. 
 PURE(iOLI) AND SILVER ORNAMENTS, viz. PAUN AND UTTER 
 
 DAUNS, ROSE-WATER SPRINKLERS, SPICE BOXES, SALVERS, 
 
 with Enamelled Work, WATER JUGS, &c. &. 
 GOLD JEWELLERY; vi/. Several Bracelets, Necklaces, Armlets, Wai-L 
 
 Chains ..r Chander Harrs. Ear-rin_-s. Baiiule-, Anklets, '\\ Riii;_ r s, i'o. A-'-. 
 AI-tMoUR ; viz. Steel Gauntlets, Helmet-. Coats, Spears, Battle Axes, 
 
 Kandahs. Knives, Shield-, Several of them Inlaid with G"ld. ,vc. \,\ 
 PLATE CHESTS, Containing En-lish-made Silver, Kl. : >-Pi .:- d Ware and 
 
 Por. elain Dinner and Dessert Services, to l)ine Inn l\-r-ons. 
 
 Can any one 1-u at a k>>s rc'^ardii^ tl.e iinprv.-->ii>n made 
 on the mind of every }'rince of India l>y the pnlilic sale, in 
 the metropolis of the Knst, of tlie personal elleet.s of one 
 who, throughout his ivi^n. had hecii nur faithful ally? 
 Can anv one douht tliat the advertisement was execrated in
 
 374 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 every Bazaar, and cursed in ever} 7 Zenanali, as a threatening 
 notice ostentatiously given that the picklock of despotism 
 would be used without shame as an implement of exaction : 
 and none could tell whose regalia or casket would next be 
 rifled. Our historians are never weary of reprobating the 
 sudden and summary decree of Bayonne, in which Napoleon 
 informed the world that in the Peninsula the house of Bour- 
 bon had ceased to reign, and in reprobating the duress under 
 which an imbecile sovereign was driven into an act of formal 
 
 O 
 
 abdication. And many severe things have been justly said 
 of the pictures taken from the Escurial, and of the bronze 
 steeds borne away from the Piazza of San Marc. But at least 
 Napoleon cannot be upbraided with stealing or selling the 
 gems and apparel of his victims. It was bad enough to 
 appropriate the sword of Frederick, but Napoleon, un- 
 scrupulous though he was, would have been ashamed to 
 make away with rings and necklaces of the Prussian 
 queen, and then to have put them up to the highest bidder 
 among the brokers of his capital. If vice loses half its 
 hideousness by losing all its grossncss, it may likewise be 
 said that public violence becomes more hateful when it is 
 tarnished with the reproach of base cupidity. At the very 
 time when the Queen's Lieutenant-General in Asia was 
 thus playing the freebooter and auctioneer, our Foreign 
 Secretary was addressing to the court of St Petersburg re- 
 monstrances against the sequestration of the revenues of 
 certain Polish noblemen upon suspicion of their complicity 
 in seditious designs. Well might the minister of the Czar 
 scornfully retort, "Physician, heal thyself/' 
 
 Another absorption which belongs to the same period 
 is that of Jhansi, whose chief, from having been a vassal 
 of the Peishwa, became a feudatory of the British Govern- 
 ment, liagonath llao, at his death in 1835, left a youth
 
 7.ULM. 375 
 
 who was said to be Lis adopted son; but tlio latter fail in o- 
 to substantiate his claim, one of his uncles took possession 
 of the Gudi without resistance by the people or interference 
 by us. And because as Rajah dc facto, and presumptively 
 de jure, he was recognised by Lord William Pentinck as 
 head of the State, Lord Dalhousic pretended that he had 
 a precedent therein for rejecting any claimant by right of 
 adoption in 1853, not in favour of a rightful heir by 
 blood or popular choice, but in favour simply of confisca- 
 tion of the territory and its revenues. It may or may not 
 be the duty of the Paramount Power to interfere in cases of 
 disputed succession, but it never can be its duty or right 
 to take advantage of a presumed or factitious flaw in the 
 title of a particular claimant in order to shut out all the 
 members of a family, some one of whom in the opinion of 
 their people must be entitled to reign. 1 et, this and nothing 
 else was that which was done by Lord Dalhousie, Anund 
 Rao was in 1858, in all due form, adopted by the d vino; 
 
 l */ / o 
 
 Prince as his son and heir. The Pi a j ah wrote to the 
 Governor-General respectfully commending his youthful 
 choice to his consideration and care, and asking for the 
 recognition of his widow as Pegcnt during the minority. 
 He appealed to the second article of the subsisting treaty, 
 which guaranteed the territory to heirs of his family in 
 perpetual succession, whether heirs by descent, consan- 
 guinity, or adoption, and he trusted that, ''in considera- 
 tion of the iidelity he had always evinced towards Govern- 
 ment, favour might be shown to this child.' He was 
 allowed to die in the delusion that native fidelity would be 
 remembered. The Empire was grown so strong that the 
 autocrat of Fort AVilliam thought it could all'>rd to forget 
 iidelity. The youthful Maharajah's rights were denied ; 
 the Regent Ranee was a->i^ned a palace for her prison,
 
 3 7 6 EMPIRE IN A SI A. 
 
 and Jhansi was by proclamation incorporated with the 
 Company's possessions. Luckshim Bai grieved unforgiv- 
 ingly. At the first note of insurrection in 1857, she took 
 to horse, and for months in male attire headed bands, squa- 
 drons, and at length formidable corps of the Mahrattas, until 
 she became in her way another Joan of Arc to her frenzied 
 and fierce followers. No insurgent leader o-ave more trouble 
 
 O O 
 
 to the columns of Sir Hugh Rose ; but not even in desperate 
 and deadly fight, lasting for many hours, could she be per- 
 suaded to quit the field. In the general melee of defeat, 
 Luckshim fell by a random shot, but not until she had 
 exacted terrible retribution for the wrongs and insults 
 to her family and her country.
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 TAKING- IN KINGDOMS. 
 
 1853 185G. 
 
 " To the evils of annexation, growing out of our insatiable love of territorial aggran- 
 disement, we shall probably be wilfully blind, until awakened from a great 
 national illusion by some rude shock to the fabric of our Indian finance." 
 
 RICHARD < '<>m>Ex.i 
 
 OIKH ami Hindu had felt alike the heavy hand of an- 
 nexation. Before quitting India, Lord Dalhousie was 
 resolved to leave indelibly his mark likewise on Mussul- 
 man States. The glory had indeed departed from them, 
 l)ii t the after-glow of power still lingered. Gloom had 
 long settled over them ; hut, in the exquisite words of the 
 poet, ''It was not darkness, hut light that had died/' And 
 even this faint and fading solace of grandeur gone, and 
 hope, whose heart was broken, destructive despotism 
 gruclffed. It was not content to have overthrown, it would 
 
 r~> o 7 
 
 obliterate reproachful memorials. Cnsated with super- 
 cession, it thirsted for the drops of comfort still remaining 
 in the broken cup of bondage, and longed to appropriate 
 what it did not want. Four Mohammedan Courts had, 
 within the century, lent it aid from time to time, as we 
 have seen. Each of them in turn had been undone, and 
 all Were now more or less at its merc. The \ icero wa>
 
 378 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 a man of many gifts, but mercy was not among them. 
 Mercy he showed none. 
 
 When English trade stood shelterless on the beach of 
 Malabar, the Nawab of Arcot was its first friend. It lent 
 him help against the French, and in exchange he gave it 
 storage-room and dwelling-place. As it grew his power 
 dwindled, and as his tulwar rusted its bayonet waxed 
 bright. The enthymeme of usurpation need not be again 
 recited. By the time Lord AYellesley came to renew the 
 treaty between Madras and Arcot, " the Carnatic had been," 
 says Mr Arnold, " immeshed in the net of our friendship 
 and the noose of our protection." But Lord AYellesley had 
 a soul above pettifogging oppression, and he would have 
 disdained to take advantage of forfeited pledo-es. Omdut- 
 
 O J- O 
 
 ul-Omrah was suspected of intrigues with Tippoo Saib ; 
 and Ali Hussein, his son, inherited, it was feared, his 
 father's infidelity. But this was not made a pretence for 
 breaking our engagements with his house, or confiscating 
 the revenues repeatedly guaranteed them. AVith Azim-ul- 
 Dowla a fresh treaty was made " for settling the succession 
 to the Soubahdary of the territories of Arcot, and for 
 vesting the civil and military administration of the Carnatic 
 in the Company." The fourth article declared that four- 
 fifths of the revenues were for ever vested in the Company, 
 and the remaining one-fifth " appropriated for ever for the 
 support of the Xawab." His son enjoyed his dignities, 
 privileges, and emoluments, until his death in 1853, when Lord 
 Dalhousie thought the time had arrived to let the curtain 
 
 O 
 
 fall upon the farce of Gratitude to Arcot. The Cabinet of 
 Lord Aberdeen and the Court of Directors assenting, he 
 forbade Azim Jah to assume the title, and refused to pay 
 him the stipulated fifth of the revenues, which he claimed 
 as undisputed heir, upon the ground that when treaties
 
 TAKING IN KINGDOMS. 379 
 
 are made " for ever " with feudatories, the suzerain is not 
 
 bound longer than the sense of expediency lusts ; or in 
 other words, that the observance of public faith is obligatory 
 only on one side, because the semblance of royalty, with- 
 out any of the power, is a mockery of authority which 
 must be pernicious. If anything were surprising in the mis- 
 government of India, it would be the audacity which could 
 misrepresent the faded finery of Chepank Palace as keeping 
 up illusions, even in its powerless owner, of pretendership 
 to royalty. Royalty, in the best days of the family, had 
 never been asserted by them. They were subordinate to 
 the Nizam, who was himself a feudatory of the Padishah. 
 Local authority they really had enjoyed a hundred years 
 gone by ; but it was authority which had no more to do 
 with royalty than Hamlet had to do with Hercules. Much or 
 little, it was all clean gone ; the archives of Madras and of 
 Calcutta could tell where. But its property and rank and 
 titular privileges had hitherto been respected, because they 
 had been made matters of public stipulation by the re- 
 presentatives of the British cro\vn ; and now the money 
 was to be taken by force, the use of the titles interdicted 
 by decree, and the broken covenants given to the winds. 
 
 The despotic demeanour of Lord Ualhousie towards the 
 Native Princes was not exemplified alone in the arbitrary 
 absorption of States on the plea of lapse from default of male 
 heirs. The "\ iceroy let no opportunity escape for impress- 
 ing the native mind with a sense of the autocratic will and 
 domination of the Central Power, of which lie was the 
 mouthpiece; and his conduct towards the Xawab-Xazim of 
 pjeniral, one of the oldest of our allies in Asia, was in 
 
 O * 
 
 keeping with what had gone before. Bengal had come to 
 be regarded as the home-farm of Empire. The treaties of 
 1757, 1760, and 170';] with Mir Jaiiir and Mir Ka.-im, as
 
 380 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 we have seen, gave us the first political and territorial locus 
 standiy and the engagements of 1765, 1767, and 1770 with 
 their successors, each marked a step in the progress of en- 
 croachment upon native rule. The administrative experi- 
 ments of Hastings, Cornwallis, and subsequent Viceroys, 
 gradually withdrew from the Court of Moorshedabad even 
 the semblance of government; but five formal treaties had 
 acknowledged the rank, dignity, and social privileges of the 
 Nawabs-Nazim of Bengal. By terms which indicate per- 
 petuity of obligation, if they mean anything at all, a suit- 
 able income had been provided for the ex-ruling family, 
 and the minutes and despatches of each Governor-General 
 in succession were unanimous in treating the descendants 
 
 o 
 
 of Mir Janir as princes de facto if not de jure. The 
 cession of executive functions on the one side, and their ac- 
 ceptance on the other, was not brought about by conquest, 
 was not signalised by incidents of violence or victory, and was 
 accompanied by no formal act of abdication. The process 
 of transfer was silent, its progress was steady. It had its 
 origin in the compacts which gave the Company command 
 of the forces and the control of the exchequer of Bengal. 
 With the instruments as well as the sinews of war at their 
 disposal, they did as powerful Ministers had aforetime 
 done elsewhere, usurped the sceptre in reality, while pay- 
 ing ceremonious respect to its holder. The minority of 
 Mobaruck-ul-Dowla, the last of the heirs of Mir Jaffir, 
 favoured this alienation of native rule. The Governor and 
 Council had during that time ample opportunity of con- 
 solidating the supreme authority, then resting unquestioned 
 in their hands ; and when in due course it should have re- 
 verted to the Soubahdar, they showed no disposition to 
 yield it up, while the native community, growing used to 
 the mandates of Fort William, knew not how to substitute
 
 TAKING IN KINGDOMS. 381 
 
 those of Moorshedabad. The Nawab protested, but his 
 complaints were unheeded, or were answered only with 
 plausible evasion. Successive Nawabs were treated by suc- 
 cessive Viceroys with scrupulous regard to the formalities 
 of rank and station, but not an inch of power was re- 
 stored. No attempt, however, was made to question the 
 validity of the treaties, which were palpable acknowledg- 
 ments of the rank and rights of Mir JafhYs dynasty. No 
 one had contended that, although we had absorbed all 
 power, dignity and its attendant privileges did not remain 
 with the Princes of his house. On the contrary, Lords 
 Wellesley, Minto, Hastings, Amherst, Hardinge, and even 
 Lord Dalhousie himself, had penned letters and despatches 
 acknowledo-iiio- the rights " guaranteed by subsisting 
 
 O O CD tlJ %/ CJ 
 
 treaties," and promising to "uphold the interests, dignity, 
 credit, and prescriptive privileges" of the family. In 
 1838, Syud Munsur AH Khan, the eighth in regular 
 descent from Mir Jaffir, succeeded while a minor to the 
 musnud of Bengal. All the formalities of investiture, pro- 
 clamation, and congratulation were duly observed with 
 him, as with his predecessors ; the Government of India 
 officially notified to the public, its allies, and all friendly 
 powers, that Syud Munsur Ali had succeeded to the 
 hereditary honours and dignities of the Nizainut and Sou- 
 bahdary of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, and was declared 
 to have assumed the authority, dignities, and privileges 
 thereof, and a salute of nineteen guns and three volleys 
 of musketry was ordered to celebrate the event. 
 
