y 
 
 .v*^^;;,??^ 
 
 
 '5 1 
 
 
FREDERIC WILLIAM UNGER 
 
 Formerly War Correspondent, of the " London Times" and also of the " Daily Express "■ 
 in South Africa, and the author of " With Bobs and Kruger.'' 
 
RUSSIArojAPAN 
 
 AND A COMPLETE 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 m War in the Far East « 
 
 =BY= 
 
 FREDERIC WILLIAM UNGER 
 
 War Correspondent and Author of 
 ••WITH BOBS AND KRUGER," Etc. 
 
 ASSISTED BY 
 
 CHARLES MORRIS, LL^D- 
 
 Author of 
 •THE ARYAN RACE," "THE GREATER REPUBLIC." Etc. 
 
 Profusely Illustrated by Half-tone 
 Engravings and Special Artists' Drawings 
 
ENTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF 
 CONGRESS IN THE YEAR 1904 BY 
 W. E. SCULL, IN THE OFFICE 
 OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS, 
 AT WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 
 
RUSSIA AND JAPAN 
 
 AND THE 
 
 WAR IN THE FAR EAST 
 
 THE EMPIRE OF RUSSIA 
 
 ITS HISTORY. GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE 
 
 JAPAN, THE ISLAND KINGDOM 
 
 THE STORY OF ITS MARVELOUS DEVELOPMENT 
 
 American and European Interests in the 
 
 Far East 
 
 THE FIRST YEAR OF THE WAR AND ITS 
 BLOODY BATTLES 
 
U S€ 
 
 The Significance of a Modem War 
 
 Importance of Conflict — Interests Involved — Gravity of Possible Outcome — Contest 
 for Asiatic Supremacy — American Interest in the War — Possibility of Becoming 
 a Political Issue — Difficulty of Acquiring Accurate Information — First Great Test 
 of Modern Military Equipment — Russia and Japan More Evenly Balanced than 
 Generally Believed — Reporting a War — Caesar One of the First War Corre- 
 spondents — Gathering News in Recent Wars — Importance and Difl&culties of 
 News Service. 
 
 THE importance of the present conflict between Russia 
 and Japan, which from its very outset has been prose- 
 cuted by the latter nation with an energy and efficiency 
 which has astounded the civilized world, can not be overesti- 
 mated. The commercial, financial and political interests of 
 modern nations are so interlinked with one another that a serious 
 disarrangement of the relations between any two of the great 
 powers is certain to have far-reaching and serious results from 
 the very beginning. And in the conflict now under considera- 
 tion this applies to the United States and Canada, perhaps, 
 in a fuller degree than to any power of the Old World, from 
 the fact that an ocean alone divides them from the countries 
 concerned, and that their relations with these countries 
 promise to surpass those of any other lands. 
 
 For half a century the great powers have been arming and 
 making military preparations, until the European peoples have 
 come to carry a staggering burden of taxation and personal 
 service. These colossal preparations and the many conflicting 
 interests of the powers all point to an ultimate outbreak in 
 a universal contest for world supremacy which many serious 
 writers profess to believe will be the prophesied ''Armageddon" 
 of the Scriptures. Whether the war between Russia and Japan 
 will develop into this great conflict is more than any man can 
 
 5 
 
 390 
 
6 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR 
 
 affirm or deny, but it is certain at least that the conflict is a con- 
 test for Asiatic supremacy between two powers whose interests 
 and ambitions are irreconcilable, and the interests of every 
 nation of the world which holds possessions in the East are 
 certain to be profoundly affected. 
 
 Especially interesting, as we have stated, is the situation 
 to America, because of her recent acquisition of the Philippines 
 and the many intricate relationships which have developed 
 between this and other countries as a logical result of Admiral 
 Dewey's great victory over the Spanish fleet at Cavite in 1898. 
 Furthermore, as every American citizen by virtue of his 
 ballot becomes a dictator of his country's policy, a knowledge 
 of the facts of the early developments of the war becomes a 
 matter of supreme personal importance to all citizens. It is 
 imperative that they should have full, definite, accurate infor- 
 mation from unquestioned authorities, compactly compiled and 
 conveniently arranged, early and without delay. 
 
 Newspaper accounts alone are insufficient for this purpose, 
 and the perusal leaves the reader often bewildered by the 
 chaotic and contradictory presentment of bare statements. 
 The sifting out and proper chronological arrangement of 
 these details from the mass of current publications becomes a 
 task far too burdensome to the average reader. This is the 
 task undertaken by the publishers of " Russia and Japan." 
 
 From a more disinterested standpoint, the war is of intense 
 value to all students of the military art ; because it is the 
 first really great test of the efficiency of modern military equip- 
 ment. The recent wars have without exception been afl"airs in 
 which one side so greatly overbalanced the other that the con- 
 clusion was almost inevitable. Between Russia and Japan, 
 with their advanced state of military preparedness, war 
 becomes a conflict of giants. A contest in which enemies of 
 comparatively equal skill on land and sea employ practi- 
 cally the same weapons, will result in definitely determining 
 
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR ^ 
 
 the value of existing small arms and heavy artillery, the 
 respective merits of battleship, cruiser and torpedo boat, and 
 finally the modern status of the rival branches of cavalry and 
 infantry forces. Russia and Japan are more evenly matched than 
 would at first appear. The inexhaustible resources of Russia 
 both as to wealth and population are fairly balanced by het 
 great distance from her base of supplies and the better organ 
 ization and efficiency of Japan's navy and army, plus her near- 
 ness to the field of operations. 
 
 The publication of a work like this, in which the man In 
 the field, in direct contact with the leading acts and person- 
 ages of the conflict, co-operates with the man in the heart of 
 civilization who receives, and uses, the latest and most accurate 
 information from all sources, must result in the production of a 
 history of the war which for accuracy, vividness, thoroughness, 
 reliability and attractiveness cannot be approached in any other 
 way. 
 
 The extent to which modern civilization has advanced is 
 In no field more particularly emphasized than in the develop- 
 ment of journalistic enterprise in time of war, and there is no 
 calling in modern life which combines so well the atmosphere 
 of adventure, romance and danger of the more romantic ages. 
 The war correspondent of to-day occupies the same place in 
 the twentieth century as that held by the Soldiers of Fortune 
 and the Free Lances in the Middle Ages. 
 
 There is another and more serious side which dulls the 
 glitter of romance to the men who follow this calling. Along 
 with the zest of an adventurous career is the requirement 
 of close application, hard work, the collection and compilation 
 of endless facts, the quick arrangement of the same, — in short, 
 a slavish obedience to the most tyrannical master, the cable 
 which carries the war correspondent's messages across con- 
 tinents and seas into the heart of an anxiously waiting world 
 beyond. 
 
8 THE significance: of a modfrn war 
 
 The close of a war — and such are the demands of modern 
 civilization that often the outset of the war — finds the corre- 
 spondent its serious historian as well as reporter. Very often, 
 in addition to the mere chronicling of events and facts, there 
 is required of him an ability to penetrate beneath the surface 
 aspect of conditions, a knowledge of affairs and a philosophical 
 understanding and practical skill in the arrangement of the same. 
 During ancient times the war correspondent, In the modern 
 sense of the word, did not exist. In those days frequently the 
 commanding generals were their own historians. Julius Caesar, 
 in his " Commentaries," was practically one of the first war cor- 
 respondents ; but it has remained for modern times to develop 
 the genus war correspondent to his fullest extent. 
 
 During the American Civil War, journalistic enter- 
 prise set the pace for the world, as it has continued to do 
 since, and here we find the first example of serious restraint 
 against that absolute freedom in the publication of news 
 which followed the establishment of the doctrine of the 
 liberty of the press towards the close of the eighteenth century. 
 It was necessary for the Federal Government to suppress a 
 number of Northern newspapers for alleged seditious utter- 
 ances, and correspondents in the field were repeatedly refused 
 permission to accompany forces, while others had privileges 
 already acquired taken from them. At certain stages of the 
 war orders were issued to hang all correspondents who appeared 
 on the field, a fact which shows that the calling is not without 
 its disadvantages. However, public opinion In the long run 
 asserted its right to have these unofficial representatives of the 
 masses in the field, and the daily history of the great conflict 
 between the North and the South, in spite of official obstacles, 
 was duly presented each morning to the American public. 
 
 The Spanish-American War inaugurated a new era in the 
 art of war reporting. Never before had such enterprise been 
 indulged in, nor were such vast sums expended in the collection 
 
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR 9 
 
 of news. The fleet of newspaper boats plying between 
 Cuban ports and Key West are still vivid in the eyes of the 
 American public, while the scores of official journalists who 
 were transported to the scene, and over night manufactured 
 into war correspondents, increased daily. Never before, prob- 
 ably, in the history of the world were there so many distin- 
 guished journalists, whose names, to their disappointment, only 
 failed to become permanently famous because of the shortness 
 of that conflict. 
 
 The great distance, and equally great expense of cable 
 tolls, during the Boxer uprising acted as a restraint on this 
 form of journalistic enterprise, while in the South African War, 
 which immediately preceded it, the efforts were confined almost 
 exclusively to a limited number of British newspapers and news 
 agencies, which, while covering the war with great thorough- 
 ness, yet showed none of the dash and spirit that Is charac- 
 teristic of American journalism. It need scarcely be repeated 
 that this dash and spirit will be especially needed during the 
 present conflict in our own land, since none other surpasses. If 
 any equals, the United States in Its vital interest and concern 
 In the results. To keep Americans then, alike of the United 
 States and Canada, fully informed of the progress of the war, 
 Is a necessity which calls for the most strenuous activity and 
 energy on the part of publishers of authoritative books as well 
 as of daily journals. 
 
 In the Russo-Japanese War to-day the publishers of this 
 work as well as the different news agencies have entered the 
 field with the avowed determination to furnish the public with 
 the facts and news of the conflict more thoroughly and com- 
 pletely than ever before in the history of the publishing of 
 books of this character. Probably, at the same time, ofificial 
 obstacles In the way of gathering such news have never been 
 greater In addition to the natural difficulties of distance and of 
 strange languages, understood only by few. 
 
RUSSIA AND JAPAN 
 
 :AND THE= 
 
 GREAT WAR IN THE FAR EAST 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR 
 
 "HOW OUR AUTHOR SECURED INFORMATION AT 
 
 FIRST HAND. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 PETER THE GREAT, THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 RUSSIA, FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 29 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW AND HIS TERRIBLE RETREAT 37 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 47 
 
 II 
 
12 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 RECENT EMPERORS AND THEIR REIGNS .^ . 55 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 RUSSIA IN CENTRAI. ASIA 67 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 79 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA AND PORT 
 
 ARTHUR 86 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 97 
 
 CHAPITER X. 
 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY no 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 124 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 COMMODORE PERRY AND THE OPENING OF JAPAN . . 133 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 THE GREAT REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 144 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 153 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 13 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERN- 
 MENT IN JAPAN 169 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 183 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 198 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU AS SEEN BY AN EYE 
 
 WITNESS 210 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 220 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 231 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 244 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS .... 259 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 KOREA. THE BONE OF CONTENTION 271 
 
14 TABLE OF CONTENTS, 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 THE POSITION OF THE CHINESE 284 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SIIvENCE 289 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 297 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 JAPAN'S ARMY AND NAVY 312 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 THE ARMY AND NAVY OF RUSSIA 319 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 THE BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF THE WAR 329 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 PEACE OR WAR 338 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 THE FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 344 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 NAVAI, BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 354 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS, 15 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 THE DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 360 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 CROSSING THE YAEU 368 
 
 I 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 378 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 THE FALI. OF PORT ARTHUR 384 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 401 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 406 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 439 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 THE ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET M7 
 
 CHAPTER XLI 
 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS . 457 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 Peter the Great, the Founder of Modern Russia 
 
 Russia and the Golden Horde — Ivan the Great and Ivan the Terrible — A Realm of 
 Barbarians — A Colossal Figure — Peter Wins the Throne — His Love for Ships — 
 The Capture of Azov — Peter as a Ship Carpenter in Holland and England— His 
 Great Reforms— The Civilizing of Russia — The Mighty Conflict with Charles XII 
 — Defeat at Narva and Victory at Poltava — Russia Becomes one of the Great 
 Powers of Europe — The Conquest of Finland — Campaigns in Asia — Death and 
 Character of Peter the Great. 
 
 RUSSIA, at the time of Henry III in England, some four 
 centuries before the first settlers landed from the May- 
 Jlower in the United States, was in a state of great dis- 
 order, split up into a number of petty principalities, and devas- 
 tated by Mongolian invasions which lasted until the end of the 
 fourteenth century. The Russian princes were mere tax- 
 gatherers, actually forced to pay homage to the Khans of the 
 Golden Horde — a name given, on account, it is said, of the 
 splendor of their tents and appointments, to those Mongols 
 who had settled on the banks of the Volga. Obliged to submit 
 their disputes to the decision of the Khan, the Russian princes 
 could not even ascend their thrones without first receiving 
 **Jarlikh," or letters patent, from their Mongol suzerain. 
 
 By degrees, however, the Mongol power waned while that 
 of Moscow increased, until, in the reign of Ivan III, who suc- 
 ceeded his father, Vassili the Blind, in 1463, the Muscovites 
 were able to throw off all semblance of obedience to the 
 Horde. In 1478 Ivan refused to pay tribute, trampled on the 
 image of the Khan, and put his envoys to death. 
 
 Ivan the Great had a grandson whose cruelties won for 
 him the ominous title of Ivan the Terrible, but whose vigor- 
 pus hand widened the empire of Russia and added greatly to 
 
 2 17 
 
i8 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 
 
 its power and Influence. Not long after his death the ancient 
 dynasty of Rurik died out, and a new dynasty, the Romanoff, 
 came to the throne. 
 
 As yet Russia was a realm of barbarism, ruled by force and 
 terror, the axe, the knout, the rope, and various implements 
 of torture forming much of its governing machinery. It lay 
 largely isolated from Western Europe, divorced from the 
 growing civilization of that region, and pushing Its course 
 alone or under Asiatic influences; its methods and state of cul- 
 ture being much more in accord with those of the Golden 
 Horde of the Tartar steppes than those of the rapidly advanc- 
 ing nations of the West. But it was laying the foundation 
 of a civilization still to come. 
 
 *' Suddenly there sprang upon the field of action a colossal 
 figure — one of the few men able to break the thraldom which 
 custom and superstition impose; to overcome the prejudices of 
 his time ; to gather for himself the stores of modern civiliza- 
 tion, and to scatter them among his people. It was an extra- 
 ordinary circumstance that such a man, by the accident of birth, 
 should hold in his single hand the destiny of the whole Russian 
 State. Without him, the reforms with which he filled a life- 
 time might have required centuries for their accomplishment. 
 He was one of the few great men In history to whoni the 
 power was given to turn with his single arm the whole current 
 of a nation's life. He tore Russia by main force from her 
 ancient moorings, and sent her forward upon the swift stream 
 of modern civilization. 
 
 ** Peter the Great was born a barbarian ; he passed much 
 of his turbulent youth upon the streets of Moscow, associating 
 with everybody, acquiring knowledge from every source. To 
 his last day he preserved the eager curiosity of childhood, an 
 unquenchable thirst for information, violent passions, but an 
 earnest purpose, never to be shaken, of making Russia a great 
 state and the Russian people a great and civilized people. 
 
THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 19 
 
 Throwing aside all pomp and pageantry, he went everywhere 
 incognito, He was disguised as a subordinate in the embassy 
 which left Russia to visit the nations of Europe. He learned 
 navigation from a skipper on the White Sea, and ship-building 
 in the garb of a workman at Saardam and Amsterdam. Russia 
 should know these things ; nobody else should teach her, so he 
 must learn himself.* 
 
 Peter, born on June 1 1, 1672, was but four years of age on 
 the death of his father, Alexis, and had two brothers, who pre- 
 ceded him in succession to the throne. Also his sister Sophia, a 
 woman with some of his own energy and genius for affairs, made 
 vigorous efforts to gain possession of the power of the State 
 and hold her brothers in vassalage. This served well with the 
 weak and sickly Feodor and Ivan, the older brothers, but soon 
 came to an end when Peter reached his seventeenth year of 
 age. A revolt In his favor broke out, he put himself at Its 
 head, and the matter was soon settled by his ambitious sister 
 being consigned to a convent and he seating himself on the 
 throne. 
 
 The chief tutor of the young prince had been a man from 
 Geneva, named Lefort, who had great influence over the boy. 
 He told him striking stories of the countries he had visited, 
 and made him understand the importance of ships. This led 
 to the building of miniature vessels with masts, sails and guns 
 on the Pereislavski lake near Moscow, and it was with these 
 that the future ruler of Russia diverted himself. Under his 
 direction several sham fights took place, in which he com- 
 manded as captain. Thus a love of the sea was early devel- 
 oped in Peter, although we are told that at first he had a dread 
 of salt water. 
 
 The first great purpose which the new Czar manifested 
 may well have been a result of Lefort's Instruction, that of 
 obtaining an outlet to the sea. As yet, Russia was completely 
 
 » William Dudley Foulke, '* Slav or Saxon." 
 
20 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 
 
 an interior country, walled in from the Baltic and the Black 
 Seas by foreign lands, and the gaining of an open door to the 
 ocean was of absolute necessity to the future progress of the 
 empire. In accordance with this purpose, General Gordon — 
 an able Scotch soldier who had been Peter's chief aid in gaining 
 the throne — was directed in 1695 to march upon Azov, a Turk- 
 ish port on the Black Sea. The place was taken after a two 
 years' siege, and with its acquisition may be said to date the 
 active interference of the Russians in the affairs of Turkey, 
 which has gone on until the present day. 
 
 For years preceding Peter had been maturing a plan for 
 visiting Western Europe, seeing with his own eyes the features 
 of its arts and progress, and especially for fitting himself to 
 aid his country in the purpose which he so warmly entertained, 
 that of making Russia a power upon the sea. In 1697 he set 
 out upon this interesting journey. He traveled ^practically 
 incognito, under the name of Peter Mikhailov, and in the 
 capacity of one of the suite of the three ambassadors, Lefort, 
 Golovin and Voznitsin. Such a step was, indeed, a great 
 breaking with the past ; for among the earlier Russians to 
 evince any desire for travel was to commit a crime. The party 
 proceeded through Riga to Mitau ; at Konigsberg Peter had 
 an interview with the Elector of Prussia. He passed, how- 
 ever, rapidly through Berlin, and by degrees he reached Saar- 
 dam, in Holland, being probably attracted to that country by 
 its celebrity as a maritime power. In Holland, Peter worked 
 as a common shipwright at the dockyard, under the name of 
 Peter Bass, or Master Peter. He learned sufficient of the art 
 to build a boat with his own hand, while fraternizing with his 
 fellow workmen as if he were one of themselves, though his 
 secret was not well kept, and it was well known who Master 
 Peter really was. Peter, being a man of magnetic power, had 
 the facility of assimilating all the good material round him. 
 Everywhere he displayed an insatiable curiosity. The 
 
THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 21 
 
 certificate of efficiency in various handicrafts which he received 
 from the head of the dockyard, Gerrit Claesz Pool, is still 
 preserved. He next visited England, being, it is said, in- 
 duced to do so by one John Fessing, an Englishman, whom 
 he met. The young Czar crossed the Channel in 1698, and 
 worked for a time at the Navy Yard at Deptford, living in 
 the house of the famous John Evelyn, which the Government 
 rented for him. It is said that the rude and barbarian ways 
 of the Muscovite tenants left the house in such a state that 
 Evelyn brought in a bill of damages for ^350, in order to fit 
 the place for civilized habitation again. 
 
 William III arranged a sham sea-fight at Spithead for the 
 benefit of his visitor, and finally Peter departed from England, 
 taking with him many persons who were to enter the Russian 
 service — engineers, mechanics, mathematicians, soldiers and 
 sailors — many Englishmen and more Scots. The latter, in 
 many instances, were destined to bequeath their names, in forms 
 more or less changed, to Russian descendants. 
 
 France was not visited by the Czar, but he journeyed to 
 Austria, where he was well received, and from there proposed 
 to go to Venice and study some new kinds of ship-building. 
 He was prevented from this by receiving news of a great out- 
 break of the Streltsi, which might have ended in his losing the 
 throne but for the energy of General Gordon, who had suc- 
 ceeded in subduing them and punishing many of the leaders 
 before Peter reached Moscow on his hasty return. Thus ended 
 one of the most interesting and dramatic events in history, that 
 of a great emperor working as a common laborer in foreign 
 lands that he might teach new and useful arts to his people. 
 
 The young Czar was not long at home before the results 
 of his visit abroad began to be seen. Russia was far behind 
 the western nations in the essentials of civilization, and had 
 preserved many barbarian customs which he, in his ardent way, 
 proposed to get rid of at once. The reforms he instituted 
 
25 THE POUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 
 
 were of so radical a nature as to stir the social life of the state 
 almost as if it had been shaken by an earthquake of new 
 opinions. 
 
 To a large extent the old nobility was supplanted by the 
 so-called nobility of merit, the nobility of office-holders, estab- 
 lished by Peter, whose appointments and promotion depended 
 upon service to the State. Peter decreed that land should go 
 to the oldest by birth. The seclusion of women was abolished, 
 for this was contrary to the customs of Europe, and was not 
 necessary to the support of his power. Women were no 
 longer compelled to marry against their will. The corruptions 
 of office-holders had been frightful, men soliciting offices of 
 the Czar that they ''might feed themselves" by plundering the 
 people. These things were mercilessly punished. A state 
 inquisition was established for ''crimes against the majesty of 
 the Czar." Apothecaries' shops were, for the first time, estab- 
 lished in Moscow, and the Russians were forbidden to carry 
 knives, the use of which often led to quarrels and outrages in 
 the streets. But the punishments inflicted by the Russian courts 
 continued to be cruel for some time afterwards ; men were 
 broken on the wheel or hung up to die with a hook round one 
 of their ribs. Women were buried alive for the murder of a 
 husband. The penalty of banishment to Siberia was in full 
 force — it may be said to have begun at the close of the six- 
 teenth century, but it reached its height in the reigns of Anne 
 and Elizabeth. 
 
 Peter's method of enforcing his reforms Is of interest for 
 its barbarous simplicity. All towns had to send shoemakers to 
 learn the trade at Moscow ; the great beards of the Russians 
 were taxed out of existence ; the long caftan, a cloak which 
 descends to the heels, and is characteristic of Oriental peoples, 
 was exchanged for a coat in the French style ; no Russian could 
 become a monk until thirty years of age, in order that popula- 
 tion might not be diminished. The Czar determined to establish 
 
THE FOUNDER OF MODERM RUSSIA 23 
 
 a new capital by the sea ; he would tear the Russians away from 
 their old associations around Moscow, and give his land an 
 open gate to the western ocean. St. Petersburg was built by 
 edicts. It was decreed that there should be no stone house 
 erected except at the new capital, and all stone-masons flocked 
 thither at once. Every owner of five hundred peasants was 
 required to build a house in the city. The capital of Russia 
 remains a durable monument to the energy of the great Czar. 
 
 Such were some of the triumphs of peace in the life of 
 the energetic Czar. Those of war were no less notable. The 
 famous warlike chapter in his reign was his struggle with 
 Charles XII, of Sweden, one of the greatest soldiers and most 
 remarkable figures in history, and a man who, if he had not 
 been opposed by a monarch of such genius and energy as Peter 
 the Great, might have conquered Russia, as the Tartars had 
 done centuries before. 
 
 Peter now more fully than ever realized the need of an 
 outlet to the sea. He had partly succeeded at Azov, but now 
 had his eyes firmly fixed on the Baltic, which at that time was 
 practically a Swedish lake, since Sweden held its bordering 
 provinces. In his efforts to carry out this scheme he had 
 Charles XII, who came to the throne of Sweden in 1697, at 
 the age of fifteen, to deal with. 
 
 We cannot tell all the events of the famous war which 
 succeeded, but it may be said that Peter was soon taught the 
 great deficiencies of his army, as compared with the thor- 
 oughly trained troops of Sweden. A Russian force 60,000 
 strong, while besieging Narva, in 1700, was attacked by 
 Charles, at the head of 6,000 Swedes, and so thoroughly 
 beaten that their losses exceeded the whole army of the 
 Swedes. It was the most complete rout ever experienced in 
 Russian history, and Peter was for the first time taught that he 
 needed a modern army as well as a navy. 
 
 Eight years later, after remarkable successes in Poland, 
 
24 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 
 
 Charles invaded Russia, with the purpose of marching to Mos- 
 cow — a purpose imitated by Napoleon a century and more 
 later. He concealed his purpose, entering the fertile country 
 of the Ukraine, where the Tartar enemies of Russia had accu- 
 mulated large stores of grain for his army. But he was not to 
 find this expedition as easy a one as that against Narva. In 
 the years that had intervened Peter had been learning the art of 
 war from his foe and training his troops for European warfare, 
 and he was now ready to teach the ambitious Swede a lesson. 
 As soon as the movements of Charles unmasked his plan, 
 Peter was ready for him. He moved up his soldiers, came on 
 the flank of the enemy and marched parallel with him, harass- 
 ing him on all sides, and cutting off stragglers, especially at 
 Dobroe. So completely were the neighboring towns and vil- 
 lages burned, that Charles only found uninhabitable ruins await- 
 ing him. The weather was severe, and in his apprehension 
 that his army would perish from hunger, he sent orders to 
 Lewenhaupt, who had come from Livonia with great quanti- 
 ties of provisions and military stores, to join the main army as 
 soon as possible. The Russian generals, having learned this, 
 determined to send some regiments to intercept Lewenhaupt. 
 The guide, a Jew, who had been bribed by the Swedes, con- 
 ducted them to Smolensk, assuring them that they would meet 
 the enemy there ; while Lewenhaupt, following another route, 
 was already In the neighborhood of Mohilev, a few days' jour- 
 ney from the Swedish army. Fortunately for him, the Czar dis- 
 covered his mistake in time, and, changing his route, overtook 
 the Swedish general not far from Proprisk, at the village of 
 Liesnoe, on the river Sozh. There he forced him to fight, and, 
 in spite of the superiority of their numbers and the desperate 
 bravery of the Swedes, completely defeated them (Oct. lo, 
 1 708). Lewenhaupt lost more than half his army corps, with 
 all his baggage, and when he appeared in the camp of Charles 
 it was as a fugitive. 
 
THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 25 
 
 The winter of 1708 now came on, and proved to be one 
 of unusual seventy ; and here again the fortunes of Charles 
 afford an exact parallel to those of Napoleon. Ustrlalov, the 
 Russian historian, goes so far as to say that birds were frozen 
 on the wing. The Swedes suffered severely, but Charles 
 shared the privations of his men. The only chance for him 
 would have been to retreat Into Poland, but he was still 
 eager to force his way to Moscow. On the route of Charles 
 lay the town of Poltava, a place which till then had been 
 so obscure that there is considerable difficulty in ascer- 
 taining the early spelling of the name. It Is situated on the 
 river Vorskla, and was held by a strong garrison under the com- 
 mand of Colonel Kellin. Charles anticipated little difficulty 
 in capturing the town ; but Kellin showed no signs of surren- 
 dering, and a siege began which lasted two months, and proved 
 very exhausting to the forces of the Swedish King. 
 
 Peter was now hastening to the relief of the town with a 
 far more efficient army than the untrained mob which had 
 been so easily defeated at Narva. The two armies, led by the 
 two sovereigns, met on July 7, 1709 — Charles carried in a litter, 
 as he had been disabled by a wound in the foot. The battle 
 that followed was a veritable duel, the first to fire being 
 Charles. Sitting in his litter, and surrounded by his guards, 
 he sent his soldiers straight against the redoubts built in front 
 of the Russian camp. The Swedes rushed up to the very 
 trenches, but were met with such a terrific cannonade that the 
 men fled for shelter into a wood which lay In front of the Rus- 
 sian camp, and with some difficulty re-formed there in some- 
 thing approaching order. In the midst of this panic, the right 
 wing of the Swedish forces became separated from the 
 rest of the army and was cut to pieces by Menshikov. Mean- 
 while, the Czar brought his main body into action from the 
 trenches and moved them skillfully on the enemy. Visit- 
 ing the regiments, he told the soldiers that the time had 
 
26 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 
 
 come which was to decide the fate of Russia ; that they were 
 fighting, not for Peter, but for the empire entrusted to Peter ; 
 for their families, their country and the Holy Orthodox Faith ; 
 that they must not allow themselves to be daunted by the 
 supposed invincibility of the enemy. The engagement then 
 began. Peter attacked the army of the Invaders on both 
 flanks, and at the end of two hours had gained a complete 
 victory. During the stampede which ensued, Charles fell 
 several times from the litter. Those who succeeded In escap- 
 ing made for Turkish territory, but prisoners to the number of 
 2800 were taken, Including the principal Swedish officers and 
 Count Piper, the King's minister. The defeat was total. 
 Charles took refuge in the Turkish dominions, and his career 
 was practically at an end. Though eventually he made his 
 way back to Sweden, he never troubled Peter the Great again. 
 Russia had triumphed in its first contest with the soldiers of 
 civilized Europe. 
 
 The battle of Poltava has always been reckoned one of 
 the decisive battles of the world. It signified two things : 
 first, the fall of Sweden from her position as the leading power 
 of Northern Europe, which she owed in great measure to the 
 military genius of Gustavus Adolphus ; and secondly, the 
 assumption of that place by Russia. Up to this time Peter 
 had been regarded by the other Europeans with mingled feel- 
 ings of astonishment and contempt ; now, however, there mani- 
 fested Itself a universal inclination to court him, especially 
 among the petty German potentates. But not only did 
 Peter thus establish his position towards the other European 
 powers ; he also by this brilliant victory, so gratifying to Rus- 
 sian pride, reconciled his own subjects to the many reforms 
 which had been Introduced and the high-handed manner In 
 which they had been carried out. 
 
 The aggressive designs of Peter were next directed 
 against Finland. He must have perceived that it was too near 
 
THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 27 
 
 to St. Petersburg to be allowed to remain In foreign hands. 
 The Russians felt this in the reign of Catharine II, when 
 naval battles took place, the cannonades of which shook the 
 city. The skillful Swedish general, Liibecker, was then operat- 
 ing in Finland. In May, 171 5, Peter appeared off Helslngfors, 
 which the Swedes surrendered to him, and he also got posses- 
 sion of Abo. Hereupon the Swedish government removed 
 Liibecker and put Armfeldt In his place. However, on Octo- 
 ber 18th Armfeldt was defeated by the Russian admirals, 
 Apraksin and Gallitzln. At the same time the Czar (1714) 
 obtained a great naval victory at a point between Helslngfors 
 and Abo, and took prisoner Admiral Ehrenskjold with all his 
 squadron. The conquest of the Aland islands was another 
 result of this victory. Finally when Nyslott, one of the 
 remaining fortresses, was taken, the Swedish troops evacuated 
 the Baltic Provinces, leaving these and half a province of Fin- 
 land In the hands of the Russians. 
 
 These military affairs, we may say, took place in the inter- 
 vals of the reforms which Peter worked diligently to bring 
 about In the state during his entire career. This he did in the 
 abrupt way in which he had dealt with the long beards and 
 coats of the old Russians, and not without stubborn opposi- 
 tion. But everything fell before the vigorous will of the Czar, 
 and the Russia he left was a very different one In manners and 
 customs — perhaps not so much in the true essentials of civili- 
 zation — from that to which he had succeeded. 
 
 His efforts to extend the dominion of Russia were not 
 confined to Europe, Asia being invaded by his armies. Of 
 this we shall speak briefly in a later chapter, and it must suffice 
 here to say that the chief result of his campaigns in Asia was 
 the acquisition of some territory on the southern shores of the 
 Caspian Sea, over which the Russian flag first waved on the 
 19th of July, 1722. In his reign the interference of Russia 
 in the affairs of Poland first began ; not to end until that 
 
28 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 
 
 unhappy kingdom was removed from the map of Europe. 
 Throughout his reign his predilection for the water and 
 his desire to make Russia a power upon the sea did not cease. 
 It was, in a way, the cause of his death. 
 
 Peter had always been careless of his person. He had 
 fearlessly exposed himself to all climates, and had committed 
 many excesses in eating and drinking. When he was about 
 fifty years of age his robust constitution began to show signs 
 of weakness. He further impaired it by spending much time 
 in the marshes, superintending the works of the Ladoga canal, 
 accompanied by Munich, who was afterwards to play such an 
 important part in Russian history. He also undertook a 
 journey into Finland at a very unseasonable time of the year. 
 He entered the port of Lachta on the 5th of November, 
 1725, and there witnessed the dangers to which some sol- 
 diers and sailors were exposed in a small vessel. Seeing 
 that they were unable to help themselves, he jumped into 
 a skiff, and thence into the sea, and so reached the stranded 
 vessel. He succeeded in rescuing the crew, at the risk of his 
 life, a striking proof that he was a brave, and, on occasion, 
 a humane man. But the same night the chill brought on 
 an old malady. He fell into a violent fever. Ill, however, as 
 he was, his mind was active, and he gave commission to the 
 navigator Behring for his famous voyage of discovery. He 
 suffered a great deal, but was able to dictate to those round 
 him his last orders. He entreated Catharine, his wife, to protect 
 his Academy, of Sciences, and to invite learned men to it from 
 other parts of Europe. He then pointed out Ostermann to 
 her, saying: "Russia cannot do without him; he is the only 
 man who knows her real interests." He ther, in a calm man- 
 ner, fixed the time during which mourning should be worn for 
 him ; and on January 28th, about 4 o'clock in the morning, the 
 end came. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Russia from Peter to Alexander 
 
 Successors of Peter the Great — The Revolution Against Peter III — Catharine II on 
 the Throne — The Cossack Revolt — Defeat and Death ofPugachev — The Partition 
 of Poland — Kosciuszko Defeated and Warsaw Taken — The Russians and the 
 Turks — Great Victory in the Crimea — The Turkish Navy Annihilated — Gustavus 
 of Sweden Foiled — Reforms of Catharine the Great — The Czar Paul is Assas- 
 sinated — Suvaroff Fights Against France — The Wars with Napoleon — How 
 Napoleon Broke the Peace with Alexander. 
 
 FROM the death of Peter the Great, in 1725, to the suc- 
 cession of the great Catharine, in 1 762, there were 
 several reigns, but the history of Russia was not made 
 notable by any events of leading importance. The reigns, 
 therefore, of these monarchs may be passed over with the 
 mere mention of the names of the Empresses Catharine, Anne 
 and Elizabeth, and the Emperors Peter II, Ivan VI and 
 Peter III, and our attention fixed on that of Catharine II, 
 surnamed "the Great." This title is not without warrant, for 
 she was a woman fitted to mate with Elizabeth of England in 
 political ability, and her reign ranks after that of Peter the 
 Great as the second in brilliance in the Russian annals. 
 
 Peter III, the nephew and successor of the Empress 
 Elizabeth, took to wife a German princess, Sophia of Anhalt- 
 Zerbst, who was taken into the Greek Church under the name 
 of Catharine. A woman of extraordinary talent and enter- 
 prise, and the wife of a weak and puerile prince, who treated 
 her with contempt and brutality, she gradually gathered about 
 her a powerful party, who despised the Czar for his drunken- 
 ness and licentiousness, and ridiculed him for his weakness and 
 frivolity. This state of affairs ended in a revolution, in which 
 
 29 
 
3© RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 
 
 Peter was imprisoned and Catharine raised to the throne. A 
 few days later the death of the Czar was announced — of colic, 
 it was said ; of poison, it was believed. But no one mourned 
 him, and Catharine was accepted as the people's choice. 
 
 In describing the reign of this remarkable woman, it will 
 be well to begin with a condensed account of the numerous 
 warlike enterprises of her reign, and the great accessions of 
 territory gained, in which she rivalled the exploits of Peter the 
 Great. As we have said of Peter, the Russia she left was a 
 much greater and more powerful realm than the Russia to 
 whose throne she came. 
 
 A leading event of her reign was brought about by a 
 great insurrection of the Cossacks, those nomads of Tartar 
 blood, who had long lived under Russian rule, but were as 
 wild and fierce as their brethren of the desert. The Cossacks 
 of the Yaik, among whom the insurrection began, were a 
 branch of the Don Cossacks, and had been subjects of Russia 
 from the time of the Czar Michael. Till the reign of Peter 
 the Great they had lived in all the ordinary license of Cossack 
 life — they elected their own hetman and elder, paid no taxes, 
 and were liable to no military duties, except a very light serv- 
 ice. They were in the habit of committing depredations on 
 the Caspian Sea, where they plundered Persian trading vessels. 
 Now and then they received a severe reprimand from Mos- 
 cow, but were never efficaciously punished. Their remarkable 
 insurrection broke out in 1773. The leader, Emilian Puga- 
 chev, was a Cossack of the Don, who gave himself out to be 
 the Emperor Peter III, having, according to his story, escaped 
 from the clutches of the conspirators. It is said that one day 
 an officer casually remarked to Pugachev, who was serving in 
 the ranks, that he resembled very much the late Czar. The 
 remark took effect in the insurrection under review. At the 
 outbreak of the insurrection his force numbered 3,000 men, 
 which in a short time swelled to 30,000. He made himself 
 
RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 3.1 
 
 master with remarkable rapidity of all the fortified places of 
 the Ural ; had besieged Orenburg and stirred up the Bashkirs, 
 Calmucks and Kirghiz Kazaks. 
 
 The sudden death in the field of General Bibikov, an able 
 officer chosen by Catharine to deal with the rebels, added to 
 the strength of the movement. Pugachev's force very rapidly 
 increased, and with a vast body of followers he marched upon 
 Kazan, which he took, plundered and burnt. From this point 
 he designed to move upon Moscow and make himself master 
 of the ancient capital of the land. 
 
 The rapid and threatening progress of the rebels was at 
 length arrested by General Michelson, who defeated them and 
 drove them back in the direction of the Volga, following their 
 steps with unceasing activity. Pugachev now abandoned all 
 thought of marching on Moscow, and began to look out for a 
 refuge in Turkey or Persia. He made a rapid retreat, 
 destroying all the villages and towns in his way, including 
 Penza and Saratov. When he had nearly reached Astrakhan, 
 whence he could easily have escaped to the sea, Michelson fell 
 once more upon him below Tsaritsin, and, having completely 
 defeated him, forced him across the Volga into the steppes. 
 Here, behind Lake Elbon, the rebel was surrounded by the 
 soldiers who gathered together from all quarters as Count 
 Panin had skillfully arranged. Finally Suvaroff came upon 
 the scene and pursued him at the head of Michelson's regi- 
 ment. The confederates of Pugachev now saw no other 
 means of escaping from the trap in which they had fallen than 
 by throwing themselves on the mercy of the Government. 
 They therefore resolved to sacrifice their leader. He was 
 delivered up at Simbirsk and taken in an iron cage to Mos- 
 cow. There he was kept for about two months fastened by a 
 chain to the wall and subjected to the gaze of the inquisitive 
 public. He seems to have shown none of the courage that 
 might have been expected from his career. On the 22nd of 
 
32 RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 
 
 January, 1775, he was executed, together with five of his con- 
 federates. 
 
 The number of persons killed by this monster was very 
 great, and dreary lists are appended to the Russian works on 
 the rebellion. It is not a little curious that even so late as the 
 time when Pushkin was collecting materials for his history, 
 about 1830, he found many peasants who still believed that 
 Pugachev was the genuine Emperor ; one old woman said to 
 Pushkin — " You call him impostor, but we call him our Czar, 
 Peter III." If he had not estranged so many people by his 
 reckless and meaningless cruelties, one cannot help thinking 
 he might have succeeded. 
 
 We now come to what was, perhaps, the most important 
 series of events of the reign of Catharine — the dismemberment 
 of Poland. The attention of Russia was by this time concen- 
 trated on that unhappy country, which had long exhibited 
 signs of decay. Once an extensive and powerful country, 
 occupying a broad territory between Russia and the German 
 States, it had been seriously weakened by the invasion and 
 conquest of Charles XII, the Swedish Alexander, and still 
 more so by the mediaeval character of its government and the 
 insubordination of its nobles and people. As a consequence, 
 it had become greatly diminished in territory and so broken in 
 strength by internal dissensions as to lay it bare to the cupid- 
 ity of surrounding monarchs. 
 
 Charles XII had, at an earlier date planned its division, 
 and this idea was brought up again by Frederick the Great, 
 the most ambitious and predatory monarch of the age. 
 Russia and Austria readily became his confederates in this 
 brigandish scheme, and a treaty of partition was signed at St. 
 Petersburg in 1772, Russia obtaining a large section of the 
 divided land. 
 
 The final partition of unhappy Poland was accomplished 
 twenty years later. In the interim, what had been left by the 
 
RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 33 
 
 Imperial robbers had struggled on In a state of great weak- 
 ness, and they now saw their opportunity to complete their 
 nefarious work. It was not accomplished, however, without 
 vigorous resistance on the part of the Polish patriots, who, 
 under the leadership of the heroic Koscluszko, fought nobly 
 for the liberty of their Imperilled land. But the Russians and 
 Prussians poured vast armies across the borders, Koscluszko 
 was defeated by Suvaroff and fell desperately wounded on the 
 field of battle ; Warsaw was besieged and taken, with a fearful 
 massacre of its Inhabitants, and the last remnants of the once 
 great kingdom of Poland were absorbed by the robber states. 
 
 Two other series of wars were conducted by the generals 
 of the energetic Catharine, one against Turkey and the other 
 against Sweden. War against the former power was declared 
 in 1767 and continued till 1774, immense armies being put In 
 the field and very active operations conducted. The great 
 event of the war, however, was the notable battle between the 
 Russians under Rumiantsov and an Immensely larger force of 
 Turks and Tartars. 
 
 The scene of this engagement was the Crimean peninsula, 
 In which the Russians had just before attacked and captured 
 the camp of the Tartar Khan, with all Its artillery. But the 
 position of Rumiantsov was now a very dangerous one. His 
 army was reduced to i 7,000 men, weakened by disease and by 
 the loss of some regiments who were protecting the convoy of 
 provisions. These men were exhausted by their rapid marches, 
 by a battle which they had only recently fought, and by the 
 deficiency of food. 
 
 In front were 150,000 Turks, and from behind they were 
 threatened by 80,000 Tartars. But Rumiantsov managed to 
 keep his presence of mind, and, having given his soldiers a short 
 time to rest, issued orders for the battle. His army was 
 divided Into five squares. General Bauer was ordered to 
 attack the left wing of the enemy, and Prince Repnin and 
 
 3 
 
34 RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 
 
 Count Bruce (a descendant of an old Scottish family) to sur- 
 round the right, while Plemiannikov and Olets delivered the 
 centre attack, the commander-in-chief being himself in front. 
 On the night of the 2nd of August the army quietly marched 
 in squares on the enemy, and when the morning broke went 
 straight against the camp, which was protected by deep 
 trenches. The Turks seemed at first panic-stricken at the 
 sudden appearance of the Russians, but soon swarmed out of 
 their entrenchments and threw the division of Plemiannikov 
 into confusion. This caused a slight hesitation on the part of 
 the Russian right wing, and as a result some regiments were 
 mown down by the Janissaries ; others began to retreat. 
 Thereupon Rumiantsov rushed into the thickest part of the 
 fray, and crying out, '' Stop, boys ! " rallied the fugitives. Led 
 by him in person, the Russians now took to their bayonets. 
 The enemy began to waver, and his confusion was increased 
 by the excellent fire of the artillery. At length, after many 
 hours of stubborn fighting, the Russian soldiers rushed into 
 the camp on all sides. The Vizier fied to Bulgaria, followed 
 by the whole of the Turkish army. The passage of the 
 Danube was a matter of some difificulty, and thousands of the 
 Turks were drowned in its waters. The Khan of the Crimea, 
 who had fallen upon the Russian rear, also took to flight and 
 concealed himself at Ochakov. The whole Turkish baggage 
 and artillery, and a vast quantity of treasure, remained in the 
 hands of the conquerors. Rumiantsov was loaded with honors 
 by the Empress for his victory. 
 
 To this signal victory was added a great naval victory on 
 the part of the Russians, in which a Turkish fleet nearly twice 
 as large as that of Russia was completely worsted, the whole 
 fleet of nearly a hundred vessels being destroyed in a six- 
 hours' engagement. 
 
 The results of this great success were the following : In 
 the treaty of peace of July 22, 1774, Turkey recognized the 
 
RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 35 
 
 independence of the Tartar Khans of the Crimea — a move- 
 ment preliminary to the annexation of their country by Russia, 
 which was brought about by a later war. Russia gained 
 several posts on the Black Sea and the right of free navigation 
 to the Mediterranean, indemnity for the expenses of the 
 war, and rights and privileges for her subjects in Turkey which 
 they had never before enjoyed. 
 
 The war with Sweden was in consequence of the ambition 
 of Gustavus III of that country, who hoped to gain the fame 
 in war of his ancestors, the great Gustavus and Charles XII. 
 But he found the Russians fully his match, and after a desperate 
 struggle he was forced, in 1790, to conclude peace, after a great 
 shedding of blood and a prodigal waste of the resources of 
 his poor kingdom, with no gain to show for it. 
 
 Such were the military events of the reign of Catharine the 
 Great. The legislative and constitutional reforms were equally 
 worthy of note, much being done towards bringing about that 
 progress in civilization which Peter the Great had so ably in- 
 augurated. A new and modernized code of laws was estab- 
 lished, the estates of the clergy were secularized, the position 
 of the nobles in relation to the throne was definitely fixed, and 
 the supreme and autocratic authority of the sovereign was 
 asserted in the most emphatic manner. 
 
 At the beofinninof of Catharine's reig^n her ideas were 
 extremely liberal ; she established a commission to com- 
 pile the new code, and gave to the commissioners instruc- 
 tions as to the principles which should govern them, taken 
 from the brightest pages of the philosophy of the eigh- 
 teenth century. They contained such maxims as the follow- 
 ing : " The nation is not made for the sovereign, but the 
 sovereign for the nation." " Equality consists in the obedi- 
 ence of the citizen to the law alone ; liberty is the right to do 
 everything that is not forbidden by law." 'It is better to 
 spare ten guilty men than to put one innocent man to death." 
 
36 RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 
 
 ** Torture Is an admirable means for convicting an Innocent but 
 weakly man, and for saving a stout fellow even when he is 
 guilty." 
 
 She had much to say about the emancipation of the serfs ; 
 and established a society In which the question of emancipa- 
 tion was made a subject for prize competition. An article In 
 its favor won the prize. But Catharine did nothing beyond 
 this. In fact, she finally aggravated the evil of serfdom by 
 dividing many of her own serfs among the nobles. She for- 
 bade peasants to complain of their masters, and a master 
 might send his serf to Siberia at will. In truth, while she did 
 much to Improve the condition of the middle classes, who had 
 been almost on the same level with the serfs, she left the 
 latter In a worse condition than she found them. 
 
 Catharine died on November 17, 1796, leaving the throne 
 to her son Paul, a man in almost every respect unfit for the 
 position, and the end of whose reign came in a way not un- 
 common in Russia, he being strangled by. conspirators on 
 March 23, 1801. He was succeeded by his son Alexander I. 
 
 During the reign of Paul the armies of Russia took an 
 active part In the wars with the French republic, under the 
 leadership of the valiant Suvaroff, who was finally worsted, 
 however, through the bad conduct of his lieutenants and allies. 
 Under Alexander Russia entered with much energy into the 
 great struggle against Napoleon, aiding Austria and Prussia in 
 their wars with the Corslcan conqueror. At the great battle of 
 Austerlltz the Russians suffered a disastrous defeat, and were 
 later defeated at Eylau and Friedland, though the latter defeats 
 were very costly ones to Napoleon. These battles led to the 
 treaty of peace of July, 1807, between Alexander and Napoleon, 
 and a secret treaty of alliance between Russia and France. The 
 arbitrary commercial measures subsequently taken by Napo- 
 leon brought on that great war with Russia which put an end 
 to the phenomenal success of his career. 
 
CHAPTER m, 
 
 * Napoleon at Moscow and His Terrible Retreat 
 
 The Grand Army on Russian Soil — The Mighty Advance of Napoleon and his Hosts — 
 The Fierce Struggle at Borodina — France in the Holy City of Russia — Fire and 
 Flames in Moscow — The Victors in a City of Ashes — The Frightful Winter Re- 
 treat — Death from Sword, Bullet and Frost — A Starving and Perishing Army— 
 The Massacre at the Ice-bound Beresina — The P'ate of the Grand Army — Marshal 
 Ney and his Dying Handful — The Fall of Napoleon. 
 
 ON the banks of the Niemen, a river that flows between 
 Prussia and Poland, there gathered near the end of 
 June, 1812, an immense army of more than 600,000 
 men, attended by an enormous multitude of non-combatants, 
 their purpose being the invasion of the empire of Russia. Of 
 this great army, made up of troops from half the nations of 
 Europe, there reappeared six months later on that broad 
 stream about 16,000 armed men, almost all that were left of 
 that stupendous host. The remainder had perished on the 
 desert soil or in the frozen rivers of Russia, few of them sur- 
 viving as prisoners in Russian hands. Such was the character 
 of the dread catastrophe that broke the power of the mighty 
 conqueror and delivered Europe from his autocratic grasp. 
 The breach of relations between Napoleon and Alexander 
 was largely due to the arbitrary and highhanded proceedings of 
 the French Emperor, who was accustomed to deal with the map 
 of Europe as If It represented his private domain. He offended 
 Alexander by enlarging the duchy of Warsaw — one of his own 
 creations — and deeply Incensed him by extending the French 
 empire to the shores of the Baltic, thus robbing of his domln- 
 ion the Duke of Oldenburg, a near relative of Alexander. On 
 the other hand the Czar declined to submit the commercial 
 
 37 
 
38 NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW 
 
 interests of his country to the rigor of Napoleon's ''continental 
 blockade," and made a new tariff, which interfered with the 
 importation of French and favored that of English goods. 
 These and other acts in which Alexander chose to place his 
 own interests in advance of those of Napoleon were as worm- 
 wood to the haughty soul of the latter, and he determined to 
 punish the Russian autocrat as he had done the other mon- 
 archs of Europe who refused to submit to his dictation. 
 
 For a year or two before war was declared Napoleon had 
 been preparing for the greatest struggle of his life, adding to 
 his army by the most rigorous methods of conscription and col- 
 lecting great magazines of war material, though still professing 
 friendship for Alexander. The latter, however, was not decei- 
 ved. He prepared, on his part, for the threatened struggle, made 
 peace with the Turks, and formed an alliance with Bernadotte, 
 the crown prince of Sweden, who had good reason to be offen- 
 ded with his former lord and master. Napoleon, on his side, 
 allied himself with Prussia and Austria, and added to his army 
 large contingents of troops from the German states. At length 
 the great conflict was ready to begin between the two auto- 
 crats, the Emperors of the East and the West, and Europe 
 resounded with the tread of marching feet. 
 
 In the closing days of June the grand army crossed the Nie- 
 men, its last regiments reaching Russian soil by the opening of 
 July. Napoleon, with the advance, pressed on to Wilna, the 
 capital of Lithuania. On all sides the Poles rose in enthu- 
 siastic hope, and joined the ranks of the man whom they 
 looked upon as their deliverer. Onward went the great army, 
 marching with Napoleon's accustomed rapidity, seeking to pre- 
 vent the concentration of the divided Russian forces, and ad- 
 vancing daily deeper into the dominions of the Czar. 
 
 The French Emperor had his plans well laid. He pro- 
 posed to meet the Russians in force on some interior field, win 
 from them one of his accustomed brilliant victories, crush them 
 
JNAFULhON Al MOSCOW 39 
 
 with his enormous columns, and force the dismayed Czar to 
 sue for peace on his own terms. But plans need two sides for 
 their consummation, and the Russian leaders did not propose 
 to lose the advantage given them by nature. On and on went 
 Napoleon, deeper and deeper into that desolate land, but the 
 great army he was to crush failed to loom up before him, the 
 broad plains still spread onward empty of soldiers, and disquiet 
 began to assail his imperious soul as he found the Russian 
 hosts keeping constantly beyond his reach, luring him ever 
 deeper into their vast territory. In truth Barclay de Tolly, 
 the Czar's chief in command, had adopted a policy which was 
 sure to prove fatal to Napoleon's purpose, that of persistently 
 avoiding battle and keeping the French in pursuit of a fleeting 
 will-of-the-wisp, while their army wasted away from natural 
 disintegration in that inhospitable clime. 
 
 He was correct in his views. Desertion, illness, the death 
 of young recruits who could not endure the hardships of rapid 
 march in the severe heat of midsummer, began their fatal work. 
 Napoleon's plan of campaign proved a total failure. The Russi- 
 ans would not wait to be defeated, and each day's march opened 
 a wider circle of operations before the advancing host, whom 
 the interminable plain filled with a sense of hopelessness. The 
 heat was overpowering, and men dropped from the ranks as 
 rapidly as though on a field of battle. At Vitebsk the army 
 was inspected, and the emperor was alarmed at the rapid de 
 crease in his forces. Some of the divisions had lost more than 
 a fourth of their men, in every corps the ranks were depleted, 
 and reinforcements already had to be set on the march. 
 
 Onward they went, here and there bringing the Russians 
 to bay in a minor engagement, but nowhere meeting them in 
 numbers. Europe waited in vain for tidings of a great battle, 
 and Napoleon began to look upon his proud army with a feel- 
 ing akin to despair. He was not alone in his eagerness for 
 battle. Some of the high-spirited Russians, among them 
 
40 NAPOLEON A T MO SCO W 
 
 Prince Bagration, were as eager, but as yet the prudent policy 
 of Barclay de Tolly prevailed. 
 
 On the 14th of August, the army crossed the Dnieper, and 
 marched, now 175,000 strong, upon Smolensk, which was 
 reached on the i6th. This ancient and venerable town was 
 dear to the Russians, and they made their first determined 
 stand in its defence, fighting behind its walls all day of the 
 17th. Finding that the assault was likely to succeed, they set 
 fire to the town at night and withdrew, leaving to the French 
 a city in flames. The bridge was cut, the Russian army was 
 beyond pursuit on the road to Moscow, nothing had been 
 gained by the struggle but the ruins of a town. 
 
 The situation was growing desperate. For two months 
 the army had advanced without a battle of importance, and 
 was soon in the heart of Russia, reduced to half its numbers, 
 while the hoped-for victory seemed as far off as ever. And the 
 short summer of the north was nearing its end. 
 
 The severe winter of that climate would soon begin. Dis- 
 couragement everywhere prevailed. Efforts were made by 
 Napoleon's marshals to induce him to give up the losing game 
 and retreat, but he was not to be moved from his purpose. A 
 march on Moscow, the old capital of the empire, he felt sure 
 would bring the Russians to bay. Once within its walls he 
 hoped to dictate terms of peace. 
 
 Napoleon was soon to have the battle for which his soul 
 craved. Barclay's prudent and successful policy was not to 
 the taste of many of the Russian leaders, and the Czar was at 
 length induced to replace him by fiery old KutusofT, who had 
 commanded the Russians at Austerlitz. A change in the 
 situation was soon apparent. On the 5th of September the 
 French army debouched upon the plain of Borodino, on the 
 road to Moscow, and the Emperor saw with joy the Russian 
 army drawn up to dispute the way to the "Holy City" of the 
 Muscovites- The dark columns of the troops were strongly 
 
NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW 4^ 
 
 intrenched behind a small stream, frowning rows of guns threat- 
 ened the advancing foe, and hope returned to the Emperor's 
 heart. 
 
 Battle began early on the 7th, and continued all the 
 day, the Russians defending their ground with unyielding 
 stubborness, the French attacking their positions with their 
 old impetuous dash and energy. Murat and Ney were the 
 heroes of the day. Again and again the Emperor was im- 
 plored to send the imperial guard and overwhelm the foe, but 
 he persistently refused. *' If there is a second battle to-mor- 
 row," he said, "what troops shall I fight it with ? It is not 
 when one is eight hundred leagues from home that he risks 
 his last resource." 
 
 The guard was not needed. On the following day Kutu- 
 soff was obliged to withdraw, leaving no less than 40,000 dead 
 and wounded on the field. Napoleon found it expedient not to 
 pursue. His own losses aggregated over 30,000, among them 
 an unusual number of generals, of whom ten were killed and 
 thirty-nine wounded. Napoleon named the engagement the 
 Battle of the Moscow, from the river that crossed the plain, 
 and honored Ney, as the hero of the day, with the title of the 
 Prince of Moscow. 
 
 On the 15th the Holy City was reached. A shout of 
 " Moscow ! Moscow !" went up from the whole army as they 
 gazed on the gilded cupolas and magnificent buildings of that 
 famous city, brilliantly lit up by the afternoon sun. Twenty 
 miles in circumference, dazzling with the green of its copper 
 domes and its minarets of yellow stone, the towers and walls 
 of the famous Kremlin rising above its palaces and gardens, it 
 seemed like some fabled city of the Arabian Nights. With 
 renewed enthusiasm the troops rushed towards It, while whole 
 regiments of Poles fell on their knees, thanking God for deliv- 
 ering this stronghold of their oppressors into their hands. 
 
 It was an empty city into which the French marched ; its 
 
42 NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW ' 
 
 streets deserted, Its dwellings silent. Its busy life had van- 
 ished like a morning mist. Kutusoff had marched his army- 
 through it and left it to his foes. The inhabitants were gone, 
 with what they could carry of their treasures. The city, like 
 the empire, seemed likely to be a barren conquest, for here, as 
 elsewhere, the policy of retreat, so fatal to Napoleon's hopes, 
 was put into effect. The Emperor took up his abode in the 
 Kremlin, within whose ample precincts he found quarters for 
 the whole imperial guard. The remainder of the army was 
 stationed at chosen points about the city. Provisions were 
 abundant, the houses and stores of the city being amply sup- 
 plied. The army enjoyed a luxury of which it had been long 
 deprived, while Napoleon confidently awaited a triumphant 
 result from his victorious progress. 
 
 A terrible disenchantment awaited the invader. Early 
 on the following morning word was brought that Moscow was 
 on fire. Flames arose from houses that had not been opened. 
 It was evidently a premeditated conflagration. The fire burst 
 out at once in a dozen quarters, and a high wind carried the 
 flames from street to street, from house to house, from church 
 to church. Russians were captured who boasted that they had 
 fired the town under orders and who met death unflinchingly. 
 The governor had left them behind for this fell purpose. The 
 poorer people, many of whom had remained hidden in their 
 huts, now fled in terror, taking with them what cherished pos- 
 sessions they could carry. Soon the city was a seething mass 
 of flames. 
 
 The Kremlin did not escape. . A tower burst into flames. 
 In vain the imperial guard sought to check the fire. No fire- 
 engines were to be found in the town. Napoleon hastily left 
 the palace and sought shelter outside the city, in which for 
 three days the flames ran riot, feeding on ancient palaces and 
 destroying untold treasures. Then the wind sank and rain 
 poured upon the smouldering embers. The great city had 
 
NAPOLEON A T MOSCO W 43 
 
 become a desolate heap of smoking ruins, into which the sol- 
 diers daringly stole back in search of valuables that might 
 have escaped the flames. 
 
 Napoleon, sadly troubled in soul, sent letters to Alexander, 
 suggesting the advisability of peace. Alexander left his letters 
 unanswered. Until October i8th the Emperor waited, hoping 
 against hope, willing to grant almost any terms for an oppor- 
 tunity to escape from the fatal trap into which his overweening 
 ambition had led him. No answer came from the Czar. He 
 was inflexible in his determination not to treat with these 
 invaders of his country. In deep dejection Napoleon at 
 length gave the order to retreat — too late, as it was to prove, 
 since the terrible Russian winter was ready to descend upon 
 them in all its frightful strength. 
 
 The army that left that ruined city was a sadly depleted 
 one. It had been reduced to 103,000 men. The army follow- 
 ers had also become greatly decreased in numbers, but still 
 formed a host, among them delicate ladies, thinly clad, who 
 gazed with terrified eyes from their traveling carriages upon 
 the dejected troops. Articles of plunder of all kinds were 
 carried by the soldiers, even the wounded in the wagons lying 
 amid the spoil they had gathered. The Kremlin was destroyed 
 by the rear guard, under Napoleon's orders, and over the dreary 
 Russian plains the retreat began. 
 
 It was no sooner under way than the Russian policy 
 changed. From retreating, the troops everywhere advanced, 
 seeking to annoy and cut off the enemy, and utterly to destroy 
 the fugitive army if possible. A stand was made at the town of 
 Maloi-Yaroslavitz, where a sanguinary combat took place. The 
 French captured the town, but 10,000 men lay dead or 
 wounded on the field, while Napoleon was forced to abandon 
 his projected line of march, and to return by the route he had 
 followed in his advance on Moscow. From the bloody scene 
 of contest the retreat continued, the battlefield of Borodino 
 
44 NAPOLEON A T MOSCO W 
 
 being crossed, and, by the middle of November the ruins of 
 Smolensk were reached. 
 
 Winter was now upon the French in all its fury. The 
 food brought from Moscow had been exhausted. Famine, 
 frost, and fatigue had proved more fatal than the bullets of the 
 enemy. In fourteen days after reaching Moscow the army 
 lost 43,000 men, leaving it only 60,000 strong. On reaching 
 Smolensk it numbered but 42,000, having lost 18,000 more 
 within eight days. The unarmed followers are said to have still 
 numbered 60,000. Worse still, the supply of arms and provi- 
 sions ordered to be ready at Smolensk was in great part lacking, 
 only rye-flour and rice being found. Starvation threatened to 
 aid the winter cold in the destruction of the feeble remnant of 
 the *' Grand Army." 
 
 Onward went the despairing host, at every step harassed 
 by the Russians, who followed like wolves on their path. Ney, 
 in command of the rear-guard, was the hero of the retreat. 
 Cut off by the Russians from the main column, and apparently 
 lost beyond hope, he made a wonderful escape by crossing the 
 Dnieper on the ice during the night and rejoining his compan- 
 ions, who had given up the hope of ever seeing him again. 
 
 On the 26th the ice-cold river Beresina was reached, des- 
 tined to be the most terrible point on the whole dreadful 
 march. Two bridges were thrown in all haste across the 
 stream, and most of the men under arms crossed, but 18,000 
 stragglers fell into the hands of the enemy. How many were 
 trodden to death in the press or were crowded from the bridge 
 into the icy river cannot be told. It is said that when spring 
 thawed the ice 30,000 bodies were found and burned on the 
 banks of the stream. A mere fragment of the great army 
 remained alive. Ney was the last man to cross that frightful 
 stream. 
 
 On the 3d of December Napoleon issued a bulletin which 
 has become famous, telling the anxious nations of Europe that 
 
NAPOLEON A T MO SCO W 45 
 
 the grand army was annihilated, but the Emperor was safe. 
 Two days afterwards he surrendered the command of the army 
 to Murat and set out at all speed for Paris, where his presence 
 was indispensably necessary. On the 13th of December some 
 16,000 haggard and staggering men, almost too weak to hold 
 the arms to which they still despairingly clung, recrossed the 
 Niemen, which the grand army had passed in such magnificent 
 strength and with such abounding resources less than six 
 months before. It was the greatest and most astounding dis- 
 aster in the military history of the world. 
 
 This tale of terror may be fitly closed by a dramatic story 
 told by General Mathieu Dumas, who, while sitting at break- 
 fast in Gumbinnen, saw enter a haggard man, with long beard, 
 blackened face, and red and glaring eyes. 
 
 *' I am here at last ! " he exclaimed. " Don't you know 
 me?" 
 
 ** No," said the general. " Who are you ?" 
 
 " I am the rear-guard of the Grand Army. I have fired 
 the last musket-shot on the bridge of Kowno. I have thrown 
 the last of our arms into the Niemen, and come hither through 
 the woods. I am Marshal Ney." 
 
 ** This is the beginning of the end," said the shrewd Talley- 
 rand, when Napoleon set out on his Russian campaign. The 
 remark proved true ; the disaster in Russia had loosened the 
 grasp of the Corsican on the throat of Europe, and the 
 nations, which hated as much as they feared their ruthless 
 enemy, made active preparations for his overthrow. While he 
 was in France actively gathering men and materials for a 
 renewed struggle, signs of an implacable hostility began to 
 manifest themselves on all sides in the surrounding states. 
 Belief in the invincibility of Napoleon had vanished, and little 
 fear was entertained of the raw conscripts whom he was forc- 
 ing into the ranks to replace his slaughtered veterans. 
 
 With all Europe rising behind him as he retreated, all the 
 
46 NAPOLEON A T MOSCO W 
 
 efforts of the great conqueror proved In vain, and he was driven 
 back, step by step, until the allied armies of Russia, Austria, 
 Prussia and England closed in on him like hounds round the 
 wolf at bay, and he was forced to abdicate his throne and 
 exchange the dominion of half Europe for a toy kingdom on 
 the little isle of Elba. His return to France and the famous 
 "Hundred Days'" struggle, ending with the final defeat at 
 Waterloo, were but the last desperate struggles of a ruined 
 man. St. Helena followed Elba, and his career was at an 
 end. But the fall of the mighty Napoleon began when he set 
 his foot on the soil of Russia in his fatal march to Moscow 
 and its flames. 
 
CHAPTER IV. ' 
 
 The Wars of Russia with Turkey 
 
 Constantinople the Great Goal of Russia — The Great War in the Crimea— England 
 and France in Arms — The Valiant Attacks on the Mighty Stronghold of Sebas- 
 topol — Defeat of Russia and Triumph of Turkey and Her Allies — The Bulgarian 
 Powers of 1876— Russia in Arms Again — The Balkan Crossed — Under the Walls of 
 Constantinople — The Powers of Europe Rob Russia of Her Prey. 
 
 AMONG the most interesting phases of nineteenth-century 
 history is that of the conflict between Russia and Tur- 
 key, a struggle for dominion that came down from the 
 preceding centuries, and still seems only temporarily laid 
 aside for final settlement in the years to come. In the eigh- 
 teenth century the Turks proved quite able to hold their own 
 against all the power of Russia and all the armies of Catharine 
 the Great, and they entered the nineteenth century with their 
 ancient dominion largely intact. But they were declining in 
 strength while Russia was growing, and long before 1900 the 
 empire of the Sultan would have become the prey of the Czar 
 had not the other powers of Europe come to the rescue. The 
 Czar Nicholas designated the Sultanas ** the sick man" of 
 Europe, and such he and his empire have truly become. 
 
 The ambitious designs of Russia found abundant warrant 
 in the cruel treatment of the Christian people of Turkey. A 
 number of Christian kingdoms lay under the Sultan's rule, in 
 the South inhabited by Greeks, in the north by Slavs ; their 
 people treated always with harshness and tyranny ; their 
 every attempt at revolt repressed with savage cruelty. The 
 Greeks, thus harassed, rebelled against their oppressors in 
 182 1, and, with the aid of Europe, won their freedom in 1829. 
 Stirred by this struggle, Russia declared war against Turkey in 
 
 47 
 
48 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 
 
 1828 and, in the treaty of peace signed at Adrianople In 1829^ 
 secured not only the Independence of Greece, but a large 
 degree of home-rule for the northern principalities of Servia, 
 Moldavia, and Wallachla. Turkey was forced In a measure to 
 loosen her grip on Christian Europe. But the Russians were 
 not satisfied with this. They had got next to nothing for 
 themselves. England and the other Western powers, fearful 
 of seeing Russia In possession of Constantinople, had forced 
 her to release the fruits of her victory. It was the first step In 
 that jealous watchfulness of England over Constantinople 
 which was to have a more decided outcome In later years. 
 The new-born idea of maintaining the balance of power in 
 Europe stood In Russia's way, the nations of the West view- 
 ing in alarm the threatening growth of the great Muscovite 
 Empire. 
 
 The ambitious Czar Nicholas looked upon Turkey as his 
 destined prey, and waited with Impatience a sufficient excuse 
 to send his armies again to the Balkan Peninsula, whose 
 mountain barrier formed the great natural bulwark of Turkey 
 in the north. Though the Turkish government at this time 
 avoided direct oppression of its Christian subjects, the fanati- 
 cal Mohammedans were difficult to restrain, and the robbery 
 and murder of Christians were of common occurrence. A 
 source of hostility at length arose from the question of protect- 
 ing these ill-treated people. By favor of old treaties the Czar 
 claimed a certain right to protect the Christians of the Greek 
 faith. France assumed a similar protectorate over the Roman 
 Catholics of Palestine, but the greater . number of Greek 
 Christians in the Holy Land, and the powerful support of the 
 Czar, gave those the advantage in the frequent quarrels which 
 arose in Jerusalem between the pilgrims from the East and 
 the West. 
 
 Nicholas, instigated by his advantage in this quarter, deter- 
 mined to declare himself the protector of all the Christians 
 
THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY ^^ 
 
 in the Turkish Empire, a claim which the Sultan dared 
 not admit if he wished to hold control over his Mohammedan 
 subjects. War was in the air, and England and France, resolute 
 to preserve the *' balance of power," sent their fleets to the 
 Dardanelles as useful lookers-on. 
 
 The Sultan had already rejected the Russian demand, and 
 Nicholas lost no time in sending an army, led by Prince Gort- 
 chakof. with orders to cross the Pruth and take possession of 
 the Turkish provinces on the Danube. The gauntlet had 
 been thrown down. War was inevitable. The English news- 
 papers demanded of their government a vigorous policy. The 
 old Turkish party in Constantinople was equally urgent In its 
 demand for hostilities. At length, on October 4, 1853, the 
 Sultan declared war against Russia unless the Danubian prin- 
 cipalities should be at once evacuated. Instead of doing so, 
 Nicholas ordered his generals to invade the Balkan territory, 
 and on the other hand France and England entered into an 
 alliance with the Porte and sent their fleets to the Bosporus. 
 Shortly afterwards the Russian Admiral NachimofT surprised 
 a Turkish squadron in the harbor of Sinope, attacked it, and 
 — though the Turks fought with the greatest courage — the 
 ships were destroyed and nearly the whole of their crews were 
 slain. 
 
 This turned the tide In England and France, which 
 declared war in 1854, while Prussia and Austria maintained a 
 waiting attitude. No event of special importance took place 
 early in the war. In April. Lord Raglan, with an English 
 army of 20,oco men, landed in Turkey and the siege of the 
 Russian city of Odessa was begun. Meanwhile the Russians 
 who had crossed the Danube, found it advisable to retreat and 
 withdraw across the Pruth, on a threat of hostilities from Aus- 
 tria and Prussia unless the principalities were evacuated. 
 
 The French had met with heavy losses in an advance 
 from Varna, and the British fleet had made an expedition 
 4 
 
50 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 
 
 against St. Petersburg, but had been checked before the pow- 
 erful fortress of Cronstadt. Such was the state of affairs in 
 the summer of 1854, when the allies determined to carry the 
 war into the enemy's territory, attack the maritime city of 
 Sebastopol in the Crimea, and seek to destroy the Russian 
 naval power in the Black Sea. 
 
 Of the allied armies 15,000 men had already perished. 
 With the remaining forces, rather more than 50,000 British 
 and French and 6,000 Turks, the fleet set sail in September 
 across the Black Sea, and landed near Eupatoria on the west 
 coast of the Crimean peninsula, on the 4th of September, 
 1854. Southward from Eupatoria the sea forms a bay, into 
 which, near the ruins of the old town of Inkermann, the little 
 river Tachernaja pours itself. On its southern side lies the 
 fortified town of Sebastopol ; on its northern side strong fortifi- 
 cations were raised for the defence of the fleet of war which 
 lay at anchor in the bay. Farther north the western moun- 
 tain range is intersected by the river Alma, over which Prince 
 Menshikoff, Governor of the Crimea, garrisoned the heights 
 with an army of 30,000 men. Against the latter the allies 
 first directed their attack, and, in spite of the strong position 
 of the Russians on the rocky slopes, Menshikoff was compelled 
 to retreat, owing his escape from entire destruction only to the 
 want of cavalry in the army of the allies. This dearly bought 
 and bloody victory on the Alma gave rise to hopes of a speeidy 
 termination of the campaign ; but the allies, weakened and 
 wearied by the fearful struggle, delayed a further attack, and 
 Menshikoff gained time to strengthen his garrison, and to sur- 
 round Sebastopol with strong fortifications. When the allies 
 approached the town they were soon convinced that any attack 
 on such formidable defences would be fruitless, and that they 
 must await the arrival of fresh reinforcements and ammunition. 
 The English took up their position on the Bay of Balaklava, 
 and the French to the west, on the Kamiesch. 
 
int. wak::^ ui^ ku^^/a wuh lUKKhY 51 
 
 There now commenced a siege such as has seldom occur- 
 red in the history of the world. The first attempt to storm 
 the works by a united attack of the land army and the fleet 
 showed the resistance to be much more formidable than had 
 been expected by the allies. Eight days later the English were 
 surprised In their strong position near Balaklava by General 
 Liprandi. The battle of Balaklava was decided In favor of the 
 allies, as was also the battle of Inkermann, fought on the 5th 
 of November. 
 
 In the battle of Balaklava took place that heroic "Charge 
 of the Light Brigade," which has become famous in song and 
 story. Under a mistake in orders, the ''gallant six hundred" 
 charged headlong upon a Russian battery half a league away, 
 with other guns raking them from the flank, and death envel- 
 oping them on all sides. In among the guns they dashed, cut- 
 ting down the gunners at their pieces, and then, when the 
 order came to retreat, the bleeding remnant spurred their 
 horses to the backward ride through an Iron shower. One 
 group of about seventy men cut their way through three 
 squadrons of Russian lancers. Another party of equal strength 
 broke through a second intercepting force. Out of some 647 
 men in all, 247 were killed and wounded, and nearly all their 
 horses were slain. Lord Cardigan, the first to enter the bat- 
 tery, was one of those who came back alive. The whole affair 
 had occupied no more than twenty minutes. But It was a 
 twenty minutes of which the British nation has ever since been 
 proud, and which Tennyson has made famous by one of the 
 most spirit-stirring of his odes. The French General Bosquet 
 fairly characterized the affair by his often quoted remark: 
 ** Cest magnijique, mats ce nest pas la guerre T (It is magnifi- 
 cent, but it Is not war.) 
 
 In the year 1855 ^^e war was carried on with increased 
 energy. Sardinia joined the allies and sent them an army of 
 1 5,000 men. Austria broke with Russia and began preparations 
 
52 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 
 
 for war. And in March the obstinate Czar Nicholas died 
 and his milder son Alexander took his place. Peace was 
 demanded in Russia, yet 25,000 of her sons had fallen and the 
 honor of the nation was involved. The war went on, both 
 sides increasing their forces. Month by month the allies more 
 closely invested the besieged city. After the middle of August 
 the assault became almost incessant, cannon balls dropping 
 like an unceasing storm of hail in forts and streets. 
 
 On the 5th of September began a terrific bombardment, 
 continuing day and night for three days, and sweeping down 
 5,000 Russians on the ramparts. At length, as the hour of 
 noon struck on September 8th, the attack of which this play 
 of artillery was the prelude began, the French assailing the 
 Malakoff, the British the Redan, these being the most formid- 
 able of the defensive works of the town. The French assault 
 was successful, and Sebastopol became untenable. That night 
 the Russians blew up their remaining forts, sunk their ships of 
 war, and marched out of the town, leaving it as the prize of 
 victory to the allies. Soon after Russia gained a success by 
 capturing the Turkish fortress of Kars, in Asia Minor, and, 
 her honor satisfied with this success, a treaty of peace was 
 concluded. In this treaty the Black Sea was made neutral 
 and all ships of war were excluded from its waters, while the 
 safety of the Christians of Wallachia, Moldavia and Servia 
 was assured by making these principalities practically indepen- 
 dent, under the protection of the powers of Europe. 
 
 Turkey came out of the war weakened and shorn of ter- 
 ritory. But the Turkish idea of government remained un- 
 changed, and in twenty years' time Russia was fairly goaded 
 into another war. In 1875 Bosnia rebelled in consequence of 
 the insufferable oppression of the Turkish tax-collectors. The 
 brave Bosnians maintained themselves so sturdily in their 
 mountain fastnesses that the Turks almost despaired of sub- 
 duing them, and the Christian subjects of the Sultan in all 
 
THE WARS OP RUSSIA WITH TURI^EY t^^ 
 
 quarters became so stirred up that a general revolt was 
 threatened. 
 
 The Turks undertook to prevent this In their usual 
 fashion. Irregular troops were sent into Christian Bulgaria 
 with orders to kill all they met. . It was an order to the 
 Mohammedan taste. The defenceless villages of Bulgaria 
 were entered and the inhabitants slaughtered in cold blood, 
 till thousands of men, women and children had been slain. 
 
 When tidings of these atrocities reached Europe, the 
 nations were filled with horror. The Sultan made smooth 
 excuses, and diplomacy sought to settle the affair, but it became 
 evident that a massacre so terrible as this could not be con- 
 doned so easily. Disraeli, then prime minister of Great 
 Britain, sought to dispose of these reports as matters for jest ; 
 but Gladstone, at that time In retirement, arose In his might, 
 and by his pamphlet on the '* Bulgarian Horrors" so aroused 
 public sentiment In England that the government dared not 
 sustain Turkey In the coming war. 
 
 Hostilities were soon proclaimed. The Russians — of the 
 same race and reliofious sect as the Bulorarlans — were excited 
 beyond control, and In April, 1877, Alexander II declared war 
 against Turkey. The outrages of the Turks had been so fla- 
 grant that no allies came to their aid, while the rottenness of 
 their empire was shown by the rapid advance of the Russian 
 armies. 
 
 They crossed the Danube In June. In a month they 
 had occupied the principal passes of the Balkan mountains and 
 were in position to descend on the broad plain that led to Con- 
 stantinople. But at this point In their career they met with a 
 serious check. Osman Pasha, the single Turkish commander 
 of ability that the war developed, occupied the town of Plevna 
 with such forces as he could gather, fortified it as strongly as 
 possible, and from behind its walls defied the Russians. 
 
 They dared not advance and leave this stronghold In their 
 
54 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 
 
 rear. For five months all the power of Russia and the skill of 
 its generals were held in check by this brave man and his few 
 followers, until Europe and America alike looked on with 
 admiration at his remarkable defence, in view of which the 
 cause of the war was almost forgotten. The Russian general 
 Kriidener was repulsed with the loss of 8,000 men. The dar- 
 ing Skobeleff strove in vain to launch his troops over Osman's 
 walls. At length General Todleben undertook the siege, 
 adopting the slow but safe method of starving out the 
 defenders. At the head of his brave garrison the " Lion of 
 Plevna " sallied from the city, and fought with desperate cour- 
 age to break through the circle of his foes. He was finally 
 driven back into the city and compelled to surrender. 
 
 Osman had won glory, and his fall was the fall of the 
 Turkish cause. The Russians crossed the Balkan, capturing 
 in the Schipka Pass a Turkish army of 30,000 men. Adrian- 
 ople was taken, and the Turkish line of retreat cut off. The 
 Russians marched to the Bosporus, and the Sultan was com- 
 pelled to sue for pea^ce to save his capital from falling into the 
 hands of the Christians, as it had fallen into those of the 
 Turks four centuries before. 
 
 Russia had won the game for which she had made so long 
 a struggle. The treaty of Santo Stefano practically decreed the 
 dissolution of the Turkish empire. But at this juncture the 
 other nations of Europe took part. They were not content to 
 see the balance of power destroyed by Russia becoming master 
 of Constantinople, and England demanded that the treaty 
 should be revised by the European powers. Russia protested, 
 but Disraeli threatened war, and the Czar gave way. The 
 Congress of Berlin, to which the treaty was referred, settled 
 the question by decreeing the independence of Montenegro, 
 Roumania and Servia, and the partial freedom of Bulgaria. 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina were placed under the control of 
 Austria, and Russia obtained some provinces in Asia Minor. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Recent Emperors of Russia and Their Reigns 
 
 Nicholas I on the Throne — An Advocate of Despotism — The Acts of the Autocrat — 
 War with Turkey— The Great Revolt of the Poles— Harsh Treatment of Poland- 
 Cracow Loses its Liberty — Russia in Hungary — The War in the Caucasus — 
 Schamyl's Brilliant Defence — The Crimean War — Alexander II and the Freeing 
 of the Serfs — Other Reforms — Poland in Arms Again — Other Military Affairs — 
 The Dread Work of the Nihilists — Alexander III and His Autocratic Measures — 
 Nicholas II and the Great Peace Conference — The Harsh Treatment of Finland — 
 Movements of Russia in Asia. 
 
 ALEXANDER I, famous among the Czars of Russia for 
 his relation to the career of Napoleon and his promi- 
 nent share in the overthrow of the great conqueror, died 
 on the ist of December, 1825, leaving the throne to his brother 
 Nicholas, Constantine, the elder brother, a man in many re- 
 spects unfitted for the throne, having renounced his claim in 
 1822. The new Czar was twenty years younger than his 
 brother Alexander, being twenty-nine years of age on taking 
 the throne. - He delayed doing this until Constantine should 
 confirm his renunciation, with the unfortunate result of 
 bringing on a revolt in the army in favor of Constantine and 
 a constitutional government. The revolt was not put down 
 without bloodshed, and it left an indelible impression in favor 
 of autocratic rule in the mind of the new Czar, He had been 
 ^ trained in the midst of the tyrannical reaction that followed the 
 fall of Napoleon, and was, in addition, despotic by nature, and 
 the determination became fixed in his mind never to relax the 
 grasp of autocratic authority. 
 
 Foulke, in his suggestive " Slav or Saxon," speaks of 
 Nicholas and his despotism as follows : " It is characteristic of 
 Russian ignorance of all notions of freedom, that when the 
 
 55 
 
56 RECENl EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 
 
 cry of ' Long live the Constitution ! ' was raised, the soldiers 
 believed that the word ' Constitution ' referred to the wife of 
 the Grand Duke, Constantine, whom they thought lawfully 
 entitled to the throne." Pastel, the leading spirit of this unripe 
 movement for liberty, said : " I tried to gather the harvest 
 without sowing the seed." Nicholas was the incarnation of 
 despotism. His tyranny cut Russia off from communication 
 with Western Europe. The severity of the censorship under 
 his reign, the restrictions upon travel and education, and the 
 inquisitorial methods of his police can hardly be believed by 
 those accustomed to liberty. The most stringent regulations 
 were made concerning tutors and governesses ; their morality, 
 including their political opinions, must be certified to by one 
 of the universities. It was forbidden to send young men to 
 study in Western colleges, and every obstacle was thrown in 
 the way of foreign travel and residence. Philosophy could 
 not be taught in the universities. This branch of knowledge 
 was put under the control of ignorant ecclesiastics. It is easy 
 to imagine how it flourished under such care. The press be- 
 came the instrument of reaction. A newspaper which advo- 
 cated the ideas of Adam Smith was regarded as dangerous, 
 and suppressed. The daily journals themselves began to wage 
 war against liberty of thought and all foreign innovations. It 
 is melancholy to contemplate the misfortunes which Russia 
 suffered under the stern rule of Nicholas. 
 
 The tutors of Nicholas were all military, and while still 
 young he identified himself with military affairs, becoming so 
 completely a soldier that he could not even bear to dress in 
 civil costume. His accession was quickly followed by war 
 with Turkey, brought about by the Greek struggle for liberty. 
 Russia took part in the memorable destruction of the Turkish 
 fleet at Navarino, and a war, in which Nicholas was present in 
 person, began with Turkey In 1828. Of the results of this war 
 we have elsewhere spoken. 
 
RECENT EMPERORS OE RUSSIA 57 
 
 The conclusion of this conflict was quickly followed by a 
 patriotic outbreak of the people of Poland, who bitterly 
 resented the loss of their ancient liberty and the tyranny to 
 which they were subjected. A conspiracy was formed and an 
 Insurrection began on September 29, 1830. An attempt was 
 made to seize the Grand Duke Constantine, whose brutal 
 measures had provoked the revolt, and many Russians were 
 slain in the streets of Warsaw. The Poles raised an army of 
 90,000 men. The Russians invaded their country with 1 20,000. 
 Several bloody battles were fought, with varied success, but in 
 August, 1 83 1, a Russian army marched on Warsaw, which, 
 after a heroic defense, was forced to surrender on the 7th of 
 September. The result of this w^ar was to take from Poland 
 what few vestiges of its old freedom it retained. Its flag of 
 the white eagle, which had flown over so many victories, was 
 abolished. Its army was incorporated with that of Russia. Its 
 higher schools were suppressed, its rich libraries carried off to 
 St. Petersburg, and, finally, the constitution granted by 
 Alexander I was taken from it and Poland declared a Russian 
 province. Such was the w-ay of Nicholas in dealing with 
 Polish patriotism. 
 
 In 1846 the Poles were again in arms. The independ- 
 ence of Cracow and its small territory had been guaranteed 
 by treaty, but Nicholas did not hesitate to march troops into 
 the city to suppress an insurrection that had broken out 
 against Austria. The insurgents were soon put down by their 
 two great enemies, and the Russian troops were withdrawn, 
 leavinor Austria free to annex the dominion of Cracow and 
 
 o 
 
 put an end to this last remnant of the once great kingdom of 
 Poland. 
 
 A much more threatening outbreak of the peoples of 
 Eastern Europe was that of the Hungarians against Austria 
 in 1849, as one of the consequences of the French revolution 
 of 1848. Hotly pressed by the Magyars of Hungary, the 
 
58 RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 
 
 Austrian Emperor appealed to his brother of Russia for aid, 
 and Nicholas responded by sending into Hungary an army 
 nearly 200,000 strong. Brave and ably led as were the Hun- 
 garians, they could not long make head against Russia and 
 Austria combined, and despotism triumphed over their un- 
 happy land, the end of the war being followed by a display of 
 brutality and cruelty on the part of Austria that excited the 
 indignation of Europe. 
 
 These military movements in the West were matched by 
 others of greater moment to Russia in the East. While the 
 war of 1828 with Turkey was going on Russian troops were 
 sent into the mountain land of the Caucasus, between the 
 Black and Caspian Seas, and a vigorous invasion of Asiatic 
 Turkey was made by this route. With a force of 12,000 men 
 General Paskevitch captured in four days the strong fortress 
 of Kars, which had long defied all its foes. Then, leading his 
 men over mountains deemed impassable, the Russian general 
 attacked the highland fortress of Akhalzikh, in the heart of 
 Circassia. 
 
 The siege of this stronghold continued for three weeks, 
 at the end of which time the supplies of the Russians were 
 exhausted, and it became necessary to abandon the siege or 
 attempt to take the place by storm, with the danger of utter 
 destruction by the hostile army, five times their strength. 
 
 Paskevitch had the courage to attempt the latter course. 
 On the 26th of August, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the 
 storming column, led by Colonel Borodin, commenced the 
 assault, and after incredible resistance forced its way into the 
 town. Here a desperate struggle awaited them. It was 
 necessary to carry by storm each house in succession, and 
 every step in advance was dearly bought. The battle lasted 
 all night in the midst of a conflagration, which extended over 
 the whole city. Several times fortune seemed to favor the 
 enemy, who were very numerous. The Russian commander, 
 
RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 59 
 
 however, skilfully kept back the weakest of his columns, sent 
 regiment after regiment into the engagement, and was eventu- 
 ally victorious. On the morning of the 28th of August the 
 flag of St. George waved over the fortress of Akhalzikh, and 
 Russia had won a powerful centre of operations in the Asiatic 
 district of Georgia. 
 
 The bold mountaineers of Circassia, however, who had 
 maintained their independence from time immemorial, were 
 not so easily subdued. During a great part of the reign of 
 Nicholas a persistent effort on the part of Russia to conquer 
 this brave people was made. Schamyl, the hero of the Cau- 
 casus, defended his native land with a courage and skill which 
 won the admiration of the world, and for many years defied 
 all the power of Russia. At length the policy was adopted of 
 surrounding the district which he occupied with strong out- 
 posts, and gradually drawing the cordon tighter. This new 
 system of tactics, beginning in 1844, ^^^ continued for fifteen 
 years, during which Schamyl brilliantly kept up the defiance 
 of Russia. Eventually he was forced to yield, and the liberty 
 of his country came to an end, thousands of the Mohammedan 
 Circassians emigrating to Turkey, rather than submit to their 
 hated invaders. 
 
 To the greatest struggle of the reign of Nicholas I., the 
 Crimean war against the allied powers of Turkey, England, 
 and France, we have devoted a separate chapter, and need 
 merely mention it here as the last military event of his warlike 
 career. He died on February 18, 1855, feeling the bitterness 
 of defeat, and leaving the closing of the unsuccessful war to 
 his son Alexander, on whom he is said to have laid two injunc- 
 tions — to liberate the serfs, and never to grant a constitution 
 to Poland. 
 
 Alexander II, the new Czar, was a very different charac- 
 ter from his father. In him the stern, despotic temper of 
 Nicholas was replaced by a milder disposition and more liberal 
 
6o RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 
 
 sentiment, the most striking manifestation of which was shown 
 in his Hberation of the serfs. This, the great achievement of 
 his reign, whether done in response to the injunction of his 
 dying father or not, was in great measure his own work. By his 
 signature to the act of emancipation in 1861, the vast number 
 of 22,000,000 serfs, who had been held in bondage for centu- 
 ries, were set free, and one of the greatest abuses of Russian 
 policy was brought to an end. 
 
 The rural population of Russia, free for many centuries, 
 had been chained as serfs to the soil about the end of the i6th 
 century, this act of oppression being legalized by the Emperor 
 Alexis in 1649. The injustice of this was felt for two centu- 
 ries, but it was not till the awakening of the reform spirit in 
 the middle of the nineteenth that any monarch was found 
 with the courage to bring it to an end. It remained for 
 Alexander II and the growing enlightenment of the age to 
 accomplish this great work. The landlords were to be paid 
 an indemnity, and to release their serfs from their seigniorial 
 obligations, and the land of the villag^e commune became the 
 actual property of the serfs. The indemnity was paid by the 
 help of sums advanced by the government, and an interest of 
 six per cent, was added ; in forty-six years' time the govern- 
 ment was to be entirely reimbursed. 
 
 This great economic revolution was consummated with 
 comparatively few outbreaks on the part of the peasants. In 
 some districts of Russia, as, for instance, the Government of 
 Kazan, there were riots among the peasants, who could not 
 understand how it was that they had to pay for land which 
 they had always regarded as their own. These riots were soon 
 quelled, although they were frequently taken advantage of 
 by Anarchists. The Schlakhta, or petite noblesse of Russia, 
 seem to have suffered the most, as they were in the habit of 
 employing their peasants as domestics, and were thus deprived 
 of their services. 
 
RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 6r 
 
 Alexander took other important steps of reform, one of 
 the most notable of these beinof the creation of the zemstovs, or 
 local assemblies, for the exercise of local self-government. 
 These contain representatives from the noble and the peasant 
 classes, the nobles usually having the preponderance, and 
 have to do with questions concerning education, highways, 
 sanitation, fire protection, and other minor concerns, all mat- 
 ters of national politics being strictly forbidden. 
 
 Other reforms of the early years of Alexander's reign 
 were the abolition of many of the restrictions of the cen- 
 sorship over publications, and the establishment of a system 
 of public tribunals to replace the secret ones that had long 
 prevailed, and were deeply infiltrated by injustice and venality. 
 Higher salaries were now paid, the profession of the Bar came 
 into being, and criminal cases were tried by jury. But politi- 
 cal trials continued secret, and the right to banish those sus- 
 pected of designs against the State was retained. 
 
 The reign of Alexander, like that of his father Nicholas, 
 was disturbed by a great insurrection of the Poles, whose 
 aspirations for liberty had not been extinguished by the severe 
 measures of their stern masters. Though her political life 
 seemed extinct, Poland had clung to her language and religion, 
 and the spirit of liberty still smouldered in the souls of her 
 people. 
 
 In 1863 the bitter hostility of the people to their tyran- 
 nical masters led to a final effort to win back their lost liberty. 
 A feeling of restless dissatisfaction had existed for a number 
 of years, but the outbreak seems to have teen immediately 
 due to the seizure of a number of suspected revolutionists, 
 who were forced to serve in the Russian army. The poorly 
 armed and unorganized peasants had from the start no hope 
 of success against the 87,000 trained troops that were sent 
 into their territory. Many of them were armed only with 
 pikes, scythes, and even sticks and had to contend against 
 
62 RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 
 
 men armed with the most improved weapons. In a year's 
 time the outbreak had been completely suppressed, and its 
 leaders executed, while every vestige of a separate nationality 
 in Poland was brought to an end. 
 
 Other military affairs of the reign of Alexander II were 
 the capture of Shamyl and the final subjection of the Circas- 
 sians, the conquest of Turkestan, — as described in a later 
 chapter, — and the war against Turkey of 1877-78, also else- 
 where described. In civil affairs the liberal and humane policy 
 of Alexander was far from keeping pace with the demands of 
 the more revolutionary of his subjects, and the secret associa- 
 tion of the Nihilists came into existence, the struggle of 
 which with the despotism of the government was the most 
 remarkable feature of the time. To murder the representa- 
 tives of the autocracy was the inherent method of Nihilism, 
 and in consequence the latter part of Alexander's reign was dis- 
 turbed by many attempts against his life by these revolution- 
 ists, to whom execution, or torture even, had no terrors. 
 
 On April 16, 1866, Karakazov shot at the Czar in St. 
 Petersburg, and the attempt might have succeeded had not a 
 peasant named Komisarov-Kostromski pushed away the assas- 
 sin's arm. In the following year a Pole, named Berezowski, 
 attempted his life at Paris while he was on a visit to Napoleon 
 III. In 1878 Metzentsev, the head of the gendarmerie at 
 St. Petersburg, was killed ; and in the following year three 
 attempts were made upon the life of the Emperor, which were 
 nearly successful. Soloviov aimed a pistol at the Czar, for 
 which he was executed, and attempts were made to blow up 
 part of the Winter Palace, and also to wreck the train by 
 which the Emperor was traveling in the south of Russia. On 
 the 1 2th of March, 1881, Alexander was killed by a hand- 
 grenade on the bank of the Catharine Canal at St. Petersburg. 
 Before this time a mine had been discovered under the Malaya 
 Sadovaya, by which street the Emperor was to pass. It had 
 
RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 63 
 
 been dug with great labor, as all the earth had to be secretly 
 moved away in bags. A shop had been hired, from which the 
 mining was begun, and at this shop one of the female conspir- 
 ators ostensibly sold butter and eggs. On the day of his 
 murder the Emperor was proceeding from the Mikhaliovski 
 riding-school when a shot struck the carriage. Getting out to 
 inquire what was the matter, the Emperor was hit by a hand- 
 grenade and desperately wounded ; he had only strength to 
 cry out : Vozmi v' dvoriets^ taTU umeret, '' take me to the palace 
 to die there." Zhelnikov, the conspirator who had thrown the 
 bomb, was himself killed by the explosion. Another confed- 
 erate blew out his brains as soon as he was arrested. The 
 conspirators were found to be six in number, and were con- 
 demned to death ; one, a Jewess, Jessa Helfmann, was sent 
 into banishment. The others : Zhelabovski Sophia Perovskaya, 
 who, by letting fall a handkerchief, had given the signal to the 
 assassins, and Kibalchich, Risakov and Mikhailov were 
 sentenced to be hanged. On the 15th of April, 1881, they 
 suffered death on the Semenovski Place near St. Petersburg. 
 Sophia Perovskaya was a woman of undaunted courage, and 
 met her fate with a spirit worthy of a better cause. 
 
 Thus perished Alexander II, a man of amiable character 
 if not of great strength of mind, in whose reign Russia cer- 
 tainly made considerable constitutional progress. To him she 
 owes the establishment of the zemstvo, and the legal reform, 
 but before all other things, the emancipation of the serfs. It 
 is well known also that, at the date of his death, he was about 
 to summon a national sobor or parliament, which had existed 
 in the old times, but had been In abeyance since the days of 
 the Emperor Feodor, at the close of the seventeenth century. 
 This would have been a direct step towards .constitutional 
 government. Thus the assassins hurt instead of helping their 
 own cause ; a usual result, indeed, of this violent method of 
 winning reform or gaining the redress of grievances. 
 
^4 RECENT EMPERORS OE RUSSIA 
 
 Alexander III, who succeeded his father In 1881, and was 
 crowned May 27, 1883, had, when Crown Prince, strongly 
 opposed the ultra-conservative policy of his fathers later 
 years, so much so as to come into open rupture with him in 
 1879. But the fatal act of the Nihilists seems to have worked 
 a radical change in his opinions, and he fell under the influence 
 of the reactionists, vigorously seeking to suppress Nihilism, 
 and maintaining throughout his reign the despotic principles 
 which had so long prevailed. Education was seriously inter- 
 fered with, even primary instruction being restricted, and the 
 schools placed under the control of the clergy, than whom no 
 more unfit body of teachers could have been selected. The 
 censorship of the press and of all literature was made more 
 stringent than it had been in the time of Peter the Great; the 
 police system became a system of maddening espionage, in 
 which the most secret affairs of the people were at the mercy 
 of innumerable spies, and in every direction liberalism in 
 Russia found itself at the mercy of the autocratic government. 
 
 The reign of the third Alexander was uneventful from a 
 political point of view. The military power of Russia was 
 developed, the policy of expansion in Asia diligently pursued, 
 and great progress made in the extension of railways through 
 the Asiatic dominions of the empire. But the Czar was 
 strongly devoted to peace, and used all his power to keep 
 Russia out of international complications. Attempts to take 
 his life were made by the Nihilists in 1887, ^^^ he narrowly 
 escaped death by an accident on the Transcaspian Railway in 
 1888. He died of organic disease at Livadia, in the Crimea, 
 November i, 1894, his son, the Crown Prince Nicholas, suc- 
 ceeding him as Nicholas II. 
 
 Nicholas, while heir apparent, had made a long tour in 
 Eastern Asia in 1890. During this journey the great Trans- 
 siberian Railway was begun, and the young prince had the 
 honor of cutting the first turf in the building of its eastern 
 
RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA H 
 
 section, that to extend northward from Vladivostok to the 
 Amur River, and there to meet the main Hne on its approach 
 from the west. It need but be said here that the branch Hne 
 thus inaugurated has been rendered practically useless by the 
 more direct route taken across Manchuria by the completed 
 road. 
 
 The new Czar was not long on the throne before he gave 
 a practical demonstration that he shared the dislike of war 
 entertained by his father. On August 24, 1898, the Foreign 
 Minister of Russia handed to the representatives of foreign 
 governments at the Russian court a proposition emanating 
 fiom the Emperor that was startling in its significance. It 
 was a proposal for the disarming of the nations and the main- 
 tenance of general peace in the world, and asking for a con- 
 ference to consider in what way this could be brought about. 
 This important conference was held in the spring of 1899, and 
 resulted in the formation of The Hague Arbitration Tribunal, 
 an important international court, which has already done some 
 noble work in the direction indicated by the Czar, and which 
 in time may go far in bringing about the abolition of war. 
 
 The treatment of Finland, however, by the government 
 of Nicholas II is not highly in accordance with the noble sen- 
 timents expressed in his proposition to the great Powers. 
 That country was annexed to Russia with the express under- 
 standing that its separate autonomy should be preserved, the 
 Czar of Russia being Grand Duke of Finland, which, in its 
 internal administration, had the powers of an independent 
 state. This independence has been rudely dealt with since 
 Nicholas came to the throne, and Finland to-day has been re- 
 duced almost to the condition of Poland, as a province of the 
 empire deprived very largely of its constitutional rights and 
 privileges. 
 
 The most important events of the reign of Nicholas II 
 had to do with the continent of Asia, and consist in the 
 
 5 
 
66 RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 
 
 expansion of the Russian dominion in that continent, the com- 
 pletion of the Transsiberlan Railway, and its extension to Port 
 Arthur, obtained by Russia after the victory of Japan over 
 China. More recent have been the part taken by Russia in the 
 Boxer outbreak in China, the occupation of Manchuria, the 
 failure to comply with treaty obligations for Its evacuation, and 
 the war with Japan brought about by this failure. These 
 events are merely glanced at here, as events of the reign of 
 Nicholas II, and will be treated at length in later chapters. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Russia in Central Asia 
 
 A Land of Deserts and Oases — The Countries and Rivers of Turkestan — Russia on the 
 Caspian — The Invasion of Kokan — Capture of an Impregnable Fort — Bokhara 
 Conquers Kokan — A Holy War Proclaimed — The Fanaticism of the Turkomans — 
 A Ivand of Ignorance and Saints — The Old City of Samarkand Taken — The Conquest 
 of Bokhara and Khiva — The Zekke Turkomans and their Country — Skobeleff 
 Takes their Stronghold — A Terrible Massacre — Other Conquests in Central Asia — 
 The Wily Russian Methods in Asia — The Russian Compared with the Briton — Gold, 
 Diplomacy and the Sword the Russian Weapons. 
 
 CENTRAL ASIA, or Turkestan, is in great part a desert, 
 its nomad inhabitants being fiercer and more warlike 
 than the Kirghis. This desert region, however, con- 
 tains three great oases, with several smaller ones, in which the 
 soil is of the highest fertility. Abundant harvests of grain and 
 the most delicious fruits are produced, while several manufac- 
 turing interests give employment to the town populations. 
 Each oasis had formerly its distinct government, forming the 
 Khanats of Khiva, Bokhara, and Kokan, which were ruled 
 with the most absolute tyranny. Their principal cities, Khiva, 
 Bokhara, Samarkand, large as they appear in the mirage 
 of Oriental exaggeration, were described by Vambery as 
 chiefly mud-built towns, far below the Persian cities in charac- 
 ter, which, in turn, are immeasurably below the grade of a 
 European city. The oases are watered by the two great rivers 
 of Central Asia, the Amu and Syr-Daria, which traverse their 
 whole area, the waters of the former being employed to so 
 great an extent in agricultural irrigation as to render it unnavi- 
 gable in certain seasons of the year. 
 
 Khiva, the most westerly of these Khanats, has the Cas- 
 pian Sea for its western, the sea of Aral for its northern 
 
 67 
 
68 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 
 
 boundary. The Amu-Daria traverses it, and also Bokhara, 
 which lies to the east. Kokan lies to the northeast of the lat- 
 ter country. It is an extensive and fertile region, watered by 
 the Syr-Daria and by several other important streams, and 
 has, like the other sections, a nomad and a settled population. 
 The Turkoman tribes of the desert were long in the habit of 
 diversifying their pastoral labors by piratical excursions on the 
 Caspian, and by raids into Persia, whence they annually brought 
 large numbers of captives, who were sold into slavery to the 
 neighboring oases. 
 
 Turkestan may be viewed as the headquarters of Islam- 
 ism, its inhabitants for centuries displaying a fanaticism and a 
 fierce intolerance of other creeds which lone rendered the life 
 of a European not worth an hour's purchase throughout the 
 whole region. This was the principal cause of the mystery so 
 long surrounding it. Vambery, in his travels in this region, 
 was in constant danger of his life, though he had spent years 
 in perfecting himself in the language and in the habits of a 
 dervish, and though he traveled in all the rags and discomforts 
 of the most bigoted fanatic. 
 
 The advances of Russia in this direction date as far back 
 as 1602. In this year, 'the Cossacks took the city of Khiva, 
 but they were attacked and defeated in their return across the 
 desert. Again in 1703 during the reign of Peter the Great, 
 the Khan of Khiva placed his dominions under Russian rule. 
 The gradual conquest of the nomads of the district of Oren- 
 burg opened a path for Russia to the sea of Aral, on which 
 she firmly established herself. Khiva continued friendly until 
 the nineteenth century, when a change took place in the ruling 
 family, after which period the Khivans were bitterly hostile. 
 
 In 1835 ^ pos^ o^ t^^ eastern shore of the Caspian was 
 seized and a fort built, which, in connection with several armed 
 steamers, was of the utmost importance in repressing the Turko- 
 man pirates, who used this inland sea as an avenue of incursion 
 
RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 69 
 
 Into Persia. In 1839 ^^^ broke out with Khiva, and a Rus- 
 sian expedition was sent Into the latter country. It proved 
 unsuccessful, except In frightening the Khan Into the release 
 of some four hundred Russian prisoners which he held. 
 
 But the most available avenue of action for Russia was by 
 the rivers traversing these regions, the desert proving a dan- 
 gerous feature In land expeditions. As both of these run Into 
 the Aral it was necessary to make this her principal centre of 
 operation. The Amu-Daria, however, despite its more favor- 
 able position, as running through the centre of Khiva and 
 Bokhara, Is not safely navigable, being full of shifting sand- 
 banks. Hence the Syr-Daria became the most desirable chan- 
 nel of operation, it being navigable for a long distance from Its 
 mouth. A great part of the lower course of this river Is 
 through a vast desert region, only relieved by the narrow belt 
 of fertile soil on each side of the stream. It thus affords the 
 only safe avenue of approach to Kokan, and thence to the 
 other Khanats, all other routes being over dangerous deserts. 
 
 The Kokanians, as If aware of this fact, began, about the 
 beginning of the nineteenth century, to extend their dominion 
 westwardly ; building several forts along the river, of which 
 the principal, Ak-Mechet, was erected about 181 7. It was 
 used as a means of extorting tribute from the Kirghiz trll^es, 
 who resorted to the river to pass the winter, and who suffered 
 severely from the rapacity of their oppressors. 
 
 The modern advance of Russia into Central Asia must be 
 dated from 1835, i^ which year a fort was erected on the east- 
 ern shore of the Caspian, for the purpose of suppressing pira- 
 cies. Her hostile appearance on the Sea of Aral dates from 
 1847. MIchell says that " In order to make the influence of 
 Russia felt by the Khanats of Central Asia, and for the pro- 
 tection of the Kirghizes subject to Russia, who roamed on the 
 Syr-Daria, It was necessary that she should predominate with- 
 out a rival on the Sea of Aral," 
 
70 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 
 
 In consequence, a fortification was built in the year 184*/, 
 near the mouth of the river, which received the name of Fort 
 Aralsk. This proceeding excited the hostiHty of the Khivans, 
 who had also erected forts on the south side of the stream. 
 In August a body of 2,000 Khivans fell on the Russian Kirg- 
 hizes, taking great numbers of prisoners. The first encounter 
 with the Russians was in consequence of this event, the 
 marauders being defeated and the prisoners released. During 
 the succeeding year there were several such incursions, in 
 which the nomads suffered severely. Being compelled to fly 
 from each encounter with the Russians, the Khivans, at length 
 realized their own weakness, and confined themselves to 
 demanding the demolition of the Russian forts. 
 
 In the commencement of this occupation, Russia had 
 launched two vessels upon the Sea of Aral, and in the year 
 1853 two steamers were brought in pieces from Sweden, and 
 launched upon the Syr-Daria. One of these steamers was armed 
 with three howitzers ; the other being a steam barge, was pro- 
 vided with means for mounting guns. Meanwhile the Koka- 
 nians had developed active hostility, The two powers first 
 came into collision in 1851, when the Tartars, having driven 
 off 75,000 head of Kirghiz cattle, were attacked by the Rus- 
 sians and one of their forts taken. This, however, did not put 
 a stop to their depredations. 
 
 In the year 1852 an armed expedition was sent against 
 the fort Ak-Mechet. The Kokanians, to check it, flooded the 
 low lands surrounding, and though the Cossack troops, after 
 overcoming hosts of difficulties, stormed and took the outer 
 works, they were repelled by the lofty earth walls within, on 
 which their guns made no impression, and finally forced to 
 retreat. In the following year it was determined to take Ak- 
 Mechet at any cost. A force of over 2,000 men, strongly 
 armed, left the frontier, and succeded in overcoming all obsta- 
 cles and capturing the fort. 
 
RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 71 
 
 In 1 86 1 possession was taken of a small fortress called 
 Djulek, which was strengthened and garrisoned. This point 
 lay within striking distance of the Khanat, being on the bor- 
 ders of northern Kokan, a district of fine climate and fertile 
 soil ; beyond which lay the town of Vernoje. The region 
 thus occupied by Russia was chiefly a desert, its only inhabita- 
 ble portion being the narrow belt on each side of the river. 
 
 The ostensible objects of the Russians in these various 
 movements were the completion of their lines, and the removal 
 of their strongholds from the desert to the inhabited border 
 of Turkestan. Taking advantage of the internal dissensions of 
 the Khanats they had resolutely forced their way down the Syr- 
 Daria, and established military posts within thirty-two miles of 
 the town of Tashkend, the military key to Central Asia. This 
 movement, in connection with the forts erected in the steppes, 
 surrounded the Kirghiz hordes with military stations, and in 
 1864 it was officially announced by Russia that, the above 
 objects being attained, her aggressive policy was ended. 
 
 Meanwhile, in 1862, Kokan had been invaded by the Emir 
 of Bokhara and completely conquered. In consequence of the 
 disorganized condition of affairs, resulting from this conquest 
 the Russian camp was visited in the latter part of 1864 by a 
 deputation from Tashkend, bearing a petition for protection 
 from the merchants of that town. In spite of the late announce- 
 ment of a policy of non-aggression, this opportunity was imme- 
 diately embraced ; a Cossack force marched into the interior 
 of Kokan and occupied the capital. 
 
 The renewal of military operations thus begun, did not 
 stop here, but was vigorously continued, and early in 1866 a 
 large portion of Kokan was seized by the Russian forces. 
 The Emir of Bokhara, holding as he had done, military posses- 
 sion of Kokan, became alarmed and infuriated at these threat- 
 ening advances, and at once proclaimed a holy war against 
 the aggressors. Colonel Struve, the eminent astronomer, 
 
72 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 
 
 who had been sent on an embassy from the Russian 
 camp, was seized and imprisoned ; religious emissaries were 
 sent throughout the country, preaching '' Death to the infi- 
 del ! " and every effort was made to raise troops to repel the 
 invasion. 
 
 Of all the portions of the earth which make even the most 
 feeble claim to civilization, Turkestan then took the lead in 
 ignorance and fanaticism. Its Islamism was of the most rabid 
 cast, and was accompanied by an intolerance not known else- 
 where on earth. For a known European to cross their borders 
 was almost certain death. Vambery only succeeded in trav- 
 ersing their country by his deep disguise and long experience 
 in Dervish customs, and members even of the opposing sect 
 of Mohammedans to which the Persians belong were tolerated 
 only as slaves. This exclusiveness which rendered the Khanats 
 almost terra incognita, kept their inhabitants ignorant of the 
 world of outside barbarians. The invasion of Europe by the 
 Turks, and the consequent dismay into which all Christendom 
 was thrown, remained to them as a thing of yesterday, and the 
 most extravagant ideas were held in relation to the power and 
 influence of the Sublime Porte. To their ignorant fancy 
 Europe still bent in cringing submission to the Turk, and they 
 imagined that a bare promise of assistance from the Sultan 
 would drive the invader in terror from the holy soil of Turkes- 
 tan. They depended also on two other powerful aids against 
 aggression. One of these, and the most effective in our eyes, 
 was the extensive deserts surrounding their territory. The 
 other, to them far more efficacious, was the large number 
 of saints buried in their soil. They seemed to imagine that 
 the bones of the saintly dead would rise and form a spectral 
 cordon utterly impassable to infidel foot. 
 
 It is not surprising that with such powerful auxiliaries the 
 Emir rapidly succeeded in raising a strong force, and was 
 successful in defeating the Russians, who had marched into 
 
TYPES OF RUSSIAN AND JAPANESE SOLDIERS 
 
 At the left are Japanese artillery, cavalry and infantry. At the right are the Russian cossack, trooper and 
 artillery. In the center is a map of the scene of hostilities. 
 
or JAPAN 
 
 MAP OF THE WAR IN THE FAR EAST 
 
 The difference in time between Washington and the principal foreign citie«, taking February 9th, noon, 
 as a starting point, is as follows: at London it was 5.00 p.m., St. Petersburg 7.00 p.m., Pekin' about 
 12.40 A.M. February 10th, Port Arthur i.oo a.m. February loth, Tokio about 12.30 a.m. February 10th. 
 
RUSSIA IN CENTRAL -ASIA 73 
 
 Bokhara with the purpose of liberating Colonel Struve. The 
 repulsed force retreated in order, in spite of all the efforts of 
 their enemy, and before the latter had much leisure for exulta- 
 tation over their success, a second advance was made, resulting 
 in the capture of the large town of Khojend, and of other 
 important posts, which completed the conquest of Kokan. 
 The Emir, astonished that the Sublime Porte had not annihi- 
 lated the invader, and that the saints had serenely slept on 
 with the foot of the infidel upon their graves, now sued for 
 peace, which was readily granted. 
 
 War broke out again in 1868, this time leading to the 
 defeat of the Khivans and the occupation of Samarcand, one 
 of the most ancient and famous cities of Central Asia, the 
 date of whose origin reaches far back towards the birth of his- 
 tory. A vigorous effort was made by the enraged Mussel- 
 mans to retake this holy city, and the Russians were defeated 
 and driven to the citadel, where, for eight days, they were 
 closely besieged. They were soon relieved, however, the 
 Emir was driven from the city, and firm possession was main- 
 tained. Dispirited by these reverses, in July, 1868, the Emir 
 sued for peace, offering terms highly advantageous to the inva- 
 ders. Samarcand was ceded to Russia, along with three other 
 stations, which were shrewdly selected to give full military 
 control of the country. One of these was a point on the road 
 from Samarcand to Afghanistan, The second was an import- 
 ant station lying between Samarcand and Bokhara. The third 
 lay near the Oxus, the three forming a triangle which, strongly 
 occupied, would effectually lock Bokhara in the military 
 embrace of Russia. 
 
 To proceed with our story of military progress, it may be 
 said that the conquest the historian cites, of Samarcand and 
 Bokhara in 1868, was followed by- the fall of Khiva in 1873. 
 Russia thus became lord and master of the great oases and 
 the chief regions of Central Asia lay at her feet. The 
 
74 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 
 
 complete control of Kokan was accomplished In 1875-76, at the 
 cost of a fierce war, and the Khanat was annexed to Russia, 
 this completing the acquisition of the fertile provinces of Tur- 
 kestan. But the fierce nomads of the desert region continued 
 unsubdued, and the southern oasis of Merv and the country 
 of the warlike Tekke Turkomans remained to conquer. This 
 was accomplished In 1880-81. 
 
 The Tekkes, dwelling In the Akhal oasis, were separated 
 from the Caspian by 150 miles of desert, and from the north- 
 ern oasis by a broad desert belt. It was to this land of Akhal, 
 according to a Musselman tradition, that Adam made his way 
 when he was driven out of Eden. Certainly, too much cannot 
 be said of the beauty and fertility of this three-hundred-mile 
 strip of well-watered garden ground, as contrasted with the 
 endless waste that closes In the horizon to the north-eastward. 
 Corn and maize, cotton and wool, formed part of the wealth 
 of its people. They had the finest horses of all Turkestan, 
 and great herds and flocks of cattle, sheep and camels. The 
 streams turned numerous mills, and were led by a network of 
 tunnels and conduits through the fields and garden. The 
 people were united In a loose confederacy, acknowledging the 
 lordship of the Khan of Merv, who had come from one of 
 their own villages. They raided the Russian and Persian bor- 
 ders successfully, these plundering expeditions filling up the 
 part of the year when they were not busy with more peaceful 
 occupations. Along their fertile strip of land ran the caravan 
 track from Merv by Askabad to Kizil Arvat and the Caspian, 
 and when they were not at war the Tekkes had thus an outlet 
 for their surplus productions, among which were beautiful car- 
 pets, the handiwork of their women. In war they had proved 
 themselves formidable to all their neighbors. United with the 
 warriors of Merv, the men of Akhal had cut to pieces a 
 Khivan army In 1855 and a host of Persians In 1861. 
 
 The first effort to subdue the Akhal warriors proved a 
 
WS3IA IN CENTRAL ASIA fs 
 
 complete failure. As soon as peace was concluded with Tur- 
 key, after the war of 1877-78, General Lomakine was sent with 
 a strong force to the Caspian, whence he made his way by the 
 caravan route over the desert to the strong nomad fortress of 
 Geok Tepe ("blue hills"), at the foot of the mountain range 
 mentioned. The attempt to take the fort by storm failed and 
 the Russians were forced to retreat in disorder. 
 
 To retrieve this disaster General Skobeleff, the most dar- 
 ing of the Russian generals, who had gained great glory in the 
 siege of Plevna, was selected, and set out in 1880. On the ist 
 of January, 1881, he came in sight of the fort, with an army 
 of 10,000 picked troops, and fifty-four cannon. Behind the 
 clay ramparts lay awaiting him from 20,000 to 30,000 valiant 
 nomads, filled with the pride of their recent victory. 
 
 On this occasion no attempt was made to storm the works, 
 but siege operations were begun and pushed so rapidly that by 
 the 23d the walls were trenched and mines were driven under 
 the ramparts. These were fired on the following day, and 
 amid the momentary panic of the garrison, two storming 
 parties rushed through the breaches into the fort. 
 
 ** No quarter ! " was the shout of the Russian officers as 
 the stormers sprang forward. None was given or taken. The 
 Tekkes fought desperately, but were finally driven out of the 
 fort, and fled in long lines over the plain. After them dashed 
 the Cossack cavalry, cutting them down as they ran, women as 
 well as men, until more than 8,000 of them lay dead on the 
 plain ; 6,500 had perished within the fortress. 
 
 Skobeleff looked on the massacre as a necessary element 
 in the conquest of Geok Tepe. ** I hold it as a principle," he 
 said, ''that in Asia the duration of peace is in direct proportion 
 to the slaughter you inflict on the enemy. The harder you hit 
 them the longer they will keep quiet after it." No women, he 
 added, were killed by the troops under his immediate command, 
 and he set at liberty 700 Persian women who were captives 
 
76 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 
 
 in Geok Tepe. After ten miles the pursuit was stopped. 
 There was no further resistance. Not a shot was fired on 
 either side after that terrible day. The chiefs came in and 
 surrendered. The other towns in the eastern part of the oasis 
 were occupied without fighting ; nay, more, within a month of 
 Geok Tepe Skobeleff was able to go without a guard into the ^ 
 midst of the very men who had fought against him. We in 
 America cannot understand the calm submission with which 
 the Asiatic accepts as the decree of fate the rule of the con- 
 queror whose hand has been heavy upon him and his. 
 
 The cession of the oasis of Merv soon followed, the fall 
 of Akhal making its surrender a necessity. In 1884 four of 
 its Khans came in and voluntarily put themselves under Rus- 
 sian protection. We may say in conclusion that since then 
 the Russian influence has steadily grown in the surrounding 
 regions. Persia has fallen so strongly under this influence that 
 Its future seems to lie at the beck of the Czar ; part of northern 
 Afghanistan has been occupied, and In 1891-92 a large section 
 of the mountain district of the Pamir was annexed to Russia, 
 whose borders on the south thus fell closely on British India. 
 
 The crumbling ramparts of Geok Tepe remain a memo- 
 rial of the years of warfare which It cost the Russians, and the 
 iron track on which the trains steam past the ruined fortress 
 shows how complete has been the victory. Skobeleff looked 
 upon his triumph as only the first step to further conquests. 
 But within eighteen months of the storming of Geok Tepe he 
 died suddenly at Moscow. Others have built on the founda- 
 tions which he laid ; and, for good or ill, the advance which 
 began with the subjugation of the Tekke Turkomans has now 
 brought the Russian outposts In Central Asia in sight of the 
 passes that lead across the mountain barriers of the Indian 
 frontier. 
 
 This conquest was quickly followed by the laying of a 
 railroad across the desert, from the Caspian to the sacred 
 
RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA jy 
 
 Mohammedan city of Samarcand, the former capital of the 
 terrible Timur the Tartar, and the iron horse now penetrates 
 freely into the heart of that once unknown land, its shrill 
 whistle perhaps disturbing Timur in his tomb. When, and 
 where, the advance of Russia in Asia will end no man can say, 
 perhaps not until Hindostan Is torn from British hands and 
 the empire of the north has reached the southern sea. While 
 Russia in Europe comprises about 2,000,000 square miles, 
 Russia in Asia has attained an area of 6,564,778 square miles, 
 and the total area of this colossal empire is nearly equal to 
 that of the entire continent of North America. 
 
 What we have detailed is but the surface indications of 
 Russian operations in Asia. Nothing is here seen of the 
 strong web of diplomacy which the astute Muscovite has for 
 years been Industriously weaving, nor of the change in the 
 habits and modes of thought of the Asiatics which the 
 leaven of civilization in their midst is slowly effecting. This 
 alone can render permanent the work of the sword ; Russia, 
 with her schools, of which the Kirghizes are rapidly taking 
 advantage, with the aid of a newspaper printed In the lan- 
 guage of the nomads, with the influence of settled communi- 
 ties in their midst, of stable government, suppression of rob- 
 bery, encouragement of agriculture, and introduction of 
 numerous luxuries into the steppes, and with the various other 
 results of their presence, is rapidly producing this change in 
 their ideas and habits. The Russian movements are never 
 barren military occupations. The conquests of the Cossacks 
 are rapidly succeeded by the advance of the farmer with his 
 family and stock. Every fort soon becomes the centre of a 
 thriving colony, and all the advantages of a settled residence 
 and civilized modes of life are displayed to the eyes of the 
 wondering barbarians. This course has already had a power- 
 ful effect, and may have the most vital results in time. Russia 
 is shrewdly rendering herself the central figure in Asiatic 
 
78 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 
 
 politics. Her power and the value of her friendship are strongly 
 impressed on the tribes, and she is rapidly weakening the influ- 
 ence of England in Asia. 
 
 The Russian diplomat has all the softness and suavity of 
 his Asiatic congeners ; he can glide through their closest net of 
 diplomacy without displaying an angle In his body ; he conforms 
 to their customs, and allows them to delay and prevaricate to 
 their hearts* content. But his point once gained he is unyield- 
 ing. He is an adept in the art of bribery; has emissaries 
 everywhere ; in fact, thoroughly understands how to deal with 
 Asia, and is too strongly imbued with this Asiatic spirit for 
 European patience. " You must beat about the bush with a 
 Russian. You must flatter him and humbuo^ him. You must 
 talk about everything but Ihe thing. If you want to buy a 
 horse you must pretend you want to sell a cow, and so work 
 gradually around to the point in view." 
 
 Thus the shrewd Russian has gained point after point from 
 his Oriental neighbors, and has permanently annexed a territory 
 one half larger than all Europe, yet has ever succeeded in 
 making faithful subjects of the inhabitants of this conquered 
 district. The ground Is prepared in front before he moves a foot 
 forward, and all that he leaves In his rear falls Into the strong 
 embrace of the Russian empire. Gold and diplomacy are his 
 weapons equally with the sword, and thus Europe is marching 
 into Asia with a solid front, full of significance for the future. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Russian Conquest of Siberia 
 
 Vermak the Cossack and the Discovery of Siberia — Russia on the Chinese Frontier — 
 The Exploration — Russia Seizes Saghalien, a Japanese Island — The Vast Wealth 
 of Siberia — The Russians invade the Mongolian Steppes — Their Cunning Dealings 
 with the Khirgis — How the Russians Cheated the Desert Chiefs — Towns in the 
 Desert — Pushing to the South — Schools Among the Nomads. 
 
 IT is now nearly three hundred years since the foot of Rus- 
 sia was first planted on Asiatic soil, during all which time 
 she has persistently carried forward her plans of conquest 
 and occupation, though it was only within the last half of the 
 nineteenth century that this quiet process developed into active 
 and successful aggression. Before the commencement of this 
 movement, however, we have the parallel one of the occupa- 
 tion of Russia b}^ the Asiatics, the Tartars of the Golden 
 Horde establishing themselves as firmly there as the Arabs 
 did in Spain, and being driven out only by as determined and 
 long-continued efforts. Czar Ivan, at the beginning of the 
 sixteenth century, attempted to institute a grand Tartar king- 
 dom, and took the firsj: step towards its accomplishment in the 
 conquest of the established Tartar governments of Kazan 
 and Astrakan, near the western borders of the Caspian. Yet, 
 although this laid Asia open to Russian invasion, an unaccount- 
 able ignorance of the vast region which lay beyond the Ural 
 mountains prevailed, contests with the Mongols and internal 
 dissensions fully occupying the attention of the government. 
 In the year 1580, a Cossack named Yermak, chief of a band 
 of robbers, being outlawed for some of his predatory adven- 
 tures in Europe, found his way with some two hundred adven- , 
 turers across the Ural. After pillaging the Tartars for some 
 
 79 
 
8o THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 
 
 time, his handful of robbers became so wasted with constant 
 fighting that they could no longer maintain themselves. It 
 then occurred to Yermak to return to Moscow, announce his 
 discoveries, and make peace with the Czar. The robber was 
 promoted to the rank of a hero, and was appointed to com- 
 mand an expedition for the conquest of Siberia. 
 
 The Cossacks, conquered by Russia about the middle of 
 the fifteenth century, have served ever since as the Russian 
 military pioneers, and formed the material of this first move- 
 ment into Asia. The progress of conquest and occupation was 
 remarkably rapid. In 1639 the pioneers of the movement 
 stood on the shores of the sea of Okhotsk, having in about 
 fifty years traversed and taken possession of the whole vast 
 width of Siberia, ana established many thriving settlements, 
 which yet remain important centres of Siberian population. 
 In these early movements, while some of the adventurers 
 penetrated the country beyond Lake Baikal to the northeast, 
 emerging on the shores of the sea of Okhotsk, others moved 
 eastwardly. Each party found its enterprise repaid by the 
 abundance of fur-bearing animals. The latter line of advance 
 culminated in 1643 i^ ^^ discovery of the Amur river by a 
 party of Cossack hunters, who embarked upon this magnificent 
 stream and descended it to the Pacific ocean. Their report 
 of their success, and of the wealth of the country they had 
 traversed, induced the government to attempt settlements 
 in this region. In 1650 an officer named KhabarofT was 
 despatched with a body of Cossacks to select and fortify a 
 position. He chose a site at Albazin, 103 miles from the 
 junction of the Argun and the Schilka, the two main tributa- 
 ries of the Amur. Numerous hunters followed the Cossack 
 advance and settled at Albazin, forming a considerable town. 
 They immediately began to oppress the natives, driving them 
 from their hunting grounds, and otherwise maltreating them. 
 
 The settlement, becoming reinforced by numbers of those 
 
THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 8i 
 
 desperate characters who always seek the Hcense of frontier 
 stations, became daring in its aggressions. The Amur was 
 crossed and the Chinese villages to the south were plundered, 
 regardless of the remonstrances of the Chinese authorities. 
 As animals became scarce the inhabitants took to plundering 
 the tribes for many miles round their settlement. Khabaroff 
 displayed the boldest daring in his depredations upon the 
 Chinese, and organized boat raids down the Sungari into 
 the heart of Manchuria, levying blackmail from the populous 
 districts bordering on this river. 
 
 In 1652 he was attacked by a large Chinese army in a 
 fort he had built to support these aggressions, and though 
 making a desperate resistance, was finally forced to retreat. 
 In 1658 the Russians received another check, Stepanoff, 
 another marauder, who made savage excursions down the 
 Sungari, being surrounded by a fleet of Chinese war boats 
 and his whole party killed or captured. 
 
 In 1657 a Chinese army attacked Albazin, and the posses- 
 sion of this point was contested for thirty years, the Russians 
 finally retiring in 1688. The next year a treaty was made by 
 which Russia yielded all her Manchu settlements, and made 
 the junction of the Argun and Schilka her Siberian boundary. 
 
 From this period until the year 1854, Russia remained 
 stationary in this region, and nothing was known of the coun- 
 try beyond the boundary line, save what was learned from ad- 
 venturous hunters, and from the return of escaped convicts. 
 In the year 1848 an officer with four Cossacks was sent down 
 the river to make observations. They never returned, and 
 their fate remains a mystery to this day, though every possible 
 effort was made to learn if they had been taken an held prisoners 
 by the Chinese. 
 
 General Muravief, the Governor General of Eastern 
 Siberia, finally determined to make a forcible exploration of 
 the river. His ostensible object was the provisioning of the 
 
 '6 
 
82 THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 
 
 Russian settlements on the Pacific, which were threatened by 
 the EngHsh and French war vessels during the Crimean war. 
 He accordingly prepared a strong expedition, which, without 
 asking the privilege from the Chinese, sailed In 1854 down the 
 Amur. The rapid success of this invasion is in strange con- 
 trast with the futile efforts of two centuries before. It was 
 made, however, in such force that the Chinese authorities were 
 quite unable to check its course, and in less than six weeks the 
 whole of the vast region north of the Amur was quietly an- 
 nexed, by taking possession of the north bank of the river. 
 In 1857 it was secured so strongly by military stations that the 
 whole Chinese army would have proved powerless to dislodge 
 its new owners. 
 
 The close of the Crimean war gave Russia full liberty to 
 prosecute her designs in these quarters, and shrewd advantage 
 was taken of the French and English war with China to secure 
 from the latter a treaty, ceding all this region to Russia, together 
 with the whole coast region of Manchuria, a district invaluable 
 to the Russians. 
 
 Possession was also obtained of the northern half of the 
 island of Saghalien and In June, 1861, an important island in 
 the Straits of Corea was seized. At a later date Russia 
 forcibly occupied the remainder of Saghalien, driving out 
 the Japanese garrisons and coolly annexing the island. These 
 acquisitions gave the Muscovite government a very important 
 Pacific coast line, extending from 35° N. L. to the Arctic 
 Ocean, and securing to Russia a powerful influence In the 
 future of the Pacific and of the Asiatic coast regions. 
 