 Excepting disagreements as to the appropriation of 
 certain sums from the annual allowance guaranteed by the 
 treaty of 1770, nothing disturbed the harmony of the re- 
 lations subsisting between the past and present rulers. One 
 of the most dearly prized of the privilege.^ enjoyed by the
 
 382 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Nawabs in their regal retirement was exemption from the 
 jurisdiction and authority of the Ada \vluts, and even of the 
 Supreme Court. By a special legislative Act in 1794, they 
 had been authorised to take cognisance and adjudicate on all 
 matters in dispute between members of the family, the court, 
 and the retinue of Moorshedabad ; and by three subsequent 
 enactments in 1805, 1806, and 1822, the mode of public 
 and official intercourse with the Nawabs was reeailated ; 
 
 o 
 
 and the position of plaintiff or defendant in legal suit 
 being incompatible with the social rights of princes accord- 
 ing to Eastern custom, it was ordained that the Governor- 
 General's agent at the Nawab's Court should be his vica- 
 rious representative in legal process. An attempt had been 
 made in 1834 by local authorities to set aside some of 
 these privileges; but on reference to the Government at 
 Calcutta, they were strenuously upheld, Sir Charles 
 Trevelyan recording the emphatic declaration that " the 
 Nawab had been recognised by the British Government as 
 an independent Prince, and that the national faith was 
 pledged for nothing being proposed or carried into execu- 
 tion derogating from his honour." The Supreme Court 
 had " no right to exercise jurisdiction over the Nawab- 
 Nazim of Bengal," and the Advocate-General was instructed 
 "to adopt every necessary legal means for resisting it.'' 
 The Act of 1825 had been framed to prevent his being 
 "liable to any indignity in person or property in the pro- 
 cess of the Zillah Courts," for if his liability to the 
 Supreme Court were admitted, there was no degree of in- 
 dignity which might not be inflicted on him in contraven- 
 tion of the pledged national faith, and the respect obviously 
 due to the representative of our oldest ally on this side of 
 India. 1 
 
 1 Letter to II. Paulin. Esq., Company's Attorney, 2<ith February 1834.
 
 TAKING IN KINGDOMS. 383 
 
 The conscientious avowals of his predecessors had no 
 weight with the haughty annexationist. To him treaties 
 were only tentative formularies, to be ruthlessly swept away 
 when they barred the progress of imperial acquisition. To 
 him the fame of spreading fear was more than the credit 
 of national faith, and humiliated races more than the 
 plighted honour of his own nation. In 1853 an incident 
 occurred which brought out in strong relief the over- 
 bearino; nature of the Viceroy. In March of that year 
 
 Cj * J 
 
 the Kawab was on a shooting excursion, two English 
 officials being among the guests, when two Hindu 
 lads were seized on suspicion of having stolen a box of 
 jewels belonging to one of the subordinate eunuchs, and by 
 some of these officers were beaten with such severity as to 
 cause death. The act was undoubtedly one of gross 
 brutality, and deserved the punishment inflicted on some 
 of the Xawab's servants, to whom, after a long and patient 
 investigation, it was clearly brought home : but his Hio-h- 
 
 O J O O 
 
 ness's principal officer, Aman Ali, and others of rank, who 
 were included in the indictment, were, after a long trial, 
 honourably acquitted, while not a tittle of evidence was 
 adduced tending to implicate the Xawab in the slightest 
 dr-oive. lu trial and review of proceedings, the matter 
 went through two courts, and after passing such an ordeal 
 the Prince mi<iht surely be excused if he reo-arded the 
 
 o */ r^ 
 
 acquitted servants as innocent, and reinstated them in his 
 retinue. This act of justice, however, drew down on him 
 the wrath of the Governor-General, who, disdaining to 
 notice the decision of the Adawluts presided over bv 
 English judges, addressed a violent despatch to the agent 
 at Moorshedabad, asserting that the outrage had been 
 committed 'under the very eyes" of the Xawab, and de- 
 manding explanations why he. had failed to "exert his
 
 384 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 authority to prevent so outrageous a crime, committed 
 almost in his very presence." It should here be remarked 
 that the evidence, carefully reviewed and criticised by 
 English judges, had established the fact sufficiently for all 
 unprejudiced minds that the Nawab was entirely ignorant 
 of the cruelties practised on these unfortunate men, and 
 that their death was circumstantially reported at the time 
 to have taken place from cholera. Nevertheless Lord Dal- 
 housie called on the Xawab to give an explanation of his 
 conduct in the matter, and he determined that "measures 
 should be taken to mark the sense entertained by Govern- 
 ment of such proceedings, and that safeguards should be 
 provided against a repetition of them in future." The 
 measures thus extra-judicially resolved on were the hum- 
 bling of the Prince by reducing his salute from nineteen 
 to thirteen guns, refusing him permission to travel, stop- 
 ping the amount in his civil list for travelling expenses, 
 and appointing a police officer to accompany him on all 
 excursions. He was also peremptorily required to dismiss 
 the suspected persons of his household, and to " hold no 
 further communication with them." Finally the Viceroy 
 in Council repealed the four Acts alluded to, on the specious 
 plea that the privileges they secured " were a serious im- 
 pediment to the course of justice." It had hardly been 
 matter for surprise if the Prince, thus insulted and op- 
 pressed in defiance of every principle of law, logic, or 
 common sense, had looked on sullenlv in the day of Eno-- 
 
 / J o 
 
 land's difficulty. But in common with many other Native 
 Chiefs, he aided materially and morally Lord Cannino-'s 
 Government during the Mutiny. Throughout, his conduct 
 was one of unswerving fidelity. "When British power 
 emerged, shaken but unsb altered, from the storm of re- 
 bellion, to the official request to know what expense he
 
 TAKING IN KINGDOMS. 385 
 
 had been at for unusual service rendered, he answered de- 
 clining to receive any pecuniary return, affirming that he 
 had done his duty, fulfilling the conditions of the treaties 
 entered into by his ancestors." In deeds, if not in words, 
 he repeated the reproach of his progenitor ninety-seven 
 years before. "You have thought proper to break your 
 eno-ao-ements : I would not mine." The Government was 
 
 O O * 
 
 bound in decency to acknowledge in some way this 
 requital of good for evil ; the restoration of his salute, 
 the removal of the police inspectors, and the reimburse- 
 ment of travelling expenses were therefore ordered. In 
 other respects the Dalhousie deprivations have been main- 
 tained ; the demands of the Nawab for an equitable adjust- 
 ment of accounts, which the maladministration of Govern- 
 ment agents over many years has involved in complication 
 and confusion, and the restoration of certain moneys to 
 which he is clearly entitled as heir-at-law, but which have 
 been persistently sequestrated, have been refused; his 
 rights under solemn treaties made with his family treaties 
 which were the title-deeds of our settlement in India only 
 a century ago are declared to be obsolete, and even his 
 rank and title have been mutteringly threatened with 
 extinction. 
 
 The year 1S.34 saw two more valuable provinces ab- 
 sorbed through other means. The subsidiary force kept 
 up at the expense of the Nizam had long been excessive, 
 measured by its nominal use or his ability of paying for it. 1 
 Lord Dalhousie admitted that it was too large, and sug- 
 gested that the stall', tit all events, ought to be reduced. 
 J>ut ,7."KMK'0 were due as arrears, and no improvident 
 willingness to rai>e loans at 30 per cent, hull out auv 
 
 O 1 ' 
 
 real hope of liquidation. The Viceroy, therefore, caused it 
 
 ] Kayc'- Si'puj- V\"ar, vol. i. 1<. 07. 
 
 2 R
 
 386 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 to be intimated that lie would accept the fertile cotton 
 districts of Berar, the Raichore Doab lying between the 
 rivers Krishna and Tumbudra, together with other lands, in 
 payment of the debt, and as security for future charges for 
 the contingent. When the draft treaty was presented, the 
 Nizam expostulated, asking whether an alliance which had 
 lasted unbroken more than sixty years ought to have an 
 ending like this. He did not want the subsidiary force ; 
 the Viceroy might withdraw it if he pleased ; or he might 
 cut down its supernumerary strength and extravagant 
 allowances, which were merely maintained as ways of 
 patronage by the Governor-General, and not for any 
 benefit to him. But to ask him to part with a third of 
 his dominions was to humble him in the eyes of his people, 
 and to abase him in his own esteem. He had not deserved 
 treatment so heartless, and he could not be expected to 
 submit to it. But he was expected, and he did submit : 
 and soon afterwards he died, leaving his son to try, as best 
 he might, how the work of government could be carried 
 on. The nettings of 18.33 were full of cotton and opium, 
 for the provinces newly added are among the most prolific 
 in Southern Asia. 
 
 A\ e are come to the last, and the most memorable of 
 Lord Dalhousie's acts of annexation. From Clive to 
 Auckland, every Anglo-Indian ruler had dealt with the 
 Government of Oude as that of an independent State. It 
 had been invaded, rilled, mutilated, sometimes aided with 
 troops to do mischief to its neighbours, and sometimes to 
 its own people. More than once it was flattered by 
 the gift of expropriations from other States, and as 
 often humbled by being compelled, not to give them 
 back to the rightful owners, but to give them up to 
 the Paramount Power. The underminiii"- of native
 
 TAKING IN KINGDOMS. 387 
 
 authority had indeed been pitilessly continued under 
 all circumstances by the never failing means of an exorbi- 
 tant subsidiary force. The Vizier being left every year 
 less discretion in affairs, fell ever more lamentably under 
 the influence of parasites, who wasted his revenues, and 
 shut him in from all knowledge of his people's condition, 
 and from all hearing of their complaints. It cannot be 
 doubted that beneath the unchecked cupidity and caprice 
 of some of the Talookdars they suffered grievously, and 
 that portions of their fair and fertile country had in conse- 
 quence become impoverished and wasted. Disorganisation 
 had in fact become normal ; and making every allow- 
 ance for sinister exaggeration, it is impossible to regard 
 the remonstrances of successive Residents at Lucknow as 
 having been made without substantial cause. Reforms in 
 every branch of the administration had become urgent and 
 indispensable, and it may freely be admitted that it was 
 the duty of the Paramount Authority to insist upon their 
 being made. l>ut until it can be shown that honest, 
 intelligible, and consistent efforts were tried to redeem 
 the local institutions, which mercenary encroachment 
 had perverted, and to restore the local health imperialism 
 had poisoned, there cannot be a shadow of justification for 
 inflicting the sentence of death arbitrarily pronounced 
 against them. To the last men of intellect and honour, 
 who had intimate knowledge of the whole state of the case, 
 believed that reparation was in our power, and pleaded 
 hard that it ought to be made. l>ut from first to last it 
 never was seriously attempted. Thing.- were suffered year 
 bv vear to go from bad to worse, while the gripe of 
 exaction never was relaxed, until at length, in 16-jG, the 
 scandal of mismanagement was pronounced ripe, not for the
 
 3 88 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 prun ing-knife of suzerain control, but for the axe of 
 ruthless annexation. 
 
 When war against the Mahrattas had left the Company 
 without a pagoda to sustain the public credit or to pay 
 their troops, Lord Hastings bribed the Vizier with the 
 pinchbeck title of King to give him a million sterling out 
 of his private treasure. When war against the Afghans 
 needed new resources, Lord Auckland made a fresh treaty 
 requiring the surrender of half his territory to sustain addi- 
 tional troops. On every occasion the diplomatic engagements 
 dictated at Calcutta and imposed at Lucknow were profuse 
 in professions of respect for the dynasty and acknowledg- 
 ment of its sovereign rights. To the last Oude was 
 flattered with egregious assurances of friendship and con- 
 sideration, until at a blow all was swept away. 
 
 When absorption and incorporation had been determined 
 on, differences of opinion arose in the Supreme Council as to 
 the mode of proceeding in point of form. The Viceroy 
 affected to have scruples. He would have preferred de- 
 claring the treaties broken by the failure of Vajid Ali to 
 fulfil the conditions of efficient government embodied in 
 the treaty of 1837; he would then have withdrawn the 
 contingent, without which the city and the palace would 
 have been left defenceless against banditti ; and when in- 
 surrection and anarchy had spread alarm among the neigh- 
 bouring provinces, he would have been prepared for armed 
 intervention at the request of the King, or without waiting 
 for it. But he has left on record a confession that this 
 would have been a circuitous method of attaining the end 
 
 o 
 
 which General Low, Mr Peacock, 31 r Grant, and Mr Dorin 
 thought it less dishonouring to brino- about by more direct 
 
 o o o / 
 
 and summary means. The Board of Directors and Board
 
 TAKING IN KINGDOMS. 389 
 
 of Control, when the two plans were laid before them, re- 
 frained from deciding, and left the Marquis free to do as he 
 thought best. 1 The difficulty was like that felt by Warren 
 Hastings on a former occasion, which Sheridan, amid the 
 cheers of the House of Commons, declared to be that of 
 choosing between Bagshot and Hounslow. It was, how- 
 ever, speedily got over by the Governor-General yielding to 
 the more summary method urged by his colleagues. The 
 Resident was therefore directed to inform the Prince that 
 he had been weighed in the balance and found wanting, 
 and that the kingdom had departed from him. 
 
 It was said by the apologists of the act, that the treaty 
 of 1837 conferred the right to seize the government of Oude, 
 should its native rulers fail to govern well, and that con- 
 sequently no more was done in 185G than what that bargain 
 provided for and justified. The ilimsiness of this plea has 
 been thoroughly exposed by Major Bell. The treaty of 1 837 
 "did not give Lord Dalhousie ail he wanted. It did not 
 give him the surplus revenues of Oude, to be disposed of as 
 he pleased, but compelled him to account for them to the 
 State of Oude. It gave him a right indeed to seize the 
 government, but only for a temporary object, and bound 
 him (in the words of the treaty) to maintain the native 
 institutions and forms of administration, so as to facilitate 
 the restoration of those territories to the sovereign." The 
 Viceroy felt the pressure of thu.su cogent terms, and tried 
 hard to prove that because the Directors bade Lord Auck- 
 land exonerate the King from supplying an increased num- 
 ber of troops, the whole of the treaty of 1>37 had been 
 abrogated. Nothing can be mre untrue. It was duly 
 ratified at Fort William on the ISth September 1837 ; was 
 never repudiated by the Government of the Queen, and 
 1 Bell's I!-.'!;- >speets and Prospects, chap. v.
 