 It must not be Imagined that the Siberian acquisitions are 
 in any respect barren and unimportant. A country of the vast 
 dimensions of Siberia would be valuable In many particu- 
 lars, even if it were as barren as the desert steppes to the 
 south. Its product Is, In fact, of the most diversified and 
 important character. A prodigious number of fur-bearing 
 
THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 83 
 
 animals gives value to the icy regions of the north, and to the 
 southern mountain regions. Much of the soil of Siberia is 
 highly fertile, and the agricultural possibilities of the country 
 incalculable. The fertile steppes in the governments of Tomsk 
 and Tobolsk form the great granaries of Russia and northern 
 Europe. The great rivers and numerous lakes of the country 
 abound with valuable fish. Large forests of useful timber are 
 found in all portions of the country. The great rivers of 
 Siberia are of little value as water-ways, from having their 
 outlets in the frozen ocean. The Amur, however, fortunately 
 flows east, and thus forms a navigable stream of more than 
 2,200 miles in length, from central Siberia to the Pacific. This 
 great stream, with its hundreds of tributaries, its endurable cli- 
 mate, the agricultural value of its soil, its extensive woodlands, 
 the abundant animal life on its banks, and the innumerable 
 fish in its waters, forms the most valuable section of the coun- 
 try, and is probably destined to a rapid growth in population. 
 The mineral wealth of Siberia is immense, and of the most 
 varied character. Important iron mines are worked in the 
 Ural region, as also mines of platinum. This region yields 
 many precious stones, among them the diamond. Gold, silver, 
 copper, and lead are also abundantly found. Splendid 
 emeralds, amethysts, and topaz are found in various portions 
 of the country. Malachite is abundant and beautiful, as also 
 porphyry and jasper, all of which are worked into magnificent 
 vases, tables, and other ornamental forms. Such is an imper- 
 fect glance at the useful resources of this vast region, whose 
 population is rapidly increasing and its natural wealth being 
 vigorously developed under the stimulus of Russian enterprise. 
 But the Russian advance has been not only westward, but 
 southward. The immense Mongolian region traversed by the 
 Kirghiz nomads, desert as it is in great part, yet gives sub- 
 sistence to great numbers of men, and to vast herds of cattle, 
 sheep, and horses, the property of these wandering tribes. It 
 
84 THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 
 
 thus had its value in the Muscovite plan of extension, and 
 Russia was engaged for years in quietly taking possession of 
 it, till her control over the natives became supreme. 
 
 The movement was made by the gradual extension of 
 military posts to the south of Siberia, and by cajoling the 
 natives of the steppes until her hold was sufficiently strong to 
 defy them. 
 
 When work in the silver and lead mines of eastern Siberia 
 was stopped during the formation of the Amur expedition, a 
 party was sent into the mountain regions of the steppes to 
 prospect for these minerals. The result was the finding of rich 
 silver and lead deposits in a district far beyond the Russian 
 border. All the diplomatic cunning of the Muscovites was 
 needed in negotiations with the Kirghiz for this territory. The 
 ore appeared to the nomads but ordinary rock. They had no 
 particular objection, therefore, to part with the hill region, but 
 strongly objected to part with a small river which ran past the 
 foot of the hills, and was of more real value to them than 
 mountains of silver. '' This stream was necessary to Russian 
 mining operations, and by cunningly investing the Sultan with 
 a gold-laced coat and a medal, and his chiefs in rich array, a 
 great change was brought about in his views. When a Cos- 
 sack buckled a sabre on his waist, this settled the point. He 
 would have given half the rivers in the steppe sooner than be 
 stripped of his weapons and finery. Thus for a sum of about 
 ;!{^I50 his imperial majesty acquired mines and a freehold prop- 
 erty in the Kirghiz steppes which will, I have no doubt, expand 
 rapidly towards all points of the compass. These mines are of 
 immense value." (Atkinson.) 
 
 The next advance southward was in the building of a fort 
 on the Kopal, a point considerably to the south of the former 
 station, and near the Chinese frontier. A station 200 miles 
 further to the southwest was the town of Vernoje, founded bv 
 a colony from Kopal. Numerous other forts arose on the 
 
THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA S5 
 
 desert frontier of Russia, and the ruins of old forts which had 
 served a similar purpose of bringing the Asiatic tribes under 
 Russian sway are frequent in Siberia, having been abandoned 
 as the country became subdued. Atkinson says, *' Russia is 
 thus surrounding the Kirghiz hordes with civilization which 
 will ultimately bring about a moral revolution in this country. 
 Agriculture and other branches of industry will be introduced 
 by the Russian peasant, than whom no man can better adapt 
 himself to circumstance." 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Russia's Occupation of Manchuria and 
 Port Arthur 
 
 From Harbin to Port Arthur — ^Japan's Treaty With Russia — The Powers Rob 
 Japan of the Spoils of War — Leases by China to Germany, Russia and Great 
 Britain — The Region of the Amur — The Right of River Navigation — The 
 Manchurian Railway — The Treaty of 1898 — The Character and Resources 
 of Manchuria — Decline of the Manchu People — The Port Arthur Naval 
 Station — The Harbor of Talien-wan — Dalny, a Town Built to Order — Russia 
 as a Builder of Cities. 
 
 M^ 
 
 ENTION is made in the preceding chapter of the branch 
 hne of railroad laid by Russia from Harbin, in northern 
 Manchuria, to Port Arthur, a location at the south- 
 em extremity of the Liao-tung peninsula. The acts of 
 diplomacy and force by which Russia obtained this privilege 
 and the advantage which was taken of the concession are of 
 the greatest importance in our record, since they were the 
 pioneer steps in the series of events which led eventually 
 to the war with Japan. For the primary stage in these 
 important occurrences we must go back to the close of the 
 Chino-Japanese war and the settlement made between the 
 victors and the vanquished in that conflict. 
 
 The closing events in that war were the capture of the 
 Chinese port and stronghold of Wei-hai-wei, on the northern 
 coast of the province of Shantung, opposite Port Arthur, and 
 the occupation of the twin city of New-chwang, which gave 
 Japan a post of vantage between Mukden in Manchuria and 
 Peking. When the spring of 1895 was about to open, the 
 
 86 
 
RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHVRIA g; 
 
 Japanese possessed an army of 100,000 men, ready to move 
 upon Peking, and there is no doubt that they could have taken 
 the city speedily and easily. Two months previously, the 
 Chinese had sent to Tokio a pretended peace mission with 
 inadequate powers; but now, the Peking government, recog- 
 nizing the impossibility of resistance, appointed Li Hung 
 Chang plenipotentiary, and dispatched him to Shimonoseki, 
 which he reached on March 20, 1895. Luckily for the suc- 
 cess of his mission, he was shot in the cheek by a fanatic 
 four days after his arrival, while he was returning from a 
 conference with Count I to, the representative of Japan. 
 This outrage aroused great sympathy for Li Hung Chang, 
 and, to prove the sincerity of his regret, the Mikado consented 
 to an armistice, and sensibly modified the terms of peace 
 upon which he had originally insisted. 
 
 On April 17, 1895, the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed, 
 and, on May 8, the ratifications were exchanged at Chef 00. 
 The provisions of the treaty may be briefly summed up as 
 follows: The Chinese were to cede to Japan the islands of 
 Formosa and the Pescadores, and also, on the Asiatic main- 
 land, the southern part of the province of Shingking, including 
 the Liao-tung or Regent's Sword peninsula, and with it the 
 important naval fortress of Port Arthur. By way of pecu- 
 niary indemnity, China was to pay 200,000,000 Kuping taels, 
 or, say, $170,000,000, in eight installments, with interest at 
 the rate of ^we per cent, on those unpaid. The commercial 
 concessions were to include the admission of ships under 
 the Japanese flag to the different rivers and lakes of China 
 and the appointment of consuls; and the Japanese were to 
 retain Wei-hai-wei until the whole indemnity had been 
 paid and an acceptable commercial treaty had been con- 
 cluded. These terms were by no means extreme, in view of 
 the completeness of the Japanese triumph; but they were 
 far from agreeable to Russia, which foresaw that the presence 
 
8a RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 
 
 of the Japanese on the Regent's Sword peninsula would prove 
 an obstacle to any future southward extension through Man- 
 churia, and to the attainment of an ice-free port. 
 
 Moreover, had the Japanese been suffered to remain 
 on the mainland of Asia, they, instead of the Russians, would 
 have become preponderant at Peking. Accordingly, the Czar's 
 advisers, having secured the co-operation not only of their 
 French ally, but also of Germany, proceeded to make a dip- 
 lomatic move, the aim of which was to despoil the Mikado 
 of a part of the fruits of victory, miuch as Russia herself had 
 been despoiled of the fruits of her victory over Turkey in 1877 
 by the Treaty of Berlin. Scarcely was the ink dry on the 
 Treaty of Shimonoseki, when Japan received from the three 
 European powers just named a polite request, which veiled, 
 of course, a threat, that she should waive that part of the 
 Shimonoseki Treaty which provided for the cession of Port 
 Arthur and the Liao-tung peninjsula. Japan would doubtless 
 have repelled the demand, had she been assured of Great 
 Britain's support. But no assurance to that effect was 
 forthcoming from Lord Rosebery, then British Prime Min- 
 ister, and, accordingly, the Mikado reluctantly consented to 
 resign his claim to the Liao-tung peninsula for the additional 
 indemnity of $30,000,000. The final installment of the 
 indemnity was paid in May, 1898, whereupon Wei-hai-wei 
 was evacuated by the Japanese, in accordance with the terms 
 of the treaty. 
 
 The secret purpose of the powers concerned, or what 
 we may well conceive to have been their purpose, had already 
 been made sufficiently evident, it appearing clearly that they 
 had deprived Japan of the spoils of victory for their own 
 aggrandizement. At all events we find, soon after the 
 evacuation of Wei-hai-wei by Japan, Great Britain coming 
 into possession of that stronghold under an unwillingly 
 granted lease from China. Near the close of 1897 Germany 
 
THE MIKADO AND HIS CABINET 
 
THE CZAR AND HIS COUNSELORS 
 
RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 89 
 
 had got a foothold on the coast of China by a lease for ninety- 
 nine years of the harbor of Kiao-Chau, as a result of certain 
 'missionary troubles, her object probably being to occupy a 
 post of vantage in case of the threatened partition of China. 
 Russia showed her hand in a way far more calculated to 
 arouse the indignation of Japan, by forcing from China a 
 treaty, signed at Peking on March 27, 1898, which gave her 
 practical control, through a lease for twenty-five years, of 
 Port Arthur and Talien-wan, places which Japan had con- 
 quered by force of arms and had been forced to yield, after 
 their cession by China, through the threatening attitude of 
 the three European powers named. It was a bitter pill for 
 the warlike islanders to swallow, and their seeming acqui- 
 escence covered a bitter hatred of Russia, a smoldering fire 
 of revengeful feeling which was yet to be blown into a flame. 
 
 The events here described lead us backward to the 
 period of the occupation of the Amur region by Russia, 
 already described. The region proved to be very thinly 
 settled, Chinese settlers having scarcely penetrated at all 
 to the territory north of the great river, while there were 
 very few of them on its southern border. The treaty of 
 1858 between China and Russia gave the latter country 
 possession of all the territory north of the Amur and east 
 of the Ussuri, China retaining the region south of the Amur 
 to the western bank of the Ussuri. It was provided that the 
 rivers of the frontier region should be open to navigation to 
 vessels of the two empires, but to no others. 
 
 For the succeeding forty years Russia faithfully observed 
 the stipulations of this treaty, but during these years settlers 
 were pouring into the new territory, until it held a popula- 
 tion of 350,000 Russians. The most important river which 
 Russia had obtained the right to navigate under the treaty 
 was the Sungari; but, on account of native opposition, no 
 exercise was made of this right until it was more definitely 
 
90 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 
 
 asserted in the treaty of 1896, in which also was granted to 
 the Russo-Chinese bank — a diplomatic ruse by the astute 
 Russians — the right to build a railroad through Manchu- 
 rian territory, and to occupy Port Arthur as a naval station. 
 
 This treaty gave the Russian Government the privilege 
 of purchasing the right of way across Manchuria, from the 
 Siberian border at Budalofski to the border of the province 
 of Ussuri, near Vladivostok, and from Harbin on the Sun- 
 gari River to Port Arthur on the Chinese Sea. It was stipu- 
 lated that the president of the road should be a Chinaman, 
 the flag under which it was to be run was a combination of 
 the Russian and the Chinese, and the military protection of 
 the road was to be by joint forces of the Russian and the 
 Chinese army. Also, at the expiration of a certain period, 
 the Chinese were to have the option of purchasing the road. 
 
 Upon the signing of this treaty, the Russians at once 
 abandoned for the time being the construction of the railroad 
 along the original and circuitous route north of the Amur 
 River, and sought to complete as soon as possible the Man- 
 churian division, for which the way was now open. The 
 surveys of the road, which is more than eighteen hundred 
 miles in length, were completed with great expedition, and 
 work was begun at Harbin and at the termini. The prosecu- 
 tion of the work from Harbin necessitated the immediate 
 navigation of the Sungari River. A fleet of twenty-four 
 river steamers, made in sections in England, was launched 
 upon the waters and a very large amount of railroad supplies 
 and material was rapidly concentrated at Harbin and the 
 other centers of construction. 
 
 The treaty between China and Russia of March 27, 
 1898, was supplemented by an additional agreement signed 
 May 7, which greatly added to the power which Russia was 
 obtaining in Manchuria. Under this agreement it was 
 arranged that a branch of the Siberian railway should run 
 
RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA g\ 
 
 from Harbin to Port Arthur and Talien-wan — an enterprise 
 which had already been foreseen in the treaty of 1896. It 
 was Hkewise stipulated that no railway privileges should be 
 granted to the subjects of any other power in the region 
 traversed by this road, that no foreign concessions should 
 be granted in a zone north of the new Russian leaseholds, and 
 that no fresh ports should be opened to foreign trade in this 
 territory. 
 
 By a later concession the right to build a branch rail- 
 way from Mukden to New-chwang was granted, this making 
 connection with the road northward from Peking, and giving 
 all-rail connection from the capitals of Europe to the capital 
 of the great realm of the Orient. Such were the steps by 
 which Russia paved the way for an eventual complete control 
 of Manchuria. 
 
 In view of the great interest which these events have 
 given to the Manchurian problem, some description of this 
 important province, the motherland of the imperial dynasty 
 and ruling race of China, is here desirable. 
 
 Manchuria embraces an extensive region of northeastern 
 Asia, extending between the Gulf of Pe-chi-li and the Yellow 
 Sea on the south, to the Amur River and Siberia on the north, 
 and bounded on the west by Chinese Mongolia, and on the 
 east by Korea and the Ussuri boundary of the Pacific province 
 of Siberia. At the mouth of the Ussuri stands the important 
 Russian naval station of Vladivostok. 
 
 The territory thus indicated bears a singular resemblance 
 to that part of the North American peninsula lying between 
 New York and Hudson Bay, including all eastern Canada, 
 and running up to the mouth of the. St. Lawrence. It is 
 about 400,000 square miles in area, being one-third larger 
 than Texas, but its shape is so irregular that fully 2,500 miles 
 of its boundary adjoin Russian territory. The geographical 
 character of the country is such that the population is dis- 
 
92 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 
 
 tributed in a very irregular manner. The northern province 
 of Tsi-tsi-kar. having 190,000 square miles, is largely moun- 
 tainous, and is in consequence thinly populated. It contains 
 unknown but probably vast mineral resources and extensive 
 forests; while a fertile territory, now almost entirely unoc- 
 cupied, extends for 1,000 miles along the south bank of the 
 Amur and its principal tributary, the Aigun. There are 
 said to be very valuable but undeveloped agricultural 
 resources in the valley of the middle Nonni River and about 
 the head waters of the eastern, branches of the Aigun ; while 
 the valley of the Sungari River contains thinly inhabited 
 prairies as extensive as those of the upper Mississippi and 
 apparently as favorable to cultivation. 
 
 The province of Gerin is likewise largely a mountainous 
 district, especially throughout the full extent of its south- 
 eastern border, but contains also a portion of the fertile plains 
 along the Sungari River. Its resources are similar to those 
 of Tsi-tsi-kar, and its minerals, though largely undeveloped, 
 are probably of great value. 
 
 The most populous province is that of Liao-tung, which 
 is penetrated by the branch line running from Harbin to 
 Port Arthur. For a distance of 400 miles, extending from 
 the Sungari River to New-chwang, the railroad passes through 
 a level, well-watered region, densely crowded with population, 
 and, as far as the eye can see, under the highest state of cul- 
 tivation. In traversing it one rarely sees an acre that is 
 not planted and carefully freed from weeds. 
 
 The total population of Manchuria is variously estimated 
 at from 10,000,000 to 25,000,000; but there seems little 
 doubt that Liao-tung alone has a population of as much as 
 12,000,000, and that the total cannot be much less than 
 20,000,000. These, however, are largely Chinese. The Man- 
 chus are a declining race, their success in arms having, as is 
 often the case, led to their decay; for ever since the estab- 
 
RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 93 
 
 lishment of the Manchu dynasty in China, in 1644, they ha\v. 
 been drawn in large numbers to Peking and to the garrisons 
 stationed in all the principal Chinese towns. Here, living 
 a comparatively idle life, and depending largely upon per. 
 sions from the general government for their support, they 
 have become enervated; while the quality of those left 
 behind in Manchuria has depreciated in character. The 
 Chinese, on the other hand, have gradually invaded Man- 
 churia, till now they carry on nearly all of its business, and 
 swarm in all the centres of population. They are gradually 
 bringing under cultivation the vast areas of fertile land 
 which tnider the Manchus had been devoted to pasture or 
 left to run to waste. 
 
 Even a hasty glance at this situation reveals the points 
 about which Russian interests centre in Manchuria. The first 
 necessity is to keep an open line of traffic from Central Siberia 
 to the Pacific Ocean. The military advantage of this would 
 amply compensate Russia for all the expense of building the 
 road, even though it were not directly a financial success. 
 This, however, it is^ likely to be. The export of coarse prod- 
 ucts from this centre of Manchuria is, even under present 
 conditions, immense. Of this the railroad will have almost 
 a monopoly.* 
 
 Much more important in the view of imperial Russia 
 is the possession, in Port Arthur and Talien-wan, of practically 
 ice-free ports on the waters of the Pacific, forming naval 
 stations far more advantageous than that of Vladivostok, 
 whose harbor is closed by ice for half the year. A brief 
 description of these new Russian ports may properly here 
 be given. 
 
 Port Arthur — or Lu-Shun-kow in Chinese geography — 
 lies at the southern extremity of the peninsula of Liao-tung, 
 
 * See "The Russian Problem in Manchuria," by G. Frederick Wright, in 
 ** American Review of Reviews," for July, iqoi. 
 
94 IWSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 
 
 between the Yellow Sea and the Gulf of Pe-chi-li. First 
 fortified as a naval station by China in 1881, most of its 
 defensive works were destroyed by the Japanese in the war 
 of 1894. But Russia has again converted it into a modern- 
 ized fortress of great strength, while the town itself has lost 
 most of its Oriental characteristics. 
 
 The port or harbor is a natural one, though its limited 
 basin has been somewhat widened by dredging. Landlocked 
 on all sides but the south, its entrance is very narrow, being 
 only 350 yards wide. It is, however, deep enough for the 
 largest ships. The interior basin is about four miles long by 
 one and a quarter miles wide, but only a minor portion of 
 this space is available for ships. The harbor is hemmed in 
 on all sides by barren and rocky hills from 300 to 1,500 feet 
 high. The climate of the location is mild and the harbor 
 free from ice throughout the year. The dredging operations 
 will eventually give an anchorage space of considerably over 
 one square mile, with four fathoms of average depth. 
 
 The roadstead of Port Arthur is exposed to the south- 
 east winds, a defect which does not exist in the wider harbor 
 of Talien-wan, which lies on the eastern side of the peninsula, 
 about twenty miles northeast of Port Arthur. Here is a 
 roomy and ice-free harbor, easy of entrance, which Russia 
 has opened to the world as a free commercial port, except 
 a corner of the harbor which has been reserved and fortified 
 as a naval station. 
 
 The most interesting feature of this place — the southern 
 extremity of the southern Manchurian railway — is the new 
 town of Dalny, founded by Russia at the southern end of the 
 harbor. This town has been built on a generous scale in 
 anticipation of a trade expected to follow and for a popula- 
 tion still to come. Buildings, official and residential, have 
 been here constructed with little regard to cost, and the basin 
 deepened for the largest commercial vessels, in anticipation 
 
RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 95 
 
 alike of commerce and population. The P.ussians have a 
 passion for building with completeness, and though they 
 must have realized the danger of delay in making their prin- 
 cipal naval base impregnable, they diverted precious resources 
 to the building of Dalny, confessed by all who have seen it 
 to be the most astonishing achievement in city creation 
 known even in this age, when our Western "hustlers" have 
 astounded the world by swift city -building. 
 
 M. de Witte, Prime Minister of Russia, seems to have 
 aspired to the fame of the ancient Greek captain general, 
 Demetrius, who was prouder of his cognomen, *' Poliorcetes," 
 city builder, than conqueror of the east. Three years were 
 almost exclusively devoted to rearing at Dalny a metropolis 
 as perfect in detail as the best-built metropolis in Europe. 
 When this work began Dalny was simply a haggard collec- 
 tion of war-worn Chinese hovels. In 1903, by census, the 
 new city contained fifty thousand people, and building was 
 still going for the occupation of colonies which had sent in 
 application for quarters. Of these fifty thousand people, 
 thirty-eight thousand are Chinese, thus making the hold of 
 the Russians rather problematical in the event of the Japanese 
 armies securing sufficient foothold to lay siege to Port Arthur. 
 
 De Witte copied the city of Washington in laying out 
 the first thirty-one thousand acres marked off for the city; 
 Dalny, as completed, being a beautiful city, with well-graded 
 and paved avenues radiating in every direction from the 
 municipal buildings in the centre, with a national church at 
 the extremity of each avenue. These acres are divided into 
 three parts, the administrative city occupied by the Russians 
 and general Europeans, then the Chinese quarter, then the 
 commercial. Immense plateaus of green separate the sub- 
 divisions, which, while adding to the beauty, would in case 
 of riot or revolt enable the military to mass their forces at 
 decisive points. Though the lease is for twenty-five years. 
 
96 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 
 
 the substantial material used in the edifices and the magnifi- 
 cence of the structures intended for public use show that 
 they are intended to last for centuries. Stone, iron and 
 brick alone have been used in the buildings, and though there 
 are no such tall edifices as we see in this country, some of the 
 constructions intended for government use are models of 
 "up-to-date" convenience and completeness. 
 
 Merchants of every nation seemed to recognize exactly 
 what this experiment in city creation meant, for the Viceroy 
 received requests from all over Europe and Asia for conces- 
 sions — that is, space to erect stores and warehouses. The 
 Russian administration conducted the *'boom" with great 
 fairness. The applicants received allotments according to 
 the date of their demands, and when special spots were 
 coveted too ardently the auctioneer was summoned to settle 
 the matter. The ruling idea was to make the city a vast 
 commercial entrepot, capable of accommodating the merchant 
 navies of the world. To this end the most approved dock 
 system known to modern commerce was laid out and within 
 two years the sea trade of the town rivaled the oldest port 
 in the Eastern seas. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Great Russian Railways in Asia 
 
 The Great Awakener — Russian Enterprise — The Transcaspian Railway — The 
 Fight With the Desert — The Desert Railway and Its Value — The Railway 
 as a Civilizer — The Transsiberian Railway Project — The Route of the Road 
 — Water and Rail Transportation — All Rail Through Manchuria and to Port 
 Arthur — The Difficulties of the Route — Strong and Costly Bridges — How 
 Lake Baikal is Crossed — The Mountains of Manchuria — Character and Cost 
 of the Road — Railroads in China and Japan — The Civilizing Value of the 
 Asiatic Railways. 
 
 THE drowsy Orient has of late years been invaded by 
 what we may term the Great Awakener, and is begin- 
 ning to gaze through sleepy eyes upon one of the great- 
 est marvels of the stirring West. The advent of the railroad 
 in Asia, that realm of slow-moving ease and conservatism, 
 is one of the most significant events of the recent centuries. 
 Outside of the limits of British India it is one of the newest 
 of facts, little more than a quarter of a century old. The 
 railroad in this continent is still in its infancy, it is true ; but 
 it has come to stay, and the iron horse promises to be one 
 of the most potent genii of the land of the Arabian Nights. 
 
 The greatest of the railroad builders in Asia has been 
 the Russian Empire, which presents us two memorable 
 achievements in this field, the Transcaucasian Railway, which 
 penetrates and opens up to commerce the fertile and popu- 
 lous oases of Turkestan, and the great Transsiberian Rail- 
 way, which affords rail communication from St. Petersburg 
 to the far-off Pacific shores. It is our purpose here to describe 
 these ambitious results of Russian engineering enterprise. 
 
 The first great achievement of Russian railroad-building 
 
 7 97 
 
98 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 
 
 in Asia was that of the extensive Transcaspian road, which 
 penetrates from the borders of Europe into the very heart of 
 Turkestan, extending from the Caspian Sea to the long- 
 sealed and mysterious city of Samarcand, the ancient capital 
 of Timur the Tartar — the Tamerlane of history — in whose 
 long- silent streets already is felt a restless stir, the first faint 
 echo of the coming roar of civilization. More recently the 
 railway has been carried far beyond this original stopping 
 point, as we shall show farther on. 
 
 This railway enterprise began in 1880, a narrow-gauge 
 road being extended from the Caspian over the steppes, 
 which after the conquest of Merv was continued to the oasis 
 of Akhal Tekke. The ancient method of progression, how- 
 ever, was not yet ended, the road being at first operated by 
 camels instead of locomotives. This method of travel did 
 not long suffice for the growing demands of Russian trade, 
 and in 1885 the emperor ordered that the narrow-gauge 
 should be replaced by a broad-gauge road, which should be 
 extended to Samarcand, and completed within three years. 
 
 This was no unambitious project. The road ordered 
 was to be nearly one thousand miles long, and to be built 
 over a waterless desert, in which the engineering difficulties 
 of ordinary railroad -building were replaced by the necessity 
 of conquering that restless enemy of the engineer, the shifting 
 sand, and of supplying water for thirsty laborers and loco- 
 motives. The task, however, was accomplished within the 
 period named, the completed road being opened to traffic on 
 May 27th, 1888. The main purposes of this road were mili- 
 tary. Connecting, via the Caspian, with the railroad system 
 of Russia in Europe, it furnished a ready means of throwing 
 an army into the heart of Asia, for repressive or aggressive 
 operations, as might be needed. It was constructed under 
 the directions of General Annenkoff , who added to his mili- 
 tary experience eflfective engineering ability, and overcame 
 
THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 99 
 
 the natural difficulties of the way with much of that auto- 
 cratic decision with which Napoleon overcame the Alps. 
 
 The Transcaspian Railroad has its western terminus at 
 Krasnovodsk, on the eastern shore of the Caspian, opposite 
 the important petroleum district of Baku, in European 
 Russia. It extends by way of Kizil Arvat, Merv, Charjui, 
 on the Amu Daria or Oxus River, Bokhara, and Samarcand, 
 to Tashkend, and via Khokan, to Andijan and Margelan, 
 crossing eight hundred and ninety miles of desert, in addition 
 to its extension across the oases. The route lies over two 
 immense steppes, waterless and scorching hot in summer, 
 the lack of water and superabundance of sand being the 
 main engineering difficulties, the wind having an awkward 
 inclination to bury the rails beneath a blanket of moving 
 desert soil. To supply the workmen with drinking water, 
 condensers were employed, and the salt water of the Caspian 
 thus made fresh. This was conveyed in tuns over the com- 
 pleted portions of the road to the working parties, which 
 com^prised in all about twenty-five thousand men. To make 
 a stable foundation for the road, salt water was poured on 
 the sand and this mixed with clay. The difficulty of the 
 drifting sand was partly got over by planting along the line 
 of the road the steppe-scrub, a sand -loving plant which seems 
 to flourish without need of water. The first steppe proved 
 the worst, and the labor became pleasant when the oasis of 
 Akhal Tekke was reached. The Oxus River was crossed by 
 a great wooden bridge, supported on an island in the middle, 
 and claimed to be the longest in the world, though by no 
 means solidly or strongly built. 
 
 In the operation of this road petroleum is used as fuel, 
 the oil wells at Baku furnishing an inexhaustible supply. 
 The carriages are of mixed classes, some of them being two 
 stories in height, each story of a different class. One singular 
 fact connected with the road is that some of the stations 
 
loo THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 
 
 were placed miles from the line; the station at Bokhara, for 
 instance, being ten miles distant, while the Samarcand 
 terminus was five miles from that city. The Russians had 
 somic military purpose in this. Possibly, also, they did not 
 deem it expedient to shatter too suddenly the prejudices of 
 their new subjects. The Central Asiatics are not in love 
 with the railroad. They regard it as a device of Shaitan, 
 the evil spirit. Yet they are growing accustomed to the 
 ''fire cart," as they call it, and beginning to find it a very 
 convenient son of sin. Possibly it may seem to them a just 
 retribution on the evil one to make this fiery Satan haul their 
 grain to market. 
 
 The Transcaspian road, indeed, promises to be of inesti- 
 mable value in the industrial development of Central Asia. 
 Already in 1889 its equipment included one hundred and 
 ten locomotives and one thousand two hundred carriages, 
 and these proved greatly insufficient for the traffic offered. 
 General Annenkoff stated in 1889 that the net profits of the 
 road to that time were $20,000,000, and that 72,000,000 
 pounds of cotton had been transported. Since then the 
 increase has been steady, and the road promises to give a 
 great impetus to cotton-growing in the oases of Central Asia. 
 
 The extension of the road from Samarcand to Tashkend 
 does not run in a direct line, but traverses the cultivated 
 districts of Khojend, in order to approach the projected 
 railroad system of Ferghana and the oil basin of Turkestan. 
 From the city of Merv, near the northwestern border of Persia, 
 a branch line has been built southward to Kushk, a station 
 less than a hundred miles from Herat, the capital of Afghan- 
 istan. At this point are stored fifty miles of rails and all 
 other requisites to extend the road to Herat, when the right 
 of way shall be obtained. 
 
 These performances and projects are of startling signifi- 
 cance. To send the iron horse careering across the empire 
 
THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA loi 
 
 of barbarism and rushing into the very metropoHs of super- 
 stition, to disturb the silent centuries of the Orient with the 
 scream of the steam whistle, and to gridiron nomadic Turk- 
 estan with steel rails, are no everyday achievements, and 
 it almost takes one's breath away to think of stations and 
 time-tables in connection with the stronghold of Orientalism, 
 the long-abiding homestead land of the terrible Tartar. 
 This son of the desert is destined to be civilized despite 
 himself, and to be taught the arts and ideas of the West by 
 the irresistible logic of steam and iron. Truly, nothing of 
 greater promise than this railroading of Asia has been per- 
 formed of recent years. It signifies the breaking down of 
 the millennial isolation of Asia; the stern repression of its 
 warlike spirit ; the development of its industries ; the unf old- 
 ment of its intellect, and its invasion by books, machinery, 
 political economy, socialism, science, and all the multitudi- 
 nous arts and isms which now lift the West so loftily above 
 the East in all the elements of human progress. 
 
 We have next to speak of the greatest of all Asiatic rail- 
 road enterprises, and one which will vie with the most exten- 
 sive feats of railroad engineering, the Transsiberian Railroad. 
 The original form of this project was the design to lay across 
 the continent of Asia a continuous line of rail, four thousand 
 two hundred miles long, with branches bringing the total 
 length up to four thousand nine hundred and fifty miles. 
 The state of Russian finances, however, checked this ambi- 
 tious scheme, and in November, 1890, it was announced 
 that a less costly plan had been adopted, and that the road 
 as first constructed would be a combination of railway and 
 waterway. As remodeled, the length of rail between Tomsk 
 eastward to the Pacific port of Vladivostok was to be one 
 thousand nine hundred and sixty-seven and a half miles, the 
 remaining distance being covered by navigable rivers and 
 lakes of Siberia. 
 
I02 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN A:srA 
 
 Tomsk, it is true, lies far eastward from the western 
 border of Siberia, but a long reach of navigable waters on 
 the Obi and Irtish 'Rivers brings it within effective reach of 
 the Ural Mountains. The European terminus of the road 
 was designed to be at Samara, on the Volga, a town particu- 
 larly suited to be the starting point of the Siberian railroad 
 system, from the fact that a great iron bridge, the longest in 
 Europe, crosses the Volga here, and thus establishes all-rail 
 connections with the general railroad system of Russia. 
 No less important is the fact that a railroad existed from 
 Samara to Ufa, three hundred and twenty miles eastward, 
 and that this Samara-Ufa road was being extended to Zlatoust 
 in the Ural Mountains, on the Siberian border. From 
 Zlatoust the distance to Tyumen, on the Irtish, was but a 
 few hundred miles, and the closing of this gap would give 
 continuous rail-and-water-way from St. Petersburg to Tomsk. 
 
 As projected, the road eastward was to run from Tomsk 
 to Irkutsk, a distance of over one thousand one hundred 
 miles. From Irkutsk the route was to be by water on Lake 
 Baikal to Mysowaia on its eastern shore, whence a railroad 
 would run to Stretensk on the Shilka, a branch of the great 
 Amur River. From Stretensk there would be an extensive 
 steamboat link, down the Shilka to the Amur, down the latter 
 stream to the mouth of its southern affluent, the Ussuri, and 
 up the Ussuri to Grafskaia. From this point a short line of 
 rail would reach the eastern terminus, at the port of Vladi- 
 vostok, on the Sea of Japan. The latter section of the road, 
 running 258 miles up the Ussuri, was begun on June i, 1891, 
 with the laying of a memorial tablet by the Czarewitch 
 Nicholas — the present Czar — who had been made president 
 of the enterprise. Later revisions of the plan, however, 
 threw this section out of the direct line of the road, though 
 it has been completed for a distance of over 400 miles. 
 
 The plans and projects for the Transsiberian Railway 
 
THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 103 
 
 above mentioned were changed materially during the process 
 of its construction, much less on account of engineering 
 difficulties than through political events. These gave Russia 
 an opportunity to build the eastern section of the road by 
 the more southern and shorter route through Manchuria, 
 and also to extend it southward through this province of 
 China from Harbin to Port Arthur, and enabled her to add 
 to the terminus at the naval station of Vladivostok, ice- 
 bound for several months of the year, one at Port Arthur, 
 where a harbor could be had practically open throughout 
 the year. It was also decided to do away with the water 
 portions of the route, making an all-rail line, with the excep- 
 tion of the forty miles across Lake Baikal, whose -southern 
 shores presented very great obstacles to engineering enter- 
 prise, which it might take years to overcome. In fact, it 
 was the sure occurrence of difficulties with ice that caused 
 the abandonment of the rail-and-water for the all-rail plan. 
 Thus in the original plan there were to be hundreds of miles 
 of water travel before Tomsk would be reached, and also 
 water travel down the Amur for 1,600 miles. But the fact 
 that the freezing of the rivers would cut off all travel during 
 four or five months of the year was a very satisfactory reason 
 for the abandonment of this plan for the all-rail route. 
 
 In 1895 the Chinese Government, after the Chino- Jap- 
 anese War, accorded, as a token of gratitude to Russia for 
 her share in the combined intervention with France and 
 Germany in her favor, the privilege to build a railway through 
 this important province, and, moreover, to occupy the 
 country during its construction, the better to protect both 
 works and workmen. The privilege was accorded to the 
 Russo-Chinese Bank, not to Russia directly, and thus covertly 
 given the aspect of a commercial concession instead of a 
 national one, which it really was. This concession brought 
 about a great modification in the original route of the Trans- 
 
I04 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 
 
 Siberian line. The section in the Amur from Stretensk to 
 Khabarovsk was abandoned and replaced by a Transman- 
 churian Railway which leaves the station at Onon, 104 miles 
 west of Stretensk, to rejoin the original line at Nikolsk, about 
 67 miles from Vladivostok. Until this time there was a mixed 
 route of rail and river which brought Europe and the Pacific 
 into direct communication during the summer months. The 
 train conveyed travelers from the Ural to Stretensk; thence 
 by boat to Khabarovsk, whence the line continued uninter- 
 ruptedly to Vladivostok. A notable modification was also 
 made in the original plan, Vladivostok being no longer the 
 main terminus, which was transferred to Port Arthur, 530 
 miles further south. 
 
 The great difficulties of constructing the Transsiberian 
 Railway were mainly due to its enormous length. Whereas 
 the Americans had only 2,000 miles to cut in creating their 
 line between the Mississippi and the Pacific, the Russians 
 thirty years later had to lay down more than 4,000 miles of 
 rail in order to reach the same ocean from the Ural. Other- 
 wise their difficulties were very much less formidable than 
 those which at times nearly baffled even the ingenuity of the 
 Americans. Happily there are no Rocky Mountains or Sierra 
 Nevada in Siberia to traverse at a great height, but only 
 comparatively low ranges like the Yablonovoi, or ''Apple-Tree 
 Mountains, ' ' so called from their rather dumpy shapes. Then, 
 again, although Siberia is at present not more densely inhab- 
 ited than was the Far West from i860 to 1870, it contains no 
 such desolate regions as the plateaus of Utah and Nevada. 
 It may, therefore, be safely affirmed that from the engineer- 
 ing point of view the task was a comparatively easy one, 
 although the line has to pass over an exceedingly varied 
 country after leaving the Ural, and through interminable 
 plains, to reach the undulating regions between the Obi and 
 the Yenisei, where it ascends a chain of hills at an altitude 
 
NICHOLAS II., THE CZAR OF RUSSIA 
 
ADMIRAL ALEXIEFF 
 
 command of Russian Forces at Port Arthur and the Fleet in Chinese waters 
 at the outbreak of the War. 
 
THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 105 
 
 of not less than 2,000 feet on the road from the Yenisei to 
 Irkutsk. On the eastern shore of the Baikal the railway grad- 
 ually ascends to an altitude of not less than 3,500 feet above 
 the level of the water, whence it descends in rapid zigzag 
 into the valleys of the Ingoda and the Shilka, cuts the 
 abrupt spurs of some very high mountains, and passes into 
 marshlands, where, by the way, the engineers have had to 
 overcome their greatest obstruction, mainly due to the 
 unstable condition of the soil. When, therefore, we take 
 into consideration that between the Amur and the Ural there 
 is not a single tunnel, we may safely conclude that, if it were 
 not for its enormous length, this now famous line has not 
 been from the engineering point of view as arduous an under- 
 taking even as have been, for instance, some of the much 
 shorter lines nearer home. 
 
 The bridges, on the other hand, are very remarkable and 
 numerous, and some of them required great skill in their 
 construction, since they span the more important rivers of 
 Siberia, which, with the exception of those in the basin of 
 the Amur, invariably flow due north. There are four prin- 
 cipal bridges, of which two cross the Irtish and the Obi respec- 
 tively, each 2,750 feet in length; the other two span the Yeni- 
 sei and the Selenga, and are about 3,000 feet in length. These 
 four bridges were exceedingly costly, necessitating the erection 
 of stone piles of prodigious strength, capable of resisting the 
 shock of the enormous masses of floating ice. The minor 
 bridges, some of them 700 to 900 feet in length, are very 
 numerous; but, beyond the difficulty of fixing them firmly a 
 great distance on either side of the rivers, owing to the marshy 
 nature of the soil on the immediate banks, it needed no 
 superlative skill on the part of the engineers who superin- 
 tended their erection. 
 
 The crossing of Lake Baikal presented a serious obstacle, 
 from the fact that this large body of water is closed by ice 
 
io6 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 
 
 during a considerable portion of the year. Great ice-break- 
 ing ferryboats are used to cross the forty miles of lake during 
 the open season and when the ice is not too thick. At times 
 it is impassable, except across the ice surface. The dense 
 fogs which often prevail in summer may cause a detention 
 of the boats for hours, and at times for days, before they 
 can venture to cross. In the winter the ice presents a far 
 greater obstacle. The carrying of the line of rail round the 
 southern border of Lake Baikal is hindered by precipitous 
 mountains which plunge directly into the water, and can 
 be passed only by long and costly tunnels. While the con- 
 struction of this has been undertaken, it can hardly be com- 
 pleted in less than several years. 
 
 The line across Manchuria to Vladivostok presented 
 much greater engineering difficulties than that through 
 western Siberia, as it had to be carried over a succession of 
 mountain ridges and intervening valleys, two of the ridges 
 being over 3,000 feet high. In addition to this successive 
 climb and descent was the unstable nature of the soil, which 
 consisted in the valleys of a vast lake of mud. Fortunately 
 a solid bed of gravel existed about three or four feet beneath 
 the surface, which offered a satisfactory foundation for the 
 line. 
 
 The total length of this great railway from Moscow to 
 Vladivostok is 7,979 versts, and to Port Arthur 731 versts 
 farther — a total of over 5,200 miles. No other continuous 
 line in the world nearly equals it in length. If it could be 
 traversed at the speed of forty or fifty miles an hour, as on 
 ; the great express lines of Europe and America, the distance 
 from St. Petersburg to Port Arthur might be traversed in a 
 week; but it has been built in much too primitive a fashion 
 for any such rates of travel, even for short distances. It is a 
 single-track road, with switches a long distance apart, though 
 the length of side rail is considerable. The rails of the Siberian 
 
THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 107 
 
 section are of the lightest kind, weighing fifty pounds to the 
 yard, as against the standard American rail of about eighty- 
 five pounds. In addition to this it is, with the exception of 
 the Manchurian section, poorly constructed and in places 
 very badly engineered, and unfitted to bear greater speeds 
 than twenty miles an hour. In fact, the fast train which 
 leaves Moscow weekly, takes eighteen days to reach Vladivo- 
 stok, and twenty to Port Arthur — if it has good luck. The 
 slow train, starting daily, takes at least a month. As regards 
 the carriage of freight, the best it has yet been able to do 
 was to carry 1,000,000 tons a year. It could hardly be pushed 
 to carry more than 1,500,000. The Pennsylvania system, of 
 about the same mileage, can handle from 75,000,000 to 100,- 
 000,000 tons a year. It seems, in consequence, a well-founded 
 opinion that this fiimsily built road, with its small sum of 
 rolling stock, cannot bear the heavy transport of troops and 
 supplies necessary for a war, but will break down under the 
 strain. 
 
 Everything has been done for the benefit of first-class 
 travelers, alike in regard to the warmth and comfort of the 
 cars, the supply of palatable food at the restaurants, and even 
 the station bookstall, at which a satisfactory supply of reading 
 matter may be obtained. The trains themselves have excel- 
 lent restaurants and well-stocked libraries, and copy some- 
 what closely the luxurious accommodations provided on the 
 best American trains. As for the transportation of laborers, 
 emigrants, military recruits, etc., no such attention to com- 
 fort is given, yet the demands for this class of travelers are so 
 great that the government has been obliged to enlarge the 
 rolling stock for this, the fourth-class service, to 7,000 cars. 
 
 The nations immediately connected with Russia in the 
 events with which this book is concerned have not failed 
 to pay a degree of attention to railway building, especially 
 the progressive country of Japan, whose people have been so 
 
io8 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 
 
 active in railway building that they are said to have con- 
 structed 3,000 miles of road. In China the enterprise has 
 not come from within, but from without. The first short 
 line was built by British promoters in 1876, but this was torn 
 up by the Chinese, and the true era of railway construction 
 began in 188 1. In 1899 there were not only 566 miles under 
 operation, but 6,000 miles were projected, and concessions 
 granted for half this amount. Though much of the com- 
 pleted work was destroyed during the madness of the Boxer 
 outbreak, there were in use at the beginning of 1904 about 
 750 miles. One of the lines extended northward from Peking 
 to Shan-hai-kwan, where the Great Wall of China reaches 
 the sea, and there connected with a branch of the Russian 
 Manchurian line from Mukden, the capitals of Russia and 
 China being thus connected by rail. 
 
 It may be said further that a branch road is projected 
 in the opposite direction from Mukden to Wiju, a town on the 
 Korean side of the Yalu River. This it was the Russian 
 design to extend eventually southward to Seoul, the capital 
 of Korea. This capital city has already been connected by 
 a short and well-built railway with its port of Chemulpo on 
 the western coast. This was the work of Japan, which has 
 also practically completed a much longer road from Fusan, 
 on the southern coast of Korea, northward to Seoul, which 
 will be of very material utility in the transportation of 
 troops. 
 
 The Russian railroads in Asia are destined to be of the 
 utmost future importance in both military and commercial 
 directions, and to play a leading part in the coming history 
 of that continent. By the aid of the Transcaspian road, 
 with its connections with the European system, the Russian 
 army can be quickly concentrated in force on the borders of 
 Afghanistan, irf readiness to be poured into India in the 
 event of any future war with England. It will be of equal 
 
THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 109 
 
 advantage in aiding any Russian projects for the acquisition 
 of more territory in central or southern Asia, and in keep- 
 ing the Turkoman population of the steppes in peaceful sub- 
 jection. Commercially it gives Russia an immense advan- 
 tage in its competition with England and France for the 
 markets of Central Asia, and must lead to a great develop- 
 ment of the material resources of the oases of Turkestan, 
 and particularly of the cotton culture, which is now being 
 actively pursued in Turkestan and Ferghana. That a 
 demand for European wares will grow up among the Asiatic 
 agriculturists is beyond question, and the energetic desert 
 nomads, having lost their favorite amusement of war and 
 pillage, may join the inhabitants of the oases in gaining 
 new ideas, habits and industries when the iron web of the 
 railroad has been stretched far and wide through their country. 
 
 The Transsiberian road can be of no less utility from 
 both points of view, that of enabling Russia to control its 
 restless population in Siberia and the steppes and to hold a 
 continual threat over China, and that of inducing a rapid 
 growth of population and an immense development of agri- 
 culture and mining in Siberia, and opening a great overland 
 trade with China. 
 
 For centuries past Western civilization has beaten like 
 the waves of a sea on the shores of Eastern barbarism, with 
 scarcely a breach in their firm barrier. At length the barrier 
 is broken. With the extension of the railroad it promises 
 to spread over the Oriental world like an inundation. 
 Gradually hostility must be repressed, industry aroused 
 and taught new methods, machinery introduced, new reli- 
 gious, political and economical ideas penetrate, and the 
 coming generation is likely to see the growth of a radical 
 improvement in the conditions of Asiatic communities in 
 general, perhaps not less marked than that which is progress- 
 ing under our eyes in Japan. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Russia's Hold on Chinese Temtory 
 
 The Boxer Outbreak and Its Results — The Attack on the Manchurian Railways — • 
 The Chinese in Arms' and the Russians in Flight — The Terrible Work at 
 Blagovestchensk — The Russian Invasion and Reoccupation of Manchuria- - 
 The Powers Dissatisfied — The Russo-Chinese Manchurian Treaty — Count 
 Lamsdorff's Statement — Views of Mr. Colquhoun — The Broken Pledge to 
 Evacuate — How Russia Policed the Railway — The Feeling in Japan — Peril 
 of the Island Empire — Russian Steps of Occupation in Korea — Japan Vigor- 
 ously Protests and Grows Warlike. 
 
 THE final great event in the history of Russia's advance 
 in Asia — succeeding the lease of Port Arthur and 
 Talien-wan in 1898, and the concessions of territo- 
 rial right in 1896, to construct a railway through northern 
 Manchuria, and subsequently a branch road from Harbin 
 to Port Arthur — came after the great Boxer outbreak in 
 China in 1900. This, with the military activity of the nations 
 having diplomatic relations with China in protection of their 
 ^embassies, offered an excellent opportunity to obtain rights 
 in China without waiting on the deliberate methods of 
 diplomacy, an opportunity which Russia emjjloyed to tighten 
 her hold on Manchuria. 
 
 The violent assault by the Boxers on the quarters occu- 
 pied by the foreign ambassadors at Peking called out an 
 allied force of European, American, and Japanese troops, 
 which marched upon and took Peking, rescuing the threat- 
 ened embassies and defeating the insurgent Chinese. In 
 this Russia took part. But aside from this she had a part 
 of her own to take, that of protecting her railway through 
 Manchuria, which had been attacked and very seriously 
 
RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY m 
 
 injured by the hostile inhabitants of the province. Russia 
 possessed by treaty the right of protecting this property, 
 and did not hesitate to make active use of her privilege. 
 
 The road in question had been largely built by Chinese 
 laborers, and was protected in great measure by Chinese 
 soldiers, there being at that time ve^y few Cossack soldiers 
 in the province. But when the outbreak began, the fidelity 
 of these workers and soldiers quickly reached the vanishing 
 point. In the words of G. Frederick Wright, who was visit- 
 ing that region during the insurrection, the entire population 
 of Manchuria turned upon the foreigners with scarcely a 
 moment's warning. Two weeks later, — he continues, — upon 
 going up the Amur River, we found the Russian steamers 
 thronged with fugitive women and children, a number of 
 whom had hospitably entertained us in the centre of Man- 
 churia. A few days after our passage through the country, 
 these had barely escaped with their lives. It is difficult to 
 realize the suddenness with which this storm burst upon the 
 Russians. To meet it there was no preparation. The engi- 
 neers with their families were not adequately guarded, and 
 the vast property of the railroad was everywhere exposed. 
 To the extent of their ability the Chinese destroyed this prop- 
 erty, and it was only by the most hasty flight that any of the 
 foreigners escaped. These facts ought definitely to dispel 
 the impression which has prevailed in many quarters that 
 the war in China was fomented by the Russians in anticipa- 
 tion of the great advantages which they were going to reap 
 from it. 
 
 After reaching Khabarovsk, and visiting Vladivostok, 
 we proceeded up the Amur River on July ii, when we had 
 ample opportunities to see the frantic efforts made by the 
 Russians to repair their mistake and send a military force to 
 Harbin for the protection of their property. With great 
 haste the troops already in quarters had been forwarded 
 
112 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 
 
 from Vladivostok to Tien-tsin ; and, though the whole reserve 
 force of the Amur district was mobilized as rapidly as possible, 
 there was necessarily much delay. The desperateness of the 
 situation was shown in the fact that the Russians brought 
 down all their regimerts stationed at Blagovestchensk, num- 
 bering about five thousand men, and sent them up the Sun- 
 gar i River to protect the property at Harbin. This left 
 Blagovestchensk defenseless until other Russian troops could 
 be brought down the river from Transbaikalia, 700 miles to 
 the west. But as the water was low, these troops were long 
 delayed. 
 
 Meanwhile the Chinese, having quietly but rapidly 
 brought up to the opposite side of the river a large force, with 
 live cannon, and thrown up earthworks for a distance of about 
 three miles, without a moment's warning began firing upon 
 the city; while, a few miles below, the Chinese fort at Aigun 
 opened fire upon the Russian steamboats that were passing 
 down. 
 
 What added to the difficulty of the situation for the 
 Russians was that there were 3,000 Chinese living in the 
 city, and 25,000 living in villages on the Russian side, from 
 ten to twenty miles below the city. It was at once evident 
 that these were a source of weakness to the Russians ; and so 
 like a thunderclap had this hostility of the Chinese burst upon 
 them that they naturally felt that no Chinaman could under 
 the circumstances be trusted. It seemed therefore a military 
 necessity of the most urgent kind for the Russians to clear 
 the Chinese away from their side of the river if they would 
 protect their own households. What was done was not 
 through orders from the central government, but from a 
 spontaneous impulse of self-preservation. 
 
 It was a fearful sight to drive as we did through these 
 burning villages, which the Cossacks were still setting on 
 fire, and see everywhere the signs of utter desolation which 
 
RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 113 
 
 prevailed. Not a Chinaman was visible. The disconsolate 
 flocks of geese and herds of swine and clusters of subdued 
 dogs huddling together in the open squares, with smoldering 
 buildings all around, have left a picture on our minds that 
 cannot soon be forgotten. The thousands of men, women, 
 and children in these villages had disappeared, no one would 
 ever know where. Probably few of them escaped death. 
 The fate of the 3,000 Chinese in the city of Blagovestchensk 
 is well known. In attempting to cross the river to join their 
 own countrymen they nearly all perished. Two days after 
 the catastrophe, we could count hundreds of their bodies 
 floating down the stream. 
 
 As to which side was responsible for this massacre authori- 
 ties disagree. Mr. Wright states that rafts were provided 
 for the fugitives, who were started safely on their way. But 
 the rafts were of the frailest character, and were so over- 
 crowded that they soon went to pieces, the disaster being 
 hastened, as Mr. Wright says, by the Chinese themselves 
 opening fire on them. The consequent panic resulted in the 
 drowning of nearly the entire number. For this massacre 
 the Russians have been held, by most writers, wilfully respon- 
 sible, a charge improbable in itself, and negatived by the 
 above statement from a vi.sitor shortly after its occurrence. 
 
 The temporary reverse to the Russians in Manchuria, 
 due to the general hostility of its people and the paucity of 
 Russian soldiers in the province, was rapidly repaired, troops 
 being hurried there from all accessible points with all possible 
 expedition. Soon strong bodies of Cossack and other soldiers 
 advanced into the province, defeating the Chinese wherever 
 met, capturing towns on the Amur and southward, slaughter- 
 ing all who opposed them, and rapidly taking possession 
 of the most important points. 
 
 Their progress forward was practically, though not 
 avowedly, a conquest of Manchuria. The large city of Kirin, 
 
 8 
 
114 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 
 
 nearly 400 miles south of the Amur, was captured and occu- 
 pied, and soon after ancient Mukden, the sacred city of the 
 empire, lying far southward in the province, was invested 
 and taken. All this was declared by the Russians to be ''a 
 terrible vengeance" for the Chinese invasion of Siberia and 
 the sudden attack on Blagovestchensk. As regards the 
 assumed purpose of Russia to annex Manchuria, however, 
 this was definitely denied by the government, which claimed 
 to have merely established military protection over threat- 
 ened localities near the Amur and along the line of the rail- 
 way, leaving the remainder of the province unoccupied. 
 The occupation, however, seems to have been 60,000 strong. 
 
 Despite the fact that the allied powers had come to an 
 understanding not to take possession of any Chinese territory, 
 Russia continued her occupation of Manchuria after the troops 
 had been withdrawn from Chinese soil, and disquieting 
 reports of agreements signed between Russian and Chinese 
 statesmen were promulgated from time to time. There 
 were what seemed strong indications that Russia proposed 
 to obtain, through the unwilling concurrence of China, a 
 protectorate over Manchuria, a stepping stone, it was believed, 
 to a final ownership of the province. 
 
 Much as the other powers felt dissatisfied with this action 
 on the part of Russia, they had little or no opening for a pro- 
 test. When China, during the Boxer outbreak, attacked the 
 Russians and their railway in Manchuria, making a path 
 marked by destruction of Russian property and life as far 
 as to the Russian boundary along the Amur, and then crossed 
 that river and invaded Siberia, Russia availed herself to the 
 full of her leasehold rights, sending large armies, retaking her 
 railwa}^ property, and, for the requisite protection against 
 recurrence of such a sudden craze, assuming military possession 
 and control of large areas along the railways, naturally includ- 
 ing the chief towns of the province. Such was the military 
 
KUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 115 
 
 possession and control which the later agreement between 
 China and Russia was supposed to have developed, organized 
 and continued indefinitely. It was difficult for any of the 
 powers to show precisely where, in terms, this movement 
 violated the agreement by them all not to use their armed 
 entrance into China for annexation of territory. Russia 
 made no "annexation," though that might be prophesied as 
 the ultimate result of her action. Moreover, in the whole 
 dealing with Manchuria the allied powers had no part ; Russia 
 stood alone, her action having no immediate connection with 
 the movement on Peking. 
 
 In February, 1901, reports were heard of a further and 
 more important treaty or agreement between China and 
 Russia, definitely fixing the relative position of these powers 
 in Manchuria. China was to resume the entire civil govern- 
 ment of that province of the empire, while Russia was to 
 increase the number of her soldiers doing police duty along 
 the railway, and maintain a strong protective force until the 
 country had resumed its former peaceful condition. No Chi- 
 nese soldiers were to be stationed in the province until after 
 the railway was completed, and the importation of arms 
 into Manchuria was forbidden. The number of Chinese police 
 patrols to be permitted was to be left to Russia to decide. 
 
 This reported convention caused a considerable inter- 
 national disturbance, especially as some of its stipulations 
 indicated that the ambitious designs of Russia were not 
 confined to Manchuria, but had in view the ultimate acqui- 
 sition of the much larger region of Chinese Mongolia and 
 Turkestan, an exclusive interest in their mining and other 
 industries being reserved for Russia. The existence of such 
 a convention, however, was denied by Count Lamsdorff, 
 Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who declared that the 
 rumor arose from a modus vivendi which the Russian 
 military authorities had been directed to arrange with the 
 
ii6 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 
 
 Chinese local civil authorities in order to provide for '' the 
 simultaneous presence of Russians and Chinese in southern 
 Manchuria," without a "recurrence of disturbances in the 
 vicinity of the Russian frontier ; ' ' also in order to protect the 
 railway to Port Arthur. 
 
 " No arrangement with the central^government of China 
 or of a permanent character had been concluded with regard 
 to Manchuria." The Czar had no intention ''of departing 
 in any way from the assurances which he had publicly given 
 that Manchuria would be entirely restored to its former 
 condition in the Chinese empire as soon as circumstances 
 admitted." Russia could no more fix the final date for 
 evacuating Manchuria than could the allies for evacuating 
 the capital and the province of Pe-chi-li. Russia would first 
 ''obtain from the central government of China an effective 
 guarantee against recurrence of the recent attack on her 
 frontier and the destruction of her railway; but she had no 
 intention of seeking this guarantee in any acquisition of terri- 
 tory or an actual or virtual protectorate of Manchuria." 
 
 This disclaimer by Count Lamsdorff was somewhat 
 doubtfully received by the powers. Whatever were the 
 actual terms of the supposed agreement, China refused to 
 accept it, and it was withdrawn by Russia on April 5, 1901. 
 The Russian occupation continued intact, however ; and later 
 on, another treaty was negotiated, apparently on much the 
 same lines as before, but more cleverly worded, in order to 
 allay Chinese susceptibility. The promise to restore to China 
 the railway from New-chwang to Shan-hai-kwan, at the 
 extremity of the Great Wall, was a powerful lever in the 
 hands of the Russian envoy. The negotiation of this treaty, 
 however, was suspended at the death of Li Hung Chang, 
 who was concerned in it on the side of China. It was resumed 
 December 20, 1901, but was delayed through Chinese unwill- 
 ingness to agree to the Russian demands. 
 
RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 117 
 
 As eventually agreed upon, Russia covenanted to return 
 to China within a stated period the Manchurian province, 
 removing her troops in three instalments, the first in October, 
 1902, the second in April, 1903, the final evacuation to take 
 place on October 8, 1903. The Manchurian and the Shan- 
 hai-kwan railways were to be surrendered to China — though 
 subject to the concessions Russia had obtained — and '' Russia 
 was to be relied upon exclusively to protect the line." As 
 for the Chinese military forces in Manchuria, they, while 
 nominally commanded by a Tartar general, were to be drilled 
 and disciplined exclusively by Russian officers. 
 
 In addition, the treaty exclusively reserved for Russia 
 all mining and commercial rights and privileges in the prov- 
 ince — a reservation of considerable moment, and not well 
 in agreement with the "open door" policy advocated by the 
 other nations. In regard to the methods pursued by Russia, 
 we may quote from a recent paper by Mr. Colquhoun, in the 
 London Morning Post. In his view it matters little what are 
 the terms of the Russo-Chinese convention, the vital point 
 being, not what Russia promises, but what she has done 
 and is doing in Manchuria. He further says, referring to 
 Russian diplomatic methods: 
 
 ''The first step of the military in occupying the country, 
 was either to square or crush the leading officials. Such as 
 were amenable were placated with presents and retained in 
 office; some even paid visits to St. Petersburg, where they 
 were most graciously received. Those who did not fall in 
 with Russian views were removed at once without any regard 
 to efficiency. The tactics pursued during the earlier portion 
 of the campaign in Manchuria was followed by a period during 
 which the lavish expenditure on public works, railways, 
 buildings, roads and bridges, employing some 50,000 Chinese, 
 restored prosperity to the country, but a prosperity, be it 
 noted, which had its rise in Russian sources. It is not sur- 
 
iig RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 
 
 prising in these circiunstances that the people became recon- 
 ciled to their conquerors and appreciated the advantages 
 they were reaping in increased wages, plentiful work and 
 safety from the banditti." . 
 
 The view of coming events taken by Mr. Colquhoun 
 proved to be in close accordance with the facts, as subse- 
 quently developed. The partial evacuation promised for 
 October, 1902, did not take place. When April, 1903, 
 arrived Russia claimed that the non-arrival of the Chinese 
 Taotai prevented the formal restitution of the city of New- 
 chwang to China; later in the month the organization of an 
 international commission to prevent the recurrence of bubonic 
 plague was offered as an excuse; again Russia claimed to be 
 holding the city on account of the presence of German and 
 American gunboats in the harbor. Russia had formally 
 pledged itself three times that the "open door" should be 
 maintained in Manchuria, and that the troops should be 
 withdrawn as soon as peace was restored, but when the time 
 came inclination seemed wanting. 
 
 The failure to carry out the pledges was looked upon 
 by the powers as a distinct breach of faith. Japan and 
 Great Britain made formal protests and other powers showed 
 their displeasure in a diplomatic way. The protests seemed 
 to have effect, inasmuch as Russia hastened to assure the 
 world that her intentions were not to retain any military 
 occupancy of the territory, but to exercise a protective con- 
 trol for a short period. New-chwang was evacuated, but on 
 May 8 was reoccupied with a larger force of troops, only to 
 be again freed on May 9. On May 12 Manchuria was declared 
 open by Russia, foreigners being given the right to trade there 
 without Russian passports. In June it was reported that 
 Russia was building permanent houses and barracks in the 
 province with every sign of establishing herself more firmly. 
 Ill July a more active movement of troops took place, which 
 
RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 119 
 
 again brought out protests from the powers. In September 
 Russia again offered to withdraw under certain conditions, 
 which were of the nature of demands upon China, and seemed 
 evidence of Russia's intention to hold the province in spite 
 of the protests, and the final period of October 8, 1903, passed 
 without a soldier being withdrawn. The conditions demanded 
 were of a character which China positively refused to concede, 
 and the occupation, in consequence, continued. 
 
 As concerns the actual character of the Russian hold 
 on Manchuria, a brief statement may here be offered. 
 
 In the course of surveying and constructing the railway, 
 fortified posts were established from ten to fifteen miles apart 
 along the line and occupied by troops, Chinese and Russian. 
 Russian dress, food and liquor being entirely different from 
 those of the Manchus, Russian merchants were necessary 
 adjuncts to the advance bodies of engineers and Cossacks. 
 Every post became a Russian settlement, with its stores and 
 buildings, and in the large towns and cities the Russian 
 section became an important part. The course of the rail- 
 ways includes most of the im^portant towns and cities. Russia 
 put a liberal estimate on the possibility of trouble and on the 
 number of troops necessary to guard her property and sub- 
 jects, and took advantage of the slightest disturbance to 
 greatly increase the force. The troops bore the milder term 
 of railway police, but the term did not change the fact of 
 military occupation. The country had thus become well 
 occupied and Russianized before the time of the Boxer 
 uprising, and has been more fully occupied since. It may 
 be said further that the project is entertained of building a 
 new railway to the Siberian line, more direct than that to 
 Harbin, and crossing the territory of Chinese Mongolia, a 
 vast district in which Russia has made various steps of advance 
 and is supposed to view with covetous eyes. 
 
 These steps of Russian diplomacy did not go on without 
 
120 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 
 
 a watchful eye from the powers, accompanied by various 
 marks of disapprobation. But it was left to Japan to carry 
 her hostility to the Russian operations to a greater extreme 
 and fairly to threaten war unless Russia should comply with 
 her treaty obligations with China. In truth, Japan was far 
 more vitally concerned in the Russian occupation of Man- 
 churia than any of the more distant powers. In view of the 
 steady and long-continued aggressive movement of Russia 
 in Asia, the island empire felt concerned about its own future 
 independence. Russia was rapidly approaching the Pacific 
 shores opposite her own. Only the helpless kingdom of 
 Korea lay between. That once acquired — and there were 
 many signs that Russia proposed to acquire it — the great 
 continental and the small island empire would stand face to 
 face, with only a narrow ocean strait between. In such a 
 case the future independent existence of Japan would be 
 seriously threatened, and it might follow Manchuria and 
 Korea as a final eastward acquisition of the great Colossus 
 of the West. 
 
 This being the case, Japan, while deeply concerned 
 regarding the Russian occupation of Manchuria, was still 
 more solicitous to preserve Korea from aggressive opera- 
 tions, and watched with hostile eyes any movement in the 
 direction of acquisition within the "hermit kingdom" on 
 the part of Russia. Straws, showing which way the wind 
 was likely to blow, were already in the air. The first action 
 concerning Korea was one taken after the war of 1894-95, 
 in the form of a treaty with Japan in which it was agreed 
 that Korea should remain independent under the joint pro- 
 tection of Russia and Japan. This was of a reassuring 
 nature, though in it Russia reserved the right to construct 
 a telegraph line from the frontier to Seoul, the capital, stipu- 
 lating that Korea could acquire it when she had the means. 
 
 In 1897 the reorganization of the Korean army was 
 
HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY, MUTSUHITO, EMPEROR OF JAPAN 
 
v^ 
 
 Copyrighted, Purdy 
 
 KOGORO TAKAHIRA, JAPANESE EMBASSADOR 
 "In compliance with your request of recent date, I take pleasure in sending you 
 my photograph lately taken. 
 Yours very truly. 
 
 The Legation of Japan 
 Washington.' 
 
RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 121 
 
 intrusted to Russian military officers, and in 1899 Korea 
 granted to a Russian business concern the right to cut timber 
 fromi certain specified forest districts. Russians were also 
 authorized to catch whales off the Korean coast, and land 
 was leased to the whalers for the purpose of handling their 
 catch. Unimiportant as these concessions appeared, that 
 concerning the cutting of timber led in the summer of 1903 
 to a direct movement of aggression, Russian troops being 
 sent across the Yalu River under the pretext of protecting 
 the lumbering interests in Korea. Those troops seem to 
 have been sent in small detachments and under the guise of 
 surveyors, so as not to attract special notice, but as a whole 
 formed a body of some strength, and one which lost no time 
 in making good its position by the construction of barracks 
 and intrenchments. The settlement thus made was near 
 Wiju, on the Yalu above its mouth. 
 
 The movement in Korea did not stop here. The town 
 of Yongampho, on the Korean side of the Yalu, and in a 
 position to protect the mouth of that river, was next occupied, 
 under the claim that Russia needed it as a shipping port for 
 timber from Mount Heigna. This preposterous claim was 
 met by the Korean government with the statement that the 
 timber rights granted did not reach that mountain, and 
 with the protest that Yongampho had been occupied without 
 sanction on the part of Korea. This protest, however, did 
 not affect the action of Russia, which also made the further 
 claim that the tim.ber concession carried with it 'the right to 
 build telegraph lines and railroads in aid of the lumbering 
 business, and also to appropriate land for homes for the 
 workmen. 
 
 The protest of Korea against these movements on the 
 part of Russia was joined in by Japan, and with such vigor 
 that war seemed the only alternative to the withdrawal of 
 the Russians. At the same time Japan showed a similar 
 
122 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 
 
 tendency to obtain a foothold on Korean soil, demanding 
 the same rights there as Russia enjoyed in Manchuria. One 
 step made by Japan in this movement was the building of a 
 short railway line from Chemulpo on the coast to Seoul in 
 the interior, while a much longer line from Fusan northward 
 to Seoul was rapidly under way. Such was the state of 
 affairs at the close of 1903. They were to be followed in 
 1.904 by more evident signs of hostility, and by negotiations 
 between Russia and Japan, with the threat of war in the 
 background in case of the failure of diplomatic measures. 
 
 A brief statement of the character of these negotiations 
 will fitly conclude this portion of our work. In the transfer 
 of diplomatic notes between the two parties, Russia proposed 
 a compromise to the effect that the influence of Japan should 
 be paramount in the southern portion of Korea, while the 
 Czar's empire-builders should have practically a free hand 
 to the northward of a neutral zone that Russia proposed to 
 draw across the country. This would have given Russia 
 full control of the Yalu River, the boundary between Korea 
 and Manchuria, and would also have meant, in effect, the 
 Russianization of the adjacent northern part of Korea, thus 
 virtually extending the southern tip of Siberia in such a way 
 as to give Russia a continuous land connection from Vladi- 
 vostok to Port Arthur. Russia further insisted upon the 
 guarantee of free and unobstructed navigation through the 
 channels of the Korean Strait, which lies between Korea and 
 Japan. Further, admitting certain trading rights in Man- 
 churia, Russia refused to discuss with Japan the political 
 future of that nominally Chinese province. The Japanese, 
 on the other hand, felt that any such arrangement would 
 give them only temporary security in southern Korea, while 
 making certain the outright annexation of Manchuria by 
 Russia in the near future, and also probably the annexation 
 of the Yalu or northern portion of Korea. They further con- 
 
RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 123 
 
 sidered that such an arrangement would make certain the 
 complete dominance of Russia at Peking and the ultimate 
 Russianization of at least the northern part of China proper, 
 together with Mongolia. In short, the great stake for which 
 the Japanese held they were contending was the preserva- 
 tion of the Chinese Empire, and the maintenance and integrity 
 of Korea as an Oriental state nominally independent but 
 practically under Japanese influence and guardianship. It 
 was believed by the Japanese, in view of their own remarkable 
 modern history, that if Russian encroachments could only be 
 resisted during this present period of China's helplessness 
 and Korea's pitiable feebleness, the time would certainly 
 come when the latent strength of China would be developed 
 and organized, so that in cooperation or in alliance with Japan 
 the Far Eastern powers could protect themselves against the 
 Russian advance. Meanwhile, they asked China to appear 
 neutral. 
 
 Such was the character of the negotiations which were 
 brought to a sudden end by the breaking off of diplomatic 
 relations with Russia and the destructive attack on the 
 Russian fleet at Port Arthur in early February, 1904. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 The Terrible Russian Exile System 
 
 The Dark Side of Russian Criminal Life — How This System Has Grown — The 
 Island Home of Criminals — Its Nearness to Japan — Effect of the War on 
 the Exiles. 
 
 TO many people the coming of the war between Russia 
 and Japan seemed to bring a hope that there would 
 be a way to strike a blow at the Russian exile system 
 and the release of the political prisoners. Too many 
 had judged incorrectly of the merits of this system and 
 had been too eager to condemn it as inhuman and entirely 
 unjustified. An account of the situation of the exiles at the 
 opening of hostilities is interesting to all the world, and may 
 be told here. If successful in her attacks on Russia, Japan 
 would be able to land troops on the convict island of Sag- 
 halien, just north of the Japanese archipelago, and release the 
 forty thousand men and women imprisoned there. Once 
 free, the murderers, traitors, nihilists and revolutionists who 
 compose its population would be able at last to avenge them- 
 selves to some small degree upon the government which has 
 doomed them to a living death. Would Japan dare do this? 
 The convict island is situated at the northern end of the 
 Japan Sea, like the keystone of an arch. Southwest is the 
 Asiatic coast of the Russian- Siberian province of Amur and 
 the seaport of Vladivostok. Southeast, across a narrow strait, 
 lies the Japanese island of Yesso. Although six hundred 
 miles long, Saghalien is so narrow that it has the shape of a 
 pickerel on the map. In area it is equal to the State of South 
 Carolina; in climate it may be likened to southern Green- 
 land or northern Norway. If dug up and laid down on the 
 124 
 
THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 1^5 
 
 Atlantic Coast, between the same parallels of latitude, it 
 would stretch from Bangor, Me., to central Labrador. 
 
 To this cold, inhospitable, remote part of the earth 
 Russia banishes her worst enemies of state. When a peasant 
 commits an atrocious murder the penalty is Saghalien. When 
 a bank teller embezzles a fortune he is doomed to exile in 
 Saghalien. Should some high official prove a traitor to his 
 government he exchanges his splendid St. Petersburg draw- 
 ing-rooms for the log huts of Saghalien. 
 
 There was a secret military conference between Russia 
 and France not long before hostilities began, when the two 
 powers agreed on a mode of attack on Germany should either 
 nation go to war with the Kaiser. Not long afterward it 
 was discovered that Germany by some mysterious means 
 had learned the stratagem. Colonel Grimm, a trusted Rus- 
 sian officer, was suspected of treachery, and in the face of 
 indisputable evidence he confessed himself a traitor. It was 
 estimated that the changes in fortifications made necessary 
 by his treachery cost the Russian government $5,500,000. 
 Yet he was not hanged or shot. His fate was worse. He 
 was banished to Saghalien. 
 
 Since Russia has completed the continental railroad 
 across her Asiatic domain she has sought to change the char- 
 acter of Siberia from a penal colony to a great industrial prov- 
 ince. She has endeavored to wipe out the wretched asso- 
 ciations which haunt the name of Siberia because of its past, 
 and which stunted its growth. As long as Russia continued 
 to found penal settlements within this region, to which were 
 condemned murderers as well as refined • men and. women 
 banished thither because of their political views, voluntary 
 immigration into Siberia from the congested parts of Russia 
 amounted to little or nothing. For the reason that the con- 
 vict settlements were adjacent to towns, a Russian citizen 
 of good standing liad no desire to emigrate to such a com- 
 
126 THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 
 
 munity, where his family must needs associate with the out- 
 casts of society. 
 
 Accordingly, Russia in recent years has been sending 
 her chief offenders to the far distant island of Saghalien. 
 The war, however, put a stop to the further deportation of 
 convicts to the island. If Russia were to attempt to send 
 her convicts by ship, as was once her custom, from the Black 
 Sea port of Odessa, the Japanese warships would hold them 
 up somewhere along the Pacific Coast. If she sent them by 
 railroad to Vladivostok, the Mikado's ships were there to 
 capture them after they had been put on board ships for 
 the island. 
 
 Russia began sending exiles to Siberia in the middle of 
 the seventeenth century, instead of branding them with hot 
 irons, impaling them on hooks, cutting out their tongues or 
 amputating their limbs, as she had done before. In the 
 middle of the eighteenth century the Muscovites abolished 
 capital punishment, and, instead of executing their worst 
 criminals, they banished them to Asiatic Russia. They 
 populated vast tracts with sparsely scattered colonies of con- 
 victs. Between the years 1823 and 1887 nearly eight hun- 
 dred thousand men and women were torn from their homes 
 in Europe and driven to far-away Siberian settlements. 
 
 In the days before the Siberian railroad the exiles were 
 marched on foot with an escort of soldiers. They were first 
 transported to Tyumen, seventeen hundred miles east of St. 
 Petersburg, where they w^ere herded together in pens, to be 
 forwarded to various destinations. 
 
 On visiting the convict pens of Tyumen, in 1885, George 
 Kennan wrote, in The CenHiry Magazine: 
 
 "There was practically no ventilation, and the air was 
 so poisoned and foul that I could hardly force myself to 
 breathe it. We visited successively in the yard six 'kame- 
 ras,' or cells, essentially like the first, and found in every one 
 
THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 127 
 
 of them three or four times the number of prisoners for which 
 it was intended, and five or six times the number for which 
 it had adequate air space. In most of the cells there was 
 not room enough on the sleeping platforms for all of the 
 convicts, and scores of men slept every night on the foul, 
 muddy floors under the 'nari'— sleeping platform — and in the 
 gangway between it and the walls. Three or four pale, 
 dejected and apparently sick prisoners crawled from under 
 the sleeping platform in one of the cells as we entered. 
 
 ''In one of the cells were eight or ten 'dvaryane,' or 
 nobles, who seemed to be educated men, and in whose pres- 
 ence the warden removed his hat. Whether any of them 
 were ' politicals ' or not I do not know, but in this part of the 
 prison the 'politicals' were usually confined. The air in the 
 corridors and cells, particularly in the second story, was 
 indescribably and unimaginably foul. Every cubic foot of 
 it had apparently been respired over and over again tintil 
 it hardly contained an atom of oxygen; it was laden with 
 fever germs from the un ventilated hospital wards, fetid odors 
 from diseased human lungs and unclean human bodies, and 
 the stench arising from unemptied buckets at the ends of the 
 corridors. I breathed as little as I possibly could, but every 
 respiration seemed to pollute me to the very soul, and I 
 became faint from nausea and lack of oxygen. It was like 
 trying to breathe in an underground hospital drain." 
 
 There are still prisons at Tomsk, Irkutsk, in central 
 Siberia, and at Khabarovsk, in eastern Siberia, on the Amur 
 River, but they are used for the temporary detention of 
 prisoners. Exiles condemned to long periods of banishment 
 are sent to remote Saghalien, where they are confined in the 
 great prison at Korsakoff for two years or put to work in the 
 coal mines, chained to iron wheelbarrows. Those w^ho have not 
 been doomed to banishment for life may obtain a parole on 
 good behavior and be permitted to make their homes in Siberia. 
 
128 THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 
 
 Saghalien has been a sealed book of crime and wretched- 
 ness to the rest of the world, save for a few travelers who 
 have landed on its frigid shore. Dr. Benjamin Howard 
 visited the island not long ago, and he tells how the prisoners 
 are confined within a sort of stockade, similar to some of the 
 American prisons in which Union soldiers were confined 
 during the Civil War. Within this wooden wall stand the long, 
 low, prison buildings, in which the convicts work and sleep. 
 For the reason that an exile during his two-year term of 
 imprisonment is compelled to wear leg-irons, with a five- 
 pound ball tugging at each foot, he is allowed a greater 
 amount of freedom than the inmate of a New York State 
 prison. Dr. Howard said in an address to the American 
 Geographical Society: 
 
 " In all that large prison there were only three cells, 
 all of which were large rooms. The prisoners do practically 
 what they like in prison. They smoke, and go out in gangs 
 to work. The three cells I saw were occupied by the most 
 distinguished prisoners, and it is considered a sort of a special 
 favor to occupy them. Two were occupied by princes, and 
 were fitted up about as well as the quarters of an ordinary 
 captain. In and about the church on Sunday mornings 
 there are groups of the free. No prisoner is allowed to go 
 there. In the Greek Church a great deal of the service is 
 done by laymen. The layman in this case, a capital 
 reader, was a murderer. The choir, also splendid singers, 
 were murderers. But I asked myself. Is it not better that 
 all these convicts should be worshiping together than that 
 they should have been hanged?" 
 
 One of the chief modes of torture which the Russians 
 used in the darkest days of the Siberian prison system was 
 the knout. Whenever an exile aroused the special ire of 
 his keeper, he was lashed with the knout. When a man 
 refused to confess, the knout extorted his secret. No will 
 
THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 129 
 
 was so strong that one could endure its cutting blows. In 
 Russia and Siberia the knout has been officially abolished, 
 but in Saghalien it is still used in administering torture, and 
 sometimes death. 
 
 Few outside of certain prison officials ever behold a con- 
 vict punished by the knout, yet when Dr. Howard was at 
 Saghalien he witnessed a man put to its torture, because the 
 resident physician was forced to seek his assistance and 
 advice in handling the case. He says: 
 
 '* The criminal was stretched out on a table in the middle 
 of the yard, and behind him stood the executioner. To the 
 right of the table, and at a good distance, was the man who 
 kept the tally and counted aloud each blow as it fell — one, 
 two, three, and so to the end. 
 
 '' I have never seen anything else which was so painful 
 to witness. The knout has a large, thick handle, the strands 
 of the whip are divided into three by knots, and with a hard 
 end, and the scourge descends like a bird of prey and picks 
 out the flesh. 
 
 ''As soon as it was over, and the man was found to be 
 alive, he was taken to the hospital, and the doctor, who 
 was one of the best of men, cared for him just as much as if 
 he had been a sick woman in- New York. ' ' 
 
 One of the most horrible Russian prison scenes, accord- 
 ing to escaped or liberated exiles, is the spectacle of the con- 
 victs taking a bath. It has long been the rule to compel the 
 prisoners to wash, the day before Christmas. However thick 
 may be the dirt on their bodies the rest of the year, they 
 must try to scrape some of it off at this time, in the name of 
 the Church. In the story of his exile, called "Buried Alive," 
 Dostoevsky tells of a bathing scene, which affords a striking 
 contrast to that of Jersey shore summer resorts. He says: 
 
 ''There were only two public baths in the town. One 
 was kept by a Jew, and had separate rooms which cost fifty 
 
 9 
 
I30 ~' THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 
 
 kopecks each, and was frequented by the higher classes. The 
 other bath was patronized by the poor people. It was very 
 small, could hold only a few bathers at a time, and was 
 remarkable for its dirt. We were taken there as a matter of 
 course. It was a bright, sunny day, and the convicts were as 
 happy as children. Soldiers with loaded guns accompanied us 
 
 ''When Petroff opened the door of the bathroom my 
 first thought was that I must have got into hell by mistake. 
 Into a room not more than twelve feet long by as many 
 broad a mass of human beings were crowded. 
 
 "A thick cloud of vapor hung over the bathers, nearly 
 enveloping them, and the floor was so filthy that I did not 
 know where to set my foot. When at last we got to the wall 
 where a bench was, we found that every available place on 
 the forms had already been taken. Petroff explained to me 
 that we must buy a place. Petroff had prudently carried a 
 coin in his fist all the way. He handed it over to the man. 
 who immediately disappeared under the bench, just below 
 my seat, where the mud was about two inches deep. 
 
 " Few really washed themselves, as the common people 
 care but little for soap and hot water, their idea of a bath 
 consisting of getting up to the highest shelf, whipping them- 
 selves violently with a bundle of birch twigs, and then 
 pouring cold water down their backs. And all this mass 
 of human beings was swaying backward and forward, shout- 
 ing and yelling, and clanking their chains on the floor. A 
 crowd had collected around the window, where the cans of 
 hot water were handed in and carried over the heads of the 
 bathers, who squatted on the floor. 
 
 " Over all this bedlam roared the voice of Issai Fomitch, 
 who had climbed on to the highest shelf. He was nearl}^ 
 beside himself with the heat and whipping, but it seemed as 
 if no earthly heat could ever satisfy him. He hired a man 
 for a kopeck to whip him, but the latter soon found the heat 
 
THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 131 
 
 too much for him, threw down the rod and ran away. Issai 
 Fomitch, nothing loath, hired another, then a third — he 
 could be generous at times — and had as many as five men 
 whip him that day." 
 
 After the convicts serve two years in the prisons of 
 Saghalien," or in the coal mines, they are allowed to make 
 their home in some penal settlement on the island. To each 
 one is given a parcel of land, and tools to build a house. 
 The exile clears away a bit of the primeval forest, and with 
 the trunks of the trees he constructs a log hut, with walls a 
 foot or more thick, to withstand the arctic winds of winter. 
 If he has made a good record, the government gives him a 
 horse, some chickens, seed for planting, and a wife. Women 
 comprise about one-fourth the population of the island. 
 When a man wants to marry and is regarded as eligible, he 
 is taken to the women's quarters and permitted to look at 
 the inmates, ranged up in the long line for his inspection. 
 After a few whispers he makes his choice. He may have 
 killed his wife in Russia and she her husband, yet the two 
 vow to take each other for better or for worse. Many of the 
 women on the island go there voluntarily, because their hus- 
 bands have been condemned to its prisons. In her love 
 for him such a wife will live with women committed there 
 for the most heinous crimes, haul water wagons, harnessed 
 like horses, or scrub the floors of the officers' quarters. In 
 one year 5,536 out of the 15,766 women exiled from Russia 
 went voluntarily. 
 
 A striking illustration which shows how women of high 
 and low standards of refinement are made to associate in 
 their life of exile is afforded by the visit of Stephen Bonsai 
 to the temporary prison at Khabarovsk, on the Amur River, 
 at the mouth of which lies Saghalien. He writes in Harper's 
 Magazine: 
 
 " On the second floor was the jail for women. None of 
 
13 2 THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 
 
 the women were in chains, and they occupied large and 
 sunny rooms, never more than two in a room. Several had 
 their - children with them. In one room we stopped and 
 talked with two women who were as unlike as day is to 
 night. 
 
 ''One was a great, handsome blonde girl from Russia. 
 She might well have served the sculptor as a model for Diana. 
 Her face was goodness itself; her eyes were soft, ingenuous and 
 almost childlike. She had poisoned her husband for love 
 of another man. Across the sunlit room there stood her 
 sister in crime; but what a contrast in outward appearance! 
 She was a G oldie woman, and she, too, had poisoned her 
 husband for love of another man. Her face was yellow and 
 sallow, her forehead low and receding; her nose was fiat, and 
 her lips drooped and curled like a deerhound's; her face was 
 without expression, dull and stagnant, like a muddy pool." 
 
 At home the Russian peasant shows the effects of serf- 
 dom and his inborn instinct to be governed by always electing 
 an overseer to boss him. If four laborers are told to dig 
 a ditch, they immediately choose one of their number to give 
 them orders. So in their prison life. Russians seem to 
 prefer supervision rather than individual liberty. The 
 inmates of a prison divide themselves into groups of ten, 
 each of which elects a captain to govern them. Says Mr. 
 Bonsai : 
 
 ''The captain becomes responsible in the eyes of the 
 prison authorities for the nine men who have honored him 
 with their votes. Whenever a detachment of ten is respon- 
 sible for some infringement of prison rules, and the individual 
 delinquent cannot be ascertained, the captain, or starosta, 
 receives the punishment. This system, it is said, works well, 
 and makes for law and order." 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Commodore Perry and the Opening 
 of Japan 
 
 Commodore Perry in the Bay of Yedo — The Letter of the President — Early His- 
 tory of Japan — Rise of the Feudal System — Decline of the Emperor's Power 
 — The Shogun Rules — The Coming of the Europeans— St. Francis Xavier — 
 Spread of Christianity — Persecution of the Christians — Foreigners Forbidden 
 to Enter Japan — The Dutch at Nagasaki — Pressure of the Nations — Rus- 
 sians Seek Intercourse — Perry's Mission — The American Demand — The 
 Shogun Consents to Receive the Letter — The Ceremony of Reception — Perry 
 Goes and Returns — The American Presents — The Shogun 's Answer — New 
 Ports Open to American Trade — Privileges to Other Nations — The New Birth 
 of Japan. 
 
 ON the 8th of July, 1853, took place one of the most 
 important events in the history of Japan. A squadron 
 of war vessels, more imposing in their great hulls 
 and swelling sails than Japanese eyes had ever gazed 
 upon, appeared off Cape Idsu, the outer extremity of the 
 Bay of Yedo, bound inward before a fresh breeze, in bold 
 disregard of the lines of prohibition which Japan had for 
 centuries drawn across the entrance to all her ports. It was 
 an American fleet, under the command of Commodore 
 Matthew C. Perry, who bore a letter from the President of 
 the United States to the Emperor of Japan, suggesting that 
 commercial relations should be established between the two 
 countries, American vessels be supplied with coal and pro- 
 visions, and shipwrecked sailors be kindly treated and 
 promptly restored to their countries. This letter, splendidly 
 engrossed, was inclosed in a golden box of the value of a 
 thousand dollars, and was accomxpanied by numerous presents 
 from the President to the Emperor. The squadron consisted 
 
 133 
 
134 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 
 
 of the steam frigates Susquehanna and Mississippi, and the 
 sloops of war Plymouth and Saratoga, being the most imposing 
 armament that had ever entered a Japanese port. 
 
 For the benefit of those who may think that there was 
 nothing especially notable in this, we must briefly outline 
 the preceding history of Japan, in order that it may be seen 
 how significant an event it really was. The detailed history 
 of the island empire is full of gallant deeds of war and of the 
 exploits of ambitious heroes, and also of important political 
 changes; but at this we can merely give a passing glance, in 
 order to show the great importance of Commodore Perry's 
 visit and properly introduce to our readers the advent of 
 Japan as a modern nation. 
 
 The history of Japan reaches back into the mythical 
 ages, but the Japanese begin their history with the year 660 
 B. C, when Jimmu-Tenno, who had alighted from heaven 
 on the island of Kiu-Siu, succeeded in bringing all Japan under 
 his rule. The many emperors, or Mikados, who succeeded 
 him and the events of their reigns may be passed over with- 
 out mention, all we are here specially interested in being the 
 decline of the power of the Mikados and the coming of Euro- 
 peans to Japan. 
 
 It may be said that a feudal system gradually grew up 
 in the country, and that the great feudal nobles struggled 
 with each other for power with little regard to the supremacy 
 of the emperor, the dominion of these chiefs increasing until, 
 in the year 1192, the warlike Yoritomo was given the title 
 of Shogun and won the controlling power in the state. In 
 theory he was the humble servant of the Mikado. In fact 
 the Mikado had long ceased to govern, and lived in luxurious 
 retirement, all the respect shown him by the Shogun being 
 that of mere ceremony. Thus was established a state of 
 affairs which continued for many centuries, and was not 
 broken up until after the visit of Commodore Perry in 1853. 
 
COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 135 
 
 The Mikado was reverenced by the people as the sacred 
 emperor, the head of the reUgious organization of the land, 
 but all political and governing power lay in the hands of the 
 Shogun. 
 
 The next event with which we are concerned is the com- 
 ing of the Christians to Japan. The first of these were three 
 Portuguese, who had taken passage in a Chinese junk and 
 were wrecked on the coast of Japan in 1542. Later other 
 Europeans came, and in 1549 the renowned Jesuit, St. Francis 
 Xavier, landed at Kagoshima, the capital of the Prince of 
 Satsuma, and began a successful career of conversion of the 
 Japanese to the Christian faith. When he left the country 
 in 1 55 1, Christianity had made a marked progress. Not only 
 were many of the peasantry converted to the new faith, 
 but men of note, even princes, became Christians, and within 
 thirty years it is said that there were fully 600,000 Christian 
 converts in central and southern Japan, including many of 
 the daimios, or feudal nobles. Later on there were said 
 to be over a million native Christians, out of a population of 
 eight or ten millions in the section of the land involved. 
 
 All might have been well but for the rivalry between the 
 Jesuit and the Franciscan missionaries, and the commercial 
 disputes of the Portuguese, Spanish, English and Dutch 
 residents, who accused each other of malevolent designs and 
 aroused shrewd suspicions of their character and purposes 
 in the minds of the Japanese. There were even reports set 
 afloat that the King of Portugal designed to send troops to 
 follow the priests, and, with the aid of the native Christians, 
 to overthrow the Mikado and gain control of the land. On 
 whatever this rumor was based, the Japanese in time felt 
 they had good reason to believe that such a purpose was 
 entertained by more than one of the sovereigns of Europe. 
 
 The result was a very natural one. Hideyoshi, then the 
 great military chief of the land, issued an edict in 1587, in 
 
136 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 
 
 which he ordered all missionaries to leave Japan within 
 twenty-four days. This was not carried out at that time, 
 but was put in force in 1597, in consequence of the imprudent 
 street-preaching of some Spanish Franciscans, which brought 
 on a riot and an attack on the Christians. The persecution 
 of the native Christians, then begun, continued during the 
 succeeding forty years, by the end of which time Christianity 
 was extirpated throughout the empire. For years the inhab- 
 itants of Nagasaki, a centre of conversion, were required to 
 trample on the cross in the presence of the authorities, and 
 placards were to be seen in the streets as late as 1868, offering 
 rewards for the arrest of members of the ''forbidden, lying 
 and corrupt sect." 
 
 Aside from the extirpation of Christianity, there was 
 an important political result to the anti-European crusade. 
 All foreigners, whether missionaries or not, were forbidden 
 entrance to Japan, the only exception to this rule being a 
 right granted the Dutch to send trading ships to the port of 
 Nagasaki. Here the traders were strictly confined to an 
 island in the harbor, subjected to degrading humiliations, 
 and permitted to go on the mainland only once a year, when 
 a commission took presents to Yedo to the Shogun, into 
 whose august presence they had to crawl on their hands and 
 knees. 
 
 Thus Japan was locked up in prison-like seclusion against 
 the outside world, the Japanese being forbidden to leave 
 their country under any pretext. Some knowledge of Euro- 
 pean affairs had been gained during the Christian period, 
 but for more than two centuries Japan stopped short in its 
 career of progress, and remained as unpfogressive as China, 
 which had long adopted a policy of seclusion almost as rigid 
 as that of Japan. Some information as to what was going 
 on in the world outside was, indeed, obtained from the 
 Dutch, and some new industries were introduced, such as 
 
COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 137 
 
 furnaces and windmills like those of Holland. Certain Dutch 
 books also made their way into the land and were translated 
 and published privately, in disregard of the severe restric- 
 tions of the governmental edicts. Yet the drifting in of 
 Western ideas and methods was very slow and slight. 
 
 The time came when it was difficult to maintain this 
 state of affairs. With the opening of the nineteenth century 
 the ships of the Western nations made their way in increasing 
 numbers to the North Pacific, and food and water were 
 occasionally sought for at the locked gates of Japan. These 
 were furnished only at Nagasaki, a warning at the same time 
 being given to move on. In some cases shipwrecked Jap- 
 anese were brought back in foreign vessels, but those who 
 brought them were not Welcomed, since these persons were 
 no longer regarded as Japanese. Such wrecked sailors as 
 sought safety on Japanese soil were held as prisoners, and 
 rescued only with great difficulty. The law was that any 
 foreigner who landed except at Nagasaki should be held in 
 perpetual imprisonment. 
 
 The Russians, through their Siberian posts, had become 
 near neighbors of the Japanese, and sought to open trade 
 with the islanders. Lieutenant Laxman landed at Hako- 
 date in 1793, bringing some shipwrecked Japanese and 
 seeking to establish commercial relations. He was treated 
 with courtesy, but received no answer to his demand, and 
 was told that he could take back his Japanese or leave them 
 as he pleased. The Russians made a similar effort in 1804, 
 but with no better success, the Shogun saying that he received 
 all the foreign goods he wanted from the Dutch and Chinese. 
 A Russian count had been sent as ambassador, and, thinking 
 he had been shabbily treated, he sent back two vessels which 
 plundered a Japanese settlement on Saghalien and carried 
 off some prisoners, leaving a written statement that this was 
 done in revenge for the slights put upon the Russian ambas- 
 
138 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 
 
 sador. The Japanese retaliated by seizing Captain Golownin, 
 a Russian officer, who landed on one of the Kurile Islands in 
 t8ii, and holding him for a year or two in strict imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 The United States came late into the field in the effort 
 to force an entrance into Japan, but this country was the 
 first to take positive measures. In 1846 two vessels of war 
 were sent to Japan under Commodore Biddle, with the mission 
 of trying to open a way to friendly intercourse. But they 
 were repelled, the Commodore being grossly and perhaps inten- 
 tionally insulted. President Fillmore was the next to act 
 in the matter, sending out the squadron under Commodore 
 Perry, whose arrival at the Bay of Yedo has been mentioned 
 in the opening of this chapter. The results of his visit were 
 of such importance that a somewhat extended account of it 
 must here be given. 
 
 Perry's ships had no sooner dropped anchor in the bay 
 than several guns were fired from a neighboring point and a 
 number of boats put off from the shore. A dignitary of the 
 neighboring town came on board, but the Commodore 
 declined to see him, saying that he bore a message from the 
 President of the United States to the Emperor of Japan 
 which could be delivered only to an officer of high rank. He 
 also gave orders that all guard-boats must withdraw, as he 
 would not permit the squadron to be put under guard. The 
 official handed the ordinary notifications, forbidding all ships 
 to enter a Japanese port, to the ship's officers, but they 
 declined to receive them. An hour later the official came 
 back again, saying that the letter could not be accepted, and 
 that Nagasaki was the proper place for foreign ships to stop. 
 He was given to understand that if the governor of the town 
 did not accept the letter the ships would go on up the bay 
 to Yedo and deliver it to the Shogun directly. At this the 
 official withdrew in a state of great agitation. 
 
COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENtNC OF JAPAN 139 
 
 During the following night watch-fires blazed along the 
 shore and the watch-boats kept on the water, but left a goodly 
 distance between them and the ships. The next morning 
 the governor of the town himself came on board and was 
 received by one of the ship's officers. After a long parley 
 he offered to send to Yedo for permission to receive the letter, 
 and was given three days for this purpose. 
 
 During this interval the Americans were not idle. They 
 sent surveying parties four miles up with orders to sound 
 and examine the bay. The governor protested that this 
 was against the laws of Japan. He was told that it was in 
 accordance with the laws of America, and the soundings were 
 continued. On the second day the Mis sis sip pi steamed up 
 the bay after the boats, an act that doubled the agitation of 
 the Japanese. At the end of the prescribed time, word came 
 that the Shogun would send a high officer to receive the letter. 
 It would not be answered immediately, but an answer would 
 be duly returned through the Dutch or Chinese. This was 
 rejected by the Commodore as insulting, and he said that he 
 would return himself for an answer, after a proper interval 
 had elapsed. 
 
 The reception of the latter took place with much ceremony 
 two days later. The Commodore landed with all formality, 
 and, followed by a large body of officers and sailors, proceeded 
 to the building set aside for the ceremony. It was hung 
 with fine cloth stamped with the imperial symbols, while 
 the princes of Idsu and Iwami, splendidly attired, were 
 present as the envoys of the Shogun. The letter in its golden 
 case was placed in a large scarlet-lacquered box, brought to 
 receive it, and a formal receipt was given. The reception 
 ended with the following words: 
 
 '* Because this place is not designed to treat of anything 
 from foreigners, so neither can conference nor entertainment 
 take place. The letter being received, you will leave here." 
 
140 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPEN INC OF JAPAN 
 
 "I shall return again, probably in April or May, for an 
 answer," said the Commodore. 
 
 "With all the ships?" 
 
 "Yes, and probably with more." 
 
 These were the only words spoken, and the Commodore 
 rose and departed in the ceremonious manner in which he had 
 come. As if to show the Japanese officials that he did not 
 intend to be ordered away, he proceeded with the Susquehanna 
 to the point where the Mississippi lay. Here he dropped 
 anchor, the spot becoming known as the "American anchor- 
 age." The next day he sent the Mississippi ten miles higher 
 up, to a point within eight or ten miles of the capital, from 
 which point a crowded mass of shipping could be seen at the 
 lower end of the city. Having thus shown his intention not 
 to leave until ready, he ordered the vessels to set sail, and 
 the following day the unwelcome visitors had disappeared. 
 
 News being received soon after of the death of the 
 Shogun, Perry deferred his return till the next year, when, 
 on the 12th of February, his ships again entered the bay. 
 He had now a larger number of vessels, including three 
 steam frigates, four sloops of war, and two store-ships. They 
 went farther up the bay than before, coming to anchor at 
 the "American anchorage" of the previous year. 
 
 A debate now arose as to where the reply should be 
 received. The Japanese wished the ships to withdraw to a 
 point far down the bay. Perry, on the contrary, insisted 
 on going up the bay to Yedo, and sent his boats up to sound 
 the channel to within four miles of the city. Finally a com- 
 promise was made to meet at the village of Yokohama, oppo- 
 site where the ships lay at anchor. The first reception took 
 place at this point on the 8th of March. It was a formal 
 affair, though light refreshments were offered. At an audi- 
 ence held on the 13th there was less formality and the 
 American presents were given. These consisted of agricul- 
 
COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 141 
 
 tural implements, rolls of cloth, firearms and other articles. 
 The most valuable of them were a small locomotive, tender, 
 and car, which were set in motion on a circular track, laid 
 for the purpose. But what most astonished and interested 
 the Japanese was a mile of telegraph wire, which was set up 
 and operated. They took good care, however, to conceal 
 their feelings and avoid any show of wonder or surprise. 
 
 The important feature in all this ceremonious affair 
 was the letter of reply from the Shogun (or Tycoon, as the 
 Americans at that time called him). This showed an incli- 
 nation to remit somewhat the strictness of the seclusion of 
 Japan, admxitting that the demands relating to shipwrecked 
 sailors, coal, water, provisions, etc., were just. It also agreed 
 to the opening of another harbor besides Nagasaki, but 
 asked for five years' delay in doing this. The Commodore 
 answered that he would not consent to such a long and 
 unnecessary delay, and would not consent to be put under 
 the severe restrictions placed on the Dutch and Chinese. 
 He demanded the opening of three harbors, but finally agreed 
 to accept two, the port of Simodo in Hondo Island, and that 
 of Hakodate in Yesso. 
 
 This demand was finally agreed to, and three copies of 
 the important treaty were exchanged. This successful com- 
 pletion of the negotiation was followed by an entertainment 
 on the fleet to the Japanese officials, in which they did ample 
 justice to the American fare placed before them, and seemed 
 especially to approve of the champagne. One of them 
 became so hilarious under the influence of this unwonted 
 beverage that he embraced the Commodore with the warmest 
 show of affection, an infliction which Perry bore with good- 
 humored patience. 
 
 Commodore Perry had the best of warrant for being 
 good-humored under the circumstances, since he had suc- 
 ceeded admirably in a most difficult diplomatic mission. 
 
 X 
 
142 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 
 
 The very words in the receipt, '' in opposition to the Japanese 
 law," showed that Japan felt that it was abandoning its old 
 policy of seclusion, and that the downfall of the system 
 which had so long prevailed was at hand. This was shown 
 at the new treaty ports, in which the rigid rules which had 
 been drawn around the Dutch at Nagasaki were removed, 
 American citizens being free to go where they pleased within 
 the town and for several miles around it. In fact Japan — 
 even if not yet quite aware of it herself — had thrown down 
 the high fence which she had so long dwelt behind, and at 
 last swung out into the circle of modern nations — a change 
 of conditions destined to be of far more service to herself 
 than to any other country with which she might have inter- 
 course. 
 
 The other maritime nations were not long in seeking 
 to avail themselves of the opening made by the United 
 States. Before the year was out a British fleet visited 
 Nagasaki, and demanded and received important commer- 
 cial concessions. It is of interest in this connection to know 
 that the first foreign flag raised officially in Japan was the 
 Stars and Stripes, hoisted off Shimoda in 1856, and that 
 Townsend Harris, U. S. Consul, who raised it, negotiated 
 the first treaty of commerce with Japan, and had the honor 
 of the first audience of a foreign representative with the 
 Shogun — then supposed to be the emperor. 
 
 In 1858 the treaties were extended, the port of Yokohama 
 — where the letter of the Shogun had been received — replacing 
 that of Shimoda, and the treaty ports being opened to British, 
 Dutch, and French traders, as well as to Am.erican. It seems 
 evident that by this time the more progressive among the 
 statesmen of Japan had awakened to the great superiority 
 of the new policy over the old, and were beginning to see 
 how seriously Japan had stood in her own light by persisting 
 in her antiquated method. This was shown in the freedom 
 
COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 143 
 
 with which she granted to the other commercial nations the 
 privileges given America, and the fact that the country, 
 so long a sealed book, was made free to travelers. In short, 
 the long-continued isolation of Japan was completely broken 
 down. A brief experience of the benefits to be derived from 
 commerce and foreign intercourse had convinced the quick- ' 
 witted islanders of the folly of their old system, and their, 
 country was thrown freely open to all the world had to offer 
 it and to the ideas and inventions of all mankind. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The Great Revolution from Shogun to Mikado 
 
 The Mikado a Figure-head — The "Foreign Devils" — The Regent Seizes Power — 
 The Revolution Begins — The Daimios Set Free — They Seek the Mikado's 
 Court — The Clan of Choshiu — Civil War Begins — Kioto Burned Down — 
 The Choshiu Victorious — The Shogun Dies and a Weak Man Succeeds — He 
 Resigns His Office — A New Mikado — The Shogunate is Abolished — Keiki, 
 the Shogun, Fights for Power — He is Defeated and Flees — The Mikado's 
 Army Capture Yedo and End the War — Feudalism Falls With the Shogunate 
 — The Daimios Retire to Private Life — Foreigners at Last Welcomed. 
 
 THE visit of Commodore Perry to Japan in 1853, "the 
 opening of the old land to civilization, and the signing 
 of a treaty of commerce with the United States formed 
 a mighty turning point in the history of that ancient empire. 
 Through its influence the old system was revolutionized 
 and the Mikado restored to the throne, after being for 
 seven centuries the practical subordinate of the Shogun. 
 He had vanished from sight for so long a period that the 
 people looked upon him as a mysterious spiritual dignitary, 
 almost forgetting that he had once been the supreme lord 
 of the land. Yet during these ages the imperial court had 
 been kept up, with all its machinery of prime minister, 
 officials and nobles — with everything, indeed, except author- 
 ity. The dignitaries of the Mikado's court ranked, in their 
 own conceit and their ancient titles, far above the Shogun 
 and daimios, the military leaders, but they were like so many 
 actors on the stage, playing at power. Indeed, the Shogun, 
 had he chosen to use the power at his command, might 
 easily have made himself the supreme dignitary, completely 
 144 
 
REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 145 
 
 supplanting the Mikado, but it seemed easier to let the sleepy 
 court at Kioto alone, leaving to the Mikado the shadow of 
 that power of which the substance was in the Shogun's hands. 
 
 Yet in this there was a risk. The emperor might at 
 any time claim his ancestral authority, call the people and 
 the army to his aid, and break through the web that the 
 great spider of military rule had woven about his court. 
 It was possible that some great event might stir Japan to its 
 depths and bring about a sudden and vital change in the 
 state of affairs. Such an event came in the visit of the 
 American fleet and the signing of a treaty of commerce and 
 intercourse by the Tai Kun, or great sovereign of Japan, as 
 the Shogun claimed the right to style himself. 
 
 Japan had been at peace for more than two centuries 
 and for as long a time foreigners had been forbidden to set 
 foot on its soil. They were looked upon as barbarians, — 
 "foreign devils" the islanders called them, — the disturbances 
 they had brought about long before were still borne in mind, 
 and throughout the island empire the very name of Christian 
 or foreigner was hated and contemned. 
 
 The coming of Perry and his fleet, therefore, could not fail 
 to send a deep stir of feeling throughout the land. During the 
 excitement to which it gave rise the Shogun died, and the 
 vacated power was seized by li, the regent, a man of daring 
 and able character, who shrewdly chose as Shogun a boy 
 twelve years old; imprisoned, exiled, or beheaded all who 
 opposed him; and was suspected of an intention to depose 
 the Mikado and set up a boy emperor as he had set up a boy 
 Shogun. 
 
 The acts of the regent added greatly to the excitement 
 in Japan. But if it had ended with those named, the resent- 
 ment would scarcely have grown to revolution. It was the 
 treaty which li signed with the foreigners, that brought on 
 revolt. The right he had exercised belonged only to the 
 
146 REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 
 
 Mikado, and he sought to gain palHation for his act by send- 
 ing word to Kioto that the exigency of the occasion had 
 forced him to take this radical step. 
 
 The result was an intense excitement that pervaded all 
 Japan, whose people became divided into two parties, that 
 of the Mikado, which opposed the foreigners, and that of the 
 Shogun, which favored them. ''Honor the Mikado and 
 expel the barbarians," became the watchword of the con- 
 servatives, and in all directions excited partisans roamed 
 the land, vowing that they would kill the regent and his new 
 friends, the hated foreigners, and that they were ready to 
 die for the true emperor, who had been robbed of his rights. 
 The result of the excitement was a sanguinary one. li was 
 assassinated. At the moment when a strong hand was most 
 needed, that of the man who had the daring to act in an 
 emergency was removed. The feeling of bitterness against 
 the foreigners grew, and with it the sentiment of allegiance 
 to the Shogun declined. The boy Shogun whom li had chosen 
 was obliged by public opinion to visit Kioto and do homage 
 to the Mikado, an ancient ceremony being thus restored 
 after a lapse of two hundred and thirty years, during which 
 the fact that it once existed had almost been forgotten. 
 
 A still more vital act followed. The Mikado, restored 
 to an active realization of his lost authority, bade the Shogun 
 to appoint the Prmce of Echizen premier of the empire. This 
 was done and was followed by a remarkable step on the part 
 of the new premier. For over two centuries the daimios 
 had been obliged to reside in Yedo, a preventive measure to 
 hold them under control. With a word the premier abolished 
 this custom, and the feudal lords lost no time in seeking their 
 estates. The decree which had held them so long was broken, 
 and they made their way in all haste to their distant castles. 
 It was a step that proved fatal to the glory of Yedo and the 
 power of its sovereign lord. In the words of a native chron- 
 
REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 147 
 
 icier, '' the prestige of the Tokugawa family, which had endured 
 for three hundred years, which had been as much more 
 brilliant than that of Kamakura, in the age of Yoritomo, as 
 the moon is more brilliant than the stars, which for more 
 than two hundred and seventy years had forced the daimios 
 to take their turn of duty in Yedo, and which had, day and 
 night, eighty thousand vassals at its command, fell to ruins 
 in the space of a single day." 
 
 This signal act, in truth, constituted a revolution in itself. 
 Many of the daimios and their retainers, freed from the 
 Shogun's control, deserted the cause of their liege lord. Yedo 
 was deserted by them for Kioto, the city of the Mikado, 
 which became once more populous and bustling. The new 
 adherents of the emperor aided their imperial master with 
 gold and pledged to him their devotion. A campaign of 
 pamphlets began, some writers claiming that the clans 
 owed allegiance to the Shogun, others that the Mikado was 
 the true and only emperor. 
 
 A warlike step in support of the new ideas was at length 
 taken in 1863, by the clan of Choshiu, which rose in favor 
 of the Mikado, erected batteries at the seaport of Shimonoseki, 
 refused to disarm at the Shogun's order, and fired on foreign 
 vessels. The latter act led to a bombardment, in the follow- 
 ing year, by the ships of four foreign nations. No great 
 damage was done, but the Japanese gained their first knowl- 
 edge of the strength of the powers against which they for 
 the first time arrayed themselves. 
 
 The men of Choshiu, the adherents of the Mikado, now 
 urged him to proceed to Yamato and show himself to his 
 people, thus demonstrating that he was ready to take the 
 field in person against the barbarians. The suggestion was 
 received with favor, but soon the state of affairs changed, 
 the Choshiu envoys and their friends being arrested and the 
 palace closely guarded, while the members and retainers 
 
148 REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 
 
 of the clan were forbidden to enter the capital. This order 
 placed them in the position of outlaws. This action of the 
 emperor was brought about by the party of the Shogun, 
 which had made him believe that the clan was plotting to seize 
 his person and thus to gain the control of the empire. 
 
 Civil war followed this act of violence, the capital being 
 attacked in August, 1864, by a body of 1,300 men of the 
 Choshiu and other disaffected clans. It was defended by 
 the adherents of the Shogun, who had now become the sup- 
 porters of the Mikado. For two days the battle raged, at the 
 end of which time a great part of the city had been reduced 
 to ashes, the flames destroying some thirty thousand edifices. 
 ''The Blossom Capital became a scorched desert." The 
 battle ended in the defeat of the Choshiu, but Kioto lay in 
 ruins. A Japanese city is a very fragile concern, however: 
 easily destroyed, but almost as easily rebuilt. 
 
 The next step in the revolution was a march in force 
 upon Choshiu to punish its rebellious people, an expedition 
 which did not prove popular with the Japanese. Some pow- 
 erful feudal lords refusing to join it, many of those mustered 
 into the ranks became conveniently sick, and those who 
 marched were without heart for the fight. On the other hand, 
 Choshiu was well prepared. The men of this clan had long 
 been in contact with the Dutch and had thrown aside their 
 native weapons, drilled themselves in European tactics and 
 armed themselves with rifles and artillery. As a result, 
 after a three months' campaign, the invading army met with 
 a complete defeat and the prestige of the Shogun received 
 a very serious blow. This was added to by the death, at 
 this critical period, of the young Shogun, who had been worn 
 out by intense anxiety during his stirring era of rule. 
 
 The last of the Shoguns now came into power, Keiki, 
 appointed head of the Tokugawa family in October, 1866, 
 and made Shogun in January, 1867. He had frequently 
 
REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 149 
 
 declined to accept this office, and was far too weak and fickle 
 a man to hold it in such stormy times. His opposition to 
 the admission of foreigners made him popular at court, but 
 he was by no means the man to hold the reins of government 
 at that perilous juncture of affairs. 
 
 In fact, scarcely had he accepted the office when a vigor- 
 ous pressure was brought upon him to resign, in which a 
 number of princes and powerful noblemen took part. They 
 proposed to abolish the Shogunate and restore the ancient 
 government of the realm. Keiki yielded, and in November, 
 
 1867, resigned his office of Sei-i Tai Shogun. During this 
 critical interval Komei, the Mikado, died, and his son Mut- 
 suhito was raised to the throne. 
 
 But after its many centuries of abrogation the imperial 
 power was not so easily to be restored. The Aidzu, the most 
 loyal of all the clans to the Shogun, and the leaders in the 
 war against the Choshiu, held control in Kioto, guarding the 
 palace gates, and being for the time masters of the situation. 
 The party of the Mikado, however, was not idle. Small 
 parties of soldiers sent by them gradually made their way 
 into the capital, and a quiet influence was brought to bear 
 on the court, counseling it to take advantage of the oppor- 
 tunity to boldly abolish the office of Shogun, and to declare 
 the young emperor the sole sovereign of the realm. 
 
 The coup-d'etat thus suggested was effected January 3, 
 
 1868. On that day the troops who had entered the town 
 suddenly took possession of the palace gates, the nobles 
 around the emperor were dismissed, others favorable to the 
 movement taking their places, and an edict was issued in 
 the name of the Mikado, declaring that the office of Shogun 
 had ceased to exist, and that the sole government of the 
 empire lay in the hands of the Mikado and his officers. New 
 posts were founded and new officials chosen to fill them, 
 the clan of Choshiu was relieved from the ban of rebellion 
 
150 REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 
 
 and honored as the supporter of the imperial power, and a 
 completely new government was organized. 
 
 Civil war again followed. The adherents of the Toku- 
 gawa clan, in high indignation at the revolutionary act 
 which had dispossessed them, left the capital; Keiki, who 
 had become ambitious to regain his power, at their head. 
 On the 27th of February he marched upon Kioto with an 
 army of indefinite numbers, estimates varying from ten 
 thousand to thirty thousand men. The two roads leading 
 to the capital had been barricaded, but the defenders num- 
 bered only two thousand men, though they were armed with 
 artillery. 
 
 A battle lasting for three days followed, in which the 
 defenders of the barriers, greatly as they were outnumbered, 
 won the victory; their defences and artillery, with their 
 European discipline, giving them a great advantage. The 
 defeated Shogun fled with his army to Ozaka, the castle of 
 which was quickly besieged, captured. and burned. He then 
 took refuge on an American vessel in the harbor. From there 
 he made his way to Yedo in one of his own ships, and shut 
 himself up in his palace, now inclined to withdraw absolutely 
 from the struggle. 
 
 His retainers and many of the daimios and clans strongly 
 urged him to continue the war, and declared that, with the 
 large army and abundant supplies at their command, and 
 their powerful fleet, they could restore him to power. But 
 Keiki was weary of war, and besides was troubled in soul at 
 the idea of being a rebel against his liege lord. He declared 
 that he would never take up arms again to battle with the 
 Mikado, and withdrew from the struggle to private life. 
 
 In the meantime the victorious forces of the south 
 reached the suburbs of Yedo, and threatened to apply the 
 torch to that city unless it were immediately surrendered. 
 When their commander was advised of the intention of the 
 
REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 151 
 
 Shogun, he agreed to spare the city, but he assailed and 
 burned the magnificent temple of Uyeno, in which those 
 still in arms had taken refuge. Despite the withdrawal of 
 the Shogun the war went on for a year longer, victory every- 
 where favoring the imperial army. By the ist of July, 1869, 
 hostilities came to an end, and the Mikado was everywhere 
 acknowledged as the sole lord of the realm. 
 
 Thus came to an end a military control of Japan that 
 had lasted for seven hundred years. In 1167, Kiyomori, 
 a powerful daimio, had made himself military ruler of the 
 empire. In 1869, Mutsuhito, the one hundred and twenty- 
 third Mikado in lineal descent, resumed the imperial power 
 of which his ancestors had so long been deprived. Unlike 
 China, over which so many dynasties have ruled, Japan has 
 been governed by a single dynasty, according to the native 
 records, for more than twenty-five hundred years — this being 
 due to the fact that the emperors took no part in the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The fall of the Shogun was followed by the suppression 
 of feudalism. For the first time for many centuries the 
 Emperor of Japan came from his seclusion and showed him- 
 self openly to his people. He chose Yedo for the eastern 
 capital of the realm, its name being changed, according to 
 the Japanese custom, to Tokio. Hither, in September, 1871, 
 the daimios were once more summoned, and the order was 
 issued that they should give up their strongholds, dismiss 
 their feudal retainers and retire to private life. Resistance 
 would have been in vain, and they hastened to obey. Thus 
 fell another ancient institution, eight centuries old. The 
 revoltition was at an end. The Shogunate and the feudal 
 system had fallen, to rise no more. A single absolute lord 
 ruled over Japan. 
 
 As regards the cry of "expel the barbarians," which had 
 first given rise to hostilities, it gradually died away as the 
 
152 REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 
 
 revolution continued. The people had become aware of the 
 strength of the foreign fleets, and also of the advantages of 
 foreign commerce, and the conception forced itself upon 
 them that, instead of being barbarians, these aliens held the 
 chief place in civilization and had a thousand valuable 
 lessons to teach. A complete change of mind came about 
 among the intelligent Japanese, and in less than twenty 
 years after the coming of the Americans, they warmly wel- 
 comed those whom they had inveterately opposed, and began 
 to change their institutions to accord with those of the 
 Western world. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Japan Under the Mikado 
 
 The Mikado's Promise — Feudalism Abolished — The New Principles Inaugurated — 
 A Short-lived Parliament — The Pension of the Daimios — The Pariahs Made 
 Citizens — A New System of Education — Newspapers, Hospitals, etc., Estab- 
 lished — A New Code of Laws — Christianity Restored — The Reforms Lead to 
 Rebellion, but are Sustained — Local Assemblies Formed — The Franchise 
 Given — A Nobility Established — The Mikado's Cabinet — Railroads, Tele- 
 graphs and Electric Lights — The Roman Alphabet — The Constitution of 
 Japan — ^Japan and the Treaty Powers — Efforts at Revision — The New Regu- 
 lations — ^Japan in the Circle of the Great Civilized Powers. 
 
 IN 1867, during the height of the struggle for the aboHsh- 
 ment of the time-honored institution of the Shogunate, 
 or miUtary control of the government of Japan, and 
 the restoration of the Mikado to the power of his ancestors, 
 of which the imperial family had for many centuries been 
 deprived, the Mikado Komei died and was succeeded by 
 his son Mutsuhito, the able ruler under whom the recent 
 remarkable progress of Japan in all the elements of modem 
 civilization has taken place. By July i, 1869, every vestige 
 of rebellion on the part of the supporters of the old system 
 had ceased and the Mikado's party was triumphant. The 
 trials of the new government now began. The Kuge, or 
 court nobles, and the whole body of samurai, or two-sworded 
 men, the military adherents of the daimios, desired to drive 
 foreigners out of the country, but certain progressive states- 
 men, who were conversant with foreign ideas, opposed the 
 execution of the plan and sent a noble of the imperial court 
 to give the l^.Iikado's consent to the treaties and to invite 
 the foreign mmisters to an audience with the emperor in 
 
 153 
 
154 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 Kioto. The conversion of the court nobles to the party 
 that desired to see Japan reconstructed on European prin- 
 ciples now went on rapidly, and the young Mikado was 
 induced to appear in person before the Council of State and 
 to promise that a deliberative assembly should be eventually 
 formed. 
 
 Indicative of an intention to revolutionize the mode of 
 government was the emperor's departure from Kioto, which 
 had been the seat of his ancestors for twenty-five centuries, 
 and his adoption of Yedo, thenceforth called Tokio, for his 
 capital. To a considerable extent, freedom of the press was 
 now guaranteed, and a number of newspapers sprang up. 
 Books expounding European methods of thought and educa- 
 tion were published, and many pamphlets advocating the 
 abolition of feudalism appeared. Four of the great daimios, 
 or feudal lords, advocated the change. They addressed a 
 memorial to the throne, offering to restore the registers of 
 their clans and proposing that the Mikado should resume 
 possession of their iiefs. 
 
 In conformity to this request, an edict was issued in 
 September, 187 1, summoning the daimios to Tokio for the 
 purpose of arranging their retirement to private life. With 
 scarcely an exception, the order was obeyed; even the daimios 
 who disapproved of the measure were tmwilling to oppose 
 the resolute men who had framed the edict. The ti*uth is 
 that, even under the feudal system, the real power in each 
 clan had lain in the hands of able men of inferior rank who 
 ruled their nominal masters. These are the men who, in the 
 new dispensation, came to control Japan. Having first 
 driven the Shogun into private life, they then compelled the 
 daimios to follow him into retirement. Of the men who 
 have taken a leading part in the government of the country 
 since 1868, not one is a daimio by birth, and only two or 
 three are Kuge, or court nobles. Almost all have been 
 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 155 
 
 simple samurai, or retainers of the territorial lords. The 
 new emperor, shortly after taking control of the government, 
 had declared in a manifesto: "Henceforward we shall exer- 
 cise supreme authority, both in the internal and the external 
 affairs of the country. Consequently the title of Emperor 
 should be substituted for that of Tycoon [Shogun], which 
 has hitherto been employed in the treaties." Of this mani- 
 festo, one writer says: ''Appended were the seal of Dai Nip- 
 pon [Japan], and the signature, Mutsuhito, this being the 
 first occasion in Japanese history on which the name of an 
 emperor had appeared during his lifetime." 
 
 The most significant action of the emperor at this 
 period was his promise to convoke a deliberative assembly 
 or Congress of the empire, above spoken of. This "charter 
 oath" of Japan was in no sense the result of coercion of the 
 young emperor by the progressive statesmen surrounding 
 him, but was a voluntary act, though doubtless largely due 
 to the counsel of his advisers, who were eager to bring Japan 
 into line with the limited monarchies of the West. Solemn 
 oath was taken by the emperor to bring about this important 
 reform, together with other essential changes in the old 
 system of the country. We append a summary of this 
 highly important pledge of the young ruler. It embraces 
 the following measures: 
 
 '* I. A deliberative assembly should be formed, and all 
 measures be decided by public opinion. 
 
 *'2. The principles of social and political economics 
 should be diligently studied by both the superior and the 
 inferior classes of our people. 
 
 ''3. Every one m the community shall be assisted to 
 persevere in carrying out his will for all good purposes. 
 
 ''4. All the absurd usages of former times should be 
 disregarded, and the impartiality and justice displayed in 
 the workings of nature be adopted as a basis of action. 
 
iS6 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 "5. Wisdom and ability should be sought after in all 
 quarters of the world for the purpose of firmly establishing 
 the foundations of the empire." 
 
 The establishment of a Parliament was, however, slow 
 in coming, being preceded by the shadow of such an assembly 
 the so-called Kogisho, formed of persons chosen by the dai- 
 mios and representing the interests of their fiefs. Its func- 
 tion was to give advice to the imperial government, but this 
 advice was of the most conservative character, as may be 
 seen from the fact that it refused to recommend the abolition 
 of the custom of sword-wearing and of harikari, or suicide 
 by sword-cuts. It was of short life, lasting only a few months, 
 the emperor dissolving it in the autumn of the year in which 
 it came into being. 
 
 The suppression of the feudal system put an end to 
 the old method of administration, that of the Daimiates, or 
 feudal areas of control; the establishment of prefectures 
 succeeding. The following brief decree brought about this 
 radical change: ''The clans are abolished, and prefectures 
 are established in their places." The first prefects were 
 chosen from the class of ex-daimios, or feudal princes, but, 
 since many of these proved unfit for the work of high admin- 
 istration, abler men selected from the samurai class were 
 chosen to succeed them. The suppression of the daimios, 
 however, left the empire saddled with serious financial obli- 
 gations, it being decreed that each ex-daimio and each of 
 his feudal inferiors should receive from the public revenue 
 one-tenth of the income they had drawn from their fiefs. 
 This had nothing to do with the support of their retainers, 
 the government engaging to pay the samurai for all services 
 rendered by them. The burden thus assumed was provided 
 for by a government loan of $165,000,000. 
 
 As for the samurai, in place of the pensions they had 
 formerly received, lump sums were given them. These they 
 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 157 
 
 did not take long to squander, and much poverty and want 
 were eventually experienced by the ex-feudal retainers. 
 Among other remarkable events which took place in 1871, 
 should be mentioned the removal of the ancient disqualifi- 
 cation of the eta and hetmin, whereby these pariah castes 
 were placed on the same legal footing as the rest of the popula- 
 tion. They had formerly been considered not human, and 
 were now for the first time classed among the common people 
 of the state. In the following year, the first railway in Japan 
 was opened. This was a line between Yokohama and Tokio. 
 In 1873 the European calendar was adopted, so far as the 
 beginning of the year and the beginning of the months are 
 concerned. The year is still reckoned, however, from Jimmu 
 Tenno, which is 1873 ^^ 'the Christian era, and corresponds 
 to. the year 2533 of the Japanese era. Still employed occa- 
 sionally, also, is the Meiji year-period, which began in 1868. 
 
 From the beginning of 1872, the remodeling of the Jap- 
 anese system of education was undertaken. In April of 
 that year, the Mikado, Mutsuhito, visited the Imperial Col- 
 lege, subsequently known as the Imperial University. The 
 new buildings consisted of three wings, each 192 feet long, 
 joined to a main edifice 324 feet in length. The students 
 in this institution soon numbered 350, taught by 20 foreign 
 professors. The foreign language school, in which pupils 
 learned English or some other European language, prepara- 
 tory to entering the college, presently had 600 students and 
 20 foreign teachers. For educational purposes, the empire 
 was divided into eight districts, in each of which a university 
 was contemplated, which was to be supplied by 210 secondary 
 schools of foreign languages. It was arranged that the 
 elementary vernacular schools should number 53,000, or 
 one for every 600 persons in Japan. To these elementary 
 establishments were to be deputed native teachers trained 
 in normal schools. Before many years had passed, the 
 school attendance was computed at three millions. 
 
158 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 During the year 1872 two legations and three consulates 
 were established abroad. Before long, the number was 
 increased to ten. The Japanese press quickly emerged from 
 the realm of experiment and became a powerful civilizing 
 force. In the course of a few years, ten daily newspapers 
 in the capital and 200 publications in the empire, equipped 
 with metal type and printing presses, began to flood the 
 country with information and awaken thought. 
 
 In the department of jurisprudence, also, great progress 
 was made. Since the restoration of the Mikado to actual 
 power, revised statutes have greatly decreased the list of 
 capital punishments; the condition of the prisons has been 
 ameliorated; legal processes have been improved from the 
 viewpoint of justice, and the use of torture to obtain testi- 
 mony has been entirely abolished. Law schools were estab- 
 lished, and to accused persons was given the assistance of 
 counsel for their defence. By the year 1874 there had been 
 a great change for the better in the diet, clothing, and hygienic 
 protection of the people. In the year named, there were in 
 the empire one government hospital and twenty-one hos- 
 pitals assisted by government grants, twenty-nine private 
 hospitals, 5,247 physicians practicing according to the prin- 
 ciples and methods of Western science, and 5,205 apothe- 
 caries. In 1875 there were 325 students in the medical col- 
 leges at Tokio and Nagasaki, and some twenty-five foreign 
 surgeons and physicians in the employ of the Japanese gov- 
 ernment. Public decency was improved and the standards 
 of Christendom approached. 
 
 Religious persecution ceased. All the native Christians 
 who had been exiled or imprisoned in 1868-69 were set free 
 and restored to their villages. It should here be mentioned 
 that, despite the efforts at extirpation, Christianity had main- 
 tained itself secretly in the empire during the centuries suc- 
 ceeding the abolishment of foreign intercourse. We note, 
 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 159 
 
 finally, that as early as 1876 the fulfillment of the promise 
 made by the Mikado in 1868, .that ''intellect and learning 
 should be sought for throughout the world," had been so far 
 fulfilled that 400 foreigners from man}^ Western countries had 
 been invited to occupy posts in the government civil service. 
 
 In 1870 there had been not ten Protestant Christians in 
 the empire. By May, 1876, there were ten Protestant 
 churches, with a membership of 800 souls. In March of the 
 year just named, Prime Minister Sanjo issued a proclamation 
 abolishing" the custom of wearing two swords. This measure, 
 which had been first advocated by Arinori Mori in 1870, now 
 became law throughout the land. It was in August, 1876, 
 that the commutation of the hereditary pensions and life 
 incomes of the sumarai, which previously had been optional, 
 was made compulsory. This act forced the privileged classes 
 to begin to earn their bread. In the same month the empire 
 was redivided and the 68 ken, or prefectures, were reduced 
 in number to 35. 
 