 390 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 was never disallowed by the Board of Directors, whose 
 ratification was in point of fact never deemed necessary 
 in the case of a new treaty. " No one in India, at Lucknow 
 or at Calcutta, ever doubted the validity and binding force 
 of this treaty until Lord Dalhousie found that it stood in 
 the way of his scheme of appropriating all the revenues of 
 Oude." l 
 
 Sir H. Lawrence and Sir "W. Sleeman both publicly 
 expressed their conviction that the Central Government 
 was endued by it with all the powers necessary for securing 
 in Oude an efficient and humane administration ; and Lord 
 Hardinge, in 1847, impressively warned the Court of Luck- 
 now that, under and by virtue of the treaty, they were 
 liable to have the powers of government sequestered if they 
 were not properly discharged. But sequestration is not 
 synonymous with confiscation ; and the suspension of a 
 spendthrift's allowance does not mean the appropriation of 
 his estate. It is not unworthy of note that Lord W. 
 Bentinck, the most lenient and considerate of men, con- 
 templated temporary interposition in Oude, in the hope 
 and with the view of introducing juster and sounder prin- 
 ciples of local administration, and that he obtained the 
 sanction of the Court of Directors in case he should think 
 fit to make the experiment. But who will debit his memory 
 with contemplation of the crime perpetrated in 183G 1 AYe 
 have his own clear definition of his meaning. "It may 
 be asked of me, when you have assumed the manage- 
 
 v O 
 
 ment, how is it to be conducted, and how long retained ? 
 I should answer, that acting in the character of guardian 
 and trustee, we ought to frame an administration entirely 
 native, an administration so composed as to individuals, 
 and so established upon the best principles, as should best 
 
 1 IVll's Retrospects ami Prospects, chap. v.
 
 TAKING IN KINGDOMS. 391 
 
 serve for immediate improvement, and as a model for future 
 imitation ; the only European part of it should be the 
 functionary by whom it should be superintended, and it 
 should only be retained till a complete reform might be 
 broil irht about."
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORROW? 
 
 "A feeling of discontent and dissatisfaction exists among every class, both Euro- 
 pean and Native, on account of the constant increase of taxation which has 
 for years been going on. My belief is that the continuance of that feeling is 
 a political danger, the magnitude of which can hardly lie over-estimated ; 
 and any sentiment of dissatisfaction which may exist among disbanded sol- 
 diers of the Native Army is as nothing, in comparison with the state of general 
 discontent to which I have referred. . . . We can never depend for a moment 
 on the continuance of general tranquillity ; but I believe that the present 
 state of public feeling, as regards taxation, is more likely to lead to disturb- 
 ance and discontent, and to be to us a source of greater danger, than the 
 partial reduction which we propose in the Native Army can ever occasion. 
 Of the two evils I choose the lesser." 
 
 LOKP MAYO. 1 
 
 "IT7HEN Parliament assembled early in 1858, the upper- 
 most thought in the minds of all was the urgent 
 need of remedial measures for India. A century of misrule 
 had ended in a convulsion so terrible that the best and 
 bravest natures shuddered at its contemplation, and the 
 wisest and ablest servants of the State were those who 
 said the least about it. The whole of the dreadful truth 
 has never yet been spoken, "will never probably be spoken 
 in our time ; but enough became generally known to 
 make men of all parties anxious, by a thorough change 
 of policy, to take securities against the like ever hap- 
 pening again. Notice was formally given by ministers 
 to the East India Company that its days were numbered. 
 What was called the "double government" had long been 
 
 1 -Minute nf the Viceroy, on Military Expenditure, 3d October ls7'>.
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORROW 1 393 
 
 regarded as incurably evasive of responsibility, and incur- 
 ably vicious in its abuse of patronage. The time had 
 arrived when national opinion ratified the prescient con- 
 demnation of Francis, Burke, and Fox, and pronounced 
 decisively, though tardilv, that a secret Committee of the 
 
 J y o <J * 
 
 Directors of a joint-stock company should be permitted no 
 longer to share with the Imperial Cabinet the power of 
 nominating the rulers of our great dependency. The public, 
 voice called on Parliament to do its duty to India, as well 
 as to portions of the empire inferior in extent, population, 
 and importance. However it had been acquired, all 
 political parties agreed in owning that the Queen was 
 bound to the natives of her Empire in Asia " by the same 
 obligations of duty which bound her to all her other sub- 
 jects." These were in fact the words placed in Her 
 Majesty's lips by Lord Stanley, when, as Secretary of 
 State, he counselled and countersigned the memorable 
 Proclamation, assuming the direct and unqualified govern- 
 ment of her possessions in India. lUit while Parliament in 
 its legislative capacity acknowledged and confirmed to the 
 Crown the undivided dignity and authority of supreme ad- 
 ministration, it did not thereby renounce or pretend to 
 shake oil' the enhanced burthen of its own obligation to 
 exact a rigorous and righteous account of all that might be 
 done from time to time in the name of the Queen. Tin 1 
 Statute of 1858, putting an end to the Charter of the East 
 India Company, and declaring that in time to come no 
 privilege of race or creed should be tolerated, and no re- 
 spect of persons bv reason of their lineage or place ot birth 
 be known in the eves of the law, bade the tribes and nations 
 of Hindustan stand forth and claim their full measure of 
 rights and immunities, and pledged Uueeii, Lords, and 
 Commons to be ivadv to hearand deteimine their plaint for
 
 394 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 justice whenever duly preferred, and to enforce reparation 
 and restitution for wrong whenever proved. 
 
 The Royal Proclamation of the 1st November 1858, re- 
 nounced solemnly all thought of further annexation. 
 
 " Whereas, for divers weighty reasons, we have resolved 
 to take upon ourselves the Government of India, heretofore 
 administered in trust for us by the Honourable East India 
 Company we do by these presents notify and declare that 
 we have taken upon ourselves the said Government, and we 
 hereby call upon all our subjects within the said territories 
 to be faithful, and to bear true allegiance to us, our heirs 
 and successors. 
 
 " We hereby announce to the Native Princes of India, 
 that all treaties and engagements made with them by or 
 under the authority of the Honourable East India Company, 
 are by us accepted, and will be scrupulously maintained, 
 and we look for the like observance on their part. We 
 desire no extension of our territorial possessions ; and while 
 we will permit no aggression upon our dominions or our 
 rights to be attempted with impunity, we shall sanction no 
 encroachment on those of others. ^ e shall respect the 
 ri'dits, difmitv, and honour of Native Princes as our own. 
 
 O O J J 
 
 " We, hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Indian 
 territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to 
 all our other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing 
 of Almighty God, we shall faithfully and conscientiously 
 
 fulfil." 
 
 The Princes of India received these assurances with 
 satisfaction, qualified, only by their in ability to judge how 
 far the representatives of .Majesty afar off would observe 
 their equitable tenor. Remembering the past, they could 
 not feel sanguine as to the future ; for they were told 
 that the preponderating will in Parliament decided who
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORRO\\"I 395 
 
 should be the Queen's ministers, and \vh<> should !>< her 
 Viceroys; and they and their fathers had oftentimes ap- 
 pealed in vain against the haughty satraps who had lieen 
 set over them. Their hopes rose when, somewhat later, 
 Lord Canning, in his celebrated Minute regarding Adop- 
 tion, explicitly laid it down that the policy of the. Govern- 
 ment would thereafter be to recognise the native,' rights of 
 succession in royal and noble houses, because it had been 
 resolved to preserve subsisting dynasties and chieftainrk s 
 
 X O *' 
 
 as essential to good government and peace. " I was asto- 
 nished," he said, "at the effect produced by my declaration 
 at (iwalior, where the announcement was received with 
 expressions of joy litce those on the birth of a prince. ' 
 Scindia told the .Resident that a cold wind had been, 
 blowing on him incessantly for years, from which he was 
 now relieved. Yet, unhappily, too soon " was it gone, and 
 for ever, the light they saw breaking ?" Hardly was the 
 ink of the Adoption .Minute drv when Government recalci- 
 trated; and the old policy of confiscation and absorption 
 was summarily put in force upon a new and equally 
 untenable plea. The young Rajah of J)har was suddenly 
 informed that his accession to his father's titles and privi- 
 leges had been disallowed, without a hearing or a trial of 
 any description, and that his dominions were to be incor- 
 porated with those of the ( Yown. because, during the revolt, 
 some of his troops had mutinied, and for a time resisted 
 the ellbrt< of his guardians to bring them back to discipline 
 and lovaltv. Lord ('aiming assigned as \\\< onlv iva.-oii 
 that he was determined to show the Ihirbar- of the minor 
 Stales that they mu.-t be held accountable if thev Were 
 unable as well as if they were unwilling to restrain the 
 misconduct of their soldiery. In ivplv to a question, put 
 in the House of ( 'ominous. Lord Stanley franklv repudiated
 
 396 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the doctrine thus laid down, which did not, he said, lie in 
 the mouth of a Power which had been itself unable to keep 
 its troops from mutiny ; and he promised that the annex- 
 ation should be reversed. His despatch reprieving Dhar. 
 and its people from the penalties of sins whereof they were 
 guiltless in all but the name, was set at nought by Lord 
 Canning, who directed Sir Eobert Hamilton, the Resident 
 at Indore in August 1858, to inform the young Rajah that 
 his principality was annexed, and that his treasure and 
 jewels were to be divided as prize-money among the troops 
 of the column then serving before the place. He was to 
 accompany the announcement with an intimation that while 
 Government reserved its decision, the unfortunate family 
 must never hope to be restored. The Resident, an upright 
 and a fearless man, acquainted with the real circumstances 
 of the case better than the Viceroy, expostulated against 
 this injustice. The rulers and the people of Dhar had been 
 faithful allies until, in the midst of the tempest of mutiny 
 raging around them, the mistake had been committed of 
 turning loose upon them the lawless mercenaries removed 
 from the Xizam's country, because they were supposed to 
 be dangerous there. Certain fanatics had seized the oppor- 
 tunity to foment sedition, the local Government beinor in 
 
 ^ O 
 
 the hands of a Regency : but the British Agent had through- 
 out been on terms of constant communication with the 
 Rajah, and had nothing to complain of in him, his rela- 
 tives, or influential advisers. If he were to be deprived 
 of his political authority, Sir Robert Hamilton pleaded 
 hard that at least he should not be despoiled of his pro- 
 perty. Lord Canning's pride was nettled at the rebuke he 
 had received from the Secretary of State. He left to Colonel 
 Durand the task of answering the remonstrance, and the 
 decree of sequestration was pitilessly enforced. The potent
 
 TO-DAY; AXD TO-MORROW I 397 
 
 influence of Mr Bright was exerted in the following session, 
 and Sir Charles Wood, who had succeeded Lord Stanley in 
 the India Otlicc, sought to compromise, the question by 
 giving a pledge that, on attaining his majority, the Kajah 
 should le reinstated, one-fifth of his territories heing per- 
 manently retained by way of smart money. Two years 
 afterwards, public notice was given throughout Malwa of 
 the salt 1 , by auction of the family ornaments and gems 
 or, as it was called, of the " Dhar plunder "- valued at 
 ,'80,000. After many delays upon the ground that he was 
 not yet qualified to govern, the friends in England who 
 had watched over the endangered rights of the Kaiah had 
 
 J 
 
 the satisfaction of hearing that he was restored. 
 
 It is deeply to be regretted that, within the last few 
 years, the Anglo-Indian administration seems to have been 
 drawn to thoughts of reviving the "lunatic policy of an- 
 nexation." It ought not to have been forgotten, indeed, 
 that "during the perilous crisis of Ls57, the most service- 
 able and timely aid, in men and money, was furnished by 
 evcry class of native rulers.' Lord Canning had publicly 
 thanked many of them for their effectual help; and, alluding 
 to the smaller States, he admitted that " these patches of 
 Native (lovernment served as breakwaters to the storm, 
 which would otherwise have swept over us in one great 
 wave." At such words each menaced and mistrustful 
 ruler might well have said, like the captive king in the tent 
 of Saul, " Surelv the bitterness of death is past. ' Lvil tra- 
 ditions, however, are insidious and strong, even when they 
 are not respectable through age. The danger pa-t. the 
 old craving for more territory returned. After two parti- 
 tions, a separate though protected l!aj was -till l-'tt in
 
 398 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Mysore. AVitli prescient care the Duke of Wellington had, 
 upon the fall of Seringapatam, warned his brother that 
 although the treaty with the restored Rajah professed to be 
 one of " perpetual friendship and alliance," which was to 
 last so " long as the sun and moon endured," its terms were 
 sufficiently ambiguous to " give ground for the belief that 
 we gave the Rajah the country with the intention of taking- 
 it away again, when it should suit our convenience ; " and 
 he expressed his strong opinion that " the conduct of the 
 British Government in India had not at all times been 
 such as to induce the natives to believe, that at some time 
 or other improper advantage would not be taken of the 
 article in question." But when the Duke was dead it 
 was thought the time had come when advantage might 
 be taken of the omission, in the treaty, of the words, 
 heirs and successors. Lord Dalhousie left on record his 
 advice, that should the reigning prince die childless, the 
 last remnant of the ancient realm of Mysore should lie 
 forthwith absorbed ; and in 18G5 the Anglo-Indian Govern- 
 ment prepared to secure the expected escheat by lapse. In 
 that year the Raj all adopted a distant relative as his son, 
 according to Hindu rites ; the representative of the British 
 Government being present, and the chief persons of rank 
 and property in the State. The fact was formally notified 
 by him in a letter to the Governor- General. Sir John 
 Lawrence declined to recognise the validity of the 1 adop- 
 tion, and was sustained in his efforts to defeat it by the 
 Secretary of State. But his arguments were controverted 
 bv five distinguished members of the Supreme Council, who 
 each and all stigmatised the attempt to pervert the treaty 
 of 1700, in a manner, as the Duke of AVcllingtun had fore- 
 told, that would "not be creditable to us.'' Fortunately for 
 1 Letter of Colonel Arthur Welle>ley to Lord M'jniingt'jii, 1799.
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORRO\\'1 399 
 
 the honour of England and the tranquillity of India, another 
 pen was dipped in indignation at the contemplated injustice. 
 In a work of rare abilitv both as regards the matter and the 
 manner, Major Evans Bell called the attention of the 
 public to the historv of the ease, and beneath the cloud of 
 witnesses against this miserable scheme of usurpation, ap- 
 pealed from. the Council Board of Calcutta to the judgment 
 of the people of England. Citing the damnatory protest of 
 Sir Jl. Montgomery, who characterised the project as a 
 '" breach of good faith;" of Sir E. Currie, who declared it to 
 be "unjust and illegal ; " of Sir J. "Willoughby, who termed 
 it a " flagrant injustice ; " of Sir George Clerk, who called it 
 " the result of wild counsel, neither honest nor dignified;" of 
 Captain Eastwick, who said "that it could not be justified 
 bv our treatv obligations, nor by the law and practice of 
 India," he challenged the Government to defend their 
 purpose. Partv convenience rendered the season unsuitable, 
 and thus another Native State was saved from extinction. 
 But what sort of tenancy-at-will is this for Native Govern- 
 ments, on whose stability the order, prosperity, and peace of 
 an Empire depend '. Other Princes naturallv and inevit- 
 ablv brood over these things, and feel, though they may 
 not say aloud X^.^^iccni tuta fides! Parliament, in almost 
 every session, is asked to enquire into some case of actual 
 injurv or threatened deprivation ; and individual members, 
 unconnected with ollice, are often found willing to master 
 the details of grievance, and to declaim eloquent Iv against 
 evil done, if not against evil doers. But it usuallv comes 
 to nothing. A poln n-a tribunal so con-t ituted is, it' possible, 
 even more help]cs> than the lloii-e of Lords proved to be in 
 I / 05, to do ] ust ice bet ween i he BI '-11111- of ( >ude and \\ arreii 
 1 la-! ings. Knt il suitable means are found for the trial of sudi 
 causes, there will and can be no >ense of seciirilv !TL bv the
 