 It was to be expected that the progressive course of the 
 Mikado's ministers would excite some disaffection, and there 
 were during this year some insurrections on the part not only 
 of discontented samurai, but also of the farmers on whom 
 the burdens of taxation mainly fell. To redress the griev- 
 ances of the latter class, in January, 1877, the national land 
 tax was reduced from 3 to 2^ per cent., while the local tax, 
 which had formerly amounted to one-third of the land tax, 
 was cut down to one-fifth. About the same time the salaries 
 of nearly all the government officers were diminished, several 
 thousand office-holders were discharged, the Department of 
 Revision and the Prefecture of Police were abolished, and 
 their functions were transferred to the Home Department. 
 An annual saving of about eight million dollars was thus 
 effected, and the loss to the treasury from the curtailment 
 of land taxation was made good. 
 
i6o JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 In 1877, however, a great rebellion broke out in Sat- 
 suma, instigated by Saigo Takamori, who had been formerly 
 a marshal of the empire. After a contest of some months, 
 the imperial authority was everywhere re-established, and 
 Saigo, at his own request, was beheaded by one of his friends. 
 This insurrection represented the final struggle between the 
 forces of feudalism and misrule against those of order and 
 unity. The contest cost Japan $50,000,000 and many thou- 
 sands of lives. In the ultimate treatment of the rebels the gov- 
 ernment displayed a spirit of leniency worthy of an enlight- 
 ened state. Of upward of 38,000 persons tried in Kiushiu, 
 only twenty were decapitated, about 1,800 were condemned 
 to imprisonment, and some 36,000 were pardoned. During 
 the same year, 1877, the cholera broke out in Japan, but, 
 owing to the enforcement of sanitary measures, there were 
 but 6,297 deaths. 
 
 The Mikado had now been governing Japan for ten 
 years by means of an irresponsible ministry. The oath 
 which he had taken at Kioto in 1868 to form a deliberative 
 assembly had never been fully carried out. We have seen 
 that the Kogisho, or advisory body, called into existence in 
 1868, had been dissolved in the same year. Subsequently, in 
 1875, a Senate had been established and an assembly of the 
 ken governors, or prefects, held one session. The meetings 
 of the latter body, however, were soon indefinitely post- 
 poned. Nevertheless the era of personal government was 
 drawing to a close. 
 
 On July 22, 1878, a long step was taken toward repre- 
 sentative institutions by an edict convoking provincial par- 
 liaments or local assembhes which were to sit once a year 
 in each ken or province. Under the supervision of the Min- 
 ister of the Interior, these bodies were empowered to discuss 
 questions of local taxation, and to petition the central gov- 
 ernment on other matters of local interest. Though the 
 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO i6i 
 
 franchise was granted to the people, it was Hmited by both 
 educational and property qualifications. Each voter had 
 to prove his ability to read and write, and he must have paid 
 an annual land tax of at least five dollars. In October, 1881, 
 the Mikado announced by a proclamation that, in 1890, a 
 Parliament would be established. In June, 1884, an edict 
 was issued, readjusting the system of nobility. In the newly 
 created orders of princes, marquises, counts, viscounts and 
 barons, were observed the names of many men who had once 
 belonged to the class of samurai, or gentry, but who had 
 earned promotion by distinguished services on behalf of their 
 country. Three hundred persons, that may be described 
 as pertaining to the aristocracy of intellect, were thus ennobled 
 on the score of merit. 
 
 It was expected that out of these newly created nobles 
 would be constituted the upper house, or Chamber of Nota- 
 bles, in the Parliament which was to come into being in 
 1890. In December, 1885, the triple premiership, the Privy 
 Council and the ministries, as they had been hitherto estab- 
 lished, came to an end. In their place was created a Cabinet 
 at the head of which was a Minister-President. The old 
 government boards, together with a new board, which was 
 to supervise the post-office, telegraph and railway, were 
 organized in such a way as to discharge many thousand office- 
 holders. All the members of the new Cabinet were men of 
 modern ideas, and such Asiatic features as the government 
 had hitherto retained were now extinguished. 
 
 By 1886 notable progress had been made in the applica- 
 tions of steam, and electricity. Of railroads there were 
 already 265 miles open, 271 miles in course of construction, 
 and 543 miles contemplated. Although these lines were built 
 and equipped on British models, most of the surveying, 
 engineering and constructive work and all of the mechanical 
 labor were performed by natives. The trains and engines 
 II 
 
i62 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 were worked by Japanese ; such light materials as were made 
 of wood and metal were manufactured in Japan, and only the 
 heavy castings, the rails and the engines were brought from 
 Great Britain. The telephone and the electric light were 
 now seen in the large cities, and four cables connected the 
 island empire with the Asiatic mainland. Already the Japan 
 Mail Shipping Company employed a large fleet of steamships 
 and sailing vessels in their coasting trade and passenger lines. 
 We add that, in 1885, the Postal Department forwarded 
 nearly 100,000,000 letters and packages. In financial affairs 
 we may speak of the organization of the Bank of Japan, 
 which has been a very important agent in sustaining the 
 finances in equilibrium and maintaining a stable business 
 condition. 
 
 The Japanese had, for some time, recognized that educa- 
 tion is the basis of progress, and that their efforts for intel- 
 lectual advancement were seriously impeded by their use of 
 the Chinese graphic system. They perceived that what they 
 needed most of all was an alphabet. In 1884 the Roma-ji- 
 Kai, or Roman Letter Association, was formed in Tokio, 
 and within two years had 6,000 members, native and foreign. 
 As their name implies, their purpose was to supplant the 
 Chinese character and native syllabary by the Roman alpha- 
 bet, as the vehicle of Japanese thought. It was demonstrated 
 that all possible sounds and vocal combinations could be 
 expressed by using twenty-two Roman letters. It was 
 further proved that by means of the Roman alphabet a child 
 could learn to read the colloquial and book language in one- 
 tenth of the time formerly required. Scarcely was the Roman 
 Letter Association under way than it printed a newspaper, 
 edited text-books, and transliterated popular and classic 
 texts in the appropriate characters of the Roman alphabet. 
 
 By an imperial decree, issued in November, 1884, the 
 English language was made part of the order of study in the 
 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 163 
 
 common schools. Meanwhile the progress of Christianity 
 acquired considerable momentum. Not only were many 
 converts m.ade by Catholic missionaries, but by the end of 
 1885 there were 200 Protestant churches, with a membership 
 of over 13,000. In December, 1885, the Mikado's Cabinet 
 was reorganized, and during the next four years Ito and 
 Inouye were the principal molders of the national policy. In 
 April, 1888, a new body called the Privy Council was created, 
 of which Ito became president, while Kuroda filled the posi- 
 tion of prime minister. In this body active debate upon the 
 forthcoming Constitution began in May of the year last 
 named and proceeded until February 11, 1889, when the 
 long-awaited instrument was proclaimed. Exactly thirty- 
 five years after the American treaty-ships appeared in sight 
 of Idsu, the Mikado, Mutsuhito, took oath to maintain the 
 government according to the Constitution, the documents 
 defining which he, before an audience of nobles, officials and 
 foreign envoys, handed to Kuroda, the principal Minister of 
 State. On this occasion, for the first time in Japan's history, 
 the emperor rode beside the empress in public. The one 
 blot upon the record of the day was the assassination of the 
 Minister of Education, Arinori Mori, by a Shintoist fanatic. 
 
 Such were some of the remarkable stages of progress in 
 the internal affairs of Japan, which were rapidly bringing 
 that state into the circle of the most advanced nations. But 
 while so many developments were taking place, alike in com- 
 merce, manufactures, law, finance, military affairs, and 
 political and governmental conditions, the relations of Japan 
 as regarded the foreigners within her domain remained in a 
 very unsatisfactory state. In the formation of treaties she 
 had been dealt with much as a barbarian state, in which it 
 was not safe to trust foreigners to the jurisdiction of the laws 
 of the land, either as regarded commercial or personal affairs. 
 As time went on, and the statesmen of Japan became familiar 
 
1 64 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 with the institutions of Western civilization, they began to 
 perceive that they had been placed in a false position by the 
 treaties made with the powers, and to insist on a more satis- 
 factory jurisdiction over their home interests. 
 
 Thus she was unable to exercise the least jurisdiction 
 over the criminal foreigner in her midst, her customs system 
 had been dictated to her by foreign treaties, and before she 
 could make any change in these treaties she must procure 
 the consent not only of the really great powers, but also of 
 Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Holland, 
 Sweden, Hawaii, and Peru. Many of Japan's friends had 
 urged her to "denounce" the treaties — to give formal notice 
 that after a certain date she would no longer recognize their 
 validity. This would have been strictly within her rights, 
 for the American diplomatist who had dictated the words of 
 the first modern treaty of a foreign power with Japan had 
 expressed his regret that words he had inserted as giving 
 to Japan the concession of revising her own treaties, had been 
 distorted by other powers into the claim of a right on their 
 part to interfere in this. And it would have been well within 
 her ability, too, for it was known that several of the great 
 treaty powers would not have dreamed of fighting for their 
 treaties, and that in their absence the others would not have 
 found it convenient to do so. 
 
 But Japan adhered to the slower though less risky pro- 
 cesses of negotiation. The result was that the conditions of 
 1866 remained for many years unchanged. The Japan of 
 feudalism was to Europe the Japan of modern times. Some 
 two thousand five hundred strangers dwelt within her borders, 
 and in order that the personal and commercial privileges of 
 these might be safeguarded, Japan had no power over her 
 own tariff and was compelled to tax her agricultural class 
 excessively to provide a revenue ; she had no jurisdiction over 
 a single foreigner; she was unable to tax the foreigners who 
 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO i6$ 
 
 prospered by her trade ; and while she had spent five milHon 
 dollars in lighting and buoying her coasts, she could not make 
 foreign ships pay either light, tonnage, or harbor dues. Yet 
 by treaty she was entitled to shake off these trammels. Is 
 it surprising that when the Japanese people gradually awoke 
 to a realization of this fact, and the further one that foreigners 
 were deliberately delaying any reform for the promotion of 
 their own advantages, an anti-foreign spirit grew up and 
 manifested itself in offensive ways ? 
 
 In 1882 Count Inouye proposed that Japan should be 
 opened to foreign trade, in return for the abolition of con- 
 sular jurisdiction, and that foreign judges should sit in a 
 majority with Japanese judges when foreigners were tried by 
 her new codes. This was rejected by the powers. Great Bri- 
 tain leading the opposition. In 1884 it was proposed to Japan 
 that she should have a limited jurisdiction over foreigners in 
 return for the opening of a few more ''accessible ports" to 
 trade. Her reply was of course that she desired to have 
 complete jurisdiction and was prepared to open her whole 
 country. 
 
 In 1886 a conference of the sixteen treaty powers was 
 held with Japan, and after a year's discussion it was solemnly 
 proposed to Japan that she should set up an array of highly 
 paid foreign judges, with a staff of foreign interpreters to 
 render the evidence and their judgments from half a dozen 
 foreign languages into Japanese and back, and that for fifteen 
 years to come every change of every Japanese code should 
 be ''communicated" to every one of the sixteen powers — to 
 Belgium, to Denmark, to Portugal, to Hawaii, to Peru! — for 
 its approval. 
 
 So anxious was Count Inouye to get the great question 
 settled that he even accepted these terms, but the moment 
 they were understood in Japan a storm of public indignation 
 sprang up and drove him from office. He was succeeded by 
 
1 66 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 Count Okuma, who approached the sixteen powers separately 
 and proposed that the revised codes should be promulgated 
 in English for two years before the abolition of consular 
 jurisdiction, and that foreign judges should sit in a majority 
 in all cases affecting foreigners. In return he would throw 
 open Japan to foreign residence and trade. To these pro- 
 posals the United States, Germany, Russia, and France 
 agreed. Great Britain, unfortunately, still hung back. Again 
 Japanese public opinion manifested the greatest hostility, 
 and the natural demand was made that the question should 
 be left for the decision of the Diet, which was just about to 
 assemble for the first time. The Cabinet resigned in a body, 
 and a fanatic lay in wait for Count Okuma at the gate of the 
 Foreign Office, threw a dynamite bomb at him, shattering one 
 of his legs, and then and there cut his own throat and fell 
 dead. Public opinion was so charged with anger that every- 
 body was expecting something dreadful to happen, and when 
 the explosion was heard all present knew in a moment what 
 it must be. 
 
 Viscount Aoki succeeded Count Okuma as Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs, and made new tentatives towards settling 
 the treaty revision question, but in vain. An anti-foreign 
 feeling had now taken deep root, and the watchword of all 
 parties was, ''A treaty on terms of absolute equality." And 
 that is what eventually took place. Viscount Aoki was more 
 fortunate as ambassador than as Foreign Minister, and he 
 concluded with Great Britain a treaty which gave to Japan 
 everything that she desired. Treaties with the United States, 
 Germany, France, and Russia followed. Japan was to acquire 
 complete judicial autonomy after a period of at least five 
 years, when the treaty took effect, and it remained in force 
 for a period of twelve years. A revised tariff was to go into 
 operation a month after the exchange of ratifications, except 
 for the " most favored nation" clause in the Japanese treaties 
 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 167 
 
 with other powers; she would not, therefore, be able to avail 
 herself of this until she had concluded similar treaties with 
 them. 
 
 On the expiration of the treaty with Great Britain — that 
 is to say, seventeen years from the date of its signing in 1894 — 
 Japan would come into possession of complete tariff autonomy 
 also. During five years Japan agreed to issue passports, 
 available for twelve months, to all accredited British subjects; 
 and by the treaty the whole of Japan was thrown open to 
 British trade, travel, and residence, and British subjects were 
 placed in every respect on a 'par with Japanese, with certain 
 exceptions. On the one hand, they were exempted from 
 compulsory military service and from any pecuniary burden 
 in connection with it; ,and on the other, they were not allowed 
 to own land or to engage in the coasting trade, except between 
 certain specified ports. Similar regulations governed inter- 
 course with other parties making revised treaties. 
 
 Everything except land might be owned in the interior, 
 but that could only be acquired by lease, and according to 
 the Japanese laws and customs these leases would probably 
 be for thirty and fifty years. The prohibition of land-owning 
 by foreigners will be seen, when looked at from the point of 
 view of the Japanese, to be a reasonable measure of self -pro- 
 tection. If wealthy foreigners were allowed to acquire by 
 purchase vast tracts of land in Japan, it is easy to see how 
 serious political and other difficulties might arise. Japanese 
 capitalists could not enter into competition with the capitalists 
 of Europe. By this treaty for the first time Japanese sub- 
 jects are accorded in Great Britain the same rights and privi- 
 leges as British subjects; this has hitherto been a matter 
 of courtesy, and not of right. The same may be said con- 
 cerning their position in other countries. 
 
 The Japanese codes, as is well known, were drawn up 
 by European experts and are equal, theoretically, to any 
 
1 68 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 
 
 criminal and civil codes in the world; and during the five 
 years which were to elapse before foreigners came under their 
 operation the Japanese judges would have a further con- 
 siderable experience in the administration of them. Con- 
 sidering, moreover, that it was the very legitimate ambition 
 of the Japanese so to act in all public matters as to be above 
 the criticism of Western nations, there is no reason to fear 
 that an}^ miscarriage of justice towards foreigners will ensue. 
 Through the operation of these new treaties Japan entered — 
 first among Eastern countries — into the charmed circle of 
 the great civilized powers, and the dearest wish of her heart 
 was at length gratified. 
 
a — 
 
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 2._ 
 
 
 3 '^ 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The Establishment of Constitutional 
 Government in Japan 
 
 First Election in Japan — The Mikado's Generous Act — The Charter Oath — Pio- 
 neers of ParHament — Local Self-Government — The Prefectural Assemblies 
 — Government of Cities, Towns, and Villages — A Parliament Proclaimed — 
 Japan is Given a Constitution — Popular Liberty Guaranteed — Electoral 
 Regulations — The Privy Council and the Cabinet — The Parliament Meets — 
 Its Members — The Clan Spirit — Frequent Dissolutions of Parliament — 
 Changes of Cabinets — Parties Without Principles — A Hopeful Legislative 
 Outlook. 
 
 IT is of interest to know that the first election ever held in 
 Japan for a parliamentary government took place on 
 
 July 4, 1890. The selection of July 4 may have been 
 a curious coincidence, or it may have been chosen pur- 
 posely in recognition of the great debt owed by Japan to the 
 United States in opening the land of isolation to civilized 
 influences. However that be, the fact is worth remembering. 
 
 The event here referred to is one of extraordinary interest 
 in every respect, indicating, as it does, the throwing off by 
 Japan of the cloak of old absolutism and the adoption of 
 constitutional and parliamentary government. In the char- 
 acter of this remarkable movement Japan stands alone among 
 nations. The world's history presents no other instance of 
 an autocrat voluntarily giving up his absolute power and 
 calling into existence a Congress or Parliament for the govern- 
 ment of his realm. Absolutism has given way in various 
 nations, but it has been either through a revolution, like 
 that of France, or a slow gaining of power by the people 
 through persistent demand, as in England; never, in any 
 
 169 
 
170 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 
 
 case we can recall, through the voluntary act of the sovereign 
 himself. This fact renders the act of the Mikado of Japan 
 highly notable, and one scarcely to be expected in a land 
 so bound up in the trammels of old absolutism as that. 
 
 There were, indeed, special reasons for this. Chief among 
 these doubtless was the fact that at the time of the revolt 
 against the Shogun the old Mikado died, and his son, a young 
 man, came to the throne. Surrounded by active advisers 
 who were seeking to regain for him the power so long lost, 
 he was naturally grateful to them and strongly under their 
 influence. On the other hand, the statesmen among them 
 were, no doubt, deeply interested in the fact that the foreign 
 nations with which Japan had recently come into contact 
 possessed representative governments. Russia, the one autoc- 
 racy among them, had not yet come nearly so much in con- 
 tact with Japan as the United States, England, France, and 
 Germany, in all of which popular government prevailed to a 
 greater or less extent. To this we may justly impute the 
 taking of the so-called ''charter oath" by the Mikado in 
 1868, on his restoration to power as the sole ruler of the 
 empire. 
 
 It is not likely that this oath was in any sense the result 
 of coercion. Most probably it was a voluntary act on the 
 part of the young ruler, though doubtless brought about 
 largely by the influence and suggestions of the statesmen 
 who surrounded him. At all events, it was a mere obliga- 
 tion, since the solemnity of an oath has usually not weighed 
 heavily on the conscience of emperors. The Mikado was 
 in no positive sense obliged to carry it out, and in doing so 
 he took a step of his own free will which gives him a special 
 position in the ranks of absolute monarchs. 
 
 It may be said here that the Emperor Mutsuhito was 
 deliberate in carrying out his promise. He probably deemed 
 it necessary to feel his way carefully towards so radical a 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 171 
 
 change in the institutions of his country. The first step in 
 this direction was taken as early as 1868, when an assembly 
 of the representatives of the clans was called to meet in the 
 'capital. This was called the Shugi-in (House of Commons). 
 It consisted of samurai (knights) from each clan ; and as they 
 \ were appointed by each daimio (prince), the body was a 
 purely feudal, and not at all a popular, assembly. In 187 1 
 a Senate was established; but this was merely an advisory 
 body, consisting of officials appointed by the emperor and 
 destitute of legislative power. In 1875 ^^^ emperor con- 
 voked a council of the officers of the provincial governments 
 with the following purpose: ''We also call a council of the 
 officials of our provinces, so that the feelings of the people may 
 be made known and the public welfare attained. By these 
 means we shall gradually confer upon the nation a consti- 
 tutional form of government. The provincial officials are 
 summoned as the representatives of the people in the various 
 provinces, that they may express their opinion on behalf of 
 the people." But a body so constituted could not satisfy 
 the demands of the new age, and it was insisted upon that 
 the government should ''guarantee the establishment of a 
 popular assembly." Associations were organized for popular 
 agitation of this subject, and petitions and memorials poured 
 in upon the government. 
 
 In the meantime the people were being educated into 
 the new ideas by the establishment of local self-government 
 in their midst. This was not so radical or difficult a step 
 as that of the formation of parliamentary institutions, since 
 under the old feudal system local government by clans had 
 existed throughout the empire. Yet the reconstruction of 
 local government was carried on slowly and cautiously. 
 
 After the fall of the Shogun, but before feudalism was 
 abolished (1867 to 1871), the chiefs of the clans were allowed 
 to continue their administration of local affairs. But on the 
 
172 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 
 
 abolition of feudalism these chiefs were retired on annuities, 
 and outsiders were largely appointed to the position of gover- 
 nor in the new local governments. A more radical step was 
 taken in 1878, when there were established assemblies in the 
 districts of the prefects, whose members were chosen through 
 election by the people. Ten years after that a new law was 
 enacted, under which local self-government was extended 
 from the prefectural districts to the cities, towns and villages. 
 This law became operative in 1889. 
 
 The prefectural assemblies in Japan have some resem- 
 blance to an American State legislature, but do not have like 
 independent power, since they are part of a centralized 
 national administration. They are ''to counsel about the 
 budget of expenses to be met by local taxation, and about 
 the manner of collecting such taxes." The members are 
 elected according to the population, at the rate of one member 
 for each 20,000 people. For every regular member two 
 reserve members are also elected, to take the places of 
 regular members who may for any reason be unable to serve. 
 The term of service covers four years ; but half of the members 
 retire every two years. Each member receives a salary of one 
 yen per day during the session, and traveling expenses. 
 
 The legislation done in this assembly is not final, since 
 it needs to be ratified by the governor, or the Department of 
 Home Affairs. It is thus kept under the control of the 
 central government, and is more like an electoral board of 
 advice than a legislature. 
 
 But in practice the governor does not often put himself 
 in opposition to public opinion, and the Department of Home 
 Affairs is not likely to exercise authority unless it is felt to 
 be absolutely necessary. The central government holds the 
 power to control these assemblies, but it also respects public 
 opinion and leaves them free to act independently as far as 
 possible. 
 
CONSTITUTION AL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 173 
 
 In the extension of local government to mtinicipalities 
 certain new regulations were introduced. Distinction was 
 made, for instance, between residents, who included ''all 
 those w^ho have their residence in the city, town or village, 
 without distinction of sex, age, color, nationality, or condi- 
 tion in life, and citizens, each of whom must be ''an inde- 
 pendent male person," that is, one who has completed his 
 twenty-fifth year and has a household; he must be "a sub- 
 ject of the empire and in the enjoyment of his civil rights;" 
 must have been for two years a resident of a local division, 
 and must have paid both local and national taxes. 
 
 The citizen has privileges over the mere resident, these 
 being the right to vote in local elections and to hold office. 
 This right, however, may be taken away in certain circum 
 stances. It is suspended in the case of those in actual mili- 
 tary and naval service. Also, every citizen is obliged to 
 accept any honorary office to which he may be elected or 
 appointed, under penalty — unless he be excused for certain 
 specified reasons — of suspension of citizenship and disfran- 
 chisement for from three to six years. He is also subjected 
 to a higher rate of tax. Citizenship in Japan is looked on 
 more as a duty than as a privilege, and those who are suited 
 to fill official positions do not find it easy to " keep out of 
 politics." 
 
 The administration of local affairs is more or less cen- 
 tralized. In the cities it is conducted by a "city council," 
 and in the towns and villages by certain chiefs and their 
 deputies. A city council consists of a mayor, his deputy, 
 and a certain number of honorary councilmen, the mayor 
 being appointed directly by the emperor from among three 
 candidates previously selected by the city assembly. The 
 deputy-mayor and councilmen are elected by the city assem- 
 bly. The councilmen hold office for four years, but half 
 of them retire every two years. When the city is large it 
 
174 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 
 
 may be divided into wards, each with its own chief and 
 deputy and even its council and assembly. 
 
 The city assembly is a body elected by the people, vary- 
 ing in membership from thirty to sixty, the members being 
 elected for six years, but part of them going out of office 
 every two years. Like the councilmen, they are not paid 
 for their services beyond their actual expenses. The assembly 
 is the law-making body, and also controls financial and some 
 other matters. 
 
 It is important to bear in mind that these regulations 
 for government by the people have emanated from the gov- 
 ernment and not in response to any insistent demand from 
 the citizens. In that strange country it is the ruling class 
 that is progressive and ready to accept the best that foreign 
 institutions have to offer. The people are conservative, 
 and would be quite willing to rest under old conditions. 
 They need to grow up to a comprehension of political privi- 
 leges, and this renders it necessary to bestow these upon them 
 gradually. 
 
 We have mentioned the preliminary steps taken in the 
 process of giving Japan a national representative assembly 
 or Parliament, including the feudal assembly of 1868, the 
 Senate of 187 1, and the official council of 1875, and also the 
 preparatory provincial assemblies. To all appearance the 
 emperor was feeling his way towards the carrying out of the 
 provisions of his ''charter oath." The greatest step was 
 taken on October 12, 1881, when his memorable proclama- 
 tion was issued that a National Assembly would be called 
 into existence in 1890. 
 
 The next great step was taken in 1889. On February 
 II of that year a Constitution was given to the people, a 
 document which took Japan out of the line of despotic Oriental 
 monarchies and placed her in advance of even the European 
 country of Russia, as a constitutional monarchy. On April i 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 175 
 
 of that year the law estabhshing municipal self-government 
 also went into effect. 
 
 The Constitution of Japan, the ''Magna Charta of Japa- 
 nese liberty," as it has been called, was drawn up by Count 
 I to and other statesmen, who took the German Constitution 
 for a model. In it the emperor liberally reserved rights for 
 himself. He is spoken of as "sacred and inviolate," ''the^ 
 head of the empire," retaining all the rights of sovereignty, 
 but agreeing to ''exercise them according to the provisions 
 of the Constitution." He may issue "imperial ordinances in 
 place of law," but only in case of urgent necessity and "when 
 the Imperial Diet is not sitting," and these ordinances must 
 be approved by the Diet at its next session, or will become 
 invalid. 
 
 Let us glance at som^ other of the features of Japan's 
 fundamental organic law. The Constitution proper consists 
 of sixty-six articles, but simultaneously with it two hundred 
 and sixty-six expositionary laws were proclaimed. A Diet 
 or Parliament was created to meet once a year, and to be 
 opened, closed, prorogued, and dissolved by the emperor. 
 Its debates were to be public. The Mikado's ministers may 
 take seats and speak in either House, but are accountable, 
 not to the Diet, but to the emperor alone. Bills raising 
 revenue and appropriating the same require the consent of 
 the Diet, but certain fixed expenditures, provided for by the 
 Constitution, cannot be abolished or curtailed without the 
 concurrence of the executive. To a large extent the power 
 over the purse is thus withheld from the representatives of 
 the people. The tenure of judges is for good behavior. 
 
 The Upper House, or House of Peers, consists partly 
 of hereditary, partly of elected, and partly of nominated 
 members; the combined number, however, of the members 
 of the two last-named classes is not to exceed that of those 
 who hold heritable titles of nobility. The emperor has the 
 
176 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 
 
 power of appointing a limited number of persons to life 
 membership, for meritorious services to the state or for 
 erudition. The House of Commons consists of several hun- 
 dred members, who serve four years. For them there is a 
 property qualification; they must pay annually national 
 taxes to the amount of fifteen yen or dollars. Those who 
 elect them must also pay national taxes to the same amount. 
 Those persons who pay taxes to the amount of over five yen 
 are entitled to vote for members of the local assembly. Thes© 
 numbered in 1887 about 1,500,000, whereas the electorate 
 of the national House of Representatives numbered only 
 about 300,000. We observe, lastly, that certain fundamental 
 rights were guaranteed to the Japanese people. They have, 
 for instance, the right of changing their domicile. Except 
 according to law, they are not to be arrested, detained or 
 punished. They are also to enjoy the right of freedom from 
 search, the inviolability of letters, freedom of religious belief 
 and the liberty of speech, petition, writing, publishing, asso- 
 ciation and public meeting within the limits of laws to be 
 laid down by the national Parliament. 
 
 The threefold election — namely, for a fraction of the 
 Upper House, for the whole of the national House of Repre- 
 sentatives, and for the local assembly — took place July 4, 
 1890, as already stated. About eighty-five per cent, of 
 eligible voters availed themselves of the franchise, and there 
 was a great superfluity of candidates. It turned out at the 
 ballot-box that to be in any way connected with government 
 employment was to invite almost certain defeat, while on the 
 other hand few of the old party leaders were chosen as stand- 
 ard-bearers in the new Parliamentary field. 
 
 In addition to the Parliament there is another body 
 recognized in the Constitution as part of the government. 
 This is the Privy Council, whose members are appointed 
 by the emperor, and which he consults in certain exigencies. 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 177 
 
 It is composed of ''personages who have rendered signal 
 service to the state and who are distinguished for their 
 experience/* including ex-Ministers of State and others 
 likely to give valuable advice. It is concerned with the 
 consideration of acts of Parliament, questions concerned 
 with the interpretation of the Constitution, international 
 treaties, and other matters specially called for. The exist- 
 ing premier is. a member ex officio of the Privy Council, of 
 which it is said that it is ''the emperor's highest resort of 
 counsel, but shall not interfere with the executive." The 
 Cabinet of the emperor consists of the premier, or Minister- 
 President, and nine heads of departments: the Ministers of 
 Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs, Finance, the Army, the Navy, 
 Justice, Education, Agriculture and Commerce, and Com- 
 munications. 
 
 If we proceed now with the history of the new govern . 
 ment of Japan, we find that it lay exposed in its early days 
 to various uncomplimentary statements and remarks, to 
 the effect that Japan was merely playing with representative 
 institutions, that her constitutional government was a farce, 
 etc. But such criticisms were made by people who did not 
 take into consideration the fact that the Japanese were 
 utterly unfamiliar with such methods of government, and 
 that it is quite certain that if any Western nation had changed 
 from absolutism to representation as suddenly, its handling 
 of this new instrument of government would have been 
 marked at first with similar imperfections. 
 
 It must be borne in mind that the Parliament of Japan 
 is still less than a score of years in age. Its first session was 
 held on November 29, 1890, its first bill was presented on 
 December 2, and its earliest budget, that for 1891, was 
 laid before the House of Representatives on December 4. 
 Its members were utterly new to their duties, and many of 
 , them doubtless infected with a false idea of their importance. 
 
 12 
 
178 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 
 
 In consequence, Parliament has been frequently dissolved. 
 Antagonism between the Houses and the various Cabinets 
 has arisen almost constantly, the Cabinet controlling an 
 important majority at no time except during the patriotic 
 excitement of the Chinese War. 
 
 To understand the state of affairs we may say m the 
 first place -that, though the Japanese are divided into three 
 distinct classes, the aristocracy (composed of the ancient 
 daimios and court nobles, and the new-created nobles), the 
 shizoku or middle class (the ancient samurai), and the keiniin, 
 or commoners, the Constitution makes no distinction between 
 and grants no special privileges to any of these, except that 
 the nobility predominate in the Chamber of Peers. Socially 
 also there is little exclusiveness, and the aristocracy may be 
 found in every place of public resort, mingling freely with 
 the rest of the people. Many of the old daimios, indeed, 
 are now very poor, and are not specially proud. Although 
 the highest positions in the government are open to all, they 
 have hitherto always remained in the hands of the samurai, 
 and the country is governed by members of this very numer- 
 ous and intelligent class of gentry. All the successive min- 
 isters, the majority of whom have been ennobled, have 
 sprung from its ranks. The same may be said of all the high 
 officials, and of the majority of the smaller employes of the 
 government, even down to the very police agents and the 
 vast majority of the military and naval officers. This is 
 not surprising when we remember that the samurai consti- 
 tuted before the restoration not only the military, but also 
 the student and literary class. 
 
 ''The only marked feature of the former regime which 
 still survives the many social changes that have recently 
 taken place in Japan is the clan spirit, which is as strong 
 to-day as ever. The bond which united the followers of a 
 former feudal prince among themselves still subsists, although 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 179 
 
 the prince himself may have fallen almost to the level of his 
 clansmen. The men who have up to the present governed 
 modern Japan have always belonged to southern clans, 
 especially to those of Choshiu and Satsuma; the two others, 
 Hizen and Tosa, are less united, and although certain impor- 
 tant political personages are of their number, they have had 
 to fight their way to the front rather by dint of hard work 
 than through any clan influence. The influential combina- 
 tion formed by the first-named clans, and unitedly known 
 as the Sat-Cho, holds in its hands the reins of administration, 
 rules the army, and makes its influence felt even more strongly 
 in the navy. Although according to the Constitution, analo- 
 gous to that of Prussia, the ministers are not responsible to 
 the Chambers, but to the emperor alone, and although the 
 budget of the current year, if the finance bill is not voted in 
 due time, becomes by law that of the following year also, 
 the irreconcilable opposition which manifested itself from 
 the beginning greatly embarrassed the first Matsukata min- 
 istry in 1 89 1 and 1892, and the Ito ministry which succeeded 
 it. This latter, whose plans for the extension of the navy 
 were obstinately rejected by the Chamber, twice dissolved 
 it: in December, 1893, and again in May, 1894. After the war 
 patriotic feeling ran so high that people cared very little about 
 the government and its measures, and projected laws were 
 adopted without the least opposition ; but when affairs began 
 to settle down it was otherwise. In 1897 and 1898 there were 
 two dissolutions, and in the latter year the ministry in power 
 was the ninth since December, 1885, and the seventh since the 
 establishment of the Parliamentary system. This gives an 
 average of about two years for each Cabinet, and even less 
 for the Chamber, of which not one has yet attained its legal 
 term."* 
 
 As examples of Parliamentary proceeding in Japan we 
 
 * •' The Awakening of the East," by Henry Norman. 
 
i8o CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 
 
 may offer the following statements. In December, 1897, 
 there was a Parliamentary crisis in which the Cabinet, con- 
 vinced that the majority was opposed to it, and governed by 
 the disdain of the Lower Chamber often manifested by it, 
 determined to avoid an appearance of dependence on that 
 body, but declared it dissolved and offered their own resig- 
 nation to the emperor, whom alone they considered their 
 superior. 
 
 On December 24th the emperor came to read the usual 
 speech from the throne before the two Chambers, which 
 offered demonstrations of respect and loyalty as usual. But 
 on the next day, after the preliminary proceedings, the doyen 
 of the House offered the following resolution: ''That the 
 Chamber of Deputies declares it has no confidence in the 
 present ministry." He was checked at this point by the 
 president, who read from a folded paper that had just been 
 handed him an imperial mandate saying, '' In virtue of 
 Article 3 of the Imperial Constitution, we hereby ordain that 
 the Chamber of Deputies be dissolved forthwith." The 
 House rose after a session of only seven minutes, and at the 
 same time the House of Peers was prorogued. 
 
 The resignation of Premier Matsukata and his colleagues 
 in the ministry quickly followed, and the Marquis I to was 
 called upon to form another Cabinet, which he undertook 
 reluctantly, in view of the serious questions then confronting 
 the government, and accomplished with considerable diffi- 
 culty. The new Cabinet lasted but a few months, and then 
 was replaced by another under the presidency of Count 
 Okuma. This, in its turn, was short-lived, and before the 
 end of 1898 still another Cabinet came into existence under 
 Marshal Yamagata. These instances will serve to show the 
 difficulties with which the statesmen of Japan had to grapple 
 in the earlier years of the new type of government. 
 
 There existed, in fact, nothing that could justly be called 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN i8i 
 
 party government, though there was a lively show of so-called 
 parties, these being formed of groups of persons with special 
 interests. They have no defined programmes, but constantly 
 change their views, and are mere cliques surrounding one or 
 more influential politicians. In the Parliament which was 
 dissolved in 1897 by Count Matsukata the most important 
 of these groups was that of the ''Progressives," including 
 some 90 to 95 members out of 300; then came the '' Liberals," 
 with about 80 adherents; then the ''National Unionists," 25 
 to 30; and, lastly, some twenty other subdivisions, besides 
 the "Independents." Th^ Progressives were more con- 
 sistent, possibly because they had been in existence only 
 since 1896. The Liberals, although the oldest group, had 
 almost completely lost their influence and cohesion. 
 
 But it is, nevertheless, true that "Japan is at length 
 passing out of the epoch of persons and entering the era of 
 principles," in which must speedily come the development of 
 parties. It is not, perhaps, strange that the personality of 
 the great statesmen to whom New Japan owed its existence 
 should have been felt for so long a time, nor that the able men 
 of the rising generation began to chafe under the long control 
 of the older statesmen. But, as the Japan Times says, " the 
 conflict between the old and the new elements of political 
 power, the so-called clan statesmen and the party politicians, 
 has been so far removed that the time is already in sight 
 when the country will see them working harmoniously under 
 the same banner and with the same platform." The problem 
 of political parties based on national principles is the one 
 next to be solved in Japan. 
 
 To quote from the Japan Mail, " It would be altogether 
 extravagant to expect that Japan's new constitutional gar- 
 ments should fit her perfectly from the first. They are too 
 large for her. She has to grow into them, and of course the pro- 
 cess is destined to be more or less awkward. " Marquis I to, the 
 
i3« CONStlTUTiONAL GOVERNMENT W JAPAN 
 
 author of the Constitution, justly says that ''excellent results 
 have been obtained, when it is remembered how sudden has 
 been the transition from feudalism to representative insti- 
 tutions." When the Constitution was promulgated, Japan 
 was only eighteen years out of feudalism and twenty-one 
 years out of military despotism, and should be given, there- 
 fore, great credit for her progress in the early era of consti- 
 tutionalism. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The Wonderful Progress of Japan 
 
 Japan's Power of Adaptation — Bismarck and the fimperor of Japan — The States- 
 men of the Empire — ^Japanese Commercial Progress — Exports from the 
 Empire — The Rapidity of Industrial Development — The Small and the Large 
 Industries — Important New Manufactures — Cotton and Silk Production — 
 Mining Progress — Articles of Commerce — Interesting Facts — Trade Unions 
 and Guilds — Yokohama and Tokio — European Dress — Modes of Travel — 
 Railway Development — The Army and Navy — A Summing up of Progress — 
 Count Okuma's Opinion — Asia for the Asiatics. 
 
 THE island empire of Japan, a nation the people of which 
 are closely allied in race to those of China, has of late 
 years displayed a progressiveness and a readiness to 
 avail itself of the resources of modem civilization which 
 are strikingly diverse from the obstinate conservatism of 
 its densely settled neighbor. The development of Japan 
 has taken place within the past half century. Previous to 
 that time it was as resistant to Western influences as China. 
 They were both closed nations, prohibiting the entrance of 
 modern ideas and peoples, proud of their own form of civili- 
 zation and their own institutions, and sternly resolved to 
 keep out the disturbing influences of the restless West. As 
 a result, they remained locked against the new civilization 
 until after the nineteenth century was well advanced, and 
 China's disposition to avail itself of the results of modern 
 invention was not manifested until the century was near 
 its end. This was far from the case with Japan, which was 
 remarkably quick to appreciate the advantage of Western 
 methods, and surprisingly ready to throw overboard her 
 cargo of obsolete ideas and avail herself in every way of the 
 
 183 
 
1 84 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 
 
 industrial and commercial developments brought before her 
 vision. 
 
 ~ Kossuth is reported to have said that the two most 
 wonderful men in the world were Prince Bismarck and the 
 Emperor of Japan. The death of Bismarck would leave 
 the Emperor Mutsuhito alone in this category. As regards 
 the emperor, however, such an estimate seems unjust to the 
 active-minded statesmen by whom he has been surrounded 
 and who doubtless have been the vital agents in Japan's 
 great reforms. It was due to them that, as a young man, 
 the emperor was induced to promise a constitutional govern- 
 ment, a promise which he has honorably and wisely kept. 
 And there can be no question but that they have been the 
 moving agents in the great progress in the civil and military 
 affairs of the empire. Yet if these men have made the balls, 
 the emperor has displayed a remarkable readiness to throw 
 them, and should be given every credit for his quickness of 
 insight and breadth of view. And while he and his coun- 
 selors have set Japan swiftly upon the highway of progress 
 in all things relating to the administration and defence of 
 the empire, the business class of the country have shown 
 an equal readiness to avail themselves of the best the West 
 has to offer, and to swing Japan broadly into the current of 
 modem industrial and commercial ideas. It is our purpose 
 here to consider this branch of Japanese progress. 
 
 So rapid and important has this been that already the 
 manufacturers and merchants of Japan are driving Western 
 producers, to a marked extent, out of the markets of the 
 East, and those versed in the subject predict the rapid develop- 
 ment of this process. The circumstances under which the 
 war with China almost produced a commercial crisis in Japan, 
 bear striking testimony to the growth of Japanese manu- 
 facturing interests. In 1893 there were about a quarter of a 
 million cotton-spindles in Japan; four years later there were 
 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 185 
 
 over half a million. Yet when the war came the banks with- 
 drew a good deal of their credit from the cotton-spinning 
 companies, which found themselves threatened with ruin at a 
 moment when their trade afforded the most legitimate justi- 
 fication for extension. Under these circumstances a panic 
 WIS only averted by the promise of the government to give 
 assistance. In 1875 there was no cotton-spinning in Japan, 
 as in that year the first European machines, of small capacity, 
 were introduced. The following table, compiled by a Japa- 
 nese economist, shows the very rapid rate of progress for 
 a number of years, with the inevitable corresponding decline 
 of imports : 
 
 National Production Foreign Imports 
 
 in Japanese lbs. in English lbs. 
 
 1888 956,804 47,439,639 
 
 1889 20,952,687 42,810,912 
 
 1890 32,217,456 31,908,302 
 
 1891 45,306,444 17,337,600 
 
 1892 64,046,925 24,308,491 
 
 It was not only in cotton, however, that the Japanese 
 came favorably into competition with Western nations. 
 Yokohama, for instance, early established a watch factory, 
 run by engines of one hundred horse-power, and equipped 
 with the finest watch-making machinery which America 
 could furnish. A like spirit of enterprise was shown in 
 match-making, in which the manufacturers of Japan soon 
 drove out all competitors from the East by the cheapness 
 and abundance of their product. Ten years ago Japan was 
 sending as many as five million gross of matches annually 
 to Hong-Kong alone, her clocks were driving out those of the 
 United States, and her cotton goods were making their way 
 as far as the Straits. Five hundred dozen undershirts were 
 sent to Singapore in one consignment. 
 
 About that time Mr. Brennan, a British consular official 
 
i86 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 
 
 at Macao, wrote: "The articles from Japan at present con- 
 sist of curios, cotton cloths, blankets, flannels, hosiery, soaps, 
 lamps, tea-kettles, matches, hats, umbrellas, Gladstone bags, 
 silks, and such like. To give an idea of the cheapness, I 
 may say that umbrellas of European pattern cost 30 cents 
 to I dol. (iid. to 2S. 2d.), and cotton crapes i dol. to i dol. 
 20 cents a piece of 20 yards, that is 2s. 2d. to 2s. yd. These 
 are of fine texture and nice appearance, so that they are much 
 appreciated by Chinese and Europeans, and worn as dresses 
 and shirts. Indeed, the competition of Japanese goods is sure 
 to become keener in course of time." At Tamsui, Japanese 
 toweling took the place of former importations, and the 
 import of Japanese cottons in 1893 was 20 per cent, greater 
 than in 1892. The export of matting from Japan in 1893 
 was double that of 1892. At New-chwang, Japanese flannel, 
 blankets, brass buttons, lamps, umbrellas, pictures and mir- 
 rors had become important items, and at Ningpo, hundreds 
 of hand-gins of Japanese make had been imported. In 
 Korea, Japan was competing with growing success with 
 European and American goods, this being manifested espe- 
 cially in Fusan, in whose shops could be seen Japanese imita- 
 tions of nearly all varieties of Western goods and wares, 
 from piece goods downwards. Besides these there were for- 
 eign-style suits, underclothing and hose, felt and straw hats, 
 household furniture and culinary utensils, carpets, glassware, 
 chinaware, lamps and fittings, soaps, scents, tinned pro- 
 visions (fish, meat and vegetables), wines and beer, farming 
 implements, etc., mostly made in Osaka and selling at prices 
 very much cheaper than those of Western manufacture. 
 
 Such was the state of Japanese manufacturing and 
 commercial enterprise ten years ago, and only forty years 
 after Commodore Perry's appearance in the Bay of Yedo. 
 Nearly twenty years of this time were years of revolution, 
 in which the old government of the feudal princes was being 
 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 187 
 
 overthrown and the long-obsolete supremacy of the Mikado 
 being restored. New political ideas were penetrating the 
 minds of the people, civil war was abroad in the land, and 
 the old hostility to foreigners was slowly being overcome. 
 It was not until this state of affairs had passed and the coun- 
 try had settled down again under its new regime that a libera) 
 welcome could be given to foreign industrial ideas, so that 
 it may be held that the progress of Japan in this direction, 
 great as it has been, is the product of the last quarter of a 
 century. To emerge from mediaeval ideas and methods 
 into full acceptance and employment of modem methods 
 alike in industry and government in this brief period is a 
 phenomenon of which it would not be easy to find a similar 
 instance in the history of the world. 
 
 In fact, so far as manufactures are concerned, it is not 
 so long as this. As late as 1880 nearly all the minor trades 
 of the country were divided up into numerous small and 
 widely scattered workshops, in the old fashion, the only manu- 
 factures of greater pretension being a few large silk factories 
 in the more important towns, some paper factories at Kioto, 
 and a number of distilleries for the making of saki, or rice 
 wine. But there were not many of these and they employed 
 few hands. Among the earliest of the industries founded 
 on a large scale was that of cotton-spinning, established in 
 Osaka in 1882, and the true era of the new industrial develop- 
 ment may be held to begin with that date. 
 
 The growth of the larger industries has not driven 
 out the smaller ones which deal with articles peculiar to 
 Japan, and which have a monopoly they are likely long to 
 retain, such as of toys in great variety, Japanese household 
 articles, paper fans, umbrellas of Eastern pattern, boxes, 
 screens and knicknacks innumerable. This is fortunate for 
 the farmers, who usually hold very small tracts of ground, 
 and have much leisure time which they can profitably employ 
 
i88 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 
 
 at home in the making of what are known as "Japanese 
 fancy goods," and which find a ready market all over the 
 world. Nearly all the art industries of the country are of 
 this individual character, but side by side with the small 
 workshop every city now displays its tall chimneys, vomit- 
 ing forth smoke in attestation of the ambitious production 
 going on actively within. At night the horizon around 
 Osaka is bright with the ruddy glow from the cotton and 
 other factories, and not far from the walls of the old castle 
 of Osaka stands the national arsenal, where the Japanese of 
 to-day make all the cannon and small arms necessary for 
 their army. Close by this is the large and handsome mint, 
 one of the finest establishments for the making of coin in the 
 world. 
 
 The fathers of most of the people engaged in these 
 industries did not know that any such branches of manu- 
 facture existed. The Japanese, for instance, had no con- 
 ception of the art of glass-blowing until of late years. Yet 
 now there are several important glass factories doing an 
 excellent business at Osaka, glass being now much needed 
 on account of the common use of petroleum lamps. Many 
 people also are beginning to use glass in place of the paper 
 screens which so long served the Japanese as windows. 
 There are breweries in various parts of the country, and 
 admirable beer is being produced, which is largely exported, 
 going as far as Vladivostok and vSingapore. Brushes of every 
 description are manufactured in Japan, and exported in great 
 quantities to the United States. The pigs' bristles and bones 
 used in these have to be imported, for the reason that the 
 porcine animal producing them is very little known in Japan. 
 
 Other recent industries which may be mentioned are 
 iron foundries, copper and tin works, ship-yards, and jute 
 carpet works, the latter producing in great quantity cheap 
 and pretty carpets, which are exported to the United States 
 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 189 
 
 and elsewhere. Their great cheapness, lasting qualities and 
 attractive patterns have made them widely popular. Of the 
 various industries, however, the most important as yet are 
 those of cotton-spinning and match-making. 
 
 Japan raised a great deal of cotton, though by no means 
 enough for the needs of her factories, and has to import 
 large quantities from America and India; cotton being the 
 principal material used in the clothes of the common people, 
 who cannot afford silk robes. Formerly all the yarn was 
 spun by hand; but Japan had 76 cotton-mills in 1900, some 
 of them large and employing many hands. She has now 
 more than 200 mills, with nearly 1,000,000 spindles. The 
 silk industry is also very important, not alone for home use, 
 but for foreign trade. The silk is exported largely in its 
 raw state, but is also manufactured for export into handker- 
 chiefs and other goods. The silk exports for 1898 amounted 
 to $31,000,000, and are on the increase. Something should 
 be said here also of the mining industry, which is of growing 
 importance, Japan being rich in mineral resources. The 
 most important of her mineral products is coal, of which 
 there is a surplus for export. Copper, silver, sulphur and 
 antimony are also largely found. Iron, gold, tin, lead, salt 
 and other minerals are less abundant. Petroleum is one of the 
 important earth-products, though not nearly sufficient to 
 supply the large home demand, considerable quantities being 
 imported. The coal mines yield nearly 1,000,000 tons yearly, 
 the supply being of fine quality and apparently inexhaustible. 
 
 The foreign commerce of Japan has for years shown a 
 marked ratio of increase. In 1896 it amounted to $145,000,- 
 000. In 1903 it was $313,000,000, showing an increase of 
 more than 100 per cent, in seven years. The purchases 
 from the United States in the last-named year amounted 
 to $21,000,000, 
 
 The imports were formerly largely in excess of the 
 
I90 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 
 
 exports, the excess amounting to $55,000,000 in 1898. But 
 in 1 90 1, three years later, this had been reduced to about 
 $1,750,000, the rapid growth of exports bringing about this 
 marked change. The chief articles of export are silk (either 
 raw, or partly or wholly manufactured), cotton yarn and 
 goods, matches, coal, high-grade rice, copper, camphor, 
 tea, matting, straw braid, and porcelain. The principal 
 imports are raw cotton, shirting and printed cotton, muslin, 
 wool, cotton velvet, satin, cheap rice, flour, sugar, petroleum, 
 oil cake, peas and beans, machinery, iron and steel (including 
 nails and rails), steamers, locomotives, and railway carriages. 
 The United States, Great Britain and her colonies, France 
 and China are the chief countries to which exports are sent, 
 while imports are received mainly from the same countries 
 and from Germany. 
 
 Other facts of interest in connection with the progress 
 of Japan are those concerning the postal system and the 
 schools* There are in the empire 4,852 post-offices, or one 
 for every 9,700 people, a ratio considerably above that of 
 Russia. The elementary schools have 4,302,625 pupils, or 
 nearly one hundred for every thousand persons in the country. 
 In this Japan greatly surpasses Russia, which has about the 
 same number of pupils for a population nearly three times 
 as large. A similar disproportion exists in secondary schools 
 and universities. Another fact not unworthy of mention 
 here is that the total area of Japan is about equal to that of 
 the State of Montana, while her population is more than 
 half that of the whole United States. It is fortunate for 
 the people that their food production is large and their appe- 
 tite small, or their diminutive country could not support its 
 population. As it is, there is a fair quantity of food raised 
 for export, in addition to that needed for the people. 
 
 While Japan has been so actively introducing the profit- 
 able industrial systems of the West, it has brought in some 
 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 191 
 
 Western ideas whose desirability some may question. These 
 are the institutions of the guild, the trade union, and the 
 strike. Feudal Japan had its guilds, but these institutions 
 are run now on modem lines. One of the oldest and strongest 
 of them is that of the dock coolies, who are so compactly 
 organized that they have almost an absolute monopoly, 
 their strikes being always successful. Other guilds are those 
 of the sawyers, the plasterers, the stonemasons, the brick- 
 layers, the carpenters, the barbers, the wrestlers, the actors, 
 and even the gamblers and the pickpockets. The more mod- 
 ern labor unions include the iron-workers, the ship-carpen- 
 ters, the railway engineers, the railway workmen, the printers, 
 and the European-style cooks. Of these the dock coolies, 
 the railway laborers, and the railway engineers have become 
 masters of the situation. 
 
 The organization of these modern unions is due largely 
 to the efforts of a young man named Sen Katayama, who is 
 the champion of the rights of the laboring man in Japan. He 
 spent ten years in America and made a special study of social 
 problems, and has introduced a model of the London Kingsley 
 Hall, as a social settlement in the heart of Tokio. He edits 
 the Labor World, the organ of the working classes. 
 
 Yokohama, where Perry obtained his treaty, was at 
 that time a miserable little fishing village containing about 
 a hundred houses. In 1858 it was opened to foreign com- 
 merce, in place of Shimoda, and is now a town of 170,000 
 inhabitants, and the third largest port in the Far East, being 
 surpassed only by Hong-Kong and Shanghai. The European 
 quarter is full of fine houses, surrounded by charming gardens. 
 There are settled here several thousand foreigners of various 
 nationalities, exclusive of Chinese. The port is spacious and 
 commodious, and the largest ships can anchor close up to 
 the quay. 
 
 The former Yedo, now Tokio, the capital of Japan, is the 
 
192 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 
 
 largest town in Asia, and the ninth in the world, having in 
 1900 a population of 1,507,557. It is spread over a space 
 much larger than that occupied by Paris, the cause of its 
 great size being that everybody lives in his own house, which 
 is never more than one story high, and nearly every house 
 has its little garden. It has also a great many open spaces, 
 where formerly stood the palaces of the daimios. On the 
 site of several of them great public buildings have been 
 erected after the European fashion, among which are the 
 palaces of the various ministries, and also the Parliament 
 House; but many of them are still waiting to be utilized. 
 The old rampart surrounding the immense park of the impe- 
 rial palace is used as a public promenade; and as you walk 
 along it and look toward the palace, it is difficult to believe 
 that you are in Japan, everything is so very European. The 
 waste land contains a perfect forest of telegraph and telephone 
 poles; telephones, telegraph, electric light, gas, petroleum 
 lamps, etc., being as plentifully used in Tokio as they are 
 in any English or American town. It is most interesting to 
 notice, as you pass along the streets, artisans working in 
 their houses by the light of an Edison lamp. When they 
 cannot afford electricity or gas, they use petroleum exclu- 
 sively. 
 
 European dress is also used to a considerable extent, 
 officials in particular wearing the costume of the West, 
 though there is a tendency to revert to the native costume. 
 This is strongly displayed by the ladies, who have largely 
 laid aside the Parisian styles which they at first enthusias- 
 tically adopted, and returned to the native dress. But 
 English hats of different kinds and German caps are worn 
 by men of every class of society. For traveling purposes 
 the old palanquin has almost disappeared, being replaced 
 by the jinrikisha, a vehicle of American invention, but now 
 very widely used in the Far East. It has two very tall wheels 
 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 193 
 
 and seating-room usually for one person, and is drawn by 
 man-power, the native runners being remarkable for the 
 speed with which they can pull these vehicles and the distance 
 they can make without rest. 
 
 For more distant travel the Western methods- have come 
 generally into use, including the stage, the horse-car, the 
 railroad, and the electric railway, and also the bicycle and 
 the automobile. Japan has at present over 3,000 miles of 
 railroad line, and 1,200 more are said to be greatly needed. 
 The large island of Hondo has a continuous line from the 
 extreme north to the extreme south, and after crossing the 
 strait, Kiu-siu is traversed by a line running south to Naga- 
 saki and to Numamoto. In Yesso is a short line built by 
 American engineers, but all the others follow the British 
 methods. The government owns most of the railways. 
 Railway speed rarely exceeds twenty or twenty-five miles 
 an hour, though some express trains make thirty or more 
 miles, the people being as yet content with these rates 
 of speed. Telegraphs accompany the lines and extend else- 
 where, and in 1901 over 16,000,000 telegrams were sent, a 
 number which is increasing rapidly each year. The railways 
 are run with native labor exclusively, and everything neces- 
 sary for the construction and equipment of the roads, except 
 locomotives, can be built in the empire. 
 
 A postal system on the American model was introduced 
 in 1872, and five years later Japan became a member of the 
 International Postal Union. In some respects the system 
 has grown to excel its model, and is one of the best in the 
 world. Letter postage is 3 sen (i| cents) within the empire, 
 and 10 sen to all countries of the Postal Union. 
 
 If we come now to consider the military system of Japan — 
 a topic of special interest in connection with the Russian 
 war — it must be said that progress in this direction has quite 
 equaled that in the other directions named. The ancient 
 
 13 
 
194 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 
 
 arms and methods have been utterly discarded and the 
 army and navy of the empire have been remodeled after 
 the most approved modern system. 
 
 The Japanese army and navy are created and sustained 
 by a conscription system like that of Germany. Theoreti- 
 cally, ** all males between the full ages of seventeen and forty 
 years, who are Japanese subjects, shall be liable to conscrip 
 tion." The period of service is divided up as follows: (i) 
 Active service with the colors, for three years in the army and 
 four years in the navy, by those who have " attained the full 
 age of twenty years ; " so that those who are between seven- 
 teen and twenty are apparently exempt except "in time of 
 war or other emergency;" (2) First Reserve term, of four 
 years in the army and three years in the navy, "by such as 
 have completed their service with the colors;" (3) Second 
 Reserve term of five years, "by those who have completed 
 their service in the First Reserves ; ' ' and (4) Service in the 
 Territorial Army for the remaining years by those who have 
 completed the preceding term. The ordinary service in 
 barracks is only three years, the Reserves and the Territorial 
 Army being obliged to appear for drill only once a year, 
 though liable to be called out in time of war or of emergency. 
 
 The v/ar-footing of the Japanese army exceeds 500,000 
 men, and its peace-footing is almost 200,000: these figures 
 take account only of combatants. Its discipline, courage^ 
 and endurance have been clearly exhibited side by side with 
 the troops of Western nations in China, and the army has 
 been called "the most formidable mobile land force in the 
 P'ar East, indeed in the whole of Asia," and "the best army 
 in the world, for its size." 
 
 The guns for the artillery service used to be ptu-chased 
 abroad, but are now chiefly manufactured in Osaka. There 
 is an arsenal in Tokio where the once famous Murata rifle 
 was manufactured; but that has been superseded by the 
 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 195 
 
 "30th Year" rifle; both of these being Japanese inventions. 
 The arsenal also turns out ammunition at the ordinary rate 
 of a million rounds a day. 
 
 As Japan is entirely an insular nation, the importance 
 of her navy cannot be overestimated. Even before the war 
 with China, this had been rapidly growing; and it showed 
 its marked efficiency in the battles of the Yalu and Wei- 
 hai-wei. The subsequent plans for expansion have empha- 
 sized the value to Japan of sea-power; and the programme 
 of naval expansion has met comparatively little opposition. 
 For purposes of administration, the coast of Japan is divided 
 into five naval districts, each with one fort which is a first- 
 class naval station. These stations are Yokosuka, Kure, 
 Sasebo, Maizuru, and Muroran. The strength of the navy 
 is given in another chapter. Its efficiency has been remark- 
 ably shown in the opening of the war with Russia. 
 
 To Slim up some of the facts given in this chapter, we may 
 fitly do so in the words of Mr. John Barrett, a leading authority 
 on the politics and trade of the Far East : — 
 
 "Japan has astonished the world by her marvelous 
 strides to an acknowledged position among the first powers 
 of the earth. Her development during the last half century 
 is, in some respects, more remarkable than that of the United 
 States. Fifty years ago, when Commodore Perry rapped 
 somewhat roughly at her gates, she was, in material progress, 
 governmental administration, and educational development, 
 little beyond where she stood a thousand years before. Now 
 her snug little realm is traversed with railways and spotted 
 with manifold industries, her political system compares 
 favorably with the monarchies of Europe, and her colleges 
 and schools are graduating hosts of young men fitted for 
 every position of responsibility. Her foreign commerce has 
 expanded in thirty years from $30,000,000 to $300,000,000 
 per annum. This is an increase of 1,000 per cent, per annum, 
 
196 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 
 
 a record unrivaled by any other country in the rame time 
 or under similar conditions. Starting with no merchant 
 marine, she now has her cargo and passenger steamers run- 
 ning to all parts of the globe in successful competition with 
 the fleets of the older and richer nations. With no modem 
 war vessels twenty years ago, she now has a navy ranking 
 next to our own in effectiveness. With an army a few 
 decades past that was barbaric in equipment, she possesses 
 to-day a trained armed force that, in comparison to her 
 area and population, is second to none." 
 
 It is not surprising that, after so brilliant a display of 
 the facility to assimilate foreign ideas and in certain respects 
 the ability to improve on them, the Japanese should have 
 become somewhat vain of their powers, and we can readily 
 understand the exaggerated display of self-confidence and 
 ambition shown in the following extract from a speech by 
 Count Okuma, ex-Minister for Foreign Affairs: — 
 
 ''The European powers are already showing symptoms 
 of decay, and the next century will see their constitutions 
 shattered and their empires in ruins. Even if this should 
 not quite happen, their resources will have become exhausted 
 in unsuccessful attempts at colonization. Therefore who 
 is fit to be their proper successors if not ourselves? What 
 nation except Germany, France, Russia, Austria, and Italy 
 can put 200,000 men into the field inside of a month? As 
 to their finance, there is no country where the disposal of 
 surplus revenue gives rise to so much political discussion. 
 As to intellectual power, the Japanese mind is in every way 
 equal to the European mind. More than this, have not the 
 Japanese opened a way to the perfection of a discovery in 
 which foreigners have not succeeded even after years of labor ? 
 Our people astonish even the French, who are the most skilful 
 among artisans, by the cleverness of their work. It is true 
 the Japanese are small of stature, but the superiority of the 
 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 197 
 
 body depends more on its constitution than on its size. If 
 treaty revision were completed, and Japan completely victo- 
 rious over China, we should become one of the chief powers of 
 the world, and no power could engage in any movement 
 without first consulting us. Japan could then enter into 
 competition with Europe as the representative of the Oriental 
 races." 
 
 This seems like drawing the long-bow rather too strongly, 
 but it is of interest as pointing the way in which Japanese 
 ambition tends. It is quite possible that ''Asia for the 
 Asiatics" may be a future rallying cry of the Far East, and 
 Japan rival the United States as the promulgator of a " Mon- 
 roe Doctrine," like that so vigorously applied to American 
 continental questions of national concern. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The War Between Japan and China 
 
 Japan's Jealous Eye on Korea and the Islands — The Acquisition of Loo Choo — 
 Formosa and Saghalien — The Empress Jingu Conquers Korea — Tribute to 
 Japan — A Second Invasion of Korea — The Hermit Kingdom — Korea Opened 
 to the World — Japan and China in Korea — Rebellion of the Tong Haks — • 
 The Empress of China Decides for War — The Sinking of the Kowshing — 
 The Battle of the Yalu— The Capture of Port Arthur— The Forts and Fleet 
 at Wei-hai-wei Taken by the Japanese — Admiral Ting Commits Suicide — 
 What Japan Gained from the War — A Partial Partition of China. 
 
 FOR centuries past Japan has kept a jealous eye upon 
 the islands of the Pacific in its vicinity, and still more 
 on the important peninsula of Korea, the nearest 
 portion of the mainland. This country, inhabited by a 
 semi-barbarian people, quite incapable, as it seems, of main- 
 taining themselves against their powerful neighbors, has 
 long been a bone of contention between Japan and China, 
 and owes its degree of independence more to the jealous 
 rivalry of these empires than to any inherent strength or 
 national spirit of its own. It is the final result of this rivalry, 
 in the war of 1894-95, with which we are at present concerned. 
 
 The relations between Japan and China have been 
 severely strained on several occasions in the past in regard 
 to the ownership of neighboring lands. Such was the case 
 with the little island kingdom Riu Kiu, or Loo Choo, a group 
 strung out like a long thread between Japan and Formosa. 
 For many centuries these islanders sent tribute to both 
 China and Japan. Toward the close of the sixteenth century 
 Hideyoshi demanded that they should pay tribute to Japan 
 alone, but he never enforced his demands. In 1609 lyehisa, 
 
 198 
 
THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 199 
 
 the Daimio of Satsuma, conquered the islands and made 
 their chiefs swear allegiance to his house and to the Shogun. 
 Between 161 1 and 1850 no fewer than fifteen embassies 
 from Riu Kiu visited Yedo to obtain investiture for the 
 island king, or to congratulate a Shogun upon his accession 
 to power. The same policy, however, was pursued toward 
 China also. After the revolution of 1868 the Loo Choo 
 Islands were made a dependency of the Japanese empire, 
 and the king acknowledged the Mikado for his suzerain. 
 Some five years later, the Japanese reduced the king to the 
 status of a retired daimio, and transformed Riu Kiu into 
 a ken, or prefecture. To this the islanders objected, and 
 continued to send a tribute- junk to Ningpo, and implored 
 China's interposition. The Peking government, on its part, 
 considered that Japan, by its annexation of the Loo Choo 
 Islands, had wrongfully cut off a fringe of the robe of the 
 Middle Kingdom; but it took no active steps to enforce its 
 claim, and Japan remains in possession. 
 
 Similar questions arose as to the position of the large 
 island of Formosa, which was claimed by China, with the 
 exception of the eastern section, a region inhabited by fierce 
 savages, who defied in their mountains and forests the con- 
 quering efforts of China. This being the case, the Emperor 
 of China conceded to Japan, in 1874, the right to chastise 
 these warlike tribes for certain outrages committed on 
 wrecked Japanese sailors. A force was sent there and the 
 tribal district quickly overrun, the Japanese then proceeding 
 to occupy this portion of the island, building roads, organiz- 
 ing military camps and constructing fortifications , China, 
 jealous of these operations, now claimed the whole island 
 as its own and denounced the Japanese as intruders, and 
 for a time war seemed inevitable. In the end, however, the 
 Japanese accepted the Chinese view and withdrew, China 
 paying them an indemnity of $700,000 for their losses. But 
 
200 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN' AND CHINA 
 
 this very poorly repaid Japan, for the war with the savages 
 had cost her $5,000,000 in money and seven hundred Hves. 
 
 About the same time a question of ownership arose 
 between Japan and Russia concerning the large northern 
 island of Saghalien, which had been the occasion of the first 
 hostile relations between these countries. This island, claimed 
 , by Japan, yet very thinly inhabited, had been intruded on 
 by Russia as long ago as 1790, the northern part being forcibly 
 occupied, and there had been a good deal of bloodshed between 
 the rival claimants. This question was settled amicably 
 in 1875, ^y ^ treaty in which the whole of Saghalien was 
 ceded to Russia, Japati obtaining in exchange sovereignty 
 over all the Kurile Islands. 
 
 Japan's relations with Korea were destined to have far 
 more momentous consequences in bringing about an important 
 war, whose results had much to do with raising the island 
 empire to the position of one of the leading powers of the 
 world. Though China for centuries had claimed sovereign 
 authority over Korea, Japan maintained a counter claim, 
 based on actual conquest. This took place as long ago as 
 
 201 A. D., when the valiant Empress Jingu led a large army 
 against that kingdom and completely subdued it. The king 
 agreed to pay trib\ite to Japan and gave noble hostages in 
 pledge of his good faith, and the fleet of the empress sailed 
 back deep laden with precious spoil. For a long time after 
 that period Korea continued to pay tribute, and the relations 
 between the two countries continued close, knowledge of the 
 arts and thoughts of Asia reaching the island empire chiefly 
 
 k through Korean channels. We hear of envoys bearing a 
 tribute of horses, of tailors, and finally of a schoolmaster, 
 who introduced the art of writing into Japan. Mulberry 
 trees and silk culture were also introduced from Korea, and 
 in the year 552 came a party of doctors, astronomers, astrolo- 
 gists and mathematicians from Korea, and with them a 
 
THE EMPRESS OF JAPAN, THE PRINCE IMPERIAL OF JAPAN AND 
 THE PRINCESS IMPERIAL OF JAPA*^ 
 
THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 201 
 
 ntunber of Buddhist priests, who brought into the land a 
 new religion, which went far to replace the old Shinto or 
 ancestoi worship. In this way the arts, sciences, letters and 
 religions of Asia made their way into Japan, constituting 
 the first wave of civilization which swept over the old 
 barbarism of the land. 
 
 Korea was again invaded by a Japanese army in 1592, 
 on which occasion the country was overrun and the armies 
 of Japan came into serious conflict with those of China. The 
 war continued for six years. On these two wars was based 
 the claim that Korea is a vassal state under Japan, which, 
 however, held no Korean territory except the port of Fusan. 
 In the succeeding period Korea closed her soil against both 
 China and Japan. Tribute was paid to both, but so strict 
 a policy of isolation was maintained that Korea won the 
 titles of the Hermit Kingdom and the Forbidden Land. 
 This state of affairs remained intact until 1868, Korea regu- 
 larly sending embassies to do homage to Japan, but strictly 
 continuing its ancient seclusion. The final opening of Korea 
 to the world was brought about as a consequence of the visit 
 of Commodore Perry to Japan, and the complete change in 
 the policy of that land. The Korean monarch, disgusted 
 by Japan's departure from the time-honored traditions of 
 isolation, and emboldened by the failure of certain French 
 and American expeditions against his territory, sent to 
 Tokio insulting letters, in which he taunted Japan with 
 slavish, truckling to the foreign barbarians and declared 
 himself an enemy. This incident, which took place in 1872, 
 rendered the project of a war with Korea extremely popular 
 in the Japanese army and navy. Some years, however, 
 were to elapse before an armed contest took place between 
 the two countries, and a treaty of peace, friendship and com- 
 merce was concluded between them on February 27, 1876. 
 In pursuance of this treaty, Japan, in 1876, secured the 
 
202 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 
 
 opening of the port of Fusan to her trade, as compensation 
 for an outrage perpetrated on some of her sailors. In 1880 
 Chemulpo, the port of Seoul, the Korean capital, was also 
 thrown open to Japanese commerce. Two years later the 
 United States obtained similar rights of commerce, and 
 most of the countries of Europe soon followed, the isolation 
 of the Hermit Kingdom coming thus to an end. 
 
 The activity of the Japanese now gave umbrage to the 
 court of Peking, and in 1881 a draft of a commercial treaty was 
 drawn up by the Chinese authorities, in conjunction with the 
 representatives of the principal Western powers at the Chinese 
 capital, and carried to Seoul for acceptance by the American 
 naval officer, Commodore Shufeldt. The treaty, being 
 recommended by China, was naturally accepted by Korea. 
 When the Japanese, however, observed that the Chinese 
 were putting forward a pretension to control exclusively the 
 destinies of the Hermit Kingdom, they determined to assert 
 their old claim to an equal voice with China in the Korean 
 peninsula. They allied themselves with the so-called pro- 
 gressive party in Korea, and thus forced China to link her 
 fortunes with the reactionists. 
 
 Except among the reformers, who constituted but a 
 weak minority of the Korean population, the Japanese were 
 far from popular in the Hermit Kingdom, and in June, 1882, 
 the reactionists attacked the Japanese Legation, murdered 
 some of its inmates and compelled the survivors to flee. 
 Thereupon the Japanese sent a force to exact reparation, 
 while the Chinese, on their part, sent a force to restore order. 
 A temporary accommodation was effected, but for two years 
 Chinese and Japanese soldiers remained close to one another 
 under the walls of Seoul. In December, 1884, a second colli- 
 sion occurred between the Japanese and Koreans, the latter 
 being aided this time by the Chinese. The first named were 
 compelled to flee. The Tokio government obtained repara- 
 
THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 203 
 
 tion for this fresh outrage, but, not satisfied therewith, it 
 dispatched Count Ito to Peking to bring about some permanent 
 arrangement. There is no doubt that at this time the Chinese 
 occupied a much stronger position in Korea than did the 
 Mikado's subjects, but the advantage was thrown away 
 by an agreement which tied China's hands and had far- 
 reaching consequences. 
 
 Li Hung Chang was appointed plenipotentiary to nego- 
 tiate with Count Ito, and a convention was signed by them 
 at Tien-tsin, on April 18, 1885. It provided, first, that both 
 countries should recall their troops from Korea; secondly, 
 that no more officers should be sent by either country to drill 
 Korean soldiers; and thirdly, that if at any future time 
 either of the parties to the convention should decide to send 
 a force to Korea, it must straightway inform the other. By 
 this compact China acknowledged that Japan's right to con- 
 trol Korea was on a level with her own, and it was hence- 
 forth unreasonable for the Peking authorities to speak of 
 Korea as a vassal state. For nine years after the conclusion 
 of the Tien-tsin convention, peace prevailed in the Hermit 
 Kingdom. 
 
 In the spring of 1894, however, the Tong Haks, a body 
 of religious reformers, broke into open rebellion and toward 
 the end of Ma}' obtained a considerable success over the 
 troops of the Korean government. China was at once 
 requested to dispatch a force to save the capital, and by the 
 loth of June 2,000 Chinese soldiers were encamped at Asan, 
 a port some distance to the south of Seoul. A few Chinese 
 men-of-war were also ordered to cruise off the Korean coasts. 
 In pursuance of the terms of the Tien-tsin convention, notifi- 
 cation of the dispatch of these forces to Korea was given to 
 the Tokio government, which, having had equal rights con- 
 ceded to it, was resolved to exercise them with promptitude 
 and vigor. Within forty-eight hours after the arrival of the 
 
204 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 
 
 Chinese at Asan, the Japanese had placed a far superior 
 number of soldiers at Seoul, and of ships at Chemulpo. They 
 thus secured complete possession of the capital and of the 
 court, although both had been in thorough sympathy with 
 China. To avert an insurrection in Seoul it was thought 
 needful to secure the person of the King of Korea, and his 
 palace was accordingly captured by the Japanese, and the 
 ruler of the peninsula converted into their tool or ally. He 
 was forthwith required to put his seal to a document order- 
 ing the Chinese troops who had come at his invitation to 
 leave the country. This seizure of the king's person took 
 place on July 23, 1894. 
 
 China was at that time under the leadership of a states- 
 man of marked ability, the famous Li Hung Chang, who^ 
 from being made viceroy of a province in 1870, had risen 
 to be the prime minister of the empire. At the head of the 
 empire was a woman, the Dowager Empress Tsu Tsi, who 
 had usurped the power of the young em.peror and ruled the 
 state. It was to these two people in power that the war was 
 due. The Dowager Empress, blindly ignorant of the mili- 
 tary power of the Japanese, decided that these ''insolent 
 pigmies ' ' deserved to be chastised. Li, her right-hand man, 
 was of the same opinion. At the last moment, indeed, 
 doubts began to assail his mind, into which came a fear that 
 the army and navy of China were not in shape to meet the 
 forces of Japan. But the empress was resolute. Her 
 sixtieth birthday was at hand and she proposed to celebrate it 
 magnificently; and what better decorations could she dis- 
 play than the captured banners of these insolent islanders? 
 So it was decided to present a bold front, and instead of the 
 troops of China being removed, reinforcements were sent to 
 the force at Asan. 
 
 There followed a startling event. On July 25 three 
 Japanese men-of-war, cruisinp" in the Yellow Sea, came in 
 
THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 205 
 
 sight of a transport, the Kowshing, loaded with Chinese 
 troops and convo^^ed by two ships of the Chinese navy. The 
 Japanese admiral did not know of the seizure of Seoul by the 
 land forces, but he took it to be his duty to prevent Chinese 
 troops from reaching Korea, so he at once attacked the war 
 ships of the enemy with such effect that one was sunk, the 
 other disabled. Then he sent orders to the officers of the 
 Ko-wshing that they should put about and follow his ships. 
 This the Chinese generals refused to do. They trusted to 
 the fact that they were on a chartered British vessel and 
 that the British flag flew over their heads. The daring 
 Japanese admiral troubled his soul little about this foreign 
 standard, but at once opened fire on the transport and with 
 such effect that in half an hour it went to the bottom, carry- 
 ing with it twelve hundred men. Only about one hundred 
 and seventy escaped. 
 
 On the same day the Japanese General Oshima left Seoul 
 with a small force to attack the Chinese camp, which had 
 been transferred from Asan to Song-hwan, a strongly forti- 
 fied position. The place was carried on July 29 by a night 
 surprise with a loss to the Chinese of 500 killed and wounded; 
 the remainder of the force then retreating to Pingyang, a 
 town north of Seoul, on the main road to China. These 
 encounters were followed by a reciprocal declaration of war 
 between China and Japan on August i, 1894. 
 
 There now ensued a lull in hostilities, during which 
 Japan poured her troops into Korea, while the Chinese fleet 
 remained inactive in the harbors of Wei-hai-wei and Port 
 Arthur. About the beginning of September a Japanese 
 force of 13,000 men under General Nodzu was ordered to 
 attack the strong position occupied by the Chinese at 
 Pingyang. The assault was delivered on May 15, and the 
 Chinese were compelled to retreat with a loss of 2,000 killed, 
 in addition to the woimded and prisoners. The sturdiness 
 
2o6 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 
 
 of the defence at certain points was attested by the fact that 
 the victors themselves lost 633 killed, wounded and missing. 
 The capture of Pingyang resulted in the Chinese evacuation 
 of Korea. 
 
 While the fighting was taking place on land at Pingyang, 
 the Chinese fleet, under the commiand of Admiral Ting, was 
 conveying troops to the mouth of the Yalu River, the north- 
 western boundary of Korea, where the Chinese were collect- 
 ing a second army. Returning from the fulfillment of this 
 task, the fleet was encountered off the island of Hai-yun-tao 
 on September 17, by a Japanese squadron under Admiral 
 I to. The story of this naval battle is of such importance that 
 we pass it by here with the simple statement that the Japa- 
 nese were brilliantly victorious and describe it in detail in 
 the next chapter. 
 
 The Japanese, having been reinforced by a considerable 
 body of soldiers under Marshal Yamagata, began their for- 
 ward movement from Pingyang early in October, 1894, and 
 on the loth of the month reached the Yalu, where they 
 found a considerable Chinese army posted on the northern 
 bank of the river. After a merely nominal resistance, how- 
 ever, the Chinese officers and soldiers abandoned their fortifi- 
 cations on October 25 and 26, thus allowing the Japanese 
 to capture an enormous quantity of war materials, including 
 seventy-four cannon, over 4,000 rifles and more than 4,000,000 
 rounds of ammunition. While Marshal Yamagata was 
 forcing the passage of the Yalu, another Japanese army 
 under Marshal Oyama had landed on the Liao-tung, or 
 Regent's vSword peninsula, with the view of assailing the 
 great naval station of Port Arthur. The natural and arti- 
 ficial strength of this place was great; over 300 guns vv^ere 
 in position, and the garrison numbered at least 10,000 men, 
 while the assailants did not exceed 13,000, although, of 
 course, they were materially aided by their fleet. 
 
THE V/AR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 207 
 
 The attack was made by army and fleet on the 2jst of 
 November, the Chinese showing themselves as incompetent 
 in the defence of a fortress as in field operations, A two days' 
 siege sufficed the Japanese army to take fort after fort, until 
 the whole place was in their hands, the Chinese garrison 
 fleeing in dismay. From Port Arthur an advance was made 
 until the Japanese forces were in the vicinity of the Great 
 Wall, with the soil and capital of China not far before them. 
 
 To return to the narrative of naval events, we must next 
 direct our attention to the strongly fortified stronghold of 
 Wei-hai-wei, on the northern coast of China, and opposite 
 the Manchurian fortress of Port Arthur, which the Japanese 
 had so brilliantly won. What was left intact of the Chinese 
 fleet had taken refuge in the harbor of Wei-hai-wei, under 
 the guns of its forts; and hither, near the end of January, 
 1895, the victorious Japanese fleet advanced against the 
 fugitive ships. Here it was that China made her last strong 
 stand, the fleet fighting with a courage which might have 
 turned the tide of victory in China's favor if the ships had 
 been well supported by the forts. The latter did not hold 
 out long against the Japanese attack. A force of 25,000 men 
 was successfully landed and assailed the forts in the rear, 
 quickly overcoming their landward defences. Fort after 
 fort was taken until only those in the immediate vicinity 
 of the port and on the islands in the harbor remained in 
 Chinese hands. On February i an assault in force was made 
 on those on the mainland, and in a few hours they were in 
 Japanese hands, their defenders having lost heart and fled. 
 
 The work of the fleet was not so easy. Booms com- 
 posed of heavy timbers and steel hawsers had been stretched 
 across the harbor entrance and torpedoes planted in the 
 waters about them, so that any attempt to enter was very 
 perilous. In the harbor lay fifteen Chinese war vessels and 
 thirteen torpedo-boats. The fleet of Japan was stronger in 
 
2o8 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 
 
 numbers, comprising twenty-four men-of-war and sixteen 
 torpedo-boats, but it had very serious obstacles to overcome 
 in order to reach the Chinese ships. Yet several night attacks 
 were made by torpedo-boats, a breach having been made in 
 the boom, and great havoc was caused among the Chinese 
 ships; a number of them being sunk. Escape of the fleet 
 was impossible; it was too closely watched from without 
 for that, and it was being gradually annihilated by the daring 
 Japanese attacks. As a result Admiral Ting felt that sur- 
 render was the only thing that remained, and on February 
 12 he gave up his remaining ships and the forts that con- 
 tinued in Chinese hands on Liu-kung Island in the harbor. 
 That same day he and two other high officers of the fleet 
 escaped from the probable wrath of the empress by com- 
 mitting suicide. 
 
 On land the armies of Japan gained some further sue 
 cesses, capturing several Chinese strongholds. Among these 
 was the important town of New-chv/ang, where the Chinese 
 were in large force and defended themselves with much 
 resolution. The Japanese fleet, now supreme upon the sea, 
 ended its labors by the capture of the Pescadores or Fisher 
 Islands, a small group of islands lying between China and 
 Formosa, and the capture of which gave her full command 
 of the Chinese waters, the whole eastern littoral of the empire 
 lying open to her attacks. 
 
 China was now in a perilous position. Its fleet was lost, 
 its coast strongholds of Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei were 
 held by the enemy, and its capital city was threatened from 
 the latter place and by the army north of the Great Wall. 
 A continuation of the war promised to bring about the 
 complete conquest of the Chinese Empire, and Li Hung 
 Chang, who had been degraded from his official rank in 
 consequence of the disasters to the army, was now restored 
 to all his honors and sent to Japan to sue for peace. In 
 
THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 209 
 
 the treaty obtained China was compelled to acknowledge 
 the independence of Korea, to cede to Japan the island of 
 Formosa and the Pescadores group, and that part of 
 Manchuria occupied by the Japanese army, including Port 
 Arthur, also to pay an indemnity of 300,000,000 taels and 
 open seven new treaty ports. This treaty was not fully 
 carried out. The Russian, British, and French ministers 
 forced Japan to give up her claim to the Liao-tung peninsula 
 and Port Arthur, a fact which led to momentous consequences 
 in later years. The more immediate results were the lease 
 by Russia of Port Arthur and the neighboring port of Talien- 
 wan, the acquirement by Great Britain under leasehold of 
 the harbor and town of Wei-hai-wei, and the cession to 
 Germany of the port and surrounding district of Kiao-chau, 
 farther down the coast. France, eager to take part in this 
 pioneer step towards the partition of China, demanded and 
 obtained concessions of territory in the south, adjoining her 
 Indo-China possessions. Such were the immediate results 
 of the victory of Japan. One might say it was a victory for 
 the nations of Europe rather than for the people who did 
 the fighting. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Battle of the Yalu 
 
 AS SEEN BY AN EYE-WITNESS. 
 
 Ironclad Warships in Battle — Li Hung Chang and the Chinese Navy — The Naval 
 Force of Japan — Admiral Ito and His Ships — Cruising in the Chinese Seas — 
 Japan and China Meet on the Ocean — Commander McGiffen's Stirring Narra- 
 tive — Manoeuvering for Position — The Roar of the Guns — Ito as a Great 
 Strategist — A Terrific Battle — Hand-to-hand Fighting — Disaster Follows 
 China — Ships Plunge Beneath the Seas — In Full Flight — Japan's Brilliant 
 Victory — McGiffen's Frightful Peril — Japan Mistress of the Eastern Seas. 
 
 THERE is little in modern history more interesting and 
 significant than the famous naval battle of the Yalu, 
 from the fact that it formed the second occasion in 
 which ironclad fleets of modern type met in battle — the first 
 being that in which the Austrians defeated the Italians at 
 Lissa in 1866. The story of this memorable engagement 
 is here given, mainly taken from Commander McGiffen's 
 thrilling account of his personal experiences. 
 
 Backward as the Chinese were on land, they were not so 
 on the sea. Li Hung Chang had vainly attempted to intro- 
 duce railroads into China, but he had been more successful in 
 regard to ships, and had purchased a navy more powerful 
 than that of Japan. The heaviest ships of Japan were 
 cruisers, whose armor consisted of deck and interior lining 
 of steel. The Chinese possessed two powerful battleships, 
 with 14-inch steel armor and turrets defended with 12 -inch 
 armor, each carrying four 12-inch guns. Both navies had 
 the advantage of European teaching in drill, tactics, and 
 seamanship. The Ting Yuen, the Chinese flagship, ha4 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 211 
 
 as virtual commander an experienced German officer named 
 Van Hanneken; the Chen Yuen, the other big ironclad, 
 was handled by Commander McGiffen, formerly of the 
 United States Navy. Thus commanded, it was expected 
 in Europe that the superior strength of the Chinese ships 
 would ensure them an easy victory over those of Japan 
 The event showed that this was a decidedly mistaken view. 
 
 It was the superior speed and the large number of rapid- 
 fire guns of the Japanese vessels that gave them the victory. 
 The Chinese guns were mainly heavy Krupps and Arm- 
 strongs. They had also some machine guns, but only three 
 quick-firers. The Japanese, on the contrary, had a few 
 heavy armor-piercing guns, but were supplied with a large 
 number of quick-firing cannon, capable of pouring out shells 
 in an incessant stream. Admiral Ting and his European 
 officers expected to come at once to close quarters and quickly 
 destroy the thin-armored Japanese craft. But the shrewd 
 Admiral Ito, commander of the fleet of Japan, had no inten- 
 tion of being thus dealt with. The speed of his craft enabled 
 him to keep his distance and to distract the aim of his foes, 
 and he proposed to make the best of this advantage. Thus 
 equipped, the two fleets came together in the month of Sep- 
 tember, and an epoch-making battle in the history of the 
 ancient continent of Asia was fought. 
 
 On the afternoon of Sunday, September 16, 1894, Admiral 
 Ting's fleet, consisting of 11 warships, 4 gunboats, and 6 
 torpedo-boats, anchored off the mouth of the Yalu River. 
 They were there as escorts to some transports, which went up 
 the river to discharge their troops. Admiral Ito had been 
 engaged in the same work farther down the coast, and early 
 on Monday morning came steaming towards the Yalu in 
 search of the enemy. Under him were, in all, twelve ships, 
 none of them with heavy armor, one of them an armed 
 transport. The swiftest ship in the fleet was the Yoshino, 
 
212 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 
 
 capable of making twenty-three knots, and armed with 44 
 quick-firing Armstrongs, which would discharge nearly 4,000 
 pounds' weight of shells every minute. The heaviest guns 
 were long 13 -inch cannon, of which four ships possessed one 
 eachi protected by 12 -inch shields of steel. Finally, they 
 had an important advantage over the Chinese in being abun- 
 dantly supplied with ammunition. 
 
 With this formidable fleet Ito steamed slowly to the 
 northwestward. Early on Monday morning he was off the 
 island of Hai-yun-tao. At 7 a. m. the fleet began steaming 
 northeastward. It was a fine autumn morning. The sun 
 shone brightly, and there was just enough of a breeze to 
 ripple the surface of the water. The long line of warships 
 cleaving their way through the blue waters, all bright with 
 white paint, the chrysanthemum of Japan shining like a 
 golden shield on every bow, and the same emblem flying 
 in red and white from every masthead, presented a grand 
 spectacle. Some miles away to port rose the rocky coast and 
 the blue hills of Manchuria, dotted with many an island and 
 showing here and there a little bay with its fishing villages. 
 On the other side, the waters of the wide Korean Gulf stretched 
 to an unbroken horizon. Towards 11 o'clock the hills at the 
 head of the gulf began to rise. Ito had in his leading ship, 
 the Yoshino, a cruiser that would have made a splendid 
 scout. In any European navy she would have been steaming 
 some miles ahead of her colleagues, perhaps with another 
 quick ship between her and the fleet to pass on her signals. 
 Ito, however, seems to have done no scouting, but to have 
 kept his ships in single line ahead, with a small interval 
 between the van and the main squadron. At half -past eleven 
 smoke was seen far away on the starboard bow, the bearing 
 being east-northeast. It appeared to come from a number of 
 steamers in line, on the horizon. The course was altered and 
 the speed increased. Ito believed that he had the Chinese 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE YAW 213 
 
 fleet in front of him. He was right. The smoke was that 
 of Ting's ironclads and cruisers anchored in Hne, with steam 
 up, outside the mouth of the Yalu. 
 
 On Monday morning the Chinese crews had been exer- 
 cised at their guns, and a Httle before noon, while the cooks 
 were busy getting dinner ready, the lookout men at several of 
 the mastheads began to call out that they saw the smoke of 
 a large fleet away on the horizon to the southwest. Admiral 
 Ting was as eager for the fight as his opponents. At once he 
 signaled to his fleet to weigh anchor, and a few minutes later 
 ran up the signal to clear for action. 
 
 A similar .signal was made by Admiral I to half an hour 
 later, as his ships came in sight of the Chinese line of battle. 
 The actual moment was five minutes past noon, but it was 
 not until three-quarters of an hour later that the fleets had 
 closed sufficiently near for the fight to begin at long range. 
 This three-quarters of an hour was a time of anxious and 
 eager expectation for both Chinese and Japanese. Com- 
 mander McGiffen of the Chen Yuen has given a striking 
 description of the scene : 
 
 "Monday, the memorable 17th of September, was a 
 beautiful day," says Commander McGiffen in his account of 
 the day's events; " a light breeze gently ruffled the surface of 
 the water. The forenoon passed as usual. At 9.15 each 
 ship went to general quarters, cleared for action, and for an 
 hour exercised the crews at the guns, no one dreaming that 
 the results of our training were so soon to be tested. All 
 boats had been left behind, save one six-oared gig for each 
 vessel. In case of disaster, quarter was not expected, nor 
 was surrender contemplated. 
 
 "The fate of the ships was to be the fate of the crew. 
 The heavy steel gun-shields, one inch thick, and over thirty 
 feet in diameter, which covered the two pairs of 30.5-centi- 
 meter (12. 2 -inch) Krupps on the ironclads had been removed. 
 
2H tHE BATTLE OF THE YALU 
 
 All unnecessary woodwork, rigging, etc., had been taken away, 
 the side wings of the bridge cut off, all handrails and ladders 
 removed, and rope or wire life-lines and 'Jacob's ladders' 
 substituted where possible. The ships had been painted an 
 'invisible gray.' Hammocks were placed as a small protec- 
 tion to the men at the quick-firing guns, and within the super- 
 structure sand-bags were piled along the sides about three 
 feet deep and four feet high. Lying inside of these, on deck, 
 were kept some dozens of loo-pound shot and shell for the 
 6-inch guns, to promote quick service. Coal in bags was 
 also utilized for protection when possible. 
 
 "When the bugles sounded action, but little remained 
 to be done save to lower to the deck the ventilators or wind- 
 sails, to close the scuttles, water-tight doors, etc., and go to 
 stations. The Chen Yuen's forenoon routine had been 
 carried out and the cooks were preparing the midday meal 
 when the smoke from the enemy's ships was sighted by the 
 lookout men at the masthead ; and before even a signal could 
 be made from the flagship the bugles throughout the fleet 
 were sounding merrily the 'officers' call and 'action.' 
 
 " In far less time than it takes to read these lines signals 
 had been made from the Ting Yuen to * weigh immediately, ' 
 and never were cables shortened in and anchors weighed 
 more speedily. The old Chao Yung and Yang Wei, being 
 always longer in weighing anchor, were left astern. As the 
 two fleets approached each other, officers and men eagerly 
 strained their eyes toward the magnificent fleet of their coun- 
 try's hereditary foe, and on all sides there were animation 
 and confidence. 
 
 "The Japanese formed into two squadrons, a flying 
 squadron of four ships and a principal squadron of six ships, 
 with a gunboat and a converted merchantman inside. 
 
 "The twenty-four ships, trim and fresh in their paint 
 and their bright new bunting, and gay with fluttering signal 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 215 
 
 flags, presented such a holiday aspect that one found diffi- 
 culty in realizing that they were not there simply for a friendly 
 meeting. On the Chen Yuen dark-skinned men with queues 
 tightly coiled around their heads and with arms bared to the 
 elbow clustered along the decks in groups at the guns, waiting 
 impatiently. Sand was sprinkled on the decks, and more 
 was kept handy against the time when they might become 
 slippery. Here and there a man lay fiat on deck with a charge 
 of powder in his arms waiting to spring up and pass it on 
 when it would be wanted. 
 
 "The fleets closed on each other rapidly. My crew was 
 silent. The sub-lieutenant in the military fore top was taking 
 sextant angles and annoimcing the range. As each range 
 was called the men at the guns would lower the sight bars, 
 each gun captain, lanyard in hand, keeping his gun trained 
 on the enemy. Through the ventilators could be heard 
 the beats of the steam pumps, for all the lines of hose were 
 joined up and spouting water, so that in case of fire no time 
 would be lost. The range was about four miles and decreas- 
 ing fast. * Six thousand meters.' * Five thousand eight hun- 
 dred.' 'Six hundred.' *Five hundred.' 'Five thousand 
 four hundred.' 
 
 " The crisis was rapidly approaching. Every man's nerves 
 were in a state of tension, which was greatly relieved as a 
 huge cloud of white smoke belching from the Ting Yuen's 
 starboard barbette 'opened the ball.' 
 
 "Just as the projectile threw up a column of white water 
 a little short of the Yoskino a roar from the Chen Yuen's 
 battery seconded the flagship's motion. It was exactly 
 12.20 p. M., and the range as found on the Chen Yuen was 
 5,200 meters. On our side the firing now became general 
 from the main batteries, but it was about five minutes before 
 the Japanese replied. 
 
 "As they opened fire the Chinese quick-firing Hotchkiss 
 
n6 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 
 
 and Maxim-Nordenfelt 3 and 6 pounders joined in, and 
 thenceforward the conflict was almost incessant. Like ours, 
 the enemy's first shot fell short; but with an exultant chuckle 
 we noted that a shot from one of our 12 -inch guns had struck 
 one of the Japanese leading ships. The bridge of the Chen 
 Yuen, although some thirty feet above the water, was very 
 soon soaked, as was indeed the entire exposed surface of the 
 engaged side, by spray thrown up by line shots that struck 
 the water a little short. Many of the men at the guns were 
 wet through. Every one in the conning tower had his ears 
 stopped with cotton, yet the din made by projectiles rattling 
 up against the outside of its lo-inch armor was a serious 
 annoyance. 
 
 '* During the early part of the engagement the Tsi Yuen, 
 with its faint-hearted commander, Fong, had bolted and 
 made for Port Arthur. Almost at once the outrageous 
 example of Captain Fong was followed by the commander 
 of the Kwan Chia, who turned tail and later ran his vship 
 aground on a reef outside of Talien-wan. 
 
 ''Our fleet was now reduced to eight vessels. As the 
 Japanese fleet approached it steamed along our front from 
 left to right, the principal squadron at close range, the flying 
 squadron further away. The latter on reaching our right 
 flank turned it and poured in a heavy cross fire on the extreme 
 wing, the Chao Yung and Yang Wei receiving most of it. 
 These two old-fashioned cruisers were soon set on fire and 
 rendered useless. 
 
 *'As a forlorn hope the ill-fated vessels made for the 
 nearest land, seeing which, the Japanese converted merchant- 
 man Saikio made for them. The batteries of the ironclads 
 were trained on the Saikio, and two Chinese torpedo-boats 
 that had been inside the Yalu River at the beginning of the 
 engagement came out to the rescue of the burning Chao Yung 
 and Yang Wei, the Saikio then abandoning the pursuit. 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 217 
 
 "By this time the flying squadron had altered course 
 sixteen points to port and were returning, evidently to succor 
 the gunboat Akagi, which was in a sad plight, having pluckily 
 engaged us at pretty close range, and was now steering wildly, 
 her mainmast gone, her commander killed and her battery 
 disabled. 
 
 " It was now about 2 p. m. The Japanese flagship leading 
 the principal squadron had reached our right wing and, flank- 
 ing it, steamed down again in the opposite course. The 
 Hiyei, last in line, was almost ahead of the Ting Yuen, having 
 already been engaged by the Chih Yuen on our flagship's 
 left. Her distance from her next in line ahead was increas- 
 ing, and her captain presumably seeing that his slow old ship 
 could not keep up with the rest, and being already on fire, 
 fearing to continue on, and receiving the fire of both ironclads 
 and of the Ting Yuen, Sat Yuen, and Ching Yuen, boldly 
 decided to make a short cut between the two ironclads and 
 rejoin his comrades on the other side. This was splendidly 
 done. 
 
 "As his ship passed between our two big ships we fired 
 into him point-blank. It was impossible to miss, and flying 
 material showed that we did not. Had we used shell, she 
 would have been 'done for.' From this time the Chinese 
 formation was broken into an irregular group. Bearing 
 down on us on the one hand were the ships of the principal 
 squadron 'in line ahead,' keeping perfect station, while on 
 the opposite side were those of the flying squadron. We 
 were thus between two fires. 
 
 "The Japanese now seemed to ignore the four smaller 
 Chinese vessels; and the five ships of its principal squadron 
 steamed around our two ironclads, pouring in a storm of shell. 
 Time and again fire broke out. During the confusion of our 
 line consequent upon being out-manoeuvred the Chih Yuen 
 passed under our stern and joined the Lai Yuen and sur- 
 
2i8 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 
 
 viving ships of the right wing. The Ping Yuen and Kwang 
 Ping, now coming up, threatened the Akagi and Saikio, but 
 signals were made on the Matsushima, and the flying squadron 
 manoeuvred to cover the endangered vessels. 
 
 ''About this time the Chih Yuen boldly, if somewhat 
 foolhardily, bore down on the flying squadron's line. Just 
 what happened no one seems to know, but apparently she 
 was struck below the water-line by a heavy shell. She plunged 
 bows first into the depths, and righting herself as she sank, 
 carried down all hands. 
 
 "At about 3 o'clock the Matsushima closed upon the Chen 
 Yuen to about 1,700 meters, and we fired one of our shells 
 with a bursting charge of ninety pounds of powder into her, 
 causing great damage. At 5.30 p. m. the enemxy withdrew, 
 leaving us completely exhausted of ammimition save for three 
 shots left in the guns." 
 
 Commander McGiffen had several narrow escapes. When 
 the lacquered woodwork on the forecastle of the Chen Yuen 
 caught fire, and the men declined to go forward and put it 
 out unless an officer went with them, he led the party. He 
 was stooping down to move something on the forecastle, 
 when a shot passed between his arms and legs, wounding both 
 his wrists. At the same time he was struck down by an 
 explosion near him. When he recovered from the shock, he 
 found himself in a terrible position. He was lying wounded 
 on the forecastle, and full in front of him he saw the muzzle 
 of one of the heavy barbette guns come sweeping round, 
 rise, and then sink a little, as the gunners trained it on a 
 Japanese ship, never noticing that he lay just below the line 
 of fire. It was in vain to try to attract their attention. In 
 another minute he would have been caught in the fiery blast. 
 With a great effort he rolled himself over the edge of the fore- 
 castle, dropping on to some rubbish on the main deck, and 
 hearing the roar of the gun as he fell. 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 219 
 
 When Ito ceased fire, the Chen Yuen had just three pro- 
 jectiles left for her heavy guns. If he had kept on for a few 
 minutes longer the two Chinese ships would have been at 
 his mercy. Just why he retired has never been clearly 
 explained. Probably exhaustion of his crew and the perils 
 of a battle at night with such antagonists had much to do 
 with it. The next morning the Chinese fleet had disap- 
 peared. It had lost four ships in the fight, two had taken 
 to flight, and one ran ashore after the battle and was blown 
 up. Two of the Japanese ships were badly damaged, but 
 none were lost, while their losses in killed and wounded were 
 much less than those of the Chinese. An important lesson 
 from the battle was the danger of too much woodwork in 
 ironclad ships, and another was the great value in naval 
 warfare of rapid-firing guns. But the most remarkable char- 
 acteristic of the battle of the Yalu was that it took place 
 between two nations which, had the war broken out forty 
 years earlier, would have done their fighting with fleets of 
 junks and weapons a century old. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Heroic Exploits of the Japanese 
 
 Japanese Heroism — A Daring Exploit — The Winning of the Gate — A First-Class 
 Private — Repairing a Gun Under Fire — Carrying Dispatches Under Difficul- 
 ties — How Wada Reached Headquarters — In Search of a Ford — A Bird's- 
 eye Outlook — The Japanese Captain and Chinese Baby. 
 
 THE war between Japan and China in 1894-95 was nota- 
 ble in teaching the world that the Japanese are a 
 people who may justly claim kinship with the world's 
 bravest. In addition to the remarkable skill in the art of 
 war displayed by them, and their courage when dashing on 
 the enemy or enduring the hottest fire, there were abundant 
 deeds of personal heroism, which demonstrated that the 
 little islanders did not need the example of their fellows 
 for intrepidity, but were generously supplied with individual 
 valor. Numerous examples of this might be given frc^m 
 authentic records, and while we have not space for all thrt 
 could be adduced, we cannot resist the temptation to give a 
 few striking instances of heroic daring and patriotic devotion 
 For example, it would not be easy to offer a more notabk 
 instance of unflinching courage than that of 
 
 HARADA JUKICHI AND THE HYONMU GATE 
 
 The attack on the strongly walled castle-town of Phyong- 
 yang was made on September 15, 1894. We shall speak here 
 especially of the exploits of the Eighteenth Regiment of the 
 Third Division. After a most valorous struggle, this regi- 
 ment succeeded in capturing all three redoubts north of the 
 
 230 
 
HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 211 
 
 castle. The enemy retreated, entering within the castle 
 walls, whence they shot from loopholes or from the towers 
 above the gates. Here the Japanese fire was of little or no 
 avail, the enemy being perfectly protected by the massive 
 ramparts, whence their fire was very galling. This was 
 particularly the case at the Hyonmu Gate, on the brow of a 
 ^ery deep slope, which was most ably and fiercely defended. 
 The troops under Colonel Sato seemed unable to do anything, 
 and the casualties were beginning to grow very numerous, 
 not a little disheartening the attacking columns. Major 
 Moji Watari, with his battalion, now began to approach the 
 gate from the north side. If only a comer could be broken 
 down, he thought, or if a breach could be made in the wall, it 
 would be comparatively easy to rush in, repel the defenders, 
 and thus put a stop to the terrible loss of life in the Japanese 
 ranks. Calling up Captain Atarashi Yasumasa, he proposed 
 that a violent attack should be made at one corner of the 
 gate, which formed the base of a hollow square, the adjoining 
 walls being the sides. In some angle thereabouts a breach 
 must be made, he declared. 
 
 The order was passed on to Lieutenant Mimura Ikutaro, 
 who accepted the task with alacrity. With a handful of men 
 he rushed courageously forward, indifferent to the furious 
 rain of bullets, and reached the base of the wall. Here he 
 would at once have climbed up the solid stones forming the 
 masonry of the wall, had not Harada jukichi, a second-class 
 private belonging to the lieutenant's sub-company, begged 
 to be permitted to scale the wall first on account of the great 
 personal danger of the enterprise. The lieutenant's life, 
 he urged, was of greater value than his own. All this passed 
 more quickly than it takes time to write it down, and the 
 next thing was the surprising sight of Harada scaling the 
 wall, closely followed by the lieutenant and a few others. 
 In a minute the task was over and Harada on top of the ram- 
 
422 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 
 
 parts, the Chinese appearing to be paralyzed by the reckless 
 audacity of the feat. Taking advantage of their confusion, 
 Harada leaped into the midst of the crowd of soldiers, using 
 his bayonet with herculean force, he himself being a man of 
 unusual strength and activity. Lieutenant Mimura followed 
 hard after, fighting with his naked sword and cutting down 
 all opposition. In an instant they were down on the other 
 side of the gate, while some of Harada 's comrades were still 
 fighting on the wall and others were coming up. The gate 
 had been barricaded by logs and large stones, and these had 
 to be removed before ingress or egress was possible. In 
 consideration of his bravery, Lieutenant Mimura gave Harada 
 the honor of flinging open the portals, and while the others 
 kept up a steady fire on the enemy about them, or else fought 
 hand to hand, Harada worked with a will, and shortly had 
 the barricade removed. The next thing was to break the 
 huge iron lock, and this he effected with a large stone. A 
 wrench, a great pull, a push, and the massive portals of the 
 great gate were thrown open, the impatient Japanese outside 
 pouring through with irresistible force, like some swift moun- 
 tain torrent. This was the beginning of the end; the Japa- 
 nese were within the walls; the fortress fell and the great 
 battle was decided. 
 
 That Harada Jukichi performed a most valorous deed is 
 true ; but that the fifteen gallant men who followed the lieu- 
 tenatit also merit the highest praise, is no less true. Two of 
 these men were sergeants, and were killed in the tower above 
 the gate, fighting against overwhelming odds. The others 
 had a most fierce combat with the foe, and it was little short 
 of miraculous that they escaped being killed to a man. This 
 can be attributed only to the astonishment of the defending 
 Chinese, who were unaccustomed to dashing gallantry of such 
 a kind. Yet, as they awoke to a realization of what had been 
 done, they fought determinedly with the handful of heroes, 
 
HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 223 
 
 inflicting on most of them scars which the survivors will carry 
 to their dying day. Fearing that the ever-increasing num- 
 bers of their foes might dishearten his men, Lieutenant 
 Mimura cheered them on to still greater exertions. To 
 Sergeant Kakishima Yataro he gave the order to bring up 
 the rest of the sub-company, for the men had not followed 
 owing to the impossibility of hearing the lieutenant's com- 
 mands in the thunder of cannon and roll of musketry; the 
 young officer, moreover, told the sergeant to inform Captain 
 Atarashi that the gate had been carried by storm. All this 
 was said and done while the fight went furiously on. Harada 
 Jukichi had the distinction of being selected to open the gate 
 because the lieutenant desired in some measure to reward 
 him for his intrepid obedience; and while the bold man was 
 doing this, the lieutenant ordered the others to fire as rapidly 
 and as steadily as possible on the closing-in Chinese, in order 
 that Harada might do his work undisturbed. The removal 
 of the barricade was no light task, yet was promptly and 
 dextrously accomplished, and the key of the citadel fell thus 
 into the hands of the victorious Japanese. 
 
 The remaining narratives need no special introduction. 
 We offer them simply with head-lines suggestive of their 
 character 
 
 A FIRST-CLASS PRIVATE 
 
 When the Seventh Company of the Twelfth Regiment 
 belonging to the right wing of Major-General Oshima's com- 
 bined brigade reached the vicinity of Ans6ng-do, they sud- 
 denly fell in with the enemy in the village by the river. It 
 was then still quite an hour before dawn — 3 o'clock, to be 
 precise — and the darkness intense. Considerable confusion 
 resulted from this pitchy darkness, numbers of men losing 
 all connection with the files to which they belonged. Nasu 
 Torafusa, a first-class private of this Seventh Company, by 
 
224 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 
 
 dint of repeated callings, managed to get some thirty men 
 together; and this little body he ordered to stop on the road 
 to the village of Kehliungtong whence the Chinese were now 
 running out. Lieutenant-Colonel Taketa then tried, with 
 his aides, to get the scattered men together. Sending his 
 voice out into the darkness, he asked if any officer were 
 thereabouts. No one replied. Then the lieutenant-colonel 
 cried again, " Is there no non-commissioned officer or first- 
 class private within hearing ? ' ' This elicited a response from 
 Nasu: "Yes, here am I, Nasu Torafusa, a first-class private." 
 
 Rejoiced at finding some one in whom he could trust, 
 the regimental commander told Nasu to use his men in 
 bringing the right and left wings together, making them 
 converge so as to deliver a combined attack on the enemy. 
 Nasu at once set about this, acting rapidly and intelligently, 
 until he came across Sergeant Amano, to whom he relinquished 
 the task. Nasu was now called up to be. an orderly and go 
 with a message to the commander of the Third Battalion. 
 He was bidden say that an attack should be made all along 
 the line at dawn. Just as he was about to start on this 
 mission, a loud cry of "Charge!" was heard, and the men of 
 the other companies were dimly seen advancing at double- 
 quick. Nasu joined these forces and charged with them 
 into the enemy's earthworks, but not before he had managed 
 to send on the message to the Third Battalion. 
 
 At dawn the whole Japanese line bore down on the 
 enemy, and when the Chupalli high-ground was reached, the 
 troops were exposed to a fierce fire from the enemy's entrench- 
 ments about Songhwan. Nasu led, encouraging his com- 
 rades to energetic action, giving them as he did so the proper 
 range and telling them how to sight their weapons. Just 
 at this critical moment, a comrade had some mishap with 
 his gun; Nasu lent his companion his own weapon, took 
 the disabled gun himself and in this rain of bullets calmly 
 
HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 225 
 
 went to work to put the gun in order with the tools he carried. 
 His skilled hands promptly repaired the damage in the breech, 
 and then he handed back the gun to its owner, reclaiming 
 his own weapon and continuing to fire as calmly and steadily 
 as if at the butts. The men could not thereafter say too 
 much in praise of his hardihood and coolness under fire. 
 
 THE ADVENTURES OF WADA SHOTARO 
 
 In the Seventh Company of the Twenty-first Regiment, 
 which formed part of the Sangnyong branch under Major- 
 General Tatsumi in the advance on Phongyong, was Wada 
 Shotaro, a first-class private. On September 9 the column 
 reached Nyongtong, from which place on to Kwanchangka ir 
 Phyong-an-do, which was made on September 11, Wada and 
 his company marched on the left of the column as a guard, 
 Lieutenant Kochi Nobuhiko, of the Fifth Company, was; 
 about sending in the report of his reconnaissance in the 
 neighborhood of Namkang (on the upper Taidong), which 
 he had made by order of the division commander; and on 
 hearing this Wada requested that he might be selected as 
 messenger to carry the report. Chinese were everywhere, and 
 the treacherous Koreans would be sure to do a solitary soldier 
 some injury if possible ; but in the face of all such perils Wada 
 cheerfully volunteered, and had the pleasure of being selected 
 for this adventurous service. Just where the staff was, 
 nobody knew, so it behooved the messenger to be extremely 
 cautious and keep his eyes open. He first changed his dress 
 for that of a Korean, and then started off with an interpreter, 
 Koda Hyoji by name. There being no ferry-boat in the 
 tributary of the Taidong, the two men swam across, carrying 
 their clothing on their heads. Passing through several, 
 unknown districts, they traversed the opposite range of 
 lofty hills, and the next morning at 2 a. m. (the 12th) 
 branched off from the main road to Chungwha, taking 
 
 IS 
 
2 25 HEROIC EXPLOITS OE THE JAPANESE 
 
 the direction of Shangwon. It was still pitch-dark and no 
 one astir of whom they might make inquiries about the road. 
 They turned into a millet-field for a brief sleep, and just then 
 narrowly escaped being discovered by a number of Chinese 
 horsemen passing by. At 7 a. m. they reached Shangwon 
 and, avoiding as much as possible any conversation with the 
 natives, pressed on towards Kantongpa. The interpreter 
 now grew sick, and so ill did he appear that the two men 
 had great difficulty in reaching Hwangju, where there was a 
 Japanese commissariat-station. Here the sick man was left, 
 Wada determining to press on alone. After getting all the 
 information obtainable concerning the route to be taken, 
 the brave fellow started off, walked all the night through, 
 and at 10 a. m. of the following day reached Shipyipho on 
 the Taidong. It was now flood-tide, so Wada was com- 
 pelled to wait until the ebb at 4 p. m., when he crossed the 
 stream with the aid of some engineers belonging to the Japa- 
 nese forces. The road then led to Wulkang, but was exces- 
 sively miry and full of ruts, so that his progress was painfully 
 slow. Being unacquainted with the language, he experienced 
 much trouble in asking the route and was repeatedly led 
 out of his way. At last at dawn of the 14th of September 
 he reached a village, where he inquired in writing the road 
 to the staff-quarters. Unfortunately their replies were unin- 
 telligible; all that he could learn was that the quarters had 
 been removed to Pongshan, whither he now shaped his 
 course. Overcome with fatigue and his two nights without 
 sleep, he was compelled to take a short rest in a glen of a hill 
 he was crossing, and there he ate the last morsels of food 
 he had with him. After a nap of two hours' duration, the 
 weary man took the highway and by dint of following the 
 track of the horses and vehicles that had passed, reached 
 Pongshan at noon. There a new disappointment awaited 
 him, as he was told that the staff had gone on to Shinhung- 
 
HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 227 
 
 tong. Once more resuming his journey, Wada at last had 
 the dehght of handing in the precious report at 6.30 p. m. of 
 that day. The staff officers praised him for what he had 
 done and asked various questions about the condition of the 
 Sangnyong column, the transportation of provisions, etc. 
 They told him to stay where he was until communication 
 should be re-established with the Sangnyong column ; but as 
 the attack on Phyongyang was settled for the next day, 
 Wada refused this kindly proposal, stating that he was quite 
 able to keep up with the rest. At 2 a. m. the following 
 morning, camp was broken. In spite of his necessarily great 
 weariness, Wada marched with the van. The sound of 
 heavy firing was now heard in the direction of Phyongyang: 
 the great battle had evidently begun. At 8 a. m. the men 
 with whom was Wada, reached Pehsan, about 2,000 meters 
 northwest of the castle. There he joined with the foremost 
 bands and was a prominent figure in the storm of shot and 
 shell. Between himself and his comrades there was the 
 river, separating them from the castle. Both banks of the 
 stream were nothing more than swamps, through which no 
 one might hope to pass. The Japanese here were moreover 
 exposed to a fierce enfilade from the Kangshol and Chingsan 
 roads. Staff- Major Semba Taro, who was in charge of the 
 topographical survey, called for Wada, in whose fidelity and 
 patient endurance he had great faith, and said: ''Take a 
 boat and, keeping out of bullet-range, go along the stream 
 to see if you can find any likely ford; moreover, get near 
 enough the castle on the southwest to find out whether the 
 walls can be scaled." Wada went at once, and, having pro- 
 cured a boat, crossed over to the opposite side, taking accu- 
 rate soundings of the depth of the stream. On getting close 
 to the western part of the wall, he was suddenly espied by 
 the Chinese and made the target of a score of rifles. The 
 scout withdrew uninjured, walked cautiously around to the 
 
2 28 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 
 
 south of the walls and reached a hill whence he enjoyed an 
 unobstructed view of the enemy and their operations. He 
 noticed that the shells of the Japanese guns were gradually 
 breaking the walls and that on the south there was an open 
 field flanked by Chinese earthworks. Retracing his steps he- 
 regained the river and his boat, and was shortly afterwards 
 able to make a most interesting and valuable report. He 
 had taken only one hour in reconnoitring the whole. 
 
 A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 
 
 The greatest obstacle in the attack on Phyongyang was 
 the swift, deep and broad Taidong River, which had to be 
 passed over before the siege of the stronghold could begin. 
 Before reaching the stream, the Japanese left attacked the 
 enemy on the right bank, while niarching towards a village 
 south of Phyongyang. The place was about 1,200 meters 
 distant from the enemy's nearest redoubts. The plain there- 
 abouts was very flat, and fields of millet, grown very high, 
 prevented the Japanese from seeing what the enemy were 
 about. The Chinese soldiers took full advantage of this 
 favorable position and drew nearer, firing as they came on. 
 The commander of the Eleventh Company, Twenty-first 
 Regiment, was much vexed at this: and noticing a tall tree 
 near at hand, called for a volunteer to climb it and thence 
 inspect the enemy's movements. Ishizaki Sashiro, a second- 
 class private, at once pressed forward, eagerly claiming per- 
 mission to climb the tree, although he well knew that in so 
 doing he would be the target for scores of bullets. Permission 
 being accorded, Ishizaki unstrapped his knapsack and laid 
 aside his gun, and then nimbly climbed upwards. There he 
 had an uninterrupted view and closely inspected the oncom- 
 ing enemy and their movements. He stayed quietly in the 
 tree for some time until he had seen all that was necessary; 
 and in these ten minutes or thereabouts the tree was five 
 
HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 229 
 
 times struck by bullets within two meters of where he was. 
 Ishizaki paid no more heed to these deadly missiles than if 
 they had been so many noisy wasps. Fortunately he received 
 no hurt and descended in safety; but his escape was little 
 short of miraculous. 
 
 THAT BABY! 
 
 The assault of the Chaopei-tsai fort was a comparatively 
 easy task for the Japanese, for the Chinese garrison was soon 
 vanquished and the fort readily seized by the attacking 
 forces. After all was over, a fine-looking Chinese woman 
 was seen approaching the Japanese lines, having evidently 
 lost her way. The woman was in all probability nothing 
 more than the concubine of one of the Chinese officers in the 
 fort before its capture; yet the Japanese took pity on her 
 for the sake of her sex, and Lieutenant-Colonel Kawamura 
 Masanao, who was commanding a battalion of engineers in 
 the Sixth Division, showed her what road to take and saw 
 that she reached in safety a house in the nearest village. 
 A few minutes later on, some of the soldiers found a well- 
 nourished Chinese baby boy lying on the ground, and it was 
 supposed that the child belonged to the woman who had just 
 been sent beyond the lines. Pitying the little fellow, who 
 was crying bitterly, Captain Higuchi Seizaburo, of the Sixth 
 Division, picked him up and did his best to console the baby. 
 But as the young Chinaman refused to be comforted, Captain 
 Higuchi called up one of the prisoners and told him that he, 
 the captain, would give him his liberty if he took that baby 
 to its parents. To this the Chinese captive, a stalwart fellow 
 who looked as if he might have children himself, joyfully 
 consented; but the baby refused to be separated from its 
 Japanese friend, and cried harder than ever when the Chinese 
 tried to take it in his arms. So, holding the baby in his left 
 arm while he grasped his sabre with the right, Captain Higuchi 
 
230 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 
 
 inarched to the capture of the next fort, receiving at one 
 time a bullet through his cap. The fort was taken in gallant 
 style, the baby meanwhile looking on in wondering surprise 
 at the din and uproar of the battle, perfectly content to rest 
 on the kind-hearted captain's shoulder. When all was over, 
 this gallant officer gave his tiny charge to some of his troopers, 
 who bore the child in safety to a Chinese house in a village 
 hard by. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Japan Robbed of Her Spoils by Russia 
 
 Significant Events in the Far East — ^Japan Wins Spoils and Russia Grasps Them — • 
 A Japanese View of Japan's Grievance — "Spheres of Influence" — England's 
 Isolated Position — The German Sentiment — England Takes a Hand in the 
 Partition of China — Last of English Prestige in the East — The World Startled 
 — ^Text of th« Treaty Between the Island Empires — The Effect of the Alliance 
 in Japan and China — Its Importance to China and Korea — A Great Diplo- 
 matic Triumph for Japan — Naval Influence in Eastern Waters — Military and 
 Naval Progress — Financial Development — Railways in Korea — The Japanese 
 a True Asiatic — ^Japan in China, Manchuria, and Korea — Japanese Schools 
 in Korea — The Merchant Marine — A Remarkable Legislative Event — Legis- 
 lative Proojress in Japan. 
 
 THE Far East has been the scene of the most momentous 
 warHke and poHtical events of recent years, embracing 
 the Chino-Japanese war of 1894-95, significant as indi- 
 cating the wonderful recent progress in mihtary power of the 
 island empire; the Boxer outbreak in China, equally signifi- 
 cant as a long step towards breaking up the mediaeval stagna- 
 tion of that ancient realm; and the war of Japan and Russia, 
 the final outcome of these interesting events. The cause of 
 the war with Russia we do not need to go far to seek. Japan 
 had been robbed of the spoils of her victories over China by 
 Russia, a nation which took no part in the conflict, but 
 stood watchfully by, ready to pounce upon the plunder. 
 Aided by two nations she had brought for the time into 
 looking through her eyes — France and Germany — she drove 
 Japan, then in no condition to meet this powerful coalition 
 in arms, off the Asiatic mainland, and changed the pieces 
 on the political chessboard of the East to accord with her 
 
232 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 
 
 own ambitious schemes. Japan had won southern Man- 
 churia by force of arms. Russia wanted it, and by a diplo- 
 matic request significantly backed up by the ships of war 
 of herself and her allies, forced Japan to recede and left Port 
 Arthur open for her to lease for her own purposes two years 
 later. 
 
 As regards the Japanese view of this operation, we may 
 quote from Mr. T. lyenaga, an able author of the island 
 empire, who thus expresses his sentiments in the Review of 
 Reviews: ''As to Japan, her whole diplomatic history, from 
 the signing of the treaty of Shimonoseki to that of the present 
 Anglo- Japanese agreement, is the history of humiliation and 
 condescension. Through diplomacy, she was shorn of the 
 best fruits of her victory over China. From Port Arthur, 
 Wei-hai-wei, and Liao-tung peninsula, on which she had 
 shed so ungrudgingly the sacred blood of her sons, she was 
 elbowed out ; in Korea, for whose independence and regenera- 
 tion Japan fought, she found her influence soon waning, and 
 only ' saved her face ' by the compromise with Russia in the 
 Russo-Japanese convention of 1896. Not only was she com- 
 pelled to acquiesce in these injustices, but she was not able 
 to raise one protest against those transactions which snatched 
 from China Port Arthur, Kiao-chau, and other possessions, 
 under the very eyes of Japan that had scarcely winked since 
 the battles of Kin-chow, Port Arthur, and the Yalu." 
 
 Russia did not stand alone in repaying herself for her 
 disinterested advice to Japan to stand back. Germany gained 
 her reward in the seizure of Kiao-chau, as a reparation for 
 the murder of two missionaries, and France obtained her 
 prize in the lease of Kwang-chau, adjoining her Indo-China 
 territory. To these acquisitions certain concessions of a 
 very practical kind were added, consisting of the right to 
 build various lines of railway, and the grant of mining and 
 other pi*ofitable privileges. Throughout the length and 
 
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JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 233 
 
 breadth of the Celestial Empire iron webs began to spread. 
 At the same time there came into being that significant term, 
 ''spheres of interest," or "spheres of influence." In the 
 north, Mongolia, Manchuria, and the upper basin of the 
 Hoang-ho were, according to the Russian estimate, included 
 in the Russian "sphere of influence;" in the south, the prov- 
 ince of Kwang-si and a part of Yunnan and of Kwang-tung 
 were claimed by the French; the German province of Shang- 
 tung had the first honor of initiation in the nomenclature of 
 "spheres of influence." Such were the first steps taken 
 towards the "partition of China," another phrase which 
 now became widely heard, and which perhaps only the mutual 
 jealousies of the powers prevented from being put into effect. 
 
 England meanwhile had stood doubtfully aside, taking 
 no part in these pioneer movements of partition. She did 
 not join the coalition against Japan, but she failed to come 
 to its support, standing tentatively in a position of isolation. 
 This policy was not in accordance with England's record in 
 the East, in which she had previously been the most ready 
 of all to reach out for the spoils ; and as the process of veiled 
 partition went on, she began to manifest doubt of the wisdom 
 of her lack of readiness to grasp her share. The German 
 premier. Count von Biilow, had thus expressed the greedy 
 attitude of his government, in a declaration before the 
 Reichstag : — 
 
 " Mention has been made of the partition of China. Such 
 a partition will not be brought about by us, at any rate. All 
 we have done is to provide that, come what may, we our- 
 selves shall not go empty-handed. The traveler cannot 
 decide when the train is to start, but he can make sure not to 
 miss it when it starts. The devil takes the hindmost." 
 
 Possibly this view of the case had its share in the con- 
 version of England to the same policy. At all events, we 
 see her now taking a hand in the game in the acquisition of 
 
234 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 
 
 the valuable port of Wei-hai-wei, and the demarcation of her 
 "sphere of influence" in the vast basin of fertile land in the 
 valley of the Yang-tse-kiang. It must be said, however, 
 that despite these acquisitions England had lost her proud 
 position as occupying the first seat at the council-board of 
 nations in Asia, won by her superior political and commercial 
 interests, and had fallen to an inferior position, Russia having 
 succeeded her as the political controller of China. That 
 England was losing her influence in the affairs of Asia was 
 manifest to every observer, and many of her statesmen were 
 loud in their denunciation of the weakness of the English 
 Asiatic policy. From the chambers of commerce and other 
 corporations in Chinese and other adjoining seaports was 
 echoed the same voice. This loss of English prestige was also 
 seen in the near East, especially in Persia, where the Shah had 
 fallen into the firm grasp of the Russian minister. All this 
 loss of political influence was the outcome of the English 
 policy of splendid isolation. 
 
 England and Japan alike had been losers in the game 
 of politics and diplomacy in Asia, and it may have been this 
 that tended to bring these two countries together for the 
 restoration of their lost influence. There seems to have been 
 a growing discovery, in the words of Lord Lansdowne, that 
 "throughout the troubles and complications the two powers 
 have been in close and uninterrupted communication, and 
 have been actuated by similar v^'ews," and that "from the 
 discovery that their Far Eastern policy was identical, has 
 resulted an international contract of binding validity." 
 
 However this be, the world was startled in the early days 
 of 1902 with the unlooked-for news that England and Japan 
 had joined hands in a treaty of alliance, in which these two 
 powers, the great Island Kingdom of the West and the young 
 Island Empire of the East had taken a stand in company 
 against the forces which were working to lower the position 
 
JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 235 
 
 ol both of them in Eastern affairs. We give here the text of 
 this treaty, signed at London on the 30th of January, 1902: 
 
 The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated 
 solely by a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace 
 in the extreme East, being, moreover, specially interested 
 in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of 
 the Empire of China and the Empire of Korea, and in securing 
 equal opportunities in thqse countries for the commerce and 
 industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows : 
 
 Article I. — The High Contracting Parties having 
 mutually recognized the independence of China and of Korea, 
 declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by any aggres- 
 sive tendencies in either country. Having in view, however, 
 their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate 
 principally to China, while Japan, in addition to the interests 
 which she possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar degree 
 politically, as well as commercially and industrially, in Korea, 
 the High Contracting Parties recognize that it will be admis- 
 sible for either of them to take such measures as may be 
 indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threat- 
 ened either by the aggressive action of any other power or 
 by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and necessitating 
 the intervention of either of the High Contracting Parties 
 for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects. 
 
 Article H. — If either Great Britain or Japan, in the 
 defence of their respective interests as above described, should 
 become involved in war with another power, the other High 
 Contracting Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use 
 its efforts to prevent other powers from joining in hostilities 
 against its ally. 
 
 Article HI. — If in the above event any other power or 
 powers should join in hostilities against that ally, the other 
 High Contracting Party will come to its assistance and will 
 conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agree- 
 ment with it. 
 
 Article IV. — The High Contracting Parties agree that 
 neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter 
 
236 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 
 
 into separate arrangements with another power to the preju- 
 dice of the interests above described. 
 
 Article V. — Whenever, in the opinion of either Great 
 Britain or Japan, the above-mentioned interests are in 
 jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate with one, 
 another fully and frankly. 
 
 Article VI. — The present agreement shall come intci/ 
 effect immediately after the date of its signature, and remain 
 in force for five years from that date. 
 
 In case neither of the High Contracting Parties should 
 have notified twelve months before the expiration of the 
 said five years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain 
 binding until the expiration of one year from the day on 
 which either of the High Contracting Parties shall have 
 denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its expiration 
 arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance 
 shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is concluded. 
 
 In faith whereof the Undersigned, duly authorized by 
 their respective Governments, have signed this agreement, 
 and have affixed thereto their seals. 
 
 Done in duplicate at London, the 30th January, 1902. 
 
 (L. S.) (Signed) Lansdownte. 
 (L. S.) (Signed) Hayashi. 
 
 The news of the conclusion of this alliance was received 
 in Japan with the greatest enthusiasm, and brought high 
 prestige to the existing Cabinet. China also was excited 
 by the tidings, and there was quickly seen a disposition on 
 the part of the officials of that country to take a firmer stand 
 in their dealings with foreign powers. It is an evidence of 
 this sentiment that the Chinese government refused to dis- 
 cuss further with the Russian agents the pending matter of 
 the Russo-Chinese Bank, and that it insisted that the Rus- 
 sians should evacuate Manchuria in one year, in successive 
 periods of four months each, instead of in three years, as the 
 Russians demanded. In this the Chinese diplomats won, 
 so far as obtaining the promise of Russia to evacuate. In 
 
JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 237 
 
 fact, it is not easy to exaggerate the importance of the Anglo- 
 Japanese alliance to the tottering Celestial Empire. Nothing 
 could have been of more moment to the old realm, threatened 
 as it was by the land-hungry powers of continental Europe. 
 
 One aim of the treaty was to insure the territorial integ- 
 rity 01 China and Korea, and to keep an open door to trade 
 in the Chinese Empire. Politically and industrially it sought 
 to maintain the status quo, to preserve '' equal opportunities in 
 those countries for the commerce and industry of all nations," 
 to preserve neutrality in the event of one of the contracting 
 parties engaging in war with another, while lending warlike 
 aid in case of one of them becoming involved in war with two 
 other powers. 
 
 It proposed in particular to check Russia in any design 
 she might have on Chinese territory and in any movement 
 that she might make to close any port of Chinese territory 
 to the trade of other nations. And England came to Japan's 
 aid in maintaining the existing condition in Korea. 
 
 But the effect of the treaty is wider than any specific 
 purpose of this nature. It is certainly significant that the 
 greatest naval power in the world admits into the front rank 
 of nations, by this treaty, the youngest naval power. It is a 
 great diplomatic triumph for Japan, and it gives her a stand- 
 ing that she never had before. In the next place it is prac- 
 tically a declaration that Russia, Germany, and France shall 
 not be allowed to take more colonial possessions in the Far 
 East. This is almost the same as to say that the whole earth 
 has now been partitioned and that colonial extension must 
 cease. 
 
 If it lift up Japanese pride it also strengthens Japanese 
 power; and it will enormously hasten the further develop- 
 ment of Japan as a modern nation, aiding it immensely in 
 its rise out of Oriental isolation into the family of modern 
 nations, a distinction which it is the only non-Christian coun- 
 try as yet to possess. 
 