 400 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Princes of India. But, after what has happened aforetime, 
 and in our own time, Parliament Avill be inexcusable if, con- 
 scious of the reproach, yet unmindful of the shame, it neglects 
 to make due provision for the purpose. It will, of course, be 
 said by all the indolent and apathetic, and all who prefer 
 the unbridled power of bureaucracy to the vindication of the 
 national influence and honour, that the erection of a Parlia- 
 mentary Tribunal fit to try issues of right, revenue, dignity, 
 and rule, between Suzerain and vassals, is a thing impos- 
 sible ; if not impossible, unprecedented ; and if not unpre- 
 cedented, revolutionary. It is not worth while arguing 
 about the impossibility. Most things worth doing, in our 
 day, have been declared by official politicians to be obviously 
 impossible, because to them the possibility was not obvious. 
 Catholic Emancipation, the Eepeal of the Corn Laws, 
 Household Suffrage, and much beside, were each and all 
 pronounced, on the best authority, to be things that could 
 not be done. But they were done, notwithstanding, and 
 the earth still goes round, and nobody feels materially the 
 worse : a good many think they feel considerably better. 
 As for the lack of precedents, it might be enough to 
 say, that the case of India is one so utterly unparalleled, 
 that the remedy sought must needs be unparalleled also. 
 In truth, however, it is only necessary to put together 
 maxims grounded on established precedents, in order to 
 spell out warily and wisely all the conditions that are re- 
 quired : and for the nickname of revolutionary, one can 
 hardly be expected to care, when the only object that is 
 sought is the conservation and contentment of an empire. 
 Sobriquets are easily given, but they need applicability to 
 make them stick ; and if any man can devise, a method to 
 vindicate the solemn pledge of Parliament to India, to 
 realise the plighted faith of the Queen, and to build up
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORROM"i 401 
 
 steadfast faith and hope, in the .Princes and people- of Asia, 
 lie need not trouble himself ul>out being called a revolu- 
 tionist; for he will have done the most anti-subversive 
 thing which it is possible to conceive. 
 
 Why not then consider ho\v a joint Committee of the 
 T\vo Houses, three from each, may be chosen whenever n 
 claim duly authenticated and verified is raised by any of 
 the feudatories of the Crown in India ' Why should the 
 selection of three noblemen and of three gentlemen without 
 miserable imputations of party bias be impractical vie \ 
 Why should we every year see questions as pecuniarily 
 great, and interests as morallv and socially grave, referred 
 without misgiving to a Committee in each House, to be 
 practically disposed of, without any of the more solemn 
 judicial sanctions with which it would be easy to invest the 
 Tribunal thus proposed ' \Yhyshould not the composition, 
 order, and procedure of such a tribunal be regulated bv 
 statute ? and whv should not tin- co-ordinate authority of the, 
 Crown be represented in a Chairman or Assessor, to be. 
 named from amongst ex-Chancellors or Chief Justices, 
 to guide its deliberations bv the wisdom of experience, and 
 acquaintance with the principles and practice of international 
 law .' Whv should not unofficial peers and commoners deem 
 it a high distinction to be cho-eti bv their fellows to b. 1 
 davsnieii. between central power all but absolute, and there- 
 fore alwavs liable to err, and local freedom, all but helpless, 
 and therefore alwavs liable to distrust and disaffection .' \\ hy 
 should not such a judicature be a Court of IJecnrd, its 
 decisions coutributni"' to bin
 
 4 02 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Natives of wealth and education have been, in compli- 
 ance with the Statute of 1858, admitted to the Council of 
 each of the Presidencies. As a step in the right direction, 
 the change ought not to be disparaged ; but it would 
 be idle to suppose that its political effect can be of any 
 appreciable importance. At Calcutta, three or four Rajahs 
 living in the neighbourhood are summoned periodically to 
 meet the Governor-General and their European colleagues 
 at the Council Board ; and chiefs of secondary rank are 
 in like manner invited to confer with the Governors of 
 Madras, and Bombay. As a formal renunciation of the. 
 exclusiveness of alien rule, it is well ; but who takes it for 
 a participation of power between foreign authority and 
 native will ? The question is not one of numerical propor- 
 tion ; that would be a childish view to take of the matter. 
 Votes are of no value when the subjects to be voted on are 
 
 J 
 
 settled and arranged beforehand, !>v one over whom the 
 
 O ' * 
 
 voters can exorcise neither veto or control. As equerries, 
 men of birth and opulence are gratified by being asked to 
 ride in a pageant, or take their places at a banquet; and 
 the opinion of political outriders is sometimes asked in cour- 
 tesy about the political weather. It is even said that their 
 deferential expression of opinion lias been known to have 
 been acted on respecting wind or rain, or the colour of a 
 court suit. But who is fooled by such lofty condescen- 
 sion into imagining that grooms-in-waiting are [Ministers of 
 State ? .If power remains where it was and what it was, 
 permission to assist at its ceremonies is but the politeness of 
 centralisation, and no more. 
 
 In a subordinate sphere another step, and one that had 
 more of the look of real it v about it, was that of conferring 
 upon natives the Commission of the IVaeo. At first the 
 Rvots were incredulous, then half inclined to laugh, after-
 
 TO-DAY; AXD TO-MORROW'} 403 
 
 wards distrustful, but by decrees thev were convinced that 
 tiie Talookdar or Baboo must have paid handsomely for the, 
 right to do himself and his neighbours justice in certain small 
 matters. When the practice, shall be carried further, ;md 
 some approach shall be made to the system of local justice 
 prevailing in our own agricultural districts, where- every 
 resident gentleman of property, not as of political favour, 
 but as of social right, is called upon to act as a magistrate, 
 not capricious! v and alone, but according to recognised 
 principle, and in concert with others like himself, the 
 people of India may come to believe that Government is 
 sincere in desiring to extend some English institutions to 
 India in substance as well as in name. For the present, it 
 would be premature to hazard an opinion on the success of 
 an experiment which i- yet but in course of being tenta- 
 tively made. In many great districts the number of persons 
 holding the Commission of the Peace is infmitesimally small ; 
 in others the native magi>trates are described as not ven- 
 turing to decide in reality any question open to serious 
 controversy. 
 
 The local administration of justice remains throughout 
 the Xon- Regulation Provinces for the mo>t part in Euro- 
 pean hands. In the provinces of earlier acquisition, Hindus 
 and Mussulmans have at all t inies been judges of subordinate 
 courts, and much stress ha- been, recently laid upon the 
 admission of candidates for these appointments by com- 
 petitive examination. .Manv who are \ve]] . d to 
 jud^e, set but a lo\v estimate on the ;.dequacv of -uch a 
 test of fitness for judicial oilice. |{o\ve\er thai mav 1" . i 
 main fact staiv> us in the face, thai not one in a hundred 
 of the hi-h'T ]udi;es has been born or bred in the countrv 
 whose disputes he i> empowered to deteimine. and win .-e 
 inhabitant- he may tiin-, llog. impri.-on, or nnpoven-h at
 
 4 o 4 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 his individual discretion. From the nature of things he 
 must be a judge both of law and equity. This equity he 
 must find for himself out of his inner consciousness; the 
 difficulties of law are more perplexing when they arise from 
 various eodes ancient and modern, written, half-written, 
 or not written at all, but often preserved in a kind of fossil 
 state, now and then rubbed up for a special purpose, and 
 thus partially made to reveal their antique qualities. When 
 the young gentleman from England is sharp-witted and of 
 an inquiring turn, he gets after a time to know, by the help 
 of interpreters, what illiterate peasants, roguish witnesses, 
 lying tessildars, and grain usurers swear, in their various 
 dialects, for or against one another. But it takes him a long 
 time to be able to feel sure how much of what he calls justice 
 
 */ 
 
 is not guess work, and how much of it is not behind his back 
 compassed by corruption. It is no use blaming him for 
 blunders that are inevitable, and wrongs he cannot help, and 
 seldom so much as hears of. Appeal of course is said to be 
 open (like the London Tavern), to all who will avail them- 
 selves of it, and are prepared to pay for the gratification; but 
 the privilege, which never was general, has been materially 
 circumscribed by the imposition of innumerable, and, by the 
 A'ast majority, unpayable stamp duties on every species of 
 litigation which an exotic system of finance has rendered 
 necessary. The enormous distances, moreover, which the 
 bulk of suitors have- to travel, and the. delays at the. 
 central seats of la\v, which await them there, form impedi- 
 ments not to be overcome. In a great number of districts 
 the Collector or district Commissioner still exercises the func- 
 tions of a Vice-Chancellor and puisne judge, lie is usually 
 a siildier. with a fair disposition to do right, according to the 
 principles of common sense, and with an ignorance of what 
 in England we think a judge- ought to know, that would be
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORROU'1 405 
 
 ludicrous if it were not lamcntal)lc. To-day hr has to assess 
 damages according to tlie customs sanctioned by Akhar; 
 to-morrow to marshal assets in bankruptcy, conformably 
 with the orders of Basinghall Street; and next dav to settle 
 a question of legitimacy according to Brahminical ti-aditioiis. 
 What would the people of London think if a cavalry officer 
 were made .Recorder, a colonel of marines Common Serjeant, 
 and a first class prizeman in gunnery appointed to preside 
 at "Bow Street? But with all the fine bureaucratic talk 
 about the protection of Parliament having been extended 
 and applied, it is clear that, in matters of judgment, justice, 
 and mercy, any qualifications, or disqualifications, are still 
 deemed immaterial in India. 
 
 To seats in the Supreme Courts, native practitioners at 
 the bar are not only now admissible, but are actual Iv ad- 
 mitted; and English judges who have sat with them are 
 forward to acknowledge how honourably and usefully they 
 bear themselves. This is something, and it would, indeed, 
 be much, if, bevond the Presidential cities, the fact were 
 practicallv brought home to the minds of the community; 
 but, whatever mav be the code of civil or criminal la\v, the 
 adjudication of ordinary disputes between man and man must 
 be local, if it is to be prompt, cheap, and intelligible; and 
 if it be not, it signifies comparatively little what it is. or 
 what it is believed to be. The indigenous tribunal of 
 Punchavet has been all but suspended bv the imposition 
 of a system of stipendiaries, whose unacquaintance with the 
 infinite details of social life, renders them ineffably fc.-ble in 
 their best attempts to exercise anv mural or equitable sway. 
 The people must be idiots to reverence law so administered ; 
 but the blame lies neither with commissioners, assistants, or 
 deputies, who have to administer as best thev mav the svstem
 
 406 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 Parliament, if, having undertaken the government of an 
 unrepresented Empire, it fails to reform the administration 
 of justice thoroughly, and in a sense conformable to Indian 
 public opinion. 
 
 The apologists of dis-location, and of concentration of all 
 authority in one central hand, have always relied on its 
 physical results as outweighing beneficially the discontent 
 and demoralisation it palpably entails. India, for the first 
 time, enjoys, according to them, the industrial blessing of 
 security from the caprices of arbitrary exaction, and from 
 the ravages of internal war. Taxation may not be always 
 light, and it can be seldom agreeable; but, at all events, it 
 is based on principles of uniformity and moderation, and 
 it is not spent on Court shows, or equipments for border 
 raids. Logically, India ought to grow fat ; for, dividing 
 the population by the total revenue, the average payment 
 for English Government is no more than 7s. a head 
 by 150,000,000 of people; while most of the nations of 
 Europe pay three or four times that amount ; and we, in 
 England, bear a burthen on the average (taking into 
 account local as well as imperial taxation) of not less than 
 3 a head. But the fallacy of this mode of argument is 
 fundamental and glaring. Shelter from the ravages, of 
 local warfare is undoubtedly a great gain ; so is the shelter 
 of a twenty-feet prison-wall against the licence of marau- 
 ders, and the edge of the east wind. But did anybody 
 ever seek voluntarily such protection, or grow rich and 
 happy beneath its shadow ? A physical benefit is only en- 
 titled to gratitude, and only receives it when it may be had 
 at a price worth paying for it. The question here is not 
 the specific good, which, as an abstract proposition, is little 
 more than a form of words without meaning ; but whether 
 the cataleptic trance imposed by the Paramount Power im-
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORROM'i 407 
 
 pose 1 on all spontaneous local activity, warlike or peaceful 
 is not bought unnecessarily clear? Does rural or urban 
 industry thrive within the precincts of the great imperial 
 pound ? Does it delve and weave, speculate and spin, with 
 the energy and profit necessary for the accumulation and the 
 diffusion of wealth ? Are the people of India growing rich 
 or poor ? Is the taxation they pay really light or really 
 heavy ? Is the government sum in short division, which 
 gives a quotient of a few shillings a head, as against nine 
 times as much which we pay, a true or a fair statement of 
 the fact, or merely a statistical delusion ? 
 
 How ought this comparison of taxation to be made ? 
 AVe might as well take an average of the length of the tails 
 
 o o o 
 
 of the dogs and horses, or of the backbones of the bipeds in 
 human form, for the purposes of such a comparison. The 
 wonder is how men in hi<di office could ever have been 
 
 O 
 
 betrayed into talking in such fashion. If taxes were paid 
 in bone or blood, to divide their sum into the aggregate of 
 blood and bones, might have some reason or sense in it; 
 but there is literally no sense in a bald capitation estimate 
 of fiscal burthens; for the only ingredients of the com- 
 putation worthy of attention or care arc palpably omitted. 
 Taxes are a, deduction not from men's bodies, but from their 
 purses. If their purses are small and nearlv empty, a tax 
 of a rupee may be extortionate ; if their purses are deep 
 and full, the exaction of a .7) note maybe light. If we 
 compare the 50,000,000 of Indian revenue with the 
 72,000,000 of Jiritish revenue, the sole tjuestion worth 
 asking is, how do rise national incomes stand, out of which 
 the two amounts are drawn. All else but this is mere 
 irrelevancy and trilling. What then do we iind ' From 
 the most authentic sources we gather that the total produc- 
 tion of the Indian Kmpire is under :>00.000.0(n> a year:
 
 4oS EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 that of the United Kingdom is about 900,000,000 ster- 
 ling. This would give a taxation of 3s. 4d. in the pound 
 in India, and less than Is. Sd. in the pound in England. 
 The difference, however, between the incidence of the two 
 burthens is enormously increased by the circumstance that 
 nineteen-twentieths of our taxes are annually, monthly, it 
 might almost be said daily re-spent amongst us ; while of 
 the revenues of India a large portion is exported hither 
 to furnish us with extra means of comfort and of luxury. 
 The manure is thus continually withdrawn from eastern 
 fields to enrich the island gardens of the West. It has been 
 variously estimated that, irrespective of interest on debt, 
 six, seven, and even eight millions a year are drawn from 
 India to be spent by Englishmen either there or at home. 
 The process of exhaustion may be slovr, but it is sure. 
 Science, skill, care, invention, may devise means of com- 
 pensation, and when they are applied systematically and 
 permanently, we shall be able to measure their value. But 
 is there any pretence for saying that any attempt of the 
 kind has ever been made, or is efficiently making now ? 
 We have laid the. people? and Princes of India under tribute, 
 and after a century of varied experiments, the only limit of 
 exaction seems to be the physical capacity of the yield. 
 
 Lord .Mayo says plainly, in his minutes and despatches, 
 that the burthen of Imperial taxation has increased, is 
 increasing, and ought to be diminished. In 1850 the. 
 total expenditure amounted to 33,378,020, and that for 
 1870 was 50,782,412, or an increase of more than seven- 
 teen millions sterling. Meanwhile, what is the condition of 
 the mass of the 1 people? ]>y the confession of the latest 
 authority, they are reduced to the lowest point at which 
 existence can be maintained. Penury, with all its attendant 
 privations, when the season is good, and pinching want
 
 TO- DA Y; AND TO-MORROU'1 409 
 
 bordering on destitution when the season is bad, are the 
 only alternatives of the ryot's lot. Even this is not the 
 worst. AVhen, owing to exceptional causes, the harvest fails, 
 the same dreadful consequences follow under our system of 
 so-called civilised rule as used to happen in former times. 
 Xot five years ago six hundred thousand persons perished 
 of starvation within three hundred miles of the capital of 
 Anglo-India. 
 
 Even an increased taxation of 50 per cent, is insufficient 
 to meet the expenditure. In spite of the imposition of an 
 Income Tax, novel, unequalled, and prolific of fraud, con- 
 stantly recurring deficits require to be met by fresh loans. 
 The augmented expenditure, which augmented taxes and 
 loans are raised to meet, consists mainly of outlay upon 
 the army and upon public works. Ever since the Mutiny, 
 the number of ItAiropean troops has been permanently in- 
 creased, and the rise of prices has greatlv swollen the cost 
 of the Commissariat. Encouragement to railways has be- 
 come part of the standing policy of the Government. To 
 stimulate agricultural industry, and to furnish means of 
 cheap transit for goods of bulk, the increase of canals has 
 become a duty still more imperative. Their advantages can 
 hardly lie exaggerated. At a sixth of the cost of iron roads 
 (as iron roads are made in India), water ways can be con- 
 structed, as in the region of the ( lodavarv. that would pay lor 
 their own cost, and diffuse the bles>ings of fertility around 
 them. The growth of cotton has not spread as rapidly as 
 was prognosticated; and the present Oommander-in-Chief 
 is of opinion that, strategically, railways can only be re- 
 garded as valuable so long as they are in our actual posses- 
 sion, while their establishment inevitably dislocates and 
 diminishes the old means of transit, which cannot suddenly 
 be re-organised on an emergency. IV that as it may, all man-
 
 410 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 kind have learned to trade and travel by steam, and the 
 least we can do for the country, whose ancient ways and 
 works of civilisation have been half destroyed in our 
 struggle for ascendancy, is to secure it the mechanical 
 advantages of our own. Canals, if not railways, must be 
 extended, however they have to be made. But com- 
 munities denuded of Native power, dispirited by disappoint- 
 ment, and drained for generations of the accumulations 
 of their industry, cannot be expected to make such works 
 for themselves. We have broken the limbs of enterprise, 
 and we must find it splints and crutches. To some extent 
 this has been done by guarantees of interest given by the 
 Anglo-Indian Treasury for the millions of capital expended 
 on railways. But, when other capital for public works is 
 wanted, the question is, to what account shall this money 
 be charged. Mr Laing set it down as an item in the 
 Capital Account of Empire, arguing justly that it was 
 an expenditure indispensable to political security, and an 
 expenditure which the debilitated and disheartened energies 
 of the country were unable, without grievous detriment, to 
 bear. The Home Government overruled his decision, and 
 sooner than lend himself to a course which, as a statesman, 
 lie had pronounced blundering and oppressive, he resigned. 
 Various expedients have been resorted to in order to choke 
 the gaping deficit, but hitherto without effect. Mr Massey 
 concurred substantially in opinion with Mr Laing; and being 
 unable to induce the Home Government to sanction the 
 framing of his budgets in the- way which he thought equit- 
 able, he sought to vindicate his own consistency by arraying 
 the necessary expenditure in a time of peace against the 
 normal results of taxation, whereby he made both ends 
 meet ; and then, below a black line of warning, added 
 the charge for offices, barracks, and canals, wherefrom
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO.IfOA'A'OJI'/ 411 
 
 arose the deficit to be provided for, either bv borrowing, or 
 by exceptional and oppressive taxation. It is no\v admitted 
 that the outlay of millions on large permanent barracks has 
 been worse than inonev thrown awav. Aggregation, which 
 proves so detrimental in Kuropo, is deadlv in Asia. Not 
 only in Bengal, but in the north-west provinces, these monu- 
 ments of bureaucratic blundering serve onlv to remind the 
 overtaxed community of one kind of jobbing on which their 
 money has been recentlv spent. 'Hie merchants of Bomhav, 
 
 v \. ,7 
 
 in the remarkable protest addressed bv them in .May 1870 
 to the Secretary of State against raising the income-tax to 
 eightpence in the pound, reasonably suggested that "if 
 the charges of constructing extensive public works of a 
 permanent nature were met by terminable loans for iixed 
 periods, instead of being defrayed from the current revenues, 
 one main cause of deficit in the iinances of India would 
 be eliminated.'" .Pmt the recommendation has not been 
 adopted ; and fresh disclosures of the unfair and fraudulent 
 working of the income-tax are made day after day. The 
 bulk of the community, it is true, escape its incidence. 
 Their discontent is secured bv the heavvdutyon salt, which 
 can onlv be evaded bv the pcasantrv who are fortunate 
 enough to live near the sea, or the works where this indis- 
 pensable element of life is manufactured; the former boil 
 their rice in sea-water, and the latter mingle with it portions 
 of the mud that has become saturated with saline particles. 1 
 The lUike of Argvll in 1M>'J pressed upon the attention of 
 
 and Kurd .Mayo, in language equally earnot, acknowledged 
 the expediency "f militarv retrenchment. Pre-eminent h* 
 responsible lor the peace and safety oi the vast depend- 
 encies committed to his charge, he avows that, even were 
 
 1 R-.-li.rt .-ft I' '::. ; >:!y Ass. ' !i -7'>.
 
 412 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 the embarrassments of the Exchequer less urgent, we should 
 not be justified " in spending one shilling more upon our 
 army than can be shown to be absolutely and imperatively 
 necessary. There are considerations of a far higher nature 
 involved in this matter than the annual exigencies of finance, 
 or the interests of those who are employed in the military 
 service of the Crown. Every shillinq; that is taken for un- 
 
 / o 
 
 necessary military expenditure, is so much withdrawn from 
 those vast sums which it is our duty to spend for the moral 
 and material improvement of the people." But what are 
 vast armies maintained for in a country so circumstanced ? 
 Danger from without there is none that, with the advantages 
 
 *- > O 
 
 of railways and telegraphs, half the number of troops now 
 kept under arms would not be al >le to repel. But if danger 
 be from within, is it not time that Parliament should con- 
 sider whether the engrossment of Indian patronage in alien 
 hands, and the exclusion of princes, nobles, traders, and land- 
 owners from all substantial share in the government of their 
 country, is not a national error and a national wrong, that 
 sooner or later may cost us very dear. 
 
 The key of the position is in the public purse. Until 
 it is taken in hand and firmly held by Parliament, the 
 prison doors of India's progress will never be unlocked. 
 ^Misrule cannot exist without an overgrown army, and 
 wasteful military expenditure cannot live but by misrule. 
 From first to last the policy of conquest and confiscation has 
 implied and required not only an amount of force which 
 good government would not have wanted, but an amount 
 of jobbing, under the name and pretence of military expendi- 
 ture, which good government would under no circumstances 
 have needed or allowed. TVholly apart from the enormous 
 drain upon the profits of Indian industry, in the form of 
 emoluments hoarded and husbanded for private use at home,
 
 TO -DA Y; AND TO-MORR OWl 413 
 
 the resources of the. country have systematically been ex- 
 hausted for the pay and keep of an excessive military estab- 
 lishment, of which a great portion lias at nil times been 
 European. Fifteen years after the suppression of the last 
 revolt, the standing army employed in keeping India down 
 costs 10,500,000, a vast increase as compared with the 
 period previous to the Mutiny, and the whole of the increase 
 being upon European men, equipment, and stores. Lord 
 Mayo, endeavouring to meet the suggestions of the 
 Secretary of State, proposed to reduce the number of 
 native troops to the extent of 7000 or 8000 men, thereby 
 to effect a saving of .640,000 a-year ; but he admitted 
 that "serious opposition" was likely to be offered to 
 measures of economy by tin. 1 military authorities of the 
 Government; and unless he received the most complete, 
 prompt, and vigorous support from the Home Government, 
 In 1 feared "his efforts would be ineffectual." The entire 
 force may be set down at -00,000 men, one-third being 
 British. Two years and a half were consumed in discus- 
 sions as to how even this moderate change was tube effected. 
 The correspondence discloses the existence of anxieties 
 entertained in the highest cjuarters, which it would be inex- 
 cusable for the Legislature to disregard. Lord Lawrence and 
 Sir W. Mansfield were of opinion in. 18(58 that no reduction 
 of the standing force could be safe] v attempted. Tin.' present 
 ( 'ommander-in-Cliief imeijuivocally concurs in the same view. 
 "Our whole experience of India, he says, " shou d warn us 
 that we cannot alwavs depend upon tranquillity; -that dis- 
 turbances arise when tliev are least expected : and when thev 
 commence at one point, unless immediately checked, they are 
 sure to be followed at othi rs. There are considerable forces 
 under native chiefs who mav be individuallv friendly, but 
 whose troops ran never be relied on nut to jiii 
 
 1 Miiiiitv. lUih September LVT".
 
 414 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 He proceeds to enumerate the quarters in which future 
 collision might possibly arise, unreservedly pointing to the 
 greater Native States who in 1857 remained faithful. 
 
 In the controversy of thirty years carried- on between 
 the partiscHns of annexation by right of lapse, and the de- 
 fenders of local independence under the form of adopted 
 heirship, hardly a word is said of the people's wishes in 
 the matter. Parenthetically their feelings are sometimes 
 glanced at by Sir Charles Metcalfe, Mr Frere, and Colonel 
 Sutherland ; threateningly they are noticed as adverse, and 
 liable to become dangerous, by Sir Claude AVade. But even 
 these clear-sighted and true-hearted advocates of the wiser 
 and the juster ways of rule felt themselves restrained by the 
 prevalence of opposite ideas among their superiors in office, 
 and still more among their equals and associates in the 
 service, from urging too openly or too often considerations 
 which they knew would be sneered at as sentimental, and 
 laughed at as weak and fantastic. An honest man placed 
 in the trying position where he would fain ward off in- 
 justice from the weak, and at the same time save the 
 honour of his country from the stain of sordid wrong, and 
 who is conscious that, failing to dissuade those above him 
 in authority from the evil course contemplated, he will 
 himself be called upon to be its instrument, or to give way 
 to a successor less -scrupulous than himself, an upright 
 and honest man in such a case may well lie pardoned if he 
 fears to embody in a formal report sentiments of indig- 
 nation and grief, which in his private confidence may over- 
 flow. To his doctrinaire chief in power, he feels that it were 
 worse than useless to appeal on grounds of magnanimity 
 or expediency. All his weight with him, and all his chance 
 of leave to throw that weight into the scale- while yet it 
 wavers, depends upon his retaining some measure of respect
 
 TO-DAY; AND TO-MORROW I 415 
 
 with the short-sighted. He must gulp down each rising 
 suggestion of immediate pity or of remote poliev, lest the 
 ruling spirits, inflamed l>y such remonstrance, should exclaim, 
 "What have we, to do with thee ? art thou come to torment 
 us with misgivings before the time?" with presages of 
 calamity that may prove but rhodomontade, and which sound 
 like men 1 romance { Many a worthy English official has 
 had to gnaw his heart out with vexation at finding himself 
 placed in a position of this kind; a position which he 
 knows not how to justifv thoroughly to himself, and yet 
 which it may seem cowardice and selfishness to abandon. 
 The consequences of the hand to mouth impolicy of fiscal 
 exaction and territorial encroachment, weigh upon his pen 
 and tongue bv day, and trouble his sleep by night. The 
 field committed to his care, which he would have sown 
 with the seeds of contentment, confidence, and gratitude, 
 lie sees doomed to bring forth suspicion, anger, hatred, and 
 tin 1 mute looking for a dav of restitution. And his grief, 
 if he be a. true man, true to the honour of his race, his 
 creed and his countrv, is that his hand should, in spite of 
 himself, be used, to withhold the good, and to scatter broad- 
 cast the pestiferous, seed. 
 