238 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 
 
 In fact, this alliance is of the greatest importance to 
 both the parties immediately concerned. With their fleets 
 united there is scarcely any combination of hostile naval 
 forces which could seriously menace their possessions in the 
 waters of the East. Russia, even if supported by her ally 
 France, cannot safely threaten the integrity of either China 
 or Korea from the sea, and the position of the representatives 
 of the contracting parties at the courts of Peking and Seoul 
 is very greatly strengthened. It is not surprising, then, that 
 the Chinese officials, with whom force has always been the 
 strongest argument, should exclaim, ''to British prestige 
 in the Far East a tremendous advancement has been given." 
 
 The compulsory revision of the Shimonoseki Treaty, 
 by the joint action of Russia, Germany, and France, while 
 checking Japan in what appeared the legitimate prizes of her 
 victories, by no means put an end to her activity and ambi- 
 tion. In the succeeding years the attitude of the Tokio 
 Foreign Office was marked by much reserve and dignity, 
 and the position of Japan among the nations of the world 
 grew steadily more important. The money received from 
 China was employed in prosecuting military and naval prog- 
 ress on an extensive scale, and with the warships built in her 
 own yards and those purchased abroad Japan's position as a 
 naval power of high rank rapidly grew. Her army was also 
 sedulously attended to, increasing in numbers, improving in 
 discipline, and being equipped with the most effective arms, 
 until her preparation for war became equal to that of any 
 nation in the world on a level with her in population. The 
 important question of finance was also carefully attended 
 to, and in this respect also Japan took a position rivaling 
 those of the advanced nations of the world. Whether or not 
 the Mikado cherished the ambition to play a leading part 
 in the game of empire in the East, he certainly was putting 
 himself in position with all available rapidity to play his part 
 well if he should be forced into it. 
 
JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 239 
 
 Gaining, through the consent of Russia, a position of 
 ascendency in Korea, the opportunity was quickly turned 
 to account by building a railway from the port of Chemulpo 
 to Seoul, the capital, which was sure to be of great benefit 
 to Japan in the event of a struggle for the control of the Hermit 
 Kingdom, and a much longer road was begun from Fusan, a 
 southern port not far removed from Japan, northward to | 
 the capital. 
 
 In this regard we may with benefit quote from John 
 Barrett, formerly United States Minister to Siam and a diplo- 
 mat deeply versed in the politics and trade of the East. 
 Speaking of the character of the Japanese, Mr. Barrett says :* 
 
 "The Japanese army ofhcer, lawgiver, merchant, and 
 general utility man seems to possess more all-round capabili- 
 ties for bringing out what is best in his fellow Asiatic than 
 any other national. The average Japanese understands 
 thoroughly and completely the average Chinese, Korean, 
 Siamese, and miscellaneous Asiatic, where the European and 
 American labors in mystery and ignorance. This is natural. 
 The Japanese people are akin to other Asiatics. They are 
 probably of Malay origin and so have racial sympathies with 
 the southern Asiatics. Their written language is the same 
 as that of China and Korea in its higher forms, and hence they 
 have in this a bond of closer union than any possessed by the 
 Caucasian races. They understand the Asiatic point of view, 
 and this is a matter of cardinal importance. They look at 
 Europeans and Americans largely through the same glasses 
 as gaze upon the rest of the Asiatic peoples. They are not 
 compelled to reverse their methods of reasoning to appreciate 
 how the Chinese, Koreans and Siamese reach a conclusion. 
 They can teach and lead with a directness and efficiency that 
 are lacking among Europeans. In bringing out these compari- 
 sons, I do not mean that the Japanese have not their weak- ^ 
 
 * "The American Review of Reviews," December, 190a, 
 
240 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 
 
 nesses and shortcomings, or that in the comprehensive 
 economy of the world they are in any way superior to the 
 progressive races of Europe and America. They are simply 
 better suited to deal with their own kind, and they have added 
 to that quality immeasurable strength by studying, adopting 
 and mastering, to a commendable degree, the influences that 
 have done so much to build up the nations and peoples of 
 America and Europe. This argument is not a eulogy of Japan ; 
 it is a frank description of what she is preparing to do at this 
 hour. 
 
 "A secret of Japan's success along these lines is this: 
 Europeans want to do everything for Asiatics in the sense of 
 monopolizing the doing; the Japanese wish to teach the 
 Asiatics to do for themselves as they are doing for themselves. 
 In China it has been found that a Japanese army officer, or 
 instructor along any line, will accomplish more with greater 
 interest on the part of the student in a given time than any 
 other foreigner. Japanese merchants, principally on a small 
 scale, are locating themselves in all parts of the interior of 
 China where no European merchant has ever thought of 
 going. 
 
 ''In Manchuria, where Russia is supposed to have 
 supreme control, the Japanese tradesmen outnumber the 
 Russians fifty to five. If one journeys over the Russian 
 railways from Port Arthur and Dalny north to Harbin, and 
 then across to Vladivostok, he sees almost as many unofficial 
 Japanese traveling as Russians. Recently, in going from 
 Port Arthur to the new Russian port of Dalny, I counted 
 ten Japanese and two Russians in the first-class car, and was 
 informed that this was not an exceptional ratio. 
 
 '* In Korea she has agencies at work that no other coun- 
 try can employ. These are her own emigrants to Korea. 
 Japanese settlements are springing up from the Manchurian 
 border to the southern cape. These villages and the Japa- 
 
JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 241 
 
 nese sections of the Korean cities are always well governed, 
 and the people seem prosperous and contented. They are 
 not ground down by the squeeze of Korean officialdom that 
 takes the life out of the average Korean, and the example 
 of their welfare and good government is unmistakably teaching 
 the Korean people and convincing the Korean officials that 
 a new order of things must be presently inaugurated, either 
 alone or with Japanese cooperation, if Korea would main- 
 tain her independence and lasting welfare. 
 
 '' If ever one nation made a peaceful conquest of another 
 along legitimate lines of settlement and material development, 
 it would seem as if Japan were accomplishing this result in 
 Korea. In the literal meaning of schoolmaster we find Japan 
 exercising her capacity within the borders of her neighbor. 
 Wherever there are Japanese settlements in Korean towns, or 
 new villages are located, a schoolhouse is immediately built 
 to which all the Japanese children are required to go and 
 receive systematic instruction from a Japanese teacher. 
 There were practically no schools in Korea, except those of the 
 foreign missionaries, until the Japanese opened their own. 
 In Chemulpo and Seoul I heard the same buzz in passing 
 the modest little schoolhouses that is heard all over Japan 
 and is so characteristic of her inland towns." 
 
 Something should be said here of the position of vantage 
 gained by Japan as a result of her participation in the sup- 
 pression of the Boxer outbreak of 1900. Previously she had 
 been distinctively an Eastern power, availing herself of the 
 advantages of Western culture, but standing alone in her 
 relations with China and Korea, and looked upon by the 
 nations of the West as a remarkable Oriental phenomenon. 
 In 1900, however, she definitely became one of the great 
 family of modern nations, her troops marching side by side 
 with those of Europe and America, in intimate alliance, 
 and showing themselves abundantly worthy of the honor, 
 
 16 
 
242 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 
 
 and fully up-to-date in military matters with her colleagues. 
 Since that period Japan has stepped from the attitude of 
 an Oriental into that of a world nation, a position which 
 is sure to be strengthened by the struggle with Russia. 
 
 In connection with the latter is an event of importance 
 which took place at the opening of the Japanese Diet, or 
 Parliament, on December ii, 1903. The war fever in Japan 
 was then growing acute and the war party in the Diet was 
 strong. The emperor, as usual, appeared before the Lower 
 House, and delivered a brief address on the conditions of the 
 empire in the quiet and pacific tone in which such perfunc- 
 tory remarks are apt to be couched. His very short speech 
 began as follows: " My lords and gentlemen: It gives us pro- 
 found cause for rejoicing that the friendly relations between 
 our empire and other powers ever continue to grow." Refer- 
 ring to what was called "the important diplomatic matter 
 of maintaining peace in the Orient and of our rights," the 
 Mikado merely declared that Japan's ministers abroad were 
 instructed " carefully to attend to their duties." 
 
 This vague and colorless declaration was highly unsatis- 
 factory to the people's representatives, who seem to have 
 been full of martial fire, and deeply dissatisfied with the 
 lack of energy in the government. They took the unusual 
 step of framing a dissenting reply. An answer was drawn 
 up by the president of the House and promptly adopted, 
 which amounted to a sweeping and unqualified vote of cen- 
 sure upon the Katsura administration. This reply was so 
 remarkable as coming from a Japanese legislative body that 
 it may well be quoted in full : 
 
 "Your Majesty has been gracious enough to personally 
 open the Diet and to deliver a cordial message,which the House 
 has received with great gratitude. 
 
 " The empire of Japan is now at its zenith. Its position 
 is one unparalleled in the last thousand years. The members 
 
JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 243 
 
 of the House of Representatives profoundly regret that at a 
 juncture so critical, involving the fate of the nation, the 
 course pursued by the Cabinet is ill adapted to the needs of the 
 situation and inconsistent with the enhancement of our 
 national influence. The policy of the ministry has been 
 shown to be incompatible with the progress of the empire, 
 and to be purely domestic and temporizing. 
 
 "The diplomacy of the Cabinet is a failure, and we 
 humbly appeal to your Majesty to review the situation. 
 
 '' Our solicitude for the progress of the empire dictates 
 this reply, which represents the aspirations and expectations 
 of the nation." 
 
 This marks a radical change in the methods of parlia- 
 mentary government in Japan, since the Assembly has never 
 before in any manner replied to the emperor's speech except 
 by way of a humble vote of thanks. . The Cabinet met at once 
 and decided to endeavor to secure a reconsideration of the 
 bold action of the House; but the House refused to recede 
 in the least from its position, the Parliament was not only 
 adjourned, but dissolved by authority of the emperor. 
 
 The incident is given here as indicating that the legisla- 
 ture of Japan is waking up to a fuller sense than heretofore 
 of its powers and responsibilities, and that politically — as in 
 every other direction — Japan is in a process of rapid growth. 
 And as war is proverbially of advantage in advancing the 
 rights of the people, the present struggle may have for one 
 of its outcomes the development of a legislature more dis- 
 tinctly approaching in character and power than heretofore 
 those of Great Britain and the United States. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 The Boxer Outbreak in China 
 
 Factions in China — Reform Checked by the Empress Dowager — The Emperor Loses 
 Control — The Boxer Insurrection — Murder of Missionaries — Admiral Sey- 
 mour's Expedition and its Repulse — Attack on the Taku Forts — The Allies 
 in Tien-tsin — The Chinese City Taken by Storm — The Peril of the Ministers 
 — March of the Allies on Peking — Battles on the Way — Capture of Peking 
 and Rescue of the Legations — The Dashing Courage of the Japanese — The 
 Brave Defence of the Legations — Peking a Captured City — In the Forbidden 
 City — The Evacuation — Treaty of Peace and Indemnity — The Punishment 
 of China. 
 
 THE results of the Chino-Japanese war were many and 
 momentous. Some important ones have been spoken 
 of in former chapters. An indirect one, yet in its 
 outcome the most signal of them all, the great Boxer outbreak 
 of TQoo in China, remains to be dealt with. It was, as just 
 said, an indirect result of the war; but it stirred official China 
 to its depths and made its influence felt far down in the vast 
 multitude of the Chinese people. The more far-sighted 
 statesmen of the empire had come to perceive the necessity 
 of radical reforms in the administration of affairs and the 
 adoption of modern methods in China, if that land was tc 
 put itself on a level with Japan and the powers of the West. 
 As a result various innovations were made, a significant one 
 being the doing away in part with the ancient subjects of 
 examination for the civil service and replacing them by the 
 lore and science of the West. 
 
 In a nation so deeply conservative as China, innovations 
 as radical as these could not go far without provoking hostile 
 feeling and leading to reaction. Another effect was to 
 intensify the hatred of foreigners by the people, who looked 
 
 »44 
 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 245 
 
 on these changes as a result of the advent of foreign trade 
 and missionary teachings in the empire. A double result 
 followed. The Dowager Empress, the head of the reac- 
 tionary party, came again to the head of affairs through a 
 palace revolution, an edict being issued on January 24, 1900, 
 to the effect that the Emperor Kwang Hsu was unable to 
 attend to the business of the empire on account of ill health, 
 and had appointed the young son of Prince Tuan as his heir. 
 While this did not indicate an actual abdication, it left the 
 complete control of affairs in the hands of the old empress, 
 who showed her hand in various reactionary measures, one 
 being to restore the old subjects of examination and do away 
 with the study of Western knowledge which the emperor 
 had introduced. 
 
 The other result was one in which the foreign world 
 was more directly concerned. It consisted in a rising of the 
 people against the missionaries, mission settlements being 
 plundered and their inmates maltreated or murdered. This 
 was especially the case in the northern provinces of Shan- 
 tung and Chi-li, many of the missionaries having to flee for 
 their lives, under circumstances of great peril and hardship. 
 
 And now a new name was first heard in the outside 
 world, that of the Chinese society of the Boxers, a powerful 
 anti-foreign league, to which the disorders were chiefly due 
 and which had grown highly popular and very strong in 
 membership. On April 7 the Chinese Foreign Office was 
 notified by the powers that unless the disorders were sup- 
 pressed, troops would be landed and march inland to protect 
 foreigners. But the trouble went on, a force of insurgent 
 Chinese being bold enough to attack the British settlement 
 at Wei-hai-wei. They were easily repulsed, but the authori- 
 ties took no active steps to suppress the insurgents, and it 
 began to be believed that the Dowager Empress was at the 
 bottom of the movement and was secretly giving support 
 and encouragement to the anti-foreign faction. 
 
h6 the boxer outbreak w china 
 
 The Boxers, whose professed purpose was gymnastic and 
 pugiHstic training for purposes of peace and justice, were 
 secretly leagued against everything foreign, and the fact 
 that the government took no measures to check their out- 
 rages soon added to the boldness and breadth of their assaults 
 on the missions. During May a large number of native 
 Christians were murdered and much railroad property was 
 destroyed. A small body of Chinese troops was sent against 
 the Boxers, but these were easily defeated and most of them 
 joined the insurgents, so that by the ist of June the situation 
 of the missionaries and their converts had become one of 
 extreme danger. 
 
 It liad now become evident that the powers must take 
 more active measures than protests, and that the foreign 
 ministers themselves were in peril, and warships began 
 rapidly to gather at the port of Taku, twenty-three vessels 
 of various nations, having reached there by June i, 1900. 
 On May 30 Admiral Kempff landed 100 marines from the 
 United States squadron, and sent them to Tien-tsin, some 
 distance up the Peiho River, to go by railway to Peking. 
 These were soon followed by detachments from other ships, 
 their purpose being the defence of the legation officials at the 
 Chinese capital. i\n allied force, 2,000 strong, marched from 
 Tien-tsin on the loth of June, under the leadership of Admi- 
 ral Seymour, of the British navy, its goal being Peking, 
 seventy-five miles distant. Here its presence was urgently 
 demanded, since every day the position of the embassies grew 
 more critical. Peking, indeed, had become a closed city to 
 the world. No news, other than threatening rumors, came 
 from behind its walls, and the actual fate of the ambassadors 
 and their official famihes was unknown. 
 
 For some time the progress of Seymour's troops remained 
 equally unknown, but on June 25 a message from him 
 reached Tien-tsin, sayine that on his retreat from within 
 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA m 
 
 twelve miles of Peking he had been blocked eight or ten miles 
 from Tien-tsin, was terribly harassed by a great force of the 
 enemy, had lost sixty-two men killed, was caring for 206 
 wounded, could hold out only two days longer, and needed 
 for rescue a force of 2,000 men. A rescue column was imme- 
 diately dispatched, and found that since his message he had, 
 by a night attack, captured a Chinese armory and arsenal, 
 with immense stores of ammunition and rice. The armory 
 was burned, and the allied forces reached Tien-tsin June 26. 
 They reported the killing of hundreds of Chinamen in their 
 fortnight's battling. The failure of this relief expedition 
 revealing to the Chinese, who care little for human life, their 
 ability to overcome European, American, and Japanese 
 troops, was a most grievous damage to the cause of the allies. 
 At Washington orders were given for reinforcement of Admiral 
 Kempff's fleet without delay; and the next day President 
 McKinley ordered three regiments of regulars from Manila. 
 
 The Chinese, who had laid torpedoes in the Taku River 
 and gathered large bodies of troops in the vicinity, were 
 warned by an ultimatum from the commanders of the foreign 
 fleet to withdraw their troops before 2 o'clock of June 17. 
 At I o'clock in the morning of that day the Taku forts opened 
 fire on the ships. The ships replied, and after seven hours' 
 bombardment two of the forts were blown up and the others 
 were carried by assault. The casualties in the fleet were 
 reported thus: killed, twenty-one, of which sixteen were 
 Russian; wounded, fifty-seven, of which forty-five were 
 Russian. The Russian loss was due to an exploding maga- 
 zine. The Chinese loss in killed was reported at 400. 
 
 About the same time the allied troops at Tien-tsin, 4,000 
 strong — including 800 Americans — found themselves hotly 
 attacked by the Chinese. Heavy bombardment of the 
 foreign position was reported, with destruction of the consul- 
 ates and other foreign buildings. A force of 4,000 Russians 
 
248 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 
 
 and Japanese was hurried to their aid, and succeeded, after 
 some heavy fighting, in effecting a junction. The fighting 
 was persistent till well in July, the Chinese displaying an 
 unwonted courage and endurance, and making daily attacks 
 on the '' foreign city, " which was commanded by guns mounted 
 on the walls of the ''Chinese city." On July 9 an attack 
 by about 2,500 British, American, Russian and Japanese 
 troops was made on the Chinese positions southwest of the 
 city, which were taken, with heavy loss to the Chinese. But 
 the situation daily grew more serious, the Chinese gradually 
 closing in on their foes, with vastly superior numbers. 
 
 It was felt indispensable, if the allied forces were not to 
 be annihilated by these incessant attacks, to capture the 
 walled city held by the Chinese, and on July 13 seven thou- 
 sand of the allied troops sallied forth on the perilous task of 
 storming the walls, from which a terrific artillery fire was 
 poured upon them. The Chinese on the walls were estimated 
 at not less than 20,000. The allies suffered a severe reverse. 
 The American commander, Colonel Emerson H. Liscum, of the 
 Ninth United States Infantry, a soldier who had won renown, 
 was mortally wounded. Several other American officers were 
 killed or wounded. On the next morning the allies resumed 
 the attack, breached the walls, and afterward stormed and 
 captured all the forts, and took complete possession of the 
 city. Their tbtal losses in three days of fighting were about 
 800 killed or wounded, the Chinese losing much more largely 
 and a great part of their city being destroyed. In a few days 
 afterward they disappeared from the vicinity, which was left 
 wholly in the hands of the allies. 
 
 In the meantime intense anxiety prevailed in the nations 
 of Europe and America which had ministers at Peking. Of 
 the situation of these no satisfactory information could be 
 obtained, while the rumors that made their way out were 
 full of sanguinary details. It was known, moreover, that 
 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 145 
 
 the Japanese Chancellor of Legation had been killed in the 
 streets on June 13, and that on the i8th Baron von Ketteler, 
 the German minister, had been murdered by Chinese soldiers 
 while on his way to the Tsung-li-yamen (the Chinese Foreign 
 Office). All this filled the Western world with dismal fore- 
 bodings, and the necessity of a march in force on Peking, 
 for the rescue of the deeply imperiled legations, became 
 imperative. There was every reason to believe that the 
 empress was in full sympathy with the Boxer movement, 
 that the soldiers had largely joined it, and that Prince Tuan, 
 brother-in-law of the Dowager Empress, was the chief leader 
 in the insurrectionary outbreak. 
 
 On July 18 the following statement reached Europe, 
 as part of a message from the Chinese government : 
 
 ''For a month past, with the exception of the German 
 minister, who was assassinated by rebels who are under 
 apprehension of severe punishment, we have ordered all other 
 foreign ministers well protected by the court, and happily 
 they are safe and sound." But this no one believed, and 
 apprehension grew constantly more acute as time went on, 
 while much impatience was displayed at the delay of the 
 relief column in moving on Peking. Another need for haste 
 was the known murders of missionaries and their converts, 
 which still went on in various districts of China. 
 
 The earliest trustworthy^ news from Peking reached 
 Europe on the last day of July, in the receipt of the following 
 telegram from Sir Claude M. Macdonald, which contained 
 satisfactory information that the envoys were still alive: — 
 ''British Legation, Peking, June 20 to Jul}'' 16 repeatedly 
 attacked by Chinese troo^JS on all sides. Both rifle and 
 artillery fire. Since July 16 an armistice, but a cordon is 
 strictly drawn on both sides of the position. Chinese barri- 
 cades close to ours. All women and children in the British 
 legation. Casualties to date, 62 killed, including Captain 
 
350 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 
 
 Strouts. A number of wounded in hospital, including Captain 
 Halliday. Rest of legation all well, except David Oliphant 
 and Warren, killed July 21. Macdonald." 
 
 General Chaffee, who had been appointed to the com- 
 mand of the American forces, had reached Taku the night 
 before, and at once reported that preparations for the relief 
 movement were being actively pushed. Orders from Wash- 
 ington were returned to " advance without delay," and imme- 
 diately afterward the march began. It was known that the 
 Chinese were entrenching themselves at certain pomts on 
 the road to Peking, and an encounter took place at Pei-tsang, 
 a point twelve miles from Tien-tsin, on August 5. Here 
 the Chinese, some 30,000 strong, were strongly entrenched, 
 flooded land protecting their left. The allied forces num- 
 bered about 16,000, of whom 6,000 were Japanese. The 
 latter bore the brunt of the battle that followed, and behaved 
 admirably, charging on and carrying the works and bearing 
 the chief loss in the assault. On the following day the allies 
 reached Yang-tsun, an important strategic point about twelve 
 miles farther on. 
 
 Here the Chinese occupied seven lines of entrenchments, 
 200 feet apart. Falling back on these successively, they 
 continued their fire for several hours, the allies shelling the 
 place vigorously. They then advanced and carried it by 
 storm. In this assault the American and British troops 
 occupied the post of honor and drove out the enemy from 
 their works, the Russians and French aiding, while the Jap- 
 anese were in reserve. The enemy, after considerable loss, 
 retreated in a panic, and was too demoralized to offer any 
 further opposition during the march to Peking, which now 
 proceeded without interruption. 
 
 At a conference of commanders, held August 12, it 
 was decided that the allied force should concentrate within 
 five miles of Peking on August 14, and should assault on 
 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 251 
 
 August 15. The attack, however, began early in the morn- 
 ing of the 14th — the alHes having marched nearly to Peking 
 on the previous day, in four parallel columns, Japanese on 
 the north, Russians on the centre, Americans and British on 
 the south. The Russians and the American cavalry became 
 involved with the enemy, with the result of precipitating the 
 plans of the allies ; and early on the 14th the Japanese attacked 
 the east gate of the Tartar (or Manchu) city, where they met 
 a heavy fire for several hours. Meanwhile the Americans 
 made a lodgment on the east wall of the Tartar city; and 
 the Russians, beginning the assault at 2 a. m., and forcing 
 the east gate of the Tartar city after fourteen hours' bom- 
 bardment, made the first entry into that city. These opera- 
 tions of the Americans and Russians seem to have drawn 
 the Chinese away from the Sha-ho or southeast gate of the 
 Chinese city, and the British, breaking it down and entering 
 it unopposed, cleared that part of Peking. They then moved 
 through the streets, screened from the enemy's fire by the 
 walls of the Tartar city, until being signaled to from that 
 part of the top of the city wall which was held by the 
 legations, they came about 3 P. M. to the Watergate. General 
 Gaselee, with some of his staff and about seventy men of the 
 British force, rushed across the almost dry moat at the foot 
 of the city wall, and through the muddy channel of the water- 
 gate entered the enclosure which the company of foreigners 
 had held for two months against the furious mob and the 
 Chinese army, and rescued them from the terrible situation 
 in which they had so long been held. The Americans under 
 General Chaffee, coming from the east wall of the Tartar city, 
 entered by the same Watergate about two hours later. 
 
 In view of the fact that we are in this work especially 
 concerned with the Japanese, some account of their behavior 
 during the attack on Peking w^ill be of interest, and we may 
 fitly quote certain details from the description given by 
 
252 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 
 
 George Lynch, the war correspondent and author of "The 
 Path of Empire," who accompanied the Japanese on the 
 march to Peking. He says: — 
 
 '' The first thing about the Japanese soldiers that struck 
 me was that they marched well. The heat was terrific^ 
 and, owing to a certain amount of confusion among the 
 various forces and the narrowness of the path across that 
 swampy country, the men had to march during the hottest 
 part of the day. Very few Japanese fell out, and it appeared 
 as if they were possessed of those qualities which enable a 
 rikishaw man to run his thirty miles a day. Their food was 
 almost altogether rice, which as often as not they seemed to 
 eat cold. This extremely simple diet is unquestionably an 
 enormous advantage to an army in the field. Their com- 
 missariat and transport arrangements were practical and 
 workmanlike, and their field hospital was, I think, generally 
 admitted to be better than that of any of the other forces. 
 There was a neatness and compactness about their whole 
 outfit that was characteristic. They appeared to have 
 selected from the European armies the pick of things that 
 suited them. Some things they were not accustomed to. 
 For instance, I have seen Jap 'Tommies' trudging along 
 sturdily, carrying their European boots in their hands and 
 walking in their bare feet or in the light straw sandals to 
 which they had been accustomed at home. 
 
 ''The first companies halted within 200 yards of the gate, 
 and those arriving soon filled up the street. Suddenly a 
 terrific fire burst from the windows of the high gatehouse 
 and the summit of the wall, and like a squall of hail the bullets 
 swept down the street. Although the Chinese firing was very 
 wild, this first volley did considerable execution. Sappers 
 were ordered forward to blow up the gate. General Fuki- 
 shima said to me, ' In less than twenty minutes we will have 
 the gate blown up, and then we will assault.' The men were 
 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 253 
 
 ordered up the street to be prepared. Tliis they did at the 
 double, singing and cheering as they went under a very hot 
 fire. 
 
 "There was a bridge just outside the gatehouse, and a 
 clear open space around it, without a particle of cover. Across 
 this ten gallant little Japs tried to go one after the other to 
 where their comrades had been shot down, but every one of 
 the ten was killed. There was no trace of fear or hesitancy 
 about their comrades; a hundred — five hundred — would 
 have gone just as gayly to sudden death if -the order was 
 given ; but General Fukishima saw clearly that it would mean 
 useless expenditure of life to continue the attempt. It was 
 very exasperating, however, to have to abandon it. There 
 were all these little men, bursting with eagerness and excite- 
 ment, and there was the competition of this great interna- 
 tional military tournament to be the first in Peking — first to 
 relieve the legations, if they still held out. The general 
 ordered retirement, and determined to clear the gatehouse 
 and wall by shelling it. 
 
 "The next six hours presented one of the most pictur- 
 esque scenes I ever have witnessed in war. There were sixty- 
 four guns playing on that gate, some firing shrapnel only, 
 some firing time-fuse, some impact shells. It was a bright, 
 clear day, without a cloud in the sky. The shells kept 
 * whooping ' over our heads. 
 
 " General Fukishima had determined to make another 
 attempt to blow up the gate as soon as the darkness would 
 give cover to his engineers. I had just dropped off to sleep 
 when I was awakened by a loud explosion, quickly followed 
 by another. I knew what that meant: the gate was being 
 blown up at last. 
 
 '' In a few seconds, outside the doors, the Japs were pass- 
 ing up at the double. Everything was awake now. They 
 were running forward with their 'One, two, one, two' war 
 
254 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 
 
 chant. The Chinese had opened fire again from the wall, 
 almost as hot as that wherewith they had greeted us in the 
 morning. The Japanese had to get along by creeping close 
 to the houses. It was a fine night and the moon had just 
 risen. There was no use in returning the Chinese fire. On 
 they went on both sides of the street, taking advantage of 
 every projecting corner. Gusts of bullets swept down +he 
 street. Then the men halted at the last corner. There was 
 a broad open space until the gatehouse itself was reached. 
 The fire was very severe on the bridge. The Japs were pressed 
 close to the wall, behind every coign of protection. But 
 how they did enjoy it! How they sang and cheered! It 
 was sufficient to shout ' Jow ju Nippon I' (Long live Japan), 
 and a ringing cheer answered." 
 
 Mr. Lynch goes on to describe the daring rush of the 
 Japanese through the inner gate and along the streets, 
 despite the Chinese fire from the wall, and their final coming 
 on a picket of the Russians, who had evidently got in before 
 them, and who told them that the legations were relieved — 
 but the extracts given will serve to show the inspiring dash 
 of the little soldiers under fire. 
 
 The defence of the Peking legations by their inmates 
 should have place in history in the same rank for bravery 
 and endurance with that of the Lucknow Residency. The 
 severity of the attack to which the defenders, who all had 
 taken refuge in their strongest structures, were subjected, 
 was evidenced by some of the legation buildings in the 
 vicinity, which were riddled and many of the walls almost 
 shot down by continuous rifle-fire from loopholes in walls 
 within 150 feet. The French and Italian legations were 
 almost entirely demolished. Hundreds of acres of native 
 houses had been burned. The defenders had not suffered 
 from actual starvation, though for weeks reduced to daily 
 rations of rice and one pound of horseflesh. They reported 
 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 255 
 
 that the Tsung-H-yamen had repeatedly made treacherous 
 attempts to throw them off their guard. The last attempt 
 was a message on the day before their rescue assuring them 
 that orders had been issued forbidding, on pain of death, any 
 firing on their buildings; after which at nightfall the attack 
 was renewed simultaneously from all sides on all the legations 
 and was continued all night. Some time before dawn they 
 caught the welcome sound of guns in the distance, which 
 renewed their courage to continue fighting. The firing on 
 the legations was kept up until the relief force had actually 
 gained an entrance within the city walls. The relieving 
 troops, on their appearance, were received with wild enthu- 
 siasm by the men and women who had with hopeful courage 
 and endurance through weary weeks awaited their coming. 
 
 The total losses within the legation compounds during 
 the siege were reported as seventy-five dead and 1 20 wounded; 
 nearly all the casualties were among the military defenders, 
 who all showed extraordinary gallantry in fighting, and 
 much engineering skill in selecting and seizing vantage points 
 on the adjoining city wall and in rearing defences of bricks, 
 stones, and sand-bags. They were reported to have killed 
 3,000 or more of the besiegers. The soldiers to whom this 
 gallant defence was due were aided by the civilians, including 
 the missionaries, all of whom showed great courage and 
 resolution in the defence. 
 
 The international troops lost no time in taking posses- 
 sion of the city, driving the Chinese troops and the Boxers 
 from precinct after precinct, with much destruction of life 
 and loss of property by conflagration, so that before Septem- 
 ber I they held complete possession, the whole city being 
 occupied and the imperial palace put under guard. Hopes 
 were entertained of capturing the emperor and the Dowager 
 Empress, but it proved that they had fled with the court to 
 Hsi-Ngan-fu, or Singan, the ancient capital of the empire, 
 
256 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 
 
 600 miles to the westward, from which point negotiations 
 were soon begun. The ''Forbidden City," long sacred to 
 the imperial family, was soon invaded by low-born foreign 
 feet, and m.uch looting of its treasures took place, no part 
 being closed against the plunderer, of which fraternity the 
 invading army furnished mtany representatives. At the 
 same time the country for a long distance around the city 
 was scoured by detachments of infantry and cavalry and all 
 Chinese in arm.s were vigorously dealt with. 
 
 A proposition to evacuate Peking was soon made by the 
 Russians, with which the United States agreed. But as the 
 other powers were not ready to join them, the occupation 
 continued. Negotiations went on somewhat actively with 
 the emperor and his advisers, looking to the settlement of 
 terms for the future safety of foreign diplomats and indem- 
 nity for the losses sustained. This proved a very difficult 
 task, and months passed in fruitless efforts, during which 
 the capital of China was held as a captured city. The occu- 
 pation continued, in fact, for a full year. Count von Walder- 
 see, the German soldier who had been appointed commander 
 of the allied forces, left Peking on June 3, 1901, but guards 
 were retained there for some months later. A considerable 
 force of British, French, Italians, and Germans continued 
 to occupy the disturbed region, chiefly around Tien-tsin. The 
 Americans had withdrawn except a small legation guard, 
 and the Russians had left Peking months before, contenting 
 themselves with the occupation in force of Manchuria. The 
 return of the imperial court was delayed till the following 
 autumn. 
 
 The punishment of China for the attack on the legations 
 was severe. Several of the leaders of the insurrection atoned 
 for their acts by execution, and others were banished and 
 otherwise severely punished. The treaty of peace and 
 indemnity, as finally agreed upon between China and the 
 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 257 
 
 powers, was signed September 7, 1901. The following is a 
 summary of its most important provisions: 
 
 Demanding infliction of the punishments agreed on far 
 those guilty leaders of the Boxers who have not yet suffered 
 the penalty. 
 
 Stipulating that an indemnity from China fixed at (about^ 
 ^337.000)000 shall be paid to the foreign powers during the 
 thirty-nine years ensuing, with interest at 4 per cent. — the 
 required amount being secured from the foreign customs, the 
 likin (internal transit dues), and the salt tax. 
 
 Prohibiting import during the two ensuing years of arms 
 and munitions of war. ^ 
 
 Suspending for the ensuing five years the government 
 examinations for office in all the centres of Boxer revolt and 
 outrage. 
 
 Razing the Chinese forts at Taku; permitting establish- 
 ment of foreign military posts on the road from the sea to the 
 capital; and granting to foreign govemm.ents the ^right to 
 maintain military guards at their legations. 
 
 Prohibiting membership in any societies whose character 
 or purpose is anti-foreign. 
 
 Providing for the requisite amendments to the commer- 
 cial treaties. 
 
 Providing that in all dealings with foreign affairs the 
 Tsung-li-yamen shall give place to a regularly organized For- 
 eign Office on the European model, with fewer members and 
 with clearly defined powers and functions. 
 
 Under the agreement the troops were required to evacu- 
 ate public places, including the Forbidden City and the Sum- 
 mer Palace before September 17; and all the expeditionar)/' 
 troops in the provinces, except the permanent garrisons, tc 
 be withdrawn by September 22. 
 
 Two expiatory actions, in addition to the punishment 
 of leaders of the outbreak, remxained to be performed, China 
 
 17 
 
258 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 
 
 being required to send embassies to Japan and to Germany 
 to express her humble regrets for the murder of officials of 
 these powers in the streets of Peking. That to Berlin to expi- 
 ate the assassination of the German minister was headed by 
 a prince of the empire and was conducted with the greatest 
 solemnity and show of contrition. With these ceremonies 
 the punishment of China ended, except that involved in the 
 payment of the indemnity, which was to extend over a con- 
 siderable number of years and was likely to bear heavily on 
 the resources of the empire. The results of the outbreak, 
 however, were more far-reaching than this. Russia took 
 advantage of it to gain a firm hold on Manchuria, a fact which 
 led, a few years later, to the war between Japan and Russia, 
 with all that it involved. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 The Belligerents and the Other Powers 
 
 The Czar Issues his Proclamation — Formal Declaration by the Mikado — ^The Neu- 
 tral Power:; — Their Proclamations — Diplomatic Alliances — Political Interests 
 — How War has been Formally Declared in Other Times and Coim tries. 
 
 IMMEDIATELY after the night attack by the Japanese on 
 the Russian warships at Port Arthur, proclamations of 
 
 war were issued by Russia and Japan. Russia's was 
 first made public February lo, at St. Petersburg, in the Offi- 
 cial Messenger, in the following ''supreme manifest" 
 
 " By the grace of God we, Nicholas II, Emperor and auto- 
 crat of all the Russias, etc., make known to all our loyal sub- 
 jects : 
 
 " In our solicitude for the maintenance of peace which is 
 dear to our heart, we made every exertion to consolidate tran- 
 quility in the Far East. In these peaceful aims we signified 
 assent to the proposals of the Japanese government to revise 
 agreements regarding Korean affairs existing between the 
 two governments. However, the negotiations begun upon this 
 subject, were not brought to a conclusion and Japan, without 
 awaiting the receipt of the last responsive proposals of our 
 government, declared the negotiations broken off and diplo- 
 matic relations with Russia dissolved. 
 
 "Without advising us of the fact that the breach of such 
 relations would in itself mean an opening of warlike opera- 
 tions, the Japanese government gave orders to its torpedo 
 boats suddenly to attack our squadron standing in the outer 
 harbor of the fortress of Port Arthur. Upon receiving 
 reports from the Viceroy in the Far East about this, we 
 
 2S9 
 
26o THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 
 
 immediately comcmanded him to answer the Japanese challenge 
 with armed force. 
 
 "Making known this our decision we, with unshaken 
 faith in the help of the Almighty and with a firm expectation 
 of and reliance upon the unanimous willingness of all our 
 loyal subjects to stand with us in defence of the fatherland, 
 ask God's blessing upon our stalwart land and naval forces. 
 
 "Given at St. Petersburg, January 27, 1904, A. D. (new 
 calendar, February 9, 1904,) and in the tenth year of our 
 reign. Written in full by the hand of 
 
 "His Imperial Majesty, NICHOLAS." 
 
 And the same day Count Cassini, the Russian Ambassa- 
 dor, called on Secretary Hay and left with him the announce- 
 ment of the Czar, declaring war on Japan. The Count's com.- 
 munication with the Department was in writing. It was a dis- 
 patch from the Russian Foreign Office to the Ambassador, and 
 was couched in French, being substantially as follows: 
 
 " During the night of February 8-9 a detachment of Jap- 
 anese torpedo boats unexpectedly attacked the Russian squad- 
 ron lying at anchor in the outer roadstead of Port Arthur. 
 This attack, being the beginning of military operations, obliges 
 the Imperial Government to take immediate measures to re- 
 ply by armed force to the challenge issued against Russia. Be 
 good enough to inform the Government of the United States." 
 
 Japan's statement was a longer document, in the form of 
 an imperial proclamation at Tokio: 
 
 " We, by the grace of Heaven, Emporer of Japan, seated 
 on the throne occupied by the same dynasty since time inune- 
 morial, hereby make proclamation to all our loyal and brave 
 subjects, as follows: 
 
 " We hereby declare war against Russia, and we command 
 our army and navy to carry on hostilities against her, in obedi- 
 ence to their duty, 'with all their strength; and we also 
 
THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS '261 
 
 command all our competent authorities to make every effort, 
 in pursuance of their duties, to attain the national aim with 
 all the means within the limits of the law of nations. 
 
 '' We have always deemxcd it essential in international rela- 
 tions, and have made it our constant aim, to promote the 
 , pacific progress of our empire in civilization, to strengthen our 
 friendly ties with other States, and to establish a state of things 
 which would maintain enduring peace in the Far East, and 
 assure the future security of our dominion without injury to 
 the rights or interests of other Powers. Our competent 
 authorities have also performed their duties in obedience to our 
 will, so that our relations with all the Powers had been steadily 
 growing in cordiality. It was thus entirely against our expec- 
 tation that we have unhappily come to open hostilities against 
 Russia. 
 
 ''The integrity of Korea is a matter of the gravest con- 
 cern to this empire, not only because of our traditional rela- 
 tions with that country, but because the separate existence of 
 Korea is essential to the safety of our realm. Nevertheless, 
 Russia, in disregard of her solemn treaty pledges to China and 
 her repeated assurances to other Powers, is still in occupation 
 of Manchuria, has consolidated and strengthened her hold on 
 those provinces, and is bent upon their final annexation. 
 
 " And since the absorption of Manchuria by Russia would 
 render it impossible to maintain the integrity of China, and 
 would, in addition, compel the abandonment of all hope of 
 peace in the Far East, we were determined in those circum- 
 stances to settle the question by negotiations and to secure 
 thereby permanent peace. With that object in view, our com- 
 petent authorities by our order made proposals to Russia, and 
 frequent conferences were held during the last six months. 
 
 '' Russia, however, never met such proposals in a spirit of 
 conciliation, but by wanton delays put off a settlement of the 
 serious questions, and by ostensibly advocating peace on one 
 
262 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 
 
 hand, while on the other extending her naval and military pre- 
 parations, sought to accomplish her own selfish designs. 
 
 ''We cannot in the least admit that Russia had from the 
 first any serious or genuine desire for peace. She rejected the 
 proposals of our govemm.ent. The safety of Korea was in 
 danger and the interests of our empire were menaced. The 
 guarantees for the future, which we failed to secure by peace- 
 ful negotiations, can now only be obtained by an appeal to 
 arms. 
 
 '' It is our earnest wish that, by the loyalty and valor of 
 our faithful subjects, peace may soon be permanently restored 
 and the glory of our empire preserved." 
 
 It was generally agreed that the war between Russia and 
 Japan was an attempt on the part of two powers to answer the 
 vexing Far-Eastern question. The final disposition of |the 
 great Chinese Empire was a problem which for years had 
 agitated the diplomatic circles of all progressive nations, and 
 though the combatants were at v/ar ostensibly over sovereignty 
 rights in Manchuria and Korea, there was no hestiation in 
 saying that China was hanging in the balance. John Hay, the 
 American Secretary of State, seemed to realize the situation 
 more clearly than any other man, and took a brave step for 
 the preservation of the Chinese Empire. This move, and the 
 attitude of the United States in general are discussed in a 
 later chapter, since America, though interested in the situa- 
 tion, looks at it from a view point unlike that of the other 
 powers. 
 
 England, France, and Germany were the most interested 
 spectators of the conflict. With India bordering Tibet, and 
 England's possession of Hong Kong and Wei-hai-wei, with 
 France's interest in Annam and Tonkin, and her desire to 
 secure a foothold in China proper, with Germany's occupation 
 of Kiao-Chau looking toward her dream of commercial suprem- 
 acy, the nations of Europe may well be said to have watched 
 
THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 263 
 
 with jealous intensity the beginning and progress of the strug- 
 gle. Holland, more remote from the scene of action, in her 
 East Indian islands, was less actively concerned; her fear being 
 only of an universal war which might strip her of 'colonies 
 and suck her into the German Empire. The "Balance of 
 Power," construed in relation to the Far East, meant main- 
 taining the existing concessions in China; consequently each 
 power was zealous to see that no other, under cover of the 
 battle din, made selfish aggressions. In keeping with this 
 attitude, every nation of importance had issued proclamations 
 of strict neutrality within a few days of February eighiih, and 
 those most interested eagerly accepted the spirit of the note 
 which Secretary Hay issued from Washington on the tenth of 
 that month. 
 
 An important question which presented itself at the be- 
 ginning of the war between Russia and Japan was whether it 
 would be possible to keep the struggle from involving the 
 whole of Europe in the Asiatic conflict. Treaties, alliances 
 and covert understandings bound almost all of the Powers of 
 the modern world in complex relations to each other, and the 
 easily offended dignity of the continental nations gave rise to 
 a well-founded fear that some slight, or unintentional, indiscre- 
 tion might provoke a universal war. Both the combatants 
 had, previous to the outbreak of hostilities, secured the sup- 
 port of two of the most influential Powers. The Anglo- Japa- 
 nese alliance, consummated the previous year, secured to the 
 Island Empire the material and immediate assistance of Great 
 Britain's army and navy, provided that, in case of a war, 
 Japan should find herself opposed by two or more great 
 Powers. 
 
 On the other hand, Russia, on the occasion of the visit of 
 President Faure to St. Petersburg, proclaimed the existence of 
 a secret treaty which had not previously been recognized, and 
 about the provisions of which there was considerable specula- 
 
264 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 
 
 tion in diplomatic circles. Its exact terms had never been 
 made public, and it had not come before the French Parlia- 
 ment for ratification, but it was generally believed to bind both 
 France and Russia in much the sam.e m^anner as England was 
 bound by her alliance with the Mikado. It contained, accord- 
 ing to M. Delcasse, an important clause by which no Asiatic 
 Power, except Japan, was to be recognized as a second bellig- 
 erent opposing Russia. 
 
 The situation was further complicated by the change 
 which had taken place in the relations of France and Great 
 Britain. These two Powers, to whom traditional enmity had 
 been handed down from generation to generation, relieved by 
 occasional epochs of pacific and often cordial understanding 
 had, previous to the accession of Edward VII., treated each 
 other somewhat coolly. That astute monarch, however, who, 
 had been indifferently expected by the many to prove a micre 
 dilettante king, began almost immxcdiately on taking the reins 
 of government, to establish and preserve cordial and pleasant 
 relations with his powerful neighbors. An exchange of visits 
 with President Loubet, and the quiet cultivation of amenities 
 with the French Chamber of Deputies, w^ent very far toward 
 bringing about a friendly feeling between Paris and London. 
 
 Though Russia was somewhat chagrined at this flirtation 
 of her ally with her enemy's ally, the more sober-minded were 
 greatly pleased by the circumstance. There was no doubt that 
 under these conditions both England and France would be less 
 ready to take hostile sides, and would be more anxious to pre- 
 serve the peace of Europe. 
 
 The Emperor of Germany had surprised almost every 
 follower of his original and enterprising career by keeping an 
 absolute silence. As head of the triple alliance, he was able to 
 influence the position of Austria and Italy, and his com.para- 
 tively small holdings in the Far East permitted him to lie quiet 
 and watch the turn of events without the necessity of 
 
THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 265 
 
 cornxoitting himself. While it was generally admitted that 
 Japan's triumph would be more to the advantage of Germany 
 than that of her land-seeking enemy, the Kaiser did not hesi- 
 tate to offer small sops to Russia by suppressing seditious lit- 
 erature, which was in the habit of being published in Germany 
 and transported across the frontier for secret dissemination 
 among the revolutionaries of the Czar's empire, and the Em- 
 peror Alexander Grenadier Guards at Berlin sent a magnifi- 
 cent helmet to the Czar, their honorary colonel, at a time when 
 the action could not fail to arouse considerable comment. 
 But, on the other hand, Germany looked well to herself and 
 strengthened her hands in the near East w^hile the Cossack 
 was scouring the plains of Manchuria. 
 
 By suggestive advices poured into the Sultan's private ear, 
 the Kaiser endeavored to shape matters better for the further- 
 ance of the German trade in Asia Minor and for the promo- 
 tion of the German railway in Turkey, which would eventually 
 give a through line from Hamburg to Persia and the Indian 
 trade. Germany's attitude toward the Sultan was generally 
 supposed to be that of one who advises the mice not to frisk 
 too carelessly when the cat is away. Russia's attention was 
 well occupied in the struggle with her formidable little rival, 
 and the Sultan, ever watchful of his opportunities, seemed in- 
 clined to throw off the Russian influence, which had been 
 weighing so heavily upon him. An arrangement, by which 
 Austria and Russia should assist Turkey in keeping order in 
 Macedonia, began to work less effectually now that the stronger 
 hand was engaged elsewhere, and Abdul Hannid seemed in- 
 clined to put off with vague promises instead of carrying out 
 his part of the agreement to preserve order and protect the in- 
 habitants from outrages. Germany's advices, as head of the 
 alliance (which contained also Austria and* Italy), probably had 
 more weight than would have that of any other country, with 
 the exception of Russia, and was especially opportune in view 
 
266 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 
 
 of the fact that the Slavic people, inhabiting the Balkan pen- 
 insula, felt less enthusiastic about resistance now that their 
 relative and friend had temporarily taken her attention from 
 them. 
 
 North and west of the Baltic Sea, Norway, Sweden and 
 Denmark, had been waking up to a realization that, unless they 
 were entirely on their guard, their fate might become that of 
 Finland. Since the attainment of her rank as a naval power, 
 and with an insistent feeling that she must, sooner or later, get 
 a greater coast line and better access to the sea, Russia had 
 felt hampered in the East, not only in Siberia and in the 
 Crimea, but especially on the Baltic. It was said that in 1903 
 the Russian Government sent military engineers, in the dis- 
 guise of peddlers, through Scandanavia and secured accurate 
 maps of every portion of the country from coast to coast, and 
 the Russian revolutionaries, who, for their views, had taken 
 refuge in the country of the Norsemen, had contributed not a 
 little to putting these peoples on their guard against the day 
 when Russia might wish to absorb them. 
 
 At the beginning of the war, therefore, Russia found 
 small sympathy in these quarters. As was natural, the Czar 
 found friends and well wishers among the Hungarians, Czechs, 
 and other Slavonic races of the dual Empire. Her every 
 move, however, was watched both by friend and foe with the 
 keenest anxiety, and there were not a few who wished that this, 
 the most impressive power in Europe, might meet with 
 reverses. 
 
 The beginning of this war, was not unlike that of other 
 wars. Until recent years there has been no fixed form among 
 the nations for declarations of war. In ancient times tradi- 
 tion made enemies of the different races, and whenever any 
 two members of opposing tribes chanced to meet there was a 
 battle on the spot, which soon involved the countrymen of 
 both. At a later date verbal proclamation through a herald 
 
THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 267 
 
 was substituted for these forms of defiance. This continued 
 to be practised till the sixteenth century, and there are two in- 
 stances of it so recent as the middle of the seventeenth century. 
 
 In 1635 Louis XIII sent a herald to Brussels to 
 declare war against Spain, and twenty- two years afterward 
 Sweden declared war against Denmark through the mouth of 
 a herald sent to Copenhagen. But even prior to this time 
 influence had been at work which undermined the old usages. 
 After the close of the loo-years' war, the civil wars in England, 
 the consolidation of the great European states, and, above 
 all, the fierce rancor engendered in the religious wars, had all 
 contributed to discredit the old forms of feudal chivalry. 
 Written declarations were substituted for proclamation by 
 heralds, and as early as 1588 the great armada attacked Eng- 
 land without declaration at all. The great legal writers 
 still lent their support to the older usage, as where Grotius 
 declared that the voice of God and nature alike orders men to 
 renounce friendship before embarking in war. But, in spite 
 of their influence, the practice fell off. 
 
 During the latter part of the sixteenth century the custom 
 sprang up, and was generally adopted, of issuing a manifesto 
 or notice of the commencement of war, not necessarily to the 
 enemy, but to the diplomatic agents of the other nations, who 
 were required to observe the laws of neutrality. The opinions 
 of the great jurists of this and the last century, since the close 
 of the Napoleonic wars in 18 15, have been more equally 
 divided on the necessity of declaration. Several of the leading 
 continental authorities still maintain that some form of notice 
 to the enemy is imperative. Others take the opposite view. 
 
 In neither the war with England in 18 12, nor the war 
 with Mexico in 1846, did the United States issue either a 
 manifesto or declaration. Of the smaller wars down to 
 1870, in which a European power was engaged on one side or 
 the other, England's unimportant contest with Persia in 1838 
 
268 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 
 
 affords what seems to be a solitary instance of a declaration 
 being made. The opium war of 1840, the Italian war of 1847- 
 49, the Anglo-Persian war of 1856, as well as the Danish 
 struggle about Schleswig-Holstein in 1863, and the war 
 between Brazil and Uruguay in the following year, all com- 
 menced by acts of hostility, preceded, indeed, in several 
 instances by diplomatic notes and manifestoes, but in no case 
 heralded by a formal declaration. 
 
 In November, 1853, after prolonged negotiations had 
 already taken place, the Ottoman Porte protested against 
 Russian claims and intimated its intention of going to war. 
 To this Emporer Nicholas responded in a very elaborate 
 formal declaration. Hostilities did not actually commence till 
 November 4th, three days after the Czar's proclamation, of 
 which the Sultan had thus time to become aware. Relations 
 between the Czar and the English and French Courts became 
 more and more strained during the next few weeks. On Feb- 
 ruary 8, 1854, the Russian Minister left England. On the 
 2ist, Nicholas issued a manifesto complaining of the unfriendly 
 attitude of England and France. On the 27th Captain Black- 
 wood was sent to St. Petersburg with an ultimatum, his instruc- 
 tions being to wait six days for an answer. Before this time 
 had elapsed, the Emperor declined to give any reply, but the 
 Russian Foreign Minister stated privately that his master 
 would not declare war. 
 
 On March 22nd, a message from the Queen was read in 
 the House of Lords, declaring war. On the 31st, according 
 to a quaint old custom, the high sheriff and other chief digni- 
 taries of London attended in their robes, and proclaimed the 
 war from the steps of the Exchange. 
 
 In the Austro-Italian war of 1859, the Emperor's ulti- 
 matum was presented on April 23rd, two days afterward 
 Victor Emmanuel announced to the army the outbreak of war, 
 and on the 25th operations commenced. 
 
THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 269 
 
 Our Civil War presents an interesting instance of the 
 modern tendency to rely on facts rather than forms. 
 
 As the North never recognized the Southern States as 
 being other than rebels, of course they were precluded from 
 declaring war against them, but in a way which may be "read- 
 ily summarized, a state of war came to be recognized as 
 having in point of fact supervened on a state of insurrection. 
 The Secession movement, which began in South Carolina, 
 speedily spread to the other Southern States. Then the first 
 shot was fired from the batteries of Fort Sumter on the Star 
 of the West attempting to enter Charleston with reinforce- 
 ments. Notwithstanding this, Lincoln characterized it as 
 insurrectionary. Nine days later Charleston surrendered to 
 the Confederates, and war votes were then asked for. Letters 
 of marque were issued by the South and a blockade proclaimed 
 by the North. Larger war votes were asked, and Mr. 
 Seward announced in a letter to the American minister at 
 Paris that the Government had "accepted the Civil War as 
 an inevitable necessity." 
 
 England and France thereupon recognized the rights of 
 the South as belligerent states, and issued proclam.ations of 
 neutrality. This action they justified on the ground that, 
 although there had been no declaration of war, the credits 
 voted and the proclamation of a blockade were facts consistent 
 only with a state of war, not of mere insurrection. 
 
 The Seven- Weeks war of 1866 began with the rupture, 
 on June 12th, of diplomatic relations between Prussia and 
 Austria, followed on the same day by a declaration of war by 
 the former power against Saxony, whose territory was entered 
 on June 15th. On June i6th Austria intimated her intention 
 of supporting Saxony, and this Prussia interpreted as a declar- 
 ation of war. A bellicose manifesto addressed ''To My 
 Armies" was issued by Emperor Francis Joseph. On June 
 22nd, Prince Fritz Carl complained of the violation of the 
 
270 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 
 
 Silesian frontier by the Austrians, without any formal declar- 
 ation of war. 
 
 This complaint is a curious example of historical retribu- 
 tion, a precisely similar protest having been made one hundred 
 and twenty years earlier by Austria against the Prussian inva- 
 sion of Silesia. The red prince followed up his complaint by 
 formally declaring war against Austria, a mxCasure which Italy 
 had taken days previously. Four years later Prussia was 
 again involved in a war which was destined to complete the 
 unification of Germany, to which the Seven- Weeks war had 
 been the first step. 
 
 On July 15, 1870, it was announced by the French 
 ministry that the King of Prussia had refused to receive the 
 Emiperor's ambassador, and that the German minister was 
 preparing to leave Paris. Large war credits were asked, as, 
 in the face of these facts, France could no longer maintain 
 peace. On the i6th the slighted French minister reached 
 Paris and the German representative left. France, thereupon, 
 with a self-assertion characteristic of the popular feeling of the 
 time, issued a declaration of war, a copy of which was handed 
 by the charge d'afi'aires at Berlin to Count Bismarck, by whom 
 it was laid before the Parliament of the North German Con- 
 federation on the 30th. England, on the 19th, had recog- 
 nized the existence of w^ar by her proclamation of neutrality. 
 
 Among the struggles of less importance the Ashantee 
 war of 1873, the Transvaal war, the French wars, were all 
 begun without declaration. In the Egyptian war, Arabi 
 Pasha was required, on July 10, 1882, to surrender the forts 
 of Alexandria, and on his failure to do so within the time speci- 
 fied the bombardm.ent began. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Korea, the Bone of Contention 
 
 Korea compared with Italy — Its Racial Character — Its Independence Recognized 
 — Physical Character of the Country — Dangers of Navigation — Skill of the 
 Artisans — The Name of Korea — Seclusion of the People — Population — 
 Russian Expansion — Japanese Colonies — How the Country was Opened — 
 The Attack on the Japanese Legation — Treaties of Commerce with Western 
 Countries — Reaction — Japanese in the Palace^Attack by the Chinese — 
 War Prevented by a Treaty — Steps of Progress in Korea — American Enter- 
 prise — Russian and Japanese Interests in Korea — The Helpless Position of 
 the Koreans — The Weakness of the Government — Perilous Position of the 
 Missionaries. 
 
 KOREA is a part of the Asiatic continent, but extends 
 as a peninsula between China's inland seas and the 
 Sea of Japan, very much as Italy lies between the 
 Mediterranean and the Adriatic. It is about six hundred 
 miles in length, and one hundred and thirty-five miles wide 
 from sea to sea. The position of Seoul, the capital, may be 
 compared to that of Rome, which is half way between the 
 north and the south of Italy. Korea, however, is but a 
 truncated Italy; in the north it has no valley of the Po, 
 no rich Lombardy and Venetia, albeit it has a sort of equiva- 
 lent of the Alps in a mountain barrier reaching from the Sea 
 of Japan to the Yellow Sea, from the port of Vladivostok 
 to Port Arthur. These Korean Alps are covered with 
 woods and snow, and rise to the height of nearly ten thousand 
 feet. Italy has always been a battlefield of nations, and 
 has long been subdivided into kingdoms, duchies and prin- 
 cipalities. Two races only have established themselves in 
 Korea — the Mongol or Manchu race, the continental race; 
 and the Malay or Japanese, the island race. Korea has 
 
 371 
 
272 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 
 
 from time immemorial formed a single kingdom, and has 
 been inhabited by a single nation, a single race, formed 
 from the union of two races. The continental element has, 
 however, been predominant; politically and religiously, the 
 Korean people have lived under the discipline of China as a 
 vassal state ever since the end of the fourteenth century. 
 It has been a kingdom of mandarins, though it had its own 
 monarch and its autonomy; it had to pay an annual tribute 
 to China and to render annual homage to the suzerian Empe- 
 ror of China, with all the formes of an old ceremonial. A 
 somewhat similar relation existed with Japan, by which it 
 had been conquered early in the Christian era. 
 
 After the war between Japan and China, this state 
 of things was altered. The first article of the Treaty of 
 Shimonoseki reads thus: 
 
 "China recognizes definitively the entire independence 
 and autonomy of Korea; and, in consequence, the payment 
 of tribute and performance by Korea with regard to China 
 of ceremonies and formalities in derogation of this inde- 
 pendence and this autonomy will cease completely in future." 
 
 As for Japan, it was careful not to stipulate at the same 
 time its own renunciation of the rights which it had long 
 claimed over Korea as a result of its ancient conquest. 
 
 The Hermit Kingdom enjoys a geographical position 
 of positively romantic charm. The coast is beautiful and 
 perilous; unnumbered shipwrecks have testified to Nature's 
 jealous guardianship of a people which for centuries dreaded 
 intercourse with the outside world as it might have dreaded 
 the plague. On both its east and west seaboard coasts, its 
 shores rise in precipitous mountains, and are flanked by 
 numerous uninhabited and desolate rocky islands. On the 
 east of the southern promontory there is the one port of 
 Fusan, opposite Shimonoseki, Japan. It was by this port the 
 Japanese were wont of old to make predatory incursions 
 
KOREA, THE BONE OF CONi^ENTION 273 
 
 into the country. It is now one of the few ports opened by 
 treaty to Japanese trade. From it there is a road leading 
 direct to the capital, through the provinces of Julia and 
 Giungsang, between which provinces the road runs between 
 high, precipitous, and unscalable mountains; and the path 
 is there so narrow that one man can block it. Here the 
 Chinese and Japanese armies confronted each other, nearly 
 three centuries ago, neither being able to damage the other. 
 A railroad is in process of construction between these two 
 cities. 
 
 The coast, for full sixty miles northeast of Fusan, is a 
 mountainous and desert region; but the shores in the vicinity 
 of this port are populous and covered with many villages, on 
 the banks of the numerous streams which here flow into the 
 sea. The beautifully clear waters of the wide and deep Yalu 
 separate Korean from Manchurian soil, along its course 
 from its source in Chang-bai-shan to the point where it falls 
 into the Yellow Sea. The Tumen, also rising in the high- 
 lands of Chang-bai-shan, separates the northern border of 
 Korea from both Chinese and Russian Territory. The Japan 
 Sea divides it from Japan, and the Yellow Sea washes its 
 south and southwest coasts. The interior is essentially a 
 land of mountains and navigable rivers, the principal moun- 
 tain chain running south from Chang-bai-shan, in a direction 
 at right angles to that great watershed of eastern Asia. East 
 of the lower Yalu is the high, serrated, and extensive range 
 of Bengma, affording almost boundless forest shelter to 
 innumerable game, large and sm.all; fowl and quadruped, 
 ruminant and carnivorous. The nooks and comers of the 
 Gumgang range to the east are crowded with numerous and 
 well-filled temples or monasteries — the m.onks of the East 
 having for many centuries been as fully alive to the grand 
 and the beautiful, indeed perhaps more so, than their 
 monastic brethren of the West. 
 
274 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 
 
 On the eastern coast of Korea the tides are estimated 
 at from two to six feet, but on the western coast, in the Yellow 
 Sea, they rise from eighteen to thirty feet. There are about 
 three thousand miles of seacoast line, and the coimtry is 
 bounded on the south and west by a large number of islands, 
 which constitute a beautiful and picturesque archipelago. 
 Navigation is dangerous because of the tremendous currents 
 and counter-currents among the islands, and also because 
 of the fogs which settle over the Yellow Sea during certain 
 months of the year. The seas and estuaries swarm with 
 enormous quantities of excellent fish in great variety; but 
 the Koreans themselves are either too timid or too lazy to 
 follow the sea for a livelihood, and the fishermen of that 
 country are crowded out by the Japanese, who net and cure 
 immense quantities of fish, which are dried and salted and 
 sent into the interior of Korea and exported to Japan. The 
 climate of Korea is delightful, as a rule. Generally, it is 
 similar to that of the mountain regions of North Carolina. 
 
 The people have profited by the vicinity of China, and 
 have made considerable progress in the arts. Three centu- 
 ries or more ago they were able to build ships two hundred 
 feet long and covered with thin plates of iron. They were 
 also skillful in m^etal-work, in weaving, in pottery and the 
 making of jewels, and Japan owes the introduction of these 
 arts to Korean artisans. The Koreans are descibed as a 
 robust people, amiable and pleasure-loving, kindly and gen- 
 erous, and not natively inclined to war. They are described 
 by a recent writer as " peculiarly proficient in the art of doing 
 nothing gracefully." Their main occupation is agriculture, 
 the soil being fertile and well tilled. Rice, barley, wheat, 
 and various vegetables and fruits are grown, and cattle, 
 horses, pigs, and poultry kept, but sheep and goats are not 
 raised. 
 
 The name Korea, or Corea, is derived from the Gaogowli 
 
KOREA. THE BONE OF CONTENTION 275 
 
 of the beginning of the Christian era. The first syllable was 
 ultimately dropped, and the kingdom was known as Gaoli 
 even before the seventh century. The descendants of those 
 who survived the wholesale butcheries of the Tang empress 
 Woo, pronounce this name Gori, which namic was, a couple 
 of centuries ago, written Korea in the West. The Koreans 
 now call themselves the Gori people, but have long given 
 the name Chosen — the ancient Chaosien — to their country. 
 In 1297 this name was changed to Dai Han or Tai Han, and 
 the King of Korea assumed the title of Emporer, to indicate 
 his equality to the rulers of China, Japan and Russia. The 
 Koreans have for long centuries been subject to invasion 
 from the Chinese and Mongols on the west and south and the 
 Japanese on the east, the invasions from Japan already 
 spoken of being matched by others from China. The first 
 of these was in the second century B. C, and there were 
 others of later date, the land being overrun and conquered, 
 but not held. The only modem evidence of these conquests 
 is the tribute which Korea has long paid. 
 
 Inhabited by a people whose traditions run back for 
 several thousand years, the ''Land of the Morning Calm," 
 which is one of the poetical titles of Korea, has for ages been 
 inhabited by a race of people living in the most profound 
 seclusion and the deepest superstition. Out of its many tribal 
 wars and invasions Korea gradually evolved a single king- 
 dom, bringing its many units under definite control, and has 
 maintained for centuries a more or less composite and stable 
 authority. Under a dynasty that has occupied the throne 
 for five hundred years, the people successfully resisted alien 
 influences; but at last they are awakening to a better under- 
 standing of what civilization means. Of course their gains 
 are accompanied by some losses. The introduction of Western 
 inventions to Korea has gradually eliminated from contem- 
 porary Korean life many customs which, associated with the 
 
276 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTEl^TION 
 
 people and their traditions from time immemorial, imparted 
 much of the repose and picturesqueness which so long dis- 
 tinguished the little kingdom. 
 