 This may in some degree account for the silence, too 
 seldom broken throughout the Annexation controversy, re- 
 U'ardinv; its aspect in the eves of the millions whose interests 
 are compromised therehv. Kveii jurists and critics, writing 
 independently on the subject in England, seem prone to 
 fall into the same train of thought as their countrymen oil 
 the banks of the ( langes and the Indus \\ e have had able 
 argument- in maintenance oi the rigln of Adopt ion. and subtle 
 pleadings in favour of it^ disallowance; both have mamlv 
 turned upon the conflict between supreme and >ub..rdii 
 uuthoritv ; nearlv every argument on the one -j
 
 416 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 nakedly arrayed on behalf of the maintenance and exten- 
 sion of British rule ; and nearly every argument on the 
 other has been in deprecation of the hardship and injustice to 
 Mohammedan Nawabs or Hindu Kaiahs. Yet, even for the 
 
 *J ' 
 
 sake of the unhappy Princes who have been despoiled, or of 
 those who, in their secluded palaces, listen tremblingly for 
 the footfall of the spoiler, it would seem a hopeless task 
 to plead for restitution, or lasting re-assurance, on grounds 
 like these. Where or when, in the history of conquest, 
 from the days of Cyrus or Scipio, has the rein been drawn 
 at the undefended gate of dependant royalty ? Tell the 
 aggressor to beware of ambush ; tell him there is a mine 
 that may be fired ; tell him of untameable tribes fanatically 
 vowed to vengeance ; tell him of snows to be traversed in 
 retreat, of wells that may be poisoned, or communications 
 that may be cut off; paint, in a word, the imprudence of 
 being pitiless; and ^Native princes may get breathing 
 time, if they be not saved eventually from ruin. But the 
 tale of acquisition in the East is full of warnings, that no 
 fidelity to our cause, and no obvious inability to resist our 
 paramount sway, can afford any assurance against de- 
 thronement and denudition. Forty years long did Scindia, 
 the Xizam, and the King of Oude, adhere unswervingly to 
 the side of English ascendancy; and all that time they 
 were honoured (or humoured) with recognition, as staunch 
 and faithful allies are ever entitled to be; nevertheless, we 
 have seen the dominions of <ne absolutely annexed, those 
 of another partitioned, and the question seriously debated 
 respecting all who are situated like the third, whether 
 immemorial customs and traditions, regarding the law of 
 inheritance, should not be set aside, in order that their 
 lands and subjects should be summarily transferred to the 
 care of a foreign satrap.
 
 TO-DAY; AXD TO-MORRO\\' I 417 
 
 The dangerous prevalence of discontent is confessed by 
 the Commander-in-Chief and by the Governor-General in 
 terms so grave, that the Secretary of State lias felt it to be 
 his duty to lay them before, Parliament for its information 
 and admonition. Simultaneously with the, disclosure, 
 tidings have come of tragic events, which public, conjecture 
 ascribes to the plotting* of those who desire to turn Moslem 
 grudge, and grievance to seditious account. ])r Hunter, 
 who has made the subject his especial study, undertakes to 
 tell us how the Wahabee conspiracy arose, how it has con- 
 tinued to exist, and how its ramifications spread over dis- 
 similar and distant regions, feeding and growing upon the 
 fruits of our misrule. 1 Some of his statements are said to 
 be exaggerated, and some of his inferences to be too sweep- 
 ing, by the wiser and wealthier sort, who have much to 
 hazard, and. nothing to hope, from insurrection. 
 
 Speaking generally of the present generation of .Mussul- 
 mans in India-, Colonel Na>sau Lees states his belief that 
 they are "quite prepared to accept the supremacy of the 
 English as an evil which must be endured, because it 
 cannot be cured. They are prepared to live as peaceably 
 and contentedly under P>ril ish rule as they would under any 
 ^Mohammedan (iovernment they are likely to see established 
 on its ruins, provided thev are considerately treated, and 
 wiselv and well governed. 
 
 I'.ut are they so ( The President of the Mussulman 
 College at ('alcutta answers tie question fearlessly in the 
 negative. Instead of trving to make them j'.-,-! thai our 
 rule, as regards education and the protection of mdivn ual 
 rights, is better than That which it >upplant< d. we iave
 
 4i 8 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 so acted as to make it difficult for the most loyally- 
 disposed to defend us from the reproaches of their fellow- 
 believers, and ignominious to try. Instead of furnishing 
 them with the arguments in favour of submission, which 
 can be founded only on appeals to a conciliatory and 
 consistent policy, our course has been unstable, unequal, 
 and unfair. While our growing power was weak, we 
 affected the utmost deference for the Mogul, and the 
 utmost regard for his authority. Even when we bought, 
 beguiled, or bullied our way into the position of his Lieu- 
 tenants, we affected to acknowledge the superiority of 
 believers in the one true God above the worshippers of 
 Seva and Vishnu. When all political disguise had been 
 thrown off, and our claim to ascendancy was concealed no 
 longer, we still continued to reiterate incessantly the pledge, 
 that no man should have cause to fear disfavour or molesta- 
 tion on account of his religion, and that under the suzerainty 
 of England, all races should be made to feel themselves 
 equal. Of late years a different policy has been systemati- 
 cally adopted. The descendants of the once dominant 
 minority find themselves the objects of peculiar and 
 differential distrust. Whatever may have been done to 
 conciliate the Hindus and Sikhs, nothing has been sincerely 
 or intelligently attempted to appease the old grudge of the 
 Mussulmans, while many new grievances have arisen, of 
 which they have been suffered to complain without any 
 prospect of obtaining redress. In JVngal, says Colonel 
 Lees, their discontent is rather our fault than their own. 
 For there " it is certainly due mainly to those unjust and 
 iniquitous proceedings of early Indian Government, which 
 made landlords out of Hindu collectors of revenue, and 
 finally crystallised the injustice thus done to the. community 
 in general, and the Mohammedan portion of it in particular,
 
 TO- DA V; AND TO-M ORR OW1 419 
 
 by that gigantic blunder. The perpetual settlement placed 
 the whole of India under unequal and unjust contribution." 
 
 But throughout India grievances of more recent date 
 furnish the fanatical Wahabees with never-failing themes 
 of taunt and adjuration to aid their plots and preparations 
 for a Holy War. 
 
 They object that the Inam Commission unjustly de- 
 prived many of them of the lands granted to them by the 
 Mohammedan Sovereigns of India. 
 
 That the appointment of Cazi and Government Moham- 
 medan Law Officers, has been abolished, whereby they have 
 been deprived of the benefit of properly constituted autho- 
 rities to perform and register many of their civil rights. 
 
 That funds left by charitable and pious Moslems, for 
 educational purposes, have been taken from them ; and 
 religious bequests (luatcf), or funds left to be devoted to 
 the ' ; Service of God," have been misapplied by Government, 
 which is the self-appointed trustee for their proper ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 That they have been elbowed out of almost all 
 Government appointments by Hindus, and no cildrts are 
 made by Government to rectify this injustice, or to better 
 their prospects. 
 
 That no offices under Government are open to Mus- 
 sulmans learned in their own sciences, laws, literature, and 
 languages; that, consequently, learning and learned men 
 have disappeared, and their community is left in darkness; 
 while the Government system of education is such that 
 they cannot accept it, and retain the respect of their co- 
 religionists, if even thev may remain good Moslems. 
 
 lint it is time to bring this narrative to a close. 
 The words of .Mr Bright, uttered twelve years ago, ; nv 
 still apt and true. " The question a.-sumes every year a
 
 420 EMPIRE IN ASIA. 
 
 greater magnitude and a greater peril. We have what we 
 have had for twenty years deficit on deficit, and debt on 
 debt. Some day or other it will find us out, or we shall find 
 it out. . . . What we are now meeting is the natural and 
 inevitable consequence of the folly we have committed. . . . 
 But take India as it is, the Empire as it stands, and see if 
 it is not possible to do something better with it than 
 you have done before." It will, of course, be said that 
 the task is difficult : it is indeed so difficult that there is 
 not a day to lose in setting about it ; for if Empire in Asia 
 is to be preserved, the thing has to be done, and that ere 
 long. To Mr Fawcett is due the credit of having made an 
 excellent beginning in the appointment of the Select Com- 
 mittee on Indian Finance. The interest with which its 
 proceedings are regarded by all intelligent and reflecting 
 persons in the great centres of Eastern activity, is a good 
 omen of the practical and business-like temper of the time. 
 The past is irrevocable. But the shaping of India's destiny 
 in the future is still within our power. 
 
 1 Mr Bright, Debate on the Indian Budget, August 1, Ib.VJ.
 
 [ N D E X. 
 
 Adawluts, Sudder and Xizamut, ''7. 
 Adorn, battle of, 147. 
 Adoption, riglit of, I'M]. 
 
 Afghanistan, ;uo-P!. oi 5. .S20, ;r,o. 
 
 Agnew, Mr Vans, ;{;;8, '.Y.VJ. 
 
 Ahalya, KKM05. 
 
 Ahmedabad, settlement at, 1 I. 
 
 Akhar Khan. :i!4. ;!15. 
 
 Alivcrdy Khan, 2:> ; spirited conduct of, 
 
 24.".. 
 
 Ainbition, Kniclish, 57. 
 AinhiTst. Lord, 2'j:!, 2 ( .)4. 
 Ainyatt. Mr, 4!>. 
 Anderson, Lieutenant, :!."S, :!.'!'.!. 
 Annexation, completed, of Iin!i;i to the 
 
 British crown, 41, ,'>'. i.'5. .".'.'I. 
 Anund Pao, ".75. 
 Anstruther, .!., on international justice, 
 
 Io3. 
 
 Appa Sail) Bhonsla, 2S7. ^ '>"'. :'.l'i7. 
 Appeal, proposal to fleet a tribunal of, to 
 
 try Indian issues. ,'Jlti', 401. 
 Areot, 2U. _"_'. iTill ; Nawal) of, 1 ('-', ?>7*. :>7'J. 
 Argyll, Duke of. opiniun of. mi the pu-M-ni 
 
 tiiiancial situation. 411. 41'J. 
 Army, Imlian, its cost anil stren^rh. Ill, 
 
 ill' ; proposals to reducr. 4PJ. 4i:i. 
 Ashley, Lord, speech of. :i:;i). 
 Asia. SMUtlaTii. states of, in line''.'" \\"al- 
 
 p-le and the elder Pitt, o. 
 Asupll-lll-] )n\vla. Pl(j J)>. 
 Atkinson, 1!., li','_'. 
 Attache-Extratirdinary, i' 1 '^'. 
 Auckland, Lord. :JOS, :)10, ."IS, ;505 ; Lord 
 
 IJroiiLjhaiu on, M'i7. 
 Aurunir/elie, P! ; irrnndson of. lii; disin- 
 
 te_'r;ition of dominions of, 17: KMi. 
 Authority, jiarainount. iissiiDijili'Hi "f, by 
 
 ( lovi ninieiit . X L'. 
 A v;i, Kiim- of, :;."i7. 
 A /.iin .lair. ::7*. ::7'.'. 
 
 PAII.I.IK'S cor]is. Pi:'. I-'id. 
 
 Jiaji Pao II., I'll. L'43.L'N7-8!>. 
 Hankers, the native, of India, .",7 
 liarnnialial. 14'J. 14:'.. I'.M), in]. 
 Harlow. Sir S.. _'(',(!. L'I '.'_'. 
 Parweli, Mr. Si. P. 1 :.. 
 
 i . tr.-atv i.f, LM-J. -i::. ^i". 
 
 Jatavia, 260. 
 
 ieckford, Alderman, motion of, 60. 
 
 leerbhoom, Kajah of, 7ti. 
 
 Jell, Major K, .7J!>. 
 
 lenares, treaty of, 11!), 121 ; 1:11. Plo. 
 
 Jen field, Paul, 102. 
 
 lenual, the chiefs of, jealousy of and rup- 
 ture with the Company, 14 : the Nawab 
 of, 14 ; Mohammedanism in, 17 ; the 
 Xawab-Xazim of, IS. ;;">. ',} l > native 
 irovevnmeiits of, M7 : famine, pestilence, 
 and destitution in 170S, and its conse- 
 quences, 7M-77 ; hard exactions in, 7 s ; 
 affairs of Company in. S'.i ; 2:17. ; '7I'. 
 
 Jun.Lralis, the. 74. 
 
 Juntinck, Lord W.. S ; (jiiaker simplicity, 
 2 ( .'4 ; appointment to governor-general- 
 ship, 2Hi> ; qtialitications. 2'.i7 : abolition 
 of Suttee, 2'.'7, 2! IS ; lesions of bis admin - 
 istration, 2'.i'.i ; and Cooiv, :5dO; sever.- 
 regime. Mill :'. ; distrust of a free, press. 
 :Ki:i ; liis most important reform. .".(14 : mi 
 the native army. .".05; results of Admin- 
 istration, .'!(.)."), :iO(i ; on interpo.sitioii in 
 the ati'airs of ( hide, .".'.Ml. :','.1. 
 er.tr, Rajah of. 272; cotton district* of, 
 annexation of, :'.So. 
 hawalpore, liajah of, ,":12. 
 ill, a, of costs, ",r., ."7. 
 ill. India, of the Coalition of 17>:1. 155. 
 15(1 ; .f Pitt, 157-5H. 1C,S. 
 ishenpore, Itajah uf, 7ii. 
 i>hop, tlrst. 271 >. 
 1 Slack Hole'' of C'alcutta. 2S. 
 ookkee]iing by double entry. 2s. 
 ombay, 1M. Is:; ; jiresidency of. 2:12 : mei 
 ehants of, 411. 
 ourilininais, I.e. 20. 
 
 oui boll, I-le of. 2o5. 
 
 rahmins. and Mol.:, n i. 17. 
 
 ! ii el \ . 25. 
 
 i-i-ht'. Mr. ",1'2. 12D; <ni Imiia. IP'. 42<). 
 
 ulwunt sin_i!. 1 :;4. 
 
 urko. I-! i:;,;;:.' i. s ; vii ws of. i 1. 72 ; nvt-r- 
 
 tiveiies-, 7> : i il'ei \-. >- ; on X;:i 
 e, mar's death. 127. 12- ; '] Id; - : Sir P. 
 
 1C.7. ll!S ; inll c!ili. ( nl :' Ha-til L : S H '-
 
 422 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 CALCUTTA, 16 ; panic at, 20-28 ; 37, 39, 41, 
 75, 94. 
 
 Calicut, settlement at, 12. 
 
 Cambay, settlement at, 11. 
 
 Canning, Mr, 295. 
 
 Canning, Lord, on maintenance of native 
 states, 358 ; adoption minute of, 395 ; 
 annexation of Dhar, 395 ; and Lord 
 Stanley, 390 : and the smaller States, 
 397. ' 
 
 Canora, Colonel, 340. 
 
 Carnatic, the, 20, 22, 27, 42, 148, 102, 227, 
 232 ; Nawah of, 209-270 ; 378. 
 
 Cartier, Mr, 60, 73. 
 
 Castlereagh, Lord, and the colonies, 7 ; 
 239. 
 
 Catherine's, Princess, marriage portion, 13. 
 
 Champion, Colonel, 119-120. 
 
 Chandernagore, French settlement at, 20, 
 33. 
 
 Charles II., 13. 
 
 Chatham, Lord, 7; and colonial possessions, 
 7 ; and the E. I. Company, 69 ; under- 
 stood programme in regard to India, 69, 
 70 ; on Sir P. Francis, 158. 
 
 Cheytc Singh, 134-138, 154, 171. 
 
 Chilliamvalla, 349. 
 
 Chiswick, Uncle, 80. 
 
 Chittagong, 15,40, 49. 
 
 Chunda Sahib, 20, 22. 
 
 Chuttanatti, settlement at, 10. 
 
 Chuttur Singh, 344-348. 
 
 Circars, Five, 141. 
 
 Classes in India, relation of, to the soil, 
 108, 109. 
 
 Clavering, Genera], 83, 114, 121, 123, 127, 
 130, I:;.",. 
 
 ('live, Itobcrt, character and antecedents 
 of, 21 ; expedition to recapture Bengal, 
 29 ; treaty with Suraja Dowla, 29 ; ac- 
 count of the runaway council, 30 ; pro- 
 posal to destroy the French settlement 
 at Chandernagove, 31, 32 ; dominant in- 
 fluence in the cormcil, 33 ; perfidy of, 
 '>5 ; lull of costs, 30 ; moderation, 37 ; 
 dishonesty, M9 ; a new dignity, 42 ; 
 letter to Pitt, 42 ; return home, re- 
 wards, and peerage ; Mir Jaffir's legacy 
 to, 44, 5:5; political influence, 50; ap- 
 pointment as general-in-chief of the 
 forces in Asia, 57 ; letter to Mr House, 
 57 ; arrival in Calcutta, 59 ; effect' on, of 
 a tropical sun, 04 ; and the Directors, 
 05 ; impeachment, 78 ; suicide, 79 ; and 
 Hastings, 87, 91, 92, 117. 
 
 ('lose, Colonel, 250. 
 
 < 'obden, 8; on Burmese war, 350. 
 
 Colebrooke, Sir O., 79. 
 
 Committee, select, 59. 
 
 ('ominous, House of, and the Company, 
 09. 
 
 Company, Fast India, first charter, 11 ; 
 original aims, 11; first settlement, 11, 
 12 ; lirst grant of jurisdiction, 12 ; com- 
 mercial intolerance and cruelties, 12 ; 
 first eighty years of, 13; "abject" sub- 
 missiveiiess of, 13 ; rupture with chiefs 
 of Bengal, 14; first attempt at aggression, 
 15; aims of territorial acquisition, 15; 
 insidious doings, 16; first grant of a 
 
 jaghire, 16 ; grant of new powers to, 19 ; 
 Suraja Dowla's opinion of, 33 ; 39 ; ex- 
 tortion of the servants of, 47 ; treaty 
 with Mir Jaffir, 49, 50; cheated by its 
 servants, 56 ; farmers-general of the 
 revenues of Orissa, Behar, and Bengal, 
 GO ; taxed by Parliament, 70 ; conduct 
 of, towards Hyder Ali, 145, 140, 152 ; 
 impolicy in regard to conquest, 220 ; dis- 
 solution of, 393. 
 
 Condore, battle of, 42. 
 
 Conscience, a troubled, 77. 
 
 Control, Board of, 159, 100, 162, 165, 203, 
 231, 251. 
 
 Coorg, 192, 193 ; annexation of, 300. 
 
 Coote, Sir E., 151. 
 
 Cornwallis, Lord, 8, 139; 153, 174, 185, 
 191, 193, 195; on Bengal, 197; on 
 the conquest frenzy, 252 ; return to 
 India, 252 ; embarrassments, 253 ; policy 
 of, 255 ; regrets, 250 ; opinions as to 
 empire in India, 257 ; conference with 
 Wellesley, 259; death, 200. 
 
 Cosimbuzar, factory at, 15, 25, 26, 27. 
 
 Council, Calcutta, "27, 30. 33, 34, 35, 30, 
 38, 41, 44, 45, 40, 50, 59, 02 ; (AVarreu 
 Hasting's,) 83, 114, 115, 121-124, 127. 
 
 Court, a phantom, 170, 177. 
 
 Courts, supreme, native judges in, 405. 
 
 Crisis of 1857, 397. 
 
 Crown, paramount power of, 358, 359 ; 
 lapse to the, 359, 3ti2. 
 
 Custom dues, and the Company's servants, 
 47, 49, 58. 
 
 DALHOUSIE, LOUD, arrival, 330 ; embar- 
 rassments, 340 ; annexation of Punjab, 
 
 340, 350; and Pegu, 353, 355; policy 
 of appropriation, 362 ; 368, 370, 374, 375, 
 377, 378, 379, 383 ; and the Nawab of 
 Bengal, 383, 384 ; and the Nizam, 3S5 ; 
 and Oude, 386-390 ; and Mysore, 398. 
 
 Dcccan, the French in, 20, 23 ; musnud 
 
 of, 141. 
 Delhi, and its court, 10; first English 
 
 embassy to, 11 ; 12, 13, 18, 19, 25, 32, 
 
 60 ; durbar, 61 ; court of, 98, 99, 105, 
 
 106, 291, 292. 
 
 Despotism, Indian, not exceptional, 103. 
 Devecotah, fort and jaghire, 20, 21. 
 "Devil's brother," the, 332. 
 Dewan, the, of Uengal, 00. 
 Dewanny, gift of, 53, 00, (51, 02 ; 197-98, 
 
 204. 
 Dhar, and its rajah, 394-390 ; "plunder," 
 
 397. 
 Dhnlecp, Singh, 330, 332, 333, 334, 336, 
 
 341, 343, 350-53. 
 
 Directors, court of, 26, 43, 50, 03, 65, 79, 
 82, 90, 154, 155, 159, 160, 164, 165, 251, 
 363-64, 389. 
 
 Doctrine, the, of lapse to the crown, 283. 
 
 Dost Mahommed, 310-15, 341, 349. 
 
 Dowlat lino Scindia. 283-84. 
 
 Dundas, Mr, 154, 102, 163, 171, 172, 175. 
 
 Dupleix, 19, 20, 22; wife of, 19. 
 
 Dutch, the, in India, 2; successful 
 strugule with the Portuguese, 10; 11, 
 12 ; and English, 30 ; 140, 189.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 423 
 
 EmvAHDEs, Sir H., MM!), M40, M4M, M4S. 
 
 Effrontery, solemn, of thn Calcutta Council, 
 62. 
 
 Ek-Clvnsm-ul-Dowla, 201. 
 
 Ellenborough, Lord, M15, M10, M22, M20. M27, 
 .T29. 
 
 F.lliott, Sir Gilbert, 20M. 
 
 Ellis, Mr, -JS, .('.I. 
 
 Elphinstone. < ifiii nil, M1M-15. 
 
 English, thi. 1 , in India, arrival and first out- 
 look* of, 2, '.\ ; their inveterate hist of 
 conquest and territorial acquisition, 6; 
 settlements of. at Surat , Camliay, Alime- 
 dabad, 1 1 ; at Calicut and Masulipatam, 
 12 ; prowess in the defence of Surat, 13; 
 at Madras, 18 ; at Calcutta, 19, 25. 
 
 Expenditure, excessive, 400. 
 
 Experiment, an, MM5. 
 
 FAWCKTT, Mr, 420. 
 
 Finances, Indian, under Hastings, 100. 
 
 Fordo, Colonel, 41. 42. 
 
 Forgery, crime of, in India, 12(i. 
 
 Fowke and Bristowe, 1M1, 1M2. 
 
 Fox, J. C., on arbitrary rule, 1 ; S, 155, 101, 
 107, 108, 171, 17M. 
 
 Francis. Sir]'.. SM, 114. 121. 12M. 124, 127, 
 1MO-1MM; speech of. 157, 15S. 1(57, 174, 175. 
 
 France, 2111 ; fear of, 212 ; 210. 
 
 French, the, in India, arrival and first out- 
 looks of, 2; ambitious views of, 10 ; 
 struggle of. with English, ID, 21 ; conees- 
 sion for peace, 22 ; in the Carnatic, 2M ; 
 vigorous action against the English. 20 ; 
 conduct of, towards the English in Cal- 
 cutta. .'11 ; at ( 'handernagore. Ml. MM. M4, 
 140, 217 ; powerlessness of, 218. 
 
 Fuller, Mr,' motion of, 70. 
 
 Fyzoola Khan, 120. 
 
 JAMA, Vnsco do, D. 10. 
 iaine, a, not worth the candle, 2M1. 
 M'ntlenieii in the political line. 25M. 
 K-orge 11., Ml). 
 
 ieorgc 111. and ('live, 4M; and Lord Hills- 
 borough. SM : 15(i. ISO. 
 leriah, battle al, -ID. 
 iwalior, M'.i5 ; Maharanee of, M27, M2!). 
 Hencoe. Massacre of, 27. 
 rnlab Singh, MMM, M47, M5M. 
 .'oodias. !(). 
 iuojerat, M4D. 
 
 ioorkhas. war with the, 274, 270. 
 ;ough, Sir II., M2S, M40, M4!. 
 rovernmeiiT. new attempt at, 00, 08 ; end 
 
 of "double" in India. M'.I2, MDM. 
 Governments, separate, of Bombay, Madras, 
 Calcutta, SI ; the native. DI), 100 ; Mo- 
 hammedan and Hindoo, KM). 
 Governor-( General, first, and his colleagues. 
 
 SM. 
 
 ( Jovindpur settlement, 10. 
 Cirafton, Duke of, on Indian reform, 0'.). 
 
 IlAFI/. Italnm t, 11!). 
 llardingr-. Lord, M2'.l, ..:'.1 
 llarri.-, Liencral, 221, 22: 
 
 Hastings, Warren, 27, 75 ; character of, SO; 
 appointment as first Governor-General, 
 
 8M, 84 : antecedents, 85 ; a Grecian, and 
 something more, NO ; a spy under Clivv, 
 88; literary ambitions and 1 )r .Johnson; 
 88; meanness and muniticence of, S'.t ; 
 marriage, DO; at Madras. Dl; at ( 'alcutta, 
 01; counsel to the Directors, D4; and 
 Anglo-Indian jurisprudence, 1 !'_'. 11M; 
 object of his diplomacy, 114; and the 
 Vizier of Oude, 115, US; and treaty of 
 Benares, 121: and his colleagues, 121: com- 
 plaints against, 122; letter to Lord North, 
 12M ; tried and convicted by his col- 
 leagues, 125 ; and Nuneomar, 125, 120 ; 
 tenders resignation and then with- 
 draws it, 1 .'SO; unnatural compact-, with 
 Asuph-ul-Dowla, 1M7; condemnation and 
 demand for recall of, 151; and the 
 Mahratta war, 150 ; proposition of a 
 peerage to, 10M ; resignation, 104 ; letter 
 to directors, 104 ; administration. 105 ; 
 return, 107 ; impeachment, 107; defence, 
 170; Sheridan's estimate of. L7M ; arraign- 
 ment in "Westminster Hall, 175, 177; 
 acquittal, 181. 
 
 Hastings, Lord, on the licmi \ilrnl of rule, 
 in India, 278 ; and Vizier of (hide, MSS. 
 
 Hastings, Marquis of. Sic Lord Moira. 
 
 Hastings, Mrs. 104. 107. 
 
 Herat, siege of, M10. 
 
 Hindustan, people of, 10 : beirinnin; of 
 conquest of, 21 ; secret of conquest of, 
 L'2 1 . 
 
 llolkar. 2MD-41. 214, 24!), 250, 200, 201 
 272, 277. 27S, 2SS. 
 
 Holwell, M"r, 27 ; memorial of, 45. 40. 
 
 Hooghly, the first settlements on, 10, 20; 
 Phonsdar of, 122. 
 
 Hunter. I)r, quotation from. 00. 
 
 Hurry I'lint, interrogatory of. 254. 
 
 Hyderabad. 14M. 210; treasury of, M20. 
 
 Hyder Ali, 105, 142-151. 
 
 IMITOFF, Baroti and Baroness, 89, DO, 1MO. 
 
 Imbecility, otticial. 414, 415. 
 
 Impey, Elijah, 80, 11M. lL'7, 1M7, i:'>8, 154, 
 174, 1S-J, ISM. 
 
 India in lilOO, in relation to Europe, 1 ; 
 effects on, of doubling the Cape, 2; 
 present extent and population. .".. 4 ; 
 present political condition contrasted 
 with its past, in the days of \Valpnie. 
 and the elder 1'itt. M, 4 ; completed sub- 
 jugation of to British sway, 4 ; M'.'M. M'.'l ; 
 lirst voyage, by the Cape, ! ; Sin;:ii> m. 
 17 ; secret of conquest of, 22 ; bankers of, 
 M7, MS ; not a mine of fabulous wealth, 
 41 ; a new Ml Dorado. 5M. 54: turnin-- 
 point in the fortunes of, 01 ; stock. .".'I, 
 O'S S'J : eeonomy, 200; complete pacifi- 
 cation, MMO. 
 
 JAMFS I.. 11. 
 rlehangir, 1 1 . 2V. 2'.' 1 '. 
 .leswunt Ah' e Uao. .".7il " 
 .1 hansi. aniiexatii >n of. .">7 
 loan ot" Aic. an Indian, M
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Johnson, Dr, and Hastings, SS. 
 
 Judicature, high court of, 82, 83, 113, 125. 
 
 Jugget Seit, 37, 38. 
 
 Juggett Singh, 253. 
 
 Jullindhur Doab, 333. 
 
 Junius, 115, 132. 
 
 Jury system, 111. 
 
 Justice, local administration of, 403-405. 
 
 KAZI of Khairpur, 318. 
 
 Koane, Sir J. , 312, 313. 
 
 Kerowli, 308, 3G9. 
 
 Klialsa army, 332, 333 ; final rout, 349. 
 
 Khan Singh, 33S. 
 
 Koh-i-nor, the, 352. 
 
 Kurnool, Nawab of, 273. 
 
 Kurrachee, port of, 321. 
 
 LAHOKK, treaty with, 202 ; court of, 333 ; 
 Resident of, 334, 335, 337, 340-342 ; Bri- 
 tish at, 337. 
 
 Lake, Lord, 24S, 257, 258, 2GO, 201. 
 
 Lally, 42. 
 
 Lambert, Commodore, 354. 
 
 Land, its distribution and owners in Ben- 
 gal, 198 ; revenue and its collection, 
 "19X, l'J9; tenure, 2U1-3 ; settlement, 
 2i 15-8. 
 
 Lawrence, Sir II., 351, 390. 
 
 Lawrence, Sir J. , 398. 
 
 Leadenhall Street in 1872, 82 ; delight at, 
 91, 159, 190, 231, 232 ; and conquest, 
 237, 238. 
 
 Lues, Colonel Nassau, 417. 
 
 Lucknow, court of, 19. 
 
 Luckslum Bai, 375, 370. 
 
 Lustof ChristianEurope, 1,2; of England, 0. 
 
 MACARTNEY, Lord, 152. 
 
 Macaulay, Lord, on war of sheep against 
 wolves, 40; 114. 127. 3i>7. 
 
 Macnaghten, Sir W., 313. 314. 
 
 Madras, authorities at, 20, 21 ; siege of, 
 42; Hastings at, 89, 91; 141, 190; gar- 
 rison of, 145 ; 225. 
 
 Maharanee Banka IJaee, 370, 371. 
 
 Ma he. siege and surrender of. 147, 148. 
 
 Mahomed' Re/a Khan, 5S, 9li, 9.,, 95, 90, 
 IOC), 124. 
 
 Mahrattas, the, IS, 59, TOO, 110, 118,132, 
 133, 143, 144-140, ]52. ISO, 191, 193, 
 217, 227, 239, 240, 245 ; war with the. 
 cntiisf/cl/i, 245, 247 ; its objects, 247 ; its 
 termination, 248, 250 ; 277, 282, 285, 327, 
 328. 
 
 Mahratta princes, the. 309. 
 
 Malartic, M., 217, 21 8. 221, 223. 
 
 Malcolm, Sir Jo., comparative estimate of 
 Kuropo and India, 9 ; 20, 1< '8-111. 
 
 " Man, the glorious little,"' 25S. 
 
 Mangalore. treaty of, IS/. 190. 
 
 Mansel, Mr, advice of, 309, 370. 
 
 Masulipatam. 12. 42. 141. 
 
 Matthews, (General, in Mysore, 151, 152. 
 
 Mauritius, 205. 
 
 Mayo. Lord, on danger of excessive taxa- 
 tiou, 392, 4i. S, 411, 413. 
 
 M'Lcod, Lord, papers of, 150, 153. 
 Meadows, General, 189, 190. 
 
 Meeanee, victory of, 324, 325. 
 
 Meer Roostum, 323. 
 
 Metcalfe, Col. 261, 202; confession, 205; 
 on our empire in India, 274 ; 275, 279, 
 288, 289, 291, 303, 307, 308. 
 
 Mill, James, on Hyder AH, 148, 149. 
 
 Minto, Lord, 264; boast of, 207. 
 
 Mir Jaffir Ali Khan, 35-37 ; treaty of, 
 with the Company, 40, 41 ; 42, 44, 45, 
 49, 50 ; reproaches of, against the good 
 faith of the council, 50, 52. 
 
 Mir Kasim, 44, 40, 48, 49, 51, 52. 
 
 Mobaruck-ul-Dowla, 93, ISO, 187. 
 
 Mogul, the, 11 ; and the Company at Bom- 
 bay, 13, 14; and the Company at Hooghly, 
 10, 18 ; 00, 92, 99. 
 
 Mogul Empire, disintegration of, 17, 18 ; 
 100. 
 
 Mohammedanism in India, 17, 101, 105, 107. 
 
 Mohammed Ali, 22, 190. 
 
 Mohammed Khan Talpur, 318. 
 
 Moira, Lord, 208 ; favour with the Regent, 
 209 ; tenderheartedness, 209 ; finances 
 of, 270 ; sagacity, 271 ; and the Goork- 
 has, 274 ; administration, 270 ; finance, 
 292 ; return, 293 ; governorship of Malta, 
 293 
 
 Mongheer, fall of, 49. 
 
 Montague, Mr F., 174. 
 
 Moolraj, 337-339, 348. 
 
 Moorshedabad, court of, 19, 32 ; durbar of, 
 33 ; courtiers of, 34 ; march on, 35, 30 ; 
 treasury of, 37, 49 : fall of, 94. 
 
 Mornington, Lady, -J13. 
 
 Mornington, Lord, 213-218; on French 
 ambition, 219 ; pious concern for the faith 
 and morals of Tippoo Saib, 219, 220 ; 
 2''2 
 
 Moultan, outbreak at, 338, 339 ; siege, 348, 
 353. 
 
 Mound, St Thomas', the English at, 151. 
 
 Morismi, Colonel, 83, 114, 121, 123, 127. 
 130. 
 
 Mussulmans, the, and British rule, 417-419. 
 
 Munny Begum, 90, 122. * 
 
 Munro, Sir Hector, army of, 149, 150. 
 
 Munro, Sir T., 109, 110, ] 90, 191, 193, 225, 
 228 ; on watching opportunities, 184 ; 
 wise counsel of, 279, 280. 
 
 Mutakheren on the English, 282. 
 
 Mutiny, the conduct of the Nawab of 
 Bengal during the. 384, 3S5. 
 
 Mysore, 141, 142-143, 144, 140, 189; pro- 
 jected partition of, 191, 222-225; rajah 
 of, 225, 227, 228 ; attempted annexation 
 of, 398, 399. 
 
 NAKPOHK, annexation of, 370-372; jewels 
 of, 370, 372, 373. 
 
 Nan a Farnavis, 240. 
 
 Nana Saib, 287. 
 
 Napier, Sir C., 322-320. 
 
 Napier, Sir \V., 321. 
 
 Napoleon, parallel between the aggran- 
 dising policy of, in Europe, and that of 
 the British in India, ;>, 0; 210; expedi- 
 tion to Egypt, 218 ; 374.
 
 IXDl-'.X. 425 
 
 Natives, vain complaints of, ;">">. Rada<-hurn Mittiv 12'. 
 
 Nawabs-Na/im of P-emral, IS, CO. 0:5, 04, ' liiiRoiiuth JJao, 374, 375. 
 
 71, !)2. 370-382, 383, ;;s;,. Railways, 40'.), 410. 
 
 Ni/.am, the, IS, _'_>. -}_>, Ml, 1 13, 152, 1!U, j Rajahs, tli.-, as members of the councils of 
 
 1!)3, l'.)5, 217, 225, -_>7-_>, -_".i;;. (he Presidencies, 402. 
 
 North, Lord, and the Company, 71, 82, I Raje .Muhl, 30. 
 
 114, 123. !_>!>, IT):;, 154. Rajashie, Hani of, 7l'.. 
 
 Nuddea, Rajah of, 70. | Rampur. battle of, II'.). 
 
 Niuljum-ul-l>ivwla, .">_', 53. 58. :V.i, o."). o3. Ranee chunda, 332. 335, ."..".o. .".30-313. 353. 
 
 Nuneomar, 58, !C>, IHi, lOti, 1 23, 1-5, 120, Rangoon, authorities of, 353-355. 
 
 127. Rapine, heyday of, 55, 'JO. 
 
 Retrenchments, 'J->, HI; call for military, 
 
 410. 
 
 Revenue, board of, 97. 
 
 OATH of fealty by the grave of Runjit Revolution, silent, in Hengal, 66, 67. 
 
 Singh, 332. \ Richmond, l)ul<e of, 72. 
 
 Otlieial frauds, 77. j Roe, Sir Thomas, 11. 
 
 Oniichun.l, :I7 30. Rohillas, the, 115-120, 171. 
 
 Oodwa, defence of, 40. Itohillcund. 117-120. 
 
 Oude, i:!8, lo'.t ; Returns of, Io7-lo!) ; vizier Rose, Sir H., 370. 
 
 of, l.'i'J ; annexation of, .'!S!>, .S'.IO. Rotten at heart, tho, 30, .'J5. 
 
 Ou.le and its viziers, 18, 41, 51, 5',), 115- | Itumbold, Sir '!'., 151. 
 
 120, 134, 138, 13!), -J33, 272,380, 28'J. ; Runjit Singli, 30!). 310. 
 
 Ouseley, Major, 371. Russia, suspected intrigues of, '0'.', 310. 
 Outruni, Major, 320, 321, 324, 325. 
 Oxeudeu, Sir K., 13. 
 
 SAitr.ii, 20. 
 
 Satar.i, annexation of, 3(i2, 404. 
 Scinde, amirs of, 317-30, 322-321, 320, 
 
 r.u.MKi:, A\'., i (V, 2D2, 2!>.. 227, 330. 
 
 Parallels, historic, 102-105. Seindia. 23D-211. 211, 2 IS, 24!, 201, 272. 
 
 Parliament, injunction of, I'.'O. L'77, 27s. 2ss. 3! 15. 
 
 Patriotism, common, of Hindu and Mos- Scot t. ^Ia jor. 103, 107. 
 
 loin, 100, 101. I Seaton, Mr, 2!H. 
 
 Patna, 15, 32, 4S. Sejioys, the. :554. 
 
 I'eai'e, native commissions of the, 402. 403. Serin-apatam, 14:!. 21ll. 
 
 Peel, Sir It., 331, 331. Servants, tile Company's, 180. 
 
 Peers who voted in the case of Ha>tini;s, Shah Alum. 51 ; lirman of. 53, 00. 
 
 181. Shah Alum II.. 248, -_>54. 2'JO, 2',1. 
 
 Pe;j;u, annexation of, ;!55-357. Shah Sujah. 310, 312, 315. 
 
 Peishwa, the, 230, 24H-2-12, 25(!. 283, 2-5- shuh/.ada. 41. 
 
 287. ' Shellmrne, Lord. 151. 155, 103. 
 
 Penal laws, absence of. 105. Sliere Mohaihiurd. 3L'0. 
 
 Pensions, En-lish. from Louis XIV.. 01. Shere Sin-h. 3U. 31:;. 347-:! Ill 
 
 Pliili]i II. of Spain, 188. Sheridan. R. I'... 12S; nn the Company, 
 
 Pindharries, the, J7li-'J7'.i, 2^3. lL".t ; ..a Sir ]]. [mpey. li'.S; lo^; speech 
 
 Pitt, William, and our coluniiil possessions, against 1 last: n.-s. 172. 17-">; 214. 
 
 7 ; letter to, from ('live, 42, 43 ; India Rill Shore, .Mr, report of. 75 ; si. 2ul, 204. 2n'.'. 
 
 of. 157-15!) ; 101. Hi:;, ir,4, 171 17.:. 175. Sikhs, the, 330 332, 33S, 341. 317, 35L. 
 
 211. 212. 214. 230. 252. Simla proclamation, 311. 
 
 Plassey. battle of, 3il. Sirdars, tin-. 330, 33:',, ."-12. 318. 
 
 Poudicherry, 147. sitab Hoy, '.'5. 
 
 Poona, spectacle at, 245. Sivajee, In2. 10i',. 
 
 Portuguese, the, in India, 2; purely com- Sivaji. 13. 
 
 incrciiil aims of, lo. 11; 1 in. Subraon, 333. :;::). 
 
 1'ratab SiiiLjh. 3.00. 303. 301. 307. Somnath, gates of. 31<i. 
 
 Presidency, tlie, in Calcutta, and the Sou- Spain, depi id nci f. in l.-i Phil;p II., 
 
 bahdai-'s ( 'onrt. i'>7. 17. 
 
 Pretab Sing. 2n. 21. Stanley. Lord. 3'.'3. 3!C.. .'i'.M 1 ,. 
 
 PrinceR, native, distrn.-t, of Knglihli lidi'lity. Si (u.ir_'i-. !"";. I of. 12; s '.'. 
 
 Proclamation, royal. :iuming the go- Struggle for en, pile in i '.in ]>e. I'lo 2!2. 
 vernment of Indiain name of theC^ucen, Su . .. ': 3(12 : D.dh 
 
 Prom,-, fall of. 355. Suja-ul-1 i..\vl i. 51. 
 
 Proprietors, court of. I'. 1 .), 70. 251. ja J).-\\la. 21 2'.. l".i. 33. 34. 30. :N. 
 
 Proselyti.-m. infatuation of. 17. Surat, taken from 1'ortiual b\ the iJutch, 
 Punchayct, tribunal of, 4"5. f". 13. 232. 
 
 Piniiab, 331. 330, 31i, 313; annexation MH . f, 2! | 7. 
 
 . f, 3l:>. 352. Sy. t'-ul L>. w! . 1'3.
 
 426 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 TAN-JOKE, 232. 
 
 Tiinjore, Rajah of, 20. 
 
 Tatta, cantonments at, 320, 321 . 
 
 Taxation, comparative, 400-410. 
 
 Teheran, 310, 320. 
 
 Thurlow, Lord, 103, 104. 
 
 Tippoo Saib, 150-152 ; character of, 187- 
 
 189, 190 ; submission, 194-195 ; 212, 210, 
 
 217, 219, 221, 223, 224. 
 Tolerance, 105, 100. 
 
 Travancore, llajah of, 189, 190, 195, 204. 
 Treaty, French and English, of 1754, 22 ; 
 
 with Mir Jaffir, 40, 41, 49, 50. 
 Tribunals of justice, 178-180. 
 Trimbuckjee, 283, 285. 
 Troops, native and European, 22. 
 
 UNIT, the social, in India, 109, 110. 
 
 T, Mr, 44, 40, 55, 57, 78. 
 Verelst, Mr, 00, 73, 94, 110, 127. 
 Vira Rejendra, 300. 
 Vishnu, traditions of, 17. 
 
 WAHABEES, complaints of. 419. 
 Watson, Admiral, 29, 31, 32, 39. 
 
 Watts, Mr, 27, 32, 33, 30. 
 
 Wellesley, Lord, administration of, an 
 epoch, 220 ; advice, 227 ; regard for trap- 
 pings of royalty, 229 ; love of glory, 230 ; 
 expensiveness, 231 ; indifference to Lead- 
 enhall Street, 232; disposal of Oude, 
 233 ; military policy, 234 ; inexorable 
 finance arrangements, 234, 235 ; his place 
 in the history of our Indian empire, 235 ; 
 and Leadenhall Street, 237, 238 ; scheme 
 of a college for Indian statesmen, 238 ; 
 resignation tendered and refused, 23^1 ; 
 treaty dictated to the I'eishwa, 242, 243 ; 
 correspondence with the Mahratta chiefs, 
 245-247 ; extravagant rule, 251 ; 378. See 
 Wellington. 
 
 Wellington, Duke of, on extension of terri- 
 tory, 210 ; 290 ; and the Rajah of Mysore, 
 398. ,S'ee Wellesley. 
 
 Wilder, appointment as Governor-General, 
 130. 
 
 William. Fort, erection of. 10 ; surrender 
 27 ; 127. 
 
 Wine, new. in old bottles. 112. 
 
 Wynaad, 217, 218, 221, 222. 
 
 THE END.