 Korea has but a small population — probably only ten 
 millions of inhabitants; a number which represents about 
 one hundred inhabitants per square mile. Japan is looking 
 to Korea as an outlet for her ever-increasing population; 
 she has about forty-five millions of inhabitants, and the rate 
 of increase is very great. It is natural that Japan should, 
 on account of its proximity and of the character of its popu- 
 lation, consider Korea a suitable land for the creation of 
 colonies. Russia, on her part, has been considering Siberia 
 and the Far East as an outlet for her population, already 
 20 large, and which will soon attain formidable numbers. 
 The Siberian Railroad, the occupation of Manchuria, and 
 the acquisition of Vladivostok and of Port Arthur on the 
 Japan and Chinese Seas, are visible signs of the move- 
 ment of Russia's expansion; with this difference between 
 the Russian colonies and the Japanese: the first may be 
 called military colonies, the second really colonies of popu- 
 lations given to all the arts of peace. The land of Japan 
 proper no longer suffices for its inhabitants, and the 
 population increases every year by 400,000 souls. Since 
 1598, after the close of Japan's second war with Korea, 
 there have been Japanese colonies in that land; there were 
 in 1903 from 20,000 to 30,000 Japanese established there, 
 with their families. This emigration, concentrated at first 
 in the ports, spread widely over the country; and it would 
 rapidly augment if it were not for the deplorable administra- 
 tion and tyranny of the Korean officials. Of the character 
 and methods of the Japanese in Korea, mention has been 
 made in preceding chapters. 
 
 The title of "Hermit Kingdom" well expresses the posi- 
 tion of the Korean realm until quite recent times, it remain- 
 
KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 277 
 
 :ng closely sealed against intercourse with foreigners of all 
 nations until 1876. In 1866 an American trading schooner 
 called the General Sherman had been destroyed by the Kore- 
 ans, and her crew and passengers murdered. A man-of-war, 
 the Wachusett, was sent to obtain satisfaction, but failed to 
 do so. In 1870 a small American expedition again appeared 
 and while negotiations were in progress the Koreans fired 
 upon a surveying party. Thereupon the American com- 
 mander landed his troops upon the island of Kiang Hwa, 
 destroyed five Korean forts, routed the army, killing three 
 hundred men, and then retired, with the result that Korea 
 was more firmly closed against foreigners than ever, though 
 the United States had taught it a lesson that was likely to 
 affect its future action. 
 
 The young king, now the Emperor Heui Yi, came of age 
 in 1873, and succeeded his cruel and conservative father. 
 In 1875 some sailors from a Japanese man-of-war were fired 
 upon while drawing water at Kiang Hwa. In reprisal the 
 Japanese captain destroyed a fort and killed a number of 
 Koreans, and his government followed up the incident by 
 sending a fleet under General Kuroda to demand satisfaction 
 and offer the Koreans the alternative of a treaty of commerce 
 or a war. The former was chosen, China, on being appealed 
 to by the Koreans, refusing — as she had done on several 
 similar occasions — to have an}i:hing to do with the action 
 of her nominal vassal. A treaty was therefore signed on 
 February 26, 1876, between Korea and Japan, and from this 
 moment dates the opening of Korea to foreign intercourse. 
 On this occasion, too, the suzerainty of China was formally 
 set aside, without any protests on her part — indeed, with 
 her express recognition, since she refused to interfere. Article 
 I. of this treaty reads as follows: *' Chosen being an inde- 
 pendent State enjoys the same sovereign rights as Japan.'* 
 Chemulpo, Fusan, and Won-san were opened by this treaty 
 to Japanese trade. 
 
278 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENT tON 
 
 The king himself was in favor of extending the same 
 privileges to other nations at their request, but the conserva- 
 tive party prevented him. In 1882 fresh overtures were made 
 by foreign nations, and the reactionaries took alarm. Led 
 by a ''scholar" named Pe Lo-kuan, an insurrection broke 
 out in Seoul, directed chiefly against the Japanese, as the 
 promoters of foreign intercourse. Several members of the 
 Japanese Legation were murdered in the streets, the legation 
 itself was attacked, and Consul Hanabusa and his staff were 
 at last compelled to cut their way through the mob and make 
 for the palace, where they hoped to find refuge. Here, how- 
 ever, the gates were shut against them, so they fought their 
 way out of the city with the greatest pluck, and walked all 
 night to Chemulpo, where, to escape violence, they put to 
 sea in a native boat. Fortunately the British surveying 
 vessel, the Flying Fish, saw them, and conveyed them to 
 Nagasaki. This happened in July, 1882. Of course the 
 Japanese government took instant action, but with great 
 moderation began by merely sending Mr. Hanabusa back to 
 Seoul with a strong escort to demand reparation. This was 
 abjectly offered, and a Chinese force which arrived with 
 unusual promptitude suppressed the rebellion, executed a 
 number of the leaders, and caused their mangled l^odies to 
 be publicly exposed. A sum of 500,000 dollars was accepted 
 by the Japanese as indemnity, but was subsequently forgiven 
 to Korea in consequence of her inability to pay it. Next 
 year treaties with Korea were concluded by the United States, 
 France, England, and Germany, and since that date the 
 Hermit Kingdom has been open to the commerce of the world. 
 
 The result of this was to bring on an era of violence in 
 Japan, the revolutionary party showing its hand in 1885 in 
 an attempt to murder Ming Yong-ik, a nobleman who was 
 bitterly opposed to foreign intercourse. The leaders of the 
 revolutionists proceeded to the palace, secured the person 
 
KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION ^yg 
 
 of the king — who seems to have been in sympathy with 
 them — and sent word to the Japanese minister, asking for 
 1 guard to protect the royal person. A detachment of 130 
 Japanese soldiers was accordingly sent, and the party in 
 control executed live of the conservative ministers. This 
 brought about a reaction, supported by the Chinese, 2,000 
 of whose troops marched to the palace and fired on the Jap- 
 anese guard. The latter held their own, but to prevent 
 further bloodshed the king put himself in the hands of the 
 Chinese. As a result the Japanese retired, and, finding them- 
 selves surrounded by enemies, fought their way through 
 the streets and walked as before to Chemulpo, where they 
 chartered a steamer and returned to Japan. 
 
 This affair nearly brought on war between China and 
 Japan, but the difficulty was finally settled by diplomacy, 
 and a treaty was signed, in which China agreed to withdraw 
 her troops from Korea and to punish the officers who had 
 made the attack on the Japanese. Either nation was to 
 have the right to send troops there to preserve order, but 
 when order was restored such troops were to be withdrawn. 
 It was the disregard of the terms of this treaty by China in 
 the case of the revolt of 1894 that brought on the war between 
 China and Japan already described. 
 
 In regard to the results of foreign intercourse during 
 the short period since Japan opened her ports to the world, 
 a brief extract from the recent work by Angus Hamilton, 
 entitled "Korea," may suffice as evidence of their pronounced 
 character : — 
 
 ''The old order is giving way to the new. So quickly 
 has the population learned to appreciate the results of foreign 
 intercourse that in a few more years it will be difficult to 
 find in Seoul any remaining link with the capital of yore. 
 The changes have been somewhat radical. The introduction 
 of telegraphy has miade it unnecessary to signal nightly the 
 
28o KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 
 
 safety of the kingdom by beacons from the crests of the 
 mountains. The gates are no longer closed at night ; no more 
 does the evening bell clang sonorously throughout the city 
 at sunset, and the runners before the chairs of the officials 
 have for some time ceased to announce in strident voices the 
 passing of their masters. Improvements which have been 
 wrought also in the condition of the city — in its streets and 
 houses, in its sanitary measures and in its methods of com- 
 munication — have replaced these ancient customs. An excel- 
 lent and rapid train runs from Chemulpo; electric trams 
 afford quick transit within and beyond the capital; even 
 electric lights illuminate by night some parts of the chief city 
 of the Hermit Kingdom. Moreover, an aqueduct is men- 
 tioned; the police force has been reorganized; drains have 
 come and evil odors have fled. 
 
 "Reforms in education have also taken place; schools 
 and hospitals have been opened; banks, foreign shops and 
 agencies have sprung up; a factory for the mianufacture of 
 porcelain ware is in operation; and the number and variety 
 of the religions with which foreign missionaries are wooing 
 the people are as amazing and complex as in China. The 
 conduct of educational affairs. is arranged upon a basis which 
 now gives every facility for the study of foreign subjects. 
 Special schools for foreign languages, conducted by the gov- 
 ernment under the supervision of foreign teachers, have 
 been instituted. Indeed, most striking changes have been 
 miade in the curriculum of the common schools of the city. 
 Mathematics, geography, history, besides foreign languages, 
 are all subjects in the courses of these establishments, and 
 only lately a special school of survey under foreign direction 
 has been opened. The enlightenment which is thus spread- 
 ing throughout the lower classes cannot fail to secure some 
 eventual modification of the views and sentiments by which 
 the upper classes regard the progress of the country. As a 
 
KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 281 
 
 sign of the times, it is worthy to note that several native 
 newspapers have been started; while the increase of business 
 has created the necessity for improved facilities in financial 
 transactions." 
 
 It is of interest to learn of the pronounced activity of 
 Americans in Korean affairs. Their trade is said to be very 
 important, '' composite in its character, carefully considered, 
 protected by the influence of the miinister, supported by the 
 energies of the American missionaries, and controlled by two 
 firms, whose knowledge of the wants of Korea is just forty- 
 eight hours ahead of the realization of that want by the 
 Korean." In Seoul the electric car company, the electric 
 light company and the water company have all been created 
 by American enterprise. It was an American who secured 
 the concession for the Seoul-Chemulpo Railway, and subse- 
 quently sold it to the Japanese company, which is now in 
 control. The French and the Belgians are both active. 
 The German colony is said to be small and insignificant. 
 The position of the English is characterized as '' destitute 
 of any great commercial or political significance." 
 
 The difficulties between Japan and Russia had their 
 origin in a conflict of personal interests in 1897. Korea had 
 become the field of many enterprising companies; it was 
 thought that its gold mines, its petroleum, its forests, could 
 be used and become attractions for European capital. In 
 1897 a Russian company obtained the concession of immense 
 forests in the valleys of the Tumen and the Yalu; it was the 
 time when Russia and Japan had signed a protocol which, 
 so to speak, divided Korea between them. When a second 
 protocol was signed, which delivered Korea completely to 
 Japanese enterprise, it was thought that the Russian conces- 
 sion of 1897 would be practically abandoned; but in 1901 a 
 Russian mission was formed, which appeared in 1902 in the 
 valley of the Yalu, marked the trees in the forest, and pre- 
 
282 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 
 
 pared for their systematic cutting. This mission estabHshed 
 itself in a Korean city, where foreigners have no right to 
 reside, built a telegraphic line, and made plans for a railway 
 which should unite the Yalu River to the railway lines of 
 Manchuria. It obtained in August, 1903, the monopoly of the 
 log-rafting on the Yalu, and a piece of land at Yongampo, 
 and, as already stated, soon manifested an intention to assume 
 military control of the district. 
 
 The Emperor of Korea had not a word to say to all this, 
 but the minister of Japan naturally claimed similar advan- 
 tages for his own country, and, among others, the opening of 
 Wiju, the port of the Yalu. A constant struggle for influence 
 began, and the relations of Japan and Russia became more 
 and more tense. The Japanese asked for the opening of all 
 the ports and the cities still shut against foreigners; for rail- 
 ways, telegraphs, administrative reforms. The Russians, on 
 their side, fortified more and more their position in Manchuria, 
 and indicated a growing desire for possession of the land 
 which separated Vladivostok from Port Arthur. Such was 
 the state of affairs in the years preceding the war between 
 these two countries, whose immediate preliminaries are 
 elsewhere dealt with at length. 
 
 The position of Korea in regard to the disputed questions 
 Mr. Hamilton describes as a hopeless one. Unfortunately, 
 the government of Korea is powerless to prevent either the 
 advance of Russia or the steady spread of Japanese influence. 
 She possesses neither army nor navy which can be put to any 
 practical use, and she is in that position in which a country is 
 placed when unable to raise its voice upon its own behalf. 
 The army numbers a few thousand men, who in the last few 
 years have been trained to the use of European weapons. 
 They are armed with the Gras (obsolete pattern), Murata, 
 Martini and a variety of muzzle-loading, smooth-bore rifles. 
 Their shooting powers are most indifferent, and they lack 
 
KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 283 
 
 besides the qualities of courage and discipline. There is 
 no artillery, and the cavalry arm is confined to a few hundred 
 men, with no knowledge of horse-mastership and with no idea 
 of their weapons or their duties. At a moment of emergency 
 the entire force of mounted and dismounted men would 
 become utterly demoralized. There are numerous general 
 officers, while the navy is composed of twenty-three admirals 
 and one iron-built coal lighter, until quite lately the property 
 of a Japanese steamship company. 
 
 Of the man who might do something materially to better 
 the condition of his people, the emperor, Mr. Hamilton 
 speaks with blended approval and criticism. Nominally, it 
 seems, this ruler enjoys the prerogative and independence of 
 an autocrat, but '' in reaUty he is in the hands of that party 
 whose intrigues for the time being may have given them the 
 upper hand," and while he often lends his support to reforms, 
 he devotes himself, on the whole, willingly enough to the 
 corrupt and extravagant life of a court in which unscrupulous 
 leaders, both men and women, stand doggedly for reactionary 
 measures. For the future of Korea a radical change in the 
 character of the government, or its control by one of the 
 nations which have made it a seat of war, would seem to be 
 necessary. Under present conditions its regeneration must 
 be a slow, perhaps a hopeless, problem. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Position of tlie Ciiinese 
 
 A Fight for China — Chinese Sympathy for Japan — The Helpless Empire — Rus- 
 sian Help — Li Hung Chang and Russia — Port Arthur taken from Japan by 
 Russia — The Slav Secures Manchuria — Massacre of Chinese^-China Loses 
 Faith. 
 
 ONE of the most competent observers, Henry Norman, 
 confidently announced that the war was fundament- 
 ally a fight for permanent influence over, and final 
 ownership of, China. That country, as large as the United 
 States, containing more than six times as many inhabitants, 
 was fully as rich a prize as any nation could strive for. With 
 great unexhausted natural resources, and a dense population 
 of industrious labor, the eventual ownership of China prom- 
 ised to the victor greater spoils than even the conquest of 
 India gave to England. China's feelings, nevertheless, were 
 not much considered. Though two hostile armies were 
 battling on her threshold, soil which belonged to her, she 
 was not strong enough to put them to the door. Centuries 
 of corruption had weakened the central government and 
 given her piecemeal into the power of her mandarins. Hav- 
 ing long held the foreigner out by persistently keeping the 
 door closed, once he had seen her weakness, he took prac- 
 tically what he pleased. Thus England, Germany and 
 France had gained footholds; thus Russia, up to this time 
 the most powerful influence at Peking, had gained the lion's 
 share and appropriated Manchuria. 
 
 At the outbreak of hostilities Chinese troops were dis- 
 co\ered massed conveniently near the Great Wall. Though 
 
 a84 
 
POSITION OF THE CHINESE 285 
 
 the empire declared itself neutral it expressly excepted respon- 
 sibility for certain ''provinces occupied by European troops.'* 
 The Japanese had suddenly gained ascendency at her court 
 and, in spite of the Chino- Japanese war of ten years before, 
 nearly all Chinese prayed for victory on the Japanese arms. 
 Their early victories were celebrated in Peking with fireworks 
 and posters, and in New York the Chinese quarter was 
 decorated in honor of the gallant attack on Port Arthur. 
 In all the disorder, nevertheless, it was felt that the shrewd 
 Dowager Empress had an intention to watch less apathetically 
 than usual for China's opportunity. What it was, no one 
 felt ready to say. Possibly a recognition of the fact that 
 the East must make a stand against the West, or be over- 
 whelmed; perhaps for revenge on Russia; possibly to regain 
 the lost province, Manchuria, which the samovar and the 
 railroad were fast tying to Siberia. 
 
 Nothing but a war could ever recover as much as this, 
 for the yielding process has been going on for a long time. 
 So long ago as the seventeenth century Russian travelers and 
 generals invaded, by no means always successfully, the Amur 
 region, and in 1686 the treaty of Nerchinsk was signed, by 
 which the upper Shilka was ceded to Russia, and the posses- 
 sion of the Amur basin was affirmed entirely to China. So 
 matters remained for nearly two centuries, except that Rus- 
 sian adventurers located themselves on the coast line and 
 that Muravieff, the governor of eastern Siberia, found a way 
 for himself down the Ammr to the sea, contrary to every 
 stipulation. During the allied invasion of north China in 
 i860, however, advantage was taken of the prostrate condi- 
 tion of China to make a substantial advance. By a treaty 
 concluded between the two powers it was agreed that ''the 
 left banks of the river Am^ur, from the river Argoun to its 
 source, shall belong to the Emperor of Russia, and its right 
 bank down to the Ussuri to China. The territorv situated 
 
286 POSITION OF THE CHINESE 
 
 between the river Ussuri and the sea, as up to the present, 
 shall be possessed in common by the empires of China and 
 Russia, until the frontier between the two states shall be 
 defined." 
 
 This joint occupation of territory was a common Russian 
 prelude to absorption. It was adopted in the Japanese 
 island of Saghalien. As it was with Saghalien, so it was 
 with the territory between the Ussuri and the sea, extending 
 southward from the Amur River to the northern boundary 
 of Korea. 
 
 This was a large mouthful for Russia to assimilate. The 
 distance from Europe was great, and much careful adminis- 
 tration was necessary in order to convert the existing villages 
 and ports into towns and places of arms. Under the foster- 
 ing care of the government of the province, Vladivostok 
 developed into a strong citadel, and with much care Russia 
 so protected herself in her new possessions as to be practically 
 safe from all attack on the side of China. For a generation 
 matters of construction occupied the attention of the Rus- 
 sians to the exclusion of all others, and it was not until peace 
 was declared at the end of the Chino- Japanese war that 
 she again made her political existence felt. Li Hung Chang, 
 in his negotiations with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, had 
 agreed to cede Japan the Liao-tung peninsula, including Port 
 Arthur. At once, as though by a prearranged plan, Russia, 
 having France and Germany at her back, came forward with 
 an objection and insisted that the possession of that position 
 by Japan '' would not only constitute a constant menace to 
 the capital of China," but also that '' it would render the inde- 
 pendence of Korea illusory.'* So urgent were the allied pow- 
 ers in this protest that Japan deemed it wise to yield, and for 
 some counterbalancing advantages she restored to China 
 her legitimate spoils of war. This action on the part of 
 Russia was the first intimation to the outer world that while 
 
POSITION OF THE CHINESE 287 
 
 silently consolidating her new possessions in the north she had 
 been incubating plans of future conquest. 
 
 But if Russia had been slow in maturing her plans she 
 now showed a restless activity in developing them. Fortu- 
 nately for her, Li Hung Chang was in power at Peking at the 
 • time, and through the good offices of that venal statesman 
 she was confidently assured that any proposals she might 
 make would receive a favorable hearing at the Tsung-li-yamen. 
 By these occult means she obtained the right to construct a 
 railway from a point on her Siberian frontier to Vladivostok, 
 through Chinese Manchuria, and coupled with this right all 
 the privileges pertaining to it. But the master-stroke was 
 yet to come. With a cynical disregard for past professions 
 and assurances she took possession, nominally on a lease, of 
 Port Arthur, the position from which she had ousted the 
 Japanese, in full defiance of political considerations which 
 she had before solemnly protested had been the sole motive 
 of her earlier action. 
 
 Even this political outrage, however, did not arouse the 
 politicians at Peking, who added to the Russians the right of 
 connecting Port Arthur by railway with the Siberian system. 
 In Japan, however, the act created widespread indignation, 
 and was naturally regarded as a gross injustice and insult 
 to her as a nation. Of course the occupation was accom- 
 panied by the inevitable assurance by which it was affirmed 
 that Russia had no intention of infringing on the rights of 
 Chinese sovereignty. And saying this she immediately began 
 to infringe those rights by virtually appropriating all districts 
 and cities through which the railway passed. This masterful 
 action of the Russians was too open and palpable to make 
 them popular among the people of the country, and on the 
 outbreak of the Boxer movement this feeling found vent in 
 repeated attacks on the Russians by bands of local militia 
 more or less organized. To crush this rebellious action Russia 
 
288 POSITION OF THE CHINESE 
 
 determined to make a signal example of her power in truly 
 Oriental fashion. 
 
 Blagovestchensk happened to be the place where events 
 culminated in this display of vengeance. It was admitted 
 that the Chinese had fired on isolated Russians, and as the 
 garrison was small in numbers compared with its possible 
 assailants the commandant issued orders that the Chinese 
 residents in the town were to cross the Amur to the Chinese 
 shore. But means of transporting them were not at hand and 
 with callous brutality the Chinese were driven into the waters 
 of the river, were either drowned in their attempts to cross or 
 were shot down on their trying to recover the bank. In this 
 murderous outrage several thousands of Chinese perished, and 
 the deed naturally left a bitter memory among the survivors. 
 
 With the death of Li Hung Chang, Russian influence 
 at Peking waned, and that of Japan increased greatly. It is 
 a notable feature of Chinese idiosyncrasies that they always 
 take as their models the latest enemies by whom they have 
 been vanquished, and just as they placed themselves at the 
 feet of English and French instructors after the war of i860, 
 so at the conclusion of peace with Japan they sought to 
 imitate the institutions and methods of their conquerors. 
 A visit of Count Ito to Peking at this time accentuated the 
 movement, and since then Japanese instructors have drilled 
 and armed the Chinese troops, and have been accepted as 
 authorities on all scientific and learned subjects. These were 
 approximately the positions of the two powers at the court 
 of Peking when war began. From the time w^hen death 
 removed Li Hung Chang from the counsels of the Dowager 
 Empress passing events had forced upon her the conviction 
 that the precious assurances of Russian diplomatists were 
 too often falsified by the event, and that the outcome of the 
 past series of negotiations relating to Manchuria had resulted 
 in that important territory being virtually wrested from the 
 Chinese crown. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Germany's Sympathetic Silence 
 
 Understanding With Russia — The Kaiser and the Czar — Germans Hold Russian 
 Bonds — Enigma of the United States — German Money in Kiao-Chau — 
 Foreign Policy — Increasing Strength of the Triple Alliance — The Herero War 
 — The Colonial Empire — Home Expenses. 
 
 THERE were not a few students of the grouping of Euro- 
 pean powers about the two opponents, who believed 
 the sympathies of the German government, as well as 
 of the army and navy circles, to be with Russia in this war. 
 It will be remembered that Germany joined Russia and France 
 at the close of the Chino-Japanese war, in 1894, in wresting 
 from Japan nearly all the spoils of her victory. Since then 
 on a number of occasions the Teutons more or less favored 
 Russia in her aggressive Far- Asian policy. This has been part 
 and parcel of an amicable understanding which was the per- 
 sonal work of the Kaiser and the Czar. If it had not been for 
 this understanding, we might say, Germany would not have 
 been permitted to enjoy quiet possession and exploitation of 
 the colony of Kiao-Chun and of its hinterland, the province 
 of Shan-tung, with its population of 38,000,000, its fine coal 
 and iron deposits and its other sources of wealth, m^ade avail- 
 able since by the completed railroad. Russia on her part 
 would have had^ to deal, besides the opposition to her policy 
 in Far Asia on the part of Great Britain, the United States and 
 Japan, with that of Germany as well, which would have ren- 
 dered its pursuance a matter of extreme difficulty. This 
 understanding between Russia and Germany affected Man- 
 churia as well. Germany gave there a carte blanche to Russia, 
 19 289 
 
290 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 
 
 on the plea that German poHtical or comraercial interests were 
 in no wise involved. 
 
 The key to this pro-Russian policy in Far Asia, however, 
 is found not only in the facts above mentioned, but also, and 
 to a considerable extent, in the pleasant personal relations 
 between the Kaiser and Nicholas II., and, furthermore, in 
 the close commercial relations obtaining between the two 
 countries, for Russia has been one of Germany's best cus- 
 tomers. Germany had the largest percentage of her foreign 
 trade, amounting to a matter of $200,000,000, exports and 
 imports about evenly divided. 
 
 These are the main tangible interests which secured for 
 Russia the sympathies of official Germany in her -ttruggle with 
 Japan. There were a few others, not so apparent, but just as 
 potent. One of them was that German capitalists owned 
 large blocks of Russian securities, amounting altogether to 
 about $500,000,000. Depreciation of them by Russian defeat 
 would be inevitable; indeed, Japan's naval successes inime- 
 diately produced this effect. Lastly, the ruling classes, from 
 government circles downward, with a fellow-feeling for Rus- 
 sian autocratic methods, looked upon a politically strong 
 Russia as strengthening authority in Germany herself, thus 
 serving as a sort of barrier against the growing tide of socialism. 
 
 All of which is tantamount to saying that the Liberal 
 circles of Germany did not sympathize with Russia, and 
 looked upon the contingency of Russian victory as detri- 
 mental to all they themselves aim at. It is, indeed, easily 
 susceptible of proof that Russia and the close affiliations of late 
 years sustained with her were held by all the liberal minds in 
 Germany as strong means of strengthening that unfortunate 
 trend toward autocracy and the ignoring of constitutional and 
 parliamentary limits placed on the Kaiser and his Cabinet On 
 the other hand, Russia's ultimate defeat would make in favor 
 of a revival of liberalism in the Prussian kingdom. 
 
GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 291 
 
 It would be an error, though, to suppose, that Germany 
 meant to interfere or intervene, one way or the other, in the 
 war and its prospective results. She did not consider her 
 interests seriously enough involved to m.ake the expenditure 
 of blood and treasure advisable. Personally, William 11. 
 would regret deeply Russian defeat. As regards the nation, 
 the outcome of the war, no matter which side miight win, 
 would leave Germany's position in China and throughout Far 
 Asia much the same. At least that is what was surmised. 
 There was only one serious factor of uncertainty to disturb 
 the calculations. Its name is the United States, and :ts chief 
 representative the Secretary of State, Mr. John Hay. " What 
 will he be up to next?" was the inquiry on many lips. Dark 
 forebodings were in the minds of the jingo party. Some of 
 their organs, such as the Kreuz Zeitung, the Colonial Zettung^ 
 and the Deutsche Zeitung gave vent to these fears. They dis- 
 cussed the question in advance to foil Mr. Hay and Great 
 Britain if Germany should be asked to withdraw from Kiao- 
 Chau or to confine her efforts within the narrow limits of the 
 colony itself. Some hints to that effect appear to have been 
 dropped in the correspondence between Baron von Sternberg, 
 ambassador in Washington, and the Foreign Office in Berlin, 
 To show the importance attached by the German govern- 
 ment to Kiao-Chua, it is only necessary to mention a few facts. 
 The railroad company formed to construct a road between 
 Kiao-Chau and the provincial capital of Shan-tung, Tsi-nan-fu, 
 consisted of German capitalists backed by the Deutsche Bank 
 in Berlin, with capital involved of $75,000,000, and 400 miles 
 of road. Up to the time of the war one-half of the road had 
 been completed, throwing open to rail communication the won- 
 derfully rich mines of coal, both anthracite and bituminous, 
 and iron located midway. The remaining half was to be fin- 
 ished within a twelvemonth. The coal obtained was of excel- 
 lent quality, suitable for war vessels and the merchant marine 
 
292 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 
 
 in Chinese waters. Brought to the pit mouth at an expense to 
 the ton of less than $1.50, and dehvered in Tsing-tau (the 
 most important city within the Kiao-Chau colony proper) by 
 railway at $2.10, it was sold to vessels at from $5 to $6.50. 
 The iron ore smelted was of similarly fine quality, and used 
 largely for building purposes, both within the colony and in 
 the neighboring cities of Shang-tung. When the railroad 
 shall have reached Tsi-nan-fu, the availability of this iron 
 will have been greatly enlarged. All this mining region had 
 been brought under the control of German capital, som.ething 
 like $10,000,000 having been invested, with $20,000,000 or 
 $30,000,000 more in prospect. But this is only part of the 
 tangible value attaching to this colony. Germany counted 
 on making a second Hong-Kong, not out of the harbor of Kiao- 
 Chau, but out of Tsing-tau, a town possessing all the natural 
 advantages for rapid development that could be desired. 
 Again, with Kiao-Chau to serve as a base and lever, very miuch 
 as the Philippines serve the United States for enlarging her 
 sphere of influence in Far Asia, all that Germany asked so 
 far as concerned Far Asia, was to be let alone. 
 
 In view of the friendly attitude shown by Germ.any to 
 Russia after the outbreak of the war with Japan, political 
 circles were more than puzzled by the persistent flirtations 
 going on between Russia on the one side and France and Erig- 
 land on the other. Certainly, a drawing together of France 
 and England has nothing abnormal in it, as we have shown in 
 a preceding chapter. Quite otherwise with Russia. 
 
 Germany's foreign policy is largely built up on the belief 
 that a lasting peace between England and Russia is impossible ; 
 or, if maintained, can only be maintained at the expense of 
 one or the other. This is one of the main paragraphs in the 
 creed of the German governing circles. Furthermore, it has 
 always been held that England's foreign policy is made, not 
 by her sovereign, but by her leading statesman and the body 
 
GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 293 
 
 of advisers chosen by him from the predominant poHtical 
 party. This theory held good throughout the sixty years' 
 reign of the late Queen Victoria. And then, in the year 1904, 
 with English Parliamentary government apparently in its 
 very zenith, it seemed as if "personal government" — that is, 
 monarchic government — were once more to prevail in Eng- 
 land. King Edward VII. appeared to be demonstrating this, 
 and, strange to say, to the satisfaction of the great body of 
 Englishmen themselves. At least he was credited, both by 
 the French and English press, with bringing about, first, closer 
 and distinctly friendly relations with France, and with efforts 
 to effect a similar reconciliation with Russia. How much — 
 or, rather, how little — of this is true, must be matter of con- 
 jecture for all those not in the secret. And of those who are 
 really in the secret, not one so far has spoken out. But this 
 much appears to be beyond question, that attempts were 
 being made to effect a sort of understanding on disputed points 
 between England and Russia. 
 
 As to the reported ''growing isolation of Germany" 
 neither the Kaiser nor the imperial chancellor, Count von 
 Bulow, lost any sleep over such an assumption. Events have 
 shown that the Triple Alliance was stronger than it ever was. 
 Again, Spain had been admitted into it, or virtually so. That 
 point was settled at a personal interview between the Kaiser, 
 the young King of Spain, and his leading statesmen, on board 
 the Kaiser's Hohenzollern, within a Spanish harbor. Wil- 
 liam 11. 's Mediterranean trip accomplished this much. Then, 
 as to Russia, Germany continued to believe that while she 
 might be willing at this juncture in her political affairs to 
 listen to the siren voice of England, inasmuch as to do so 
 relieved her of some unquiet moments, she would, after the 
 war, resume her well-tried tactics in Asia, tactics always, 
 directly or indirectly, directed against England's interests 
 here. 
 
294 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 
 
 But at the raoment Germany was less concerned with the 
 war in Far Asia than with a war of her own, small though it 
 was. This refers, of course, to the rebellion of the native 
 tribes in German Southwest Africa, the backbone of the 
 rising being that of the Hereros. It was the first colonial war 
 of serious dimensions she had on her hands, and hence the 
 novelty of the situation and inexperience in this line invested 
 events in that large colony with something of the same interest 
 which the rebellion in the Philippines excited throughout the 
 United States. The theatre of war was unfavorable for Ger- 
 man troops and for regular warfare. There are only two 
 small railroads, altogether with an extent of a few hundred 
 miles, and this within a country more than twice as large as 
 Germany, with immense arid steppes, an absence of navigable 
 rivers, a sparse population, and few towns or other places of 
 supply. Besides all that, the home government, as well as 
 the army authorities, committed the blunder of undervaluing 
 both the enemy and these difficulties. The military rein- 
 forcements sent out to conquer or destroy the rebellious, 
 natives, instead of being six thousand, as had been advised 
 by the governor of German Southwest Africa, Colonel Leut- 
 wein, were only one thousand strong, and additional rein- 
 forcements had to be dispatched later. The chief belhgerents 
 there, the Hereros, proved to be men of much more mettle 
 than had been suspected to be the case. Small bodies of 
 troops had to fight them under the most unfavorable condi- 
 tions, and the Hereros usually stood their ground well, though 
 the fighting on their jDart was almost always from ambush. 
 They were armed, too, with weapons of the latest model, sup- 
 plied them largely by British dealers across the border of Cape 
 Colony. In this way the losses were disproportionately large, 
 altogether something like 50 per cent. 
 
 This particular German colony, located along the south- 
 west coast of Africa, and extending inland several hundreds 
 
GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 295 
 
 of miles, was hitherto looked upon as the most promising of 
 all by colonial enthusiasts. In fact, hopes had been built for 
 years past that a considerable stream of German emigration 
 could be diverted into that channel. Those hopes must prob- 
 ably be abandoned, in spite of the favorable climatic condi, 
 tions in German Southwest Africa, and although men with 
 small capital, from $3,000 upward, if hardy and abstemious, 
 have a good chance of attaining moderate prosperity in that 
 country by cattle-farming, mining and cereal culture. 
 
 A singular fatality seems to rest on German colonial enter- 
 prises. With the sole exception of Kiao-Chau, if one can 
 take the word of Eugene Richter, one of the leading Liberals, 
 for it, they are not ''worth a straw." Count von Bulow 
 enjoyed a short-lived triumph when he had purchased from 
 Spain the Carolines and the Ladrones. But these islands 
 turned out as worthless as the rest, and German capital is 
 wary of investing in colonies. The Reichstag during the 
 session of 1904 appropriated another 50,000,000 marks (about 
 $12,500,000) for the so-called colonial empire, a large part of 
 this sum serving to make up the annual deficit. But a con- 
 siderable portion of it went for the further development of 
 -Kiao-Chau, German East Africa and German Southwest 
 Africa. In both the latter colonies the government made up 
 its mind to go into railroad-building on a larger scale, hoping 
 eventually to develop resources. The patriotic German, 
 looking at the map and seeing there, scattered through Africa, 
 Australasia, the Pacific and China, groups of islands and large 
 tracts on the mainland, altogether more than five times as 
 large as the home country, might feel his heart swell with 
 pride. But that is about the only return he gets for his money. 
 As a matter of fact, Cameroons and Togo, both within the 
 tropical belt on the west coast of Africa, would promise rich 
 returns were it not for their murderous climate and the diffi- 
 culties of obtaining efficient labor. The government has been 
 
296 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 
 
 making great efforts to introduce there cotton culture on a 
 large scale, but, with prospects favorable in every other 
 respect, there is a scarcity of diligent human labor. 
 
 The renewal of her commercial treaties seemed as far off 
 as ever. Slight advance had been made in the matter of 
 treaty with Great Britain and her colonies, the United States, 
 Holland and Belgium, Rumania and Switzerland, Argentina 
 and Brazil. True, negotiations with Russia, Austria-Hun- 
 gary and Italy were proceeding at a fair rate, but it was 
 impossible to make any definite arrangements with them in 
 the matter of a commercial understanding before the other 
 countries mentioned were heard from. As regards the United 
 States, even the Agrarians had become aware of the fact that 
 a definite understanding must be had, else their entire export 
 trade would be imperiled. 
 
 In addition to this difficulty there was the concrete one of 
 deficits in the household of the empire. For a number of 
 years, up to 1902, there had been considerable surplus; but 
 the sources of revenue, from customs duties, etc., were dimin- 
 ishing, and the imperial secretary of finances officially stated 
 that deficits must be looked for until 1909. He estimated 
 them at from 50,000,000 to 95,000,000 marks, and with that 
 he also figured out a rise of expenditures of 225,000,000 marks 
 a year from 1,700,000,000 to 1,925,000,000 marks. Army 
 and navy are responsible for the bulk of this rise in expendi- 
 tures. 
 
A NATIVE KOREAN OFFICIAL 
 Min Ang Ho, the Postmaster-General of Korea, was educated in America. 
 
RUSSIAN TROOPS HURRYING TO THE KOREAN FRONTIER 
 
 ^ the opening of the war, Russia had troops concentrated in Mancliuria ready to take up the march 
 tor Korea. Our artist represents thena as marching down the main street in Port Arthur, for the front. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 The United States and the Conflict 
 
 Advantage of America's Position — Secretary Hay's Stroke of Diplomacy — His Let- 
 ter to Other Powers — The Proclamation of Neutrality — The President's Atti- 
 • tude Clearly Shown — Commercial Considerations — The Interests of Americans 
 Abroad. 
 
 WHATEVER might be felt upon the broader aspects 
 of the quarrel, it was generally agreed that the 
 Japanese, with all their evident determination to 
 fight and notwithstanding their great aggressiveness, had so 
 conducted the negotiations with Russia as to present their 
 national cause in a favorable light before the world. Justly- 
 regarding the integrity of Korea as essential to their own 
 security, they could not — so their official statement ran — exact 
 from Russia a pledge to respect it. Equally concerned in the 
 independence of the Chinese Empire, they could obtain from 
 Russia no agreement and no explanation of her continued 
 aggression and her continued military activity in Chinese 
 territory. Recognizing that Russia's studious delay was only 
 a cover for a determined advance that was directed against the 
 essential interests of Japan, they broke off the fruitless pre- 
 tense of negotiation and resorted to the arbitrament of arms. 
 The strength of this statement of the Japanese position 
 was such that the world knew it to be essentially true. Rus- 
 sia's silent, sullen advance across Asia, her policy of acquiring 
 and holding was no new demonstration; and while it fell to 
 Japan to oppose it forcibly, for her own self-preservation, other 
 Powers had already made the same protest against the Rus- 
 sian aggression in Manhcuria and her contemptuous disregard 
 of treaty engagements. Thus, while Japan at that juncti.ire 
 
 297 
 
298 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 
 
 was without military allies, her diplomatic alliances w^ere oi 
 the strongest. Great Britain and the United States, at least, 
 were disposed to insist upon the respect for the integrity oi 
 the Chinese Empire, for which Japan professed to be fighting, 
 and such insistence bade fair to prove an influential factor in 
 the war. 
 
 America, indeed, had a peculiar sentimental interest in 
 the impending war. Japan, one of the principals, she, through 
 Commodore Perry, introduced to the Western world, and i1 
 was another of her naval officers. Commodore R. W. Shufeldt, 
 who opened to the Caucasians Korea, the battlefield. Russia, 
 the other principal, was our "traditional friend," because oi 
 her offer of good offices in the War of 18 12 and her refusal tc 
 join France and England in the plan to intervene in our Civil 
 War. 
 
 Of material interest in the outcome, we had none that 
 was then apparent, save in the attitude of Russia, if she should 
 be victor, toward China, with which, as sovereign power, we 
 had just concluded a treaty opening Manchurian ports to our 
 trade. Russia, master of Korea, would hardly acknowledge 
 rights there granted by China, nor was there anything in hei 
 history to warrant belief that she would then make with us 
 such treaties as to give our trade entrance to Korea. 
 
 In this aspect, Russia threatened to undo much of the 
 work which we had done for commerce in the Far East. Oui 
 stand for the open door in China after the Boxer uprising was 
 no departure. It was merely carrying on the policy put intc 
 effect by Commodore Perry in Japan forty-seven years before, 
 and by Commodore Shufeldt in Korea twenty-two years ago. 
 In all of these cases the United States acted as pioneer foi 
 the Western nations. The eclat of Perry's intrusion upon 
 Japan and the recency of our last negotiations with China 
 kept these achievements fresh in the public mind, but the suc- 
 cess of Shufeldt in bringing the Hermit Kingdom into the 
 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 299 
 
 family of nations under the auspices of the young republic of 
 the West was no less noteworthy, and it is worth recalling 
 that the integrity of Korea was in the balance, whatever the 
 result of the struggle on her soil. 
 
 In strict accord, therefore, with American tradition, 
 
 \ President Roosevelt, upon the first outbreak of hostilities, 
 
 proclaimed the neutrality of the United States. On February 
 
 nth the following document was published from the White 
 
 House : 
 
 By the Prej^ident of the United States of America, 
 
 A PROCLAMATION 
 
 Whereas, A state of war unhappily exists between Japan 
 on the one side and Russia on the other side ; and. 
 
 Whereas, The United States are on terms of friendship 
 and amity with both the contending Powers and with the per- 
 sons inhabiting their several dominions; and, 
 
 Whereas, There are citizens of the United States resid- 
 ing within the territories or dominions of each of the said 
 belligerents, and carrying on commerce, trade or other business 
 or pursuits therein, protected by the faith of treaties; and. 
 
 Whereas, There are subjects of each of the said belliger- 
 ents residing within the territory or jurisdiction of the United 
 States, and carrying on commerce, trade or other business or 
 pursuits therein; and, 
 
 Whereas, The laws of the United States, without inter- 
 fering with the free expression of opinion and sympathy, or 
 with the open manufacture or sale of arms or munitions of 
 war, nevertheless impose upon all persons who may be within 
 their territory and jurisdiction the duty of an impartial neutral- 
 ity during the existence of the contest; and. 
 
 Whereas, It is the duty of a neutral government not to 
 permit or suffer the making of its waters subservient to the 
 purposes of war: 
 
300 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the 
 United States of America, in order to preserve the neutrahty 
 of the United States and of their citizens, and of persons 
 within their territory and jurisdiction, and to enforce their 
 laws, and in order that all persons, being warned of the general 
 tenor of the laws and treaties of the United States in this 
 behalf, and of the law of nations, may thus be prevented from 
 an unintentional violation of the same, do hereby declare and 
 proclaim that by the Act passed on the 20th day of April, 
 A. D. 18 1 8, commonly known as the ''Neutrality Law," the 
 following acts are forbidden to be done, under severe penal- 
 ties, within the territory and jurisdiction of the United States, 
 to wit: 
 
 First. Accepting and exercising a commission to serve 
 either of the said belligerents by land or by sea against the 
 other belligerent. 
 
 Second. Enlisting or entering into the service of either 
 of the said belligerents as a soldier, or as a marine or seaman 
 on board of any vessel of war, letter of marque or privateer. 
 
 Third. Hiring or retaining another person to enlist or 
 enter himself in the service of either of the said belligerents as 
 a soldier, or as a marine, or seaman on board of any vessel of 
 war, letter of marque or privateer. 
 
 Fourth. Hiring another person to go beyond the limits 
 or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to be enlisted 
 as aforesaid. 
 
 Fifth. Hiring another person to go beyond the limits of 
 the United States with intent to be entered into service as 
 aforesaid. 
 
 Sixth. Retaining another person to go beyond the limits 
 of the United States with intent to be enlisted as aforesaid. 
 
 Seventh. Retaining another person to go beyond the 
 limits of the United States to be entered into service as afore- 
 said. (But the said Act is not to be construed to extend to a 
 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 301 
 
 citizen of either belligerent who, being transiently within the 
 United States, shall, on board of any vessel of war, which, at 
 the time of its arrival within the United States, was fitted and 
 equipped as such vessel of war, enlist or enter himself, or hire 
 or retain another subject or citizen of the same belligerent) 
 who is transiently within the United States, to enlist or enter 
 himself to serve such belligerent on board such vessel of war, 
 if the United States shall then be at peace with such belligerent. 
 
 Eighth. Fitting out and arming, or attempting to fit out 
 and arm, or procuring to be fitted out and armed, or know- 
 ingly being concerned in the furnishing, fitting out or arming 
 of any ship or vessel with intent that such ship or vessel shall 
 be employed in the service of either of the belligerents. 
 
 Ninth. Issuing or delivering a commission within the 
 territory or jurisdiction of the United States for any ship or 
 vessel to the intent that she may be employed as aforesaid. 
 
 Tenth. Increasing or augmenting, or procuring to be 
 increased or augmented, or knowingly being concerned in 
 increasing or augmenting, the force of any ship of war, cruiser 
 or other armed vessel, which at the time of her arrival within 
 the United States was a ship of war, cruiser or armed vessel 
 in the service of either of the said belligerents, or belonging to 
 the subjects of either, by adding to the number of guns of 
 such vessels, or by changing those on board of her for guns of 
 a larger calibre, or by the addition thereto of any equipment 
 solely applicable to war. 
 
 Eleventh. Beginning or setting on foot or providing or 
 preparing the means for any military expedition or enterprise 
 to be carried on from the territory or jurisdiction of the 
 United States against the territory or dominions of either of 
 the said belligerents. 
 
 And I do hereby further declare and proclaim that any 
 frequenting and use of the waters within the territorial juris- 
 diction of the United States by the armed vessels of either 
 
302 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 
 
 belligerent, whether public ships or privateers, for the purpose 
 of preparing for hostile operations, or as posts of observation 
 upon the ships of war, or privateers, or merchant vessels of 
 the other belligerent lying-within or being about to enter the 
 jurisdiction of the United States, must be regarded as 
 unfriendly and offensive, and in violation of that neutrality 
 which is the determination of this government to observe. 
 
 And to the end that the hazard and inconvenience- of 
 such apprehended practices may be avoided, I further pro- 
 claim and declare that from and after the 15th day of Feb- 
 ruary, instant, and during the continuance of the present 
 hostilities between Japan and Russia, no ship of war or 
 privateer of either belligerent shall be permitted to make use 
 of any port, harbor, roadstead, or waters subject to the juris- 
 diction of the United States from which a vessel of the other 
 belligerent (whether the same shall be a ship of war, a priva- 
 teer or a merchant ship) shall have previously departed until 
 after the expiration of at least twenty-four hours from the 
 departure of such last mentioned vessel beyond the jurisdiction 
 of the United States. 
 
 If any ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall, 
 after the tim^e this notification takes effect, enter any port, 
 harbor, roadstead or waters of the United States, such vessel 
 shall be required to depart and put to sea within twenty-four 
 hours after her entrance into such port, harbor, roadstead or 
 waters, except in case of stress of weather or of her requiring 
 provisions or things necessary for the subsistence of her crew, 
 or for repairs, in either of which cases the authorities of the port 
 or of the nearest port (as the case m.ay be) shall require her 
 to put to sea as soon as possible after the expiration of such 
 period of twenty-four hours, without permitting her to take in 
 supplies beyond what may be necessary for her immediate use; 
 and no such vessel which may bave been permitted to remain 
 within the waters of the United States for the purpose of 
 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 303 
 
 repair shall continue in such port, harbor, roadstead or waters 
 for a longer period than twenty-four hours after her necessary 
 repairs shall have been completed, unless within such twenty- 
 four hours a vessel, whether ship of war, privateer or merchant 
 ship of the other belligerent, shall have departed therefrom, in 
 which case the time limit for the departure of such ship of 
 war, or privateer shall be extended so far as may be necessar}' 
 to secure an interval of not less than twenty-four hours be- 
 tween such departure and that of any ship of war, privateer 
 or merchant ship of the other belligerent which may have pre- 
 viously quit the same port, harbor, roadstead or waters : 
 
 No ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall be 
 detained in any port, harbor, roadstead or waters of the 
 United States more than twenty-four hours by reason of the 
 successive departures from such port, harbor, roadstead or 
 waters of more than one vessel of the other belligerent. But 
 if there be several vessels of each or either of the two belliger- 
 ents in the same port, harbor, roadstead or waters, the order of 
 their departure therefrom shall be so arranged as to afford the 
 opportunity of leaving alternately to the vessels of the respec- 
 tive belligerents, and to cause the least detention consistent 
 with the objects of this proclamation. 
 
 No ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall be 
 permitted, while in any port, harbor, roadstead or waters within 
 the jurisdiction of the United States, to take in any supplies 
 except provisions and such other things as may be requisite for 
 the sustenance of her crew, and except so much coal only as 
 may be sufficient to carry such vessel, if without any sail 
 power, to the nearest port of her own country; or in case the 
 vessel is rigged to go under sail, and may also be propelled by 
 steam power, then with half the quantity of coal which she 
 would be entitled to receive, if dependent upon steam alone, 
 and no coal shall be again supplied to any such ship of war or 
 privateer or in any other port, harbor, roadstead or waters of 
 
304 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 
 
 the United States, without special permission, until after the 
 expiration of three months from the time when such coal may 
 have been last supplied to her within the waters of the United 
 States, unless such ship of war or privateer shall, since last 
 thus supplied, have entered a port of the government to which 
 she belongs. 
 
 And I further declare and proclaim that by the first article 
 of the convention as to the rights of the neutrals at sea, which 
 was concluded between the United States of America and his 
 Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, on the 2 2d day of 
 July, A. D. 1854, the following principles were recognized as 
 permanent, to wit: 
 
 First. That free ships make free goods — that is to say, 
 that the effects or goods belonging to subjects or citizens be- 
 longing to a Power or "State at war are free from capture and 
 confiscation when found on board of neutral vessels, with the 
 exception of articles of contraband of war. 
 
 Second. That the property of neutrals on board an 
 enemy's vessel is not subject to confiscation, unless the same 
 be contraband of war. 
 
 And I do further declare and proclaim that the statutes of 
 the United States and the law of nations alike require that no 
 person within the territory and jurisdiction of the United 
 States shall take part, directly or indirectly, in the said war, 
 but shall remain at peace with each of the said belligerents, 
 and shall maintain a strict and impartial neutrality, and that 
 whatever privileges shall be accorded to one belligerent within 
 the ports of the United States shall be, in like manner, ac- 
 corded to the other. 
 
 And I do hereby enjoin all the good citizens of the United 
 States, and all persons residing or being within the territory or 
 jurisdiction of the United States, to observe the laws thereof, 
 and to commit no act contrary to the provisions of the said 
 statutes, or in violation of the law of nations in that behalf. 
 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 305 
 
 And I do hereby warn all citizens of the United States, 
 and all persons residing or being within their territory or juris- 
 diction, that, while the free and full expression of sympathies 
 in public and private is not restricted by the laws of the United 
 States, military forces in aid of either belligerent cannot law- 
 fully be originated or organized within their jurisdiction ; and 
 that while all persons may lawfully and without restriction by 
 reason of the aforesaid state of war manufacture and sell 
 within the United States arms and munitions of war and other 
 articles ordinarily known as "contraband of war," yet they 
 cannot carry such articles upon the high seas for the use or 
 service of either belligerent, nor can they transport soldiers 
 tod officers of either, or attempt to break any blockade which 
 may be lawfully established and maintained during the war 
 without incurring the risk of hostile capture and the penalties 
 denounced by the law of nations in that behalf. 
 
 And I do hereby give notice that all citizens of the United 
 States and others who may claim the protection of this gov- 
 ernment who may misconduct themselves in the premises will 
 do so at their peril, and that they can in no wise obtain any 
 protection from the government of the United States against 
 the consequences of their misconduct. 
 
 In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington this nth day of Febru- 
 ary in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and 
 four and of the independence of the United States the one 
 hundred and twenty-eighth. 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
 
 By the President: 
 
 JOHN HAY, Secretary of State. 
 
 On February loth, a few days previous to the President's 
 proclamation, Secretary Hay had addressed a note to Great 
 Britain, France, Germany, Austria and Italy, to ascertain if 
 
3o6 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 
 
 they were willing to join in a note to Russia and Japan that 
 during hostilities and thereafter the neutrality and integrity 
 of China must be recognized. Relative to the question of 
 restricting warlike action to the narrowest limits, the proposi- 
 tion took the form of a note to Russia and one to Japan 
 suggesting some such limitation; in addition, the neutral 
 Powers were called on by the United States to address them- 
 selves in the same fashion to Russia and Japan. The proposi- 
 tion of the United States contemplated a restriction of 
 hostilities and the consequent hardships of war to the smallest 
 possible area. 
 
 The text of Mr. Hay's note is given in full as follows: 
 '' You will express to the Minister for Foreign Affairs the 
 earnest desire of the Government of the United States that in 
 the course of the military operations which have begun between 
 Russia and Japan, the neutrality of China, and in all practical 
 ways her administrative entity shall be respected by both 
 parties, and that the area of hostilities shall be localized and 
 limited as much as possible, so that undue excitement and 
 disturbance of the Chinese people may be prevented and the 
 least possible loss to the commerce and peaceful intercourse of 
 the world may be occasioned. 
 
 "John Hay." 
 
 At the same time this government informed all the powers 
 signatory of the protocol at Pekin of its action, and requested 
 similar action on their part. Almost immediately, responses 
 were received from several of the leading powers, practically all 
 endorsing the spirit in which the proposition was made. Great 
 Britain signified her hearty approval of the idea, along broad 
 lines, with reservations which would not prevent her intended 
 military expedition into Tibet under Colonel Younghusband, 
 Austria- Hungary expressed assent, Germany, having encour- 
 aged Mr. Hay to make the proposal, accepted it, and France^ 
 after some admirable diplomatic effort by General Porter, 
 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT ^07 
 
 United States Ambassador at Paris, announced her agree- 
 ment. Of the combatants, Japan informed the State Depart- 
 ment at Washington that she would accede, provided Russia 
 did so, making her reply on February 13th, in the following 
 words : 
 
 '' The Imperial Government sharing with the Government 
 of the United States in the fullest measure the desire, to avoid 
 as far as possible, any disturbance of the ordinary condition of 
 affairs now prevailing in China, are prepared to respect the 
 neutrality and administrative entity of Chiaa outside the re- 
 gion occupied by Russia, as long as Russia, making a similar 
 engagement, fulfills in good faith the terms and conditions of 
 such engagements." 
 
 And Russia, on the nineteenth of that month, engaged 
 herself, with reasonable restrictions, by saying: 
 
 ''The Imperial Government shares completely the desire 
 to insure tranquillity of China ; is ready to adhere to an under- 
 standing with other powers for the purpose of safeguarding 
 the neutrality of that empire on the following conditions : 
 
 '' Firstly, China must herself strictly observe all the clauses 
 of neutrality. 
 
 ''The Japanese Government must loyally observe the 
 engagements entered into with the powers, as well as the prin- 
 ciples generally recognized by the law of nations. 
 
 " Thirdly, that it is well understood that neutralization in 
 no case can be extended to Manchuria, the territory of which, 
 by the force of events, will serve as the field of military opera- 
 tions." 
 
 On the same day the governments of Russia, Japan, and 
 China were notified that the answers were " viewed as respon- 
 sive to the proposal made by the United States as well as by 
 the other powers," and that the other governments would be 
 so informed, their adherence to the principles having been duly 
 notified to the government of the United States. This action 
 
3o8 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 
 
 gave China assurances of our continued friendly interest and 
 our moral support in her effort to maintain her neutrality and 
 peaceful conditions in her dominions, the government at 
 Peking having previously announced that the neutrality of 
 China would be preserved so far as lay in her power ; and with 
 the exception of her provinces which would be of necessity, 
 the scene of conflict. 
 
 Not only by the issue of this note, but also by the fact that 
 it met with general acceptance among the powers interested in 
 the fate of China, American diplomacy received an enormous 
 addition of prestige. Indeed, from her position, the United 
 States was the only country able to take the lead at this crisis 
 of political affairs. By her sincere treatment of China after 
 the Boxer uprising, which has been noted elsewhere, she had 
 won the respect and faith of the diplomatic world; and, 
 though, in contrast with the methods of the older powers, her 
 negotiations were direct and often brusque, they carried a 
 wealth of meaning which seldom failed of its purpose. 
 
 As is always the case in war-time, American commerce 
 suffered from a disturbance of peace. It was estimated that 
 the first three months of the war caused a loss of nearly 
 $20,000,000 to shippers of the United States and Canada 
 alone. Owing also to the uncertainty prevalent as to what 
 articles would be considered by the belligerents contraband of 
 war, trade to the Far East was generally held in suspense, 
 although both Russian and Japanese agents were on the North 
 American continent to place large orders for foodstuffs and 
 supplies. 
 
 The value of the commerce of the countries fronting 
 upon the scene of hostilities in the Orient aggregates about 
 $600,000,000 annually, of which the United States enjoys fully 
 $100,000,000. While the prospect of war resulted in the plac- 
 ing in this country of orders from Japan for flour and from 
 Pvissia for ir^ats, the general trend of exportation to the four 
 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 309 
 
 countries locally affected by the fighting — Russia, Japan, 
 Korea and China — ^was downward during the period devoted 
 to preparations for hostilities. To Japan the exports from the 
 United States during December, 1903, were $2,263,245 in 
 value, against $2,811,589 in December of the preceding year, 
 and for the entire calendar year 1903 were about $1,000,000 
 less than the preceding year. To Asiatic Russia the exports 
 from the United States were $716,274 in 1903, against $898,711 
 in 1902 and $1,013,320 in 1901. To China our exports dur- 
 ing 1903 were materially below those of the preceding year, 
 being for the month of December $841,373 against $1,857,733 
 in December, 1902, and for the entire year $14,970,138, against 
 $22,698,282 in 1902. This reduction occurs chiefly in cotton 
 cloths, of which our total exportation to China in December, 
 1903, was only 3,665,364 yards, against 20,582,554 yards in 
 December of the preceding year, the value being $230,546 
 in December, 1903, against $1,074,463 in December, 1902. 
 For the entire year the value of the cotton cloth exported from 
 the United States to China was $8,801,964, against $16,048,455 
 in the calendar year 1902. This reduction in exports to China 
 is not peculiar to the United States, as the official reports of 
 the Chinese government show a general reduction of its im- 
 ports during 1903, up to the latest period covered by the 
 reports. 
 
 To Russian China United States exports show an increase, 
 being in 1893, $846,310, against $421,163 in 1902. To Korea 
 the exports of the year also show a slight increase, being 
 valued at $370,566 in 1903, against $257,130 in 1902. To 
 Hong Kong, which is sufficiently far removed from the scene 
 of hostilities to be less affected, apparently, by such conditions, 
 the exports from the United States show an increase, being in 
 December, 1903, $1,705,436, against $1,417,736 in December 
 of the preceding year, and for the entire year $9,792,193, 
 against $8,751,779 in 1902. 
 
3IO THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONELICT 
 
 As to the trade of the United States with Manchuria, it 
 is not separately shown in the general statements of the com- 
 merce with China. The Department of Commerce and Labor, 
 through its Bureau of Statistics, however, compiled some 
 figures which show that the imports of New-Chwang, the 
 principal port through which Manchurian commerce passed, 
 amotinted in 1902 to about 18,000,000 haikwan taels, against 
 17,000,000 in 1901 and 8,000,000 in 1900. The value of the 
 haikwan tael in 1902 was 63 cents, so that the value of the 
 imports of Manchuria, stated in dollars, would be, in 1902, 
 about $11,000,000. 
 
 The table which follows shows the total value of foreign 
 merchandise of all kinds imported into New-Chwang in each 
 year from 1896 to 1902: 
 
 Year. 
 
 1896 
 
 1897 
 
 1898 
 
 1899 
 
 1900 
 
 1901 
 
 1902 
 
 fThe table which follows shows the value of imports into 
 Japan during each year from 1881 to 1903, and the percentage 
 supplied by the United States and the United Kingdom. It 
 will be noted that in the twenty-two years covered by these 
 figures the volume of Japanese imports has been multiplied by 
 ten, and that the total value has shown a tendency to double 
 about every seven years. 
 
 * Average value of haikawn tael reported by Chinese government, 
 1896, 81 cents; 1898, 70 cents; 1901, 72 cents; 1903, 63 cents. 
 tCompiled from official reports of the Japanese government. 
 
 From foreign 
 
 countries. 
 
 ♦Haikwan taels. 
 
 Foreign goods 
 from native 
 ports. 
 ♦Haikwan taels. 
 
 1,886,485 
 
 6,271,166 
 
 1,641,415 
 
 7,417,236 
 
 1,453,318 
 
 9,174,245 
 
 5,279,185 
 
 16,566,413 
 
 2,682,420 
 
 5,488,632 
 
 4,293,737 
 
 12,854,552 
 
 5,346,306 
 
 12,969,264 
 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 311 
 
 From From 
 United States. United Kingdom 
 
 Calendar Year. Total Yen. Per cent. Per cent. 
 
 i88i 31,128,125 5.72 52.57 
 
 1882 29,441,453 10.55 47-40 
 
 1883 28,431,939 II. 21 44.83 
 
 1884 29,626,781 8.40 43-07 
 
 1885 29,356,967 9.37 42.43 
 
 1886 32,168,432 10.44 39-49 
 
 1887 44,304,251 7.47 42.82 
 
 1888 65,455,234 8.36 43.81 
 
 1889 63,995,009 9.65 40.73 
 
 1890 80,554,874 8.56 33.04 
 
 1891 61,969,183 11.04 32.27 
 
 1892 70,076,410 8.54 29.67 
 
 1893 87,597,095 6.95 31.88 
 
 1894 116,284,050 9.44 36.29 
 
 1895 127,260,844 7.29 35.49 
 
 1896 169,882,595 9.64 34.88 
 
 1897 218,440,623 12.38 29.94 
 
 1898 274,599,260 14.57 22.84 
 
 1899 219,228,647 17.43 20.45 
 
 1900 286,170,933 21.96 25.03 
 
 1901 255,816,644 17.5 19.8 
 
 1902 271,731,258 17.9 18.5 
 
 *i903 311,000,000 14.2 i^ 6 
 
 ♦Actual figures for eleven months and estimate for Decembei , 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Japan's Army and Navy 
 
 The Japauese as Soldiers — Their Military Instinct — The Infantry — The Monarch's 
 Service — The Fine Navy — Its Discipline — The Various Classes of War Vessels. 
 
 WHILE Russia's vast army and navy were distributed 
 at points thousands of miles from the scene of strug- 
 gle, it was the peculiar advantage of Japan that her 
 men and ships were concentrated within easy striking distance 
 of the Russian bases of supplies. Before the Czar could pour his 
 enormous army into Manchuria or bring his various squadrons 
 into conjunction near the Korean peninsula, the Mikado deter- 
 mined to strike with the full force of his armament. 
 
 Although there was a startling disparity on paper between 
 the Japanese and Russian forces, in favor of the latter, the 
 actual troops and vessels available were somewhat balanced 
 toward the side of the smaller power. Her field forces were 
 estimated as follows : 
 
 Infantry . 147,160 
 
 Cavalry 9,700 
 
 Artillery 24,130 
 
 Engineers 7,840 
 
 Transport Corps . . 7,960 
 
 Reserves 76,478 
 
 Total 273,268 
 
 Practically, all of these men were to be counted on. She 
 possessed the great advantage of having all of her naval and 
 land forces within easy striking distance of Korea and the coast 
 of Manchuria, with sources of supplies, arsenals and repair 
 
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JAPAN'S ARMY AND NAVY 313 
 
 docks immediately at hand. She could act with both navy 
 and army in the very shortest ord^r, and how well she could 
 make use of natural opportunity the war with China thoroughly 
 demonstrated. 
 
 The Japanese army had a total strength of 500,000 trained 
 men, of whom 273,000 men with 798 guns formed the field 
 army, organized in thirteen divisions. It was recruited by com- 
 pulsory service. Its great weakness lay in the paucity of its 
 cavalry, which numbered seventeen regiments and 10,000 
 men ; but this weakness was compensated to some extent by 
 the extraordinary marching power and mobility of the infantry. 
 
 The Japanese soldier, moreover, is a perfectly working 
 factor of the great machine-like army in whose pride he is a 
 unit. Cleanly, neat, intelligent, scrupulously obedient to 
 orders, full of a brave patriotism, he makes a most dependable 
 man of the ranks. Not content to follow the letter of the law, 
 he is interested also in the spirit, while his excellent eye for 
 the details leaves no loose screws to cause disaster when the 
 real test comes. The Mikado's army had been kept abreast 
 of the latest improvements, both in arms and equipment. 
 
 It was a long step from an hereditary class of gentlemen 
 fighters to a modern army organization, but when, in 1868, the 
 Flowery Kingdom set out to make itself over, it did not stick 
 at trifles. Away went the Daimios, the feudal lords, and with 
 them their soldier retainers. No longer should it be said that 
 in Japan to be a gentleman one must fight, and to fight one 
 must be a gentleman. Universal conscription set the rick- 
 shawman instantly upon a level with the haughty samurai, and 
 the shopkeeper upon a level with both. What Europe did in 
 a century or two Japan did at one neat skip. 
 
 Wanting a military system, Japan did not wait to develop 
 it, but quietly took possession of the military system of France. 
 Later on she went to school to Germany, and the resultant 
 army was partly German and partly French. The mixed 
 
314 JAPAN'S ARMY AND NA VY 
 
 origin was reflected in the army garb. The Emperor's body- 
 guard served In the full uniform of the French lancers, and the 
 Emperor himself wore the scarlet kepi and trousers. But all 
 other branches of the service were clad like the Germans in 
 dark blue with distinguishing bands of red, black or yellow on 
 their flat German forage caps. The Japanese drill was Ger- 
 man, the gymnastics German, the discipline German ; and the 
 foot soldiers looked like nothing so much as South German 
 recruits. 
 
 As the Jap marched, so he fought, and George Lynch, 
 who watched him with the allies in China, remarks : ** It is 
 simply wonderful how quickly they move. They seem to do 
 everything at the double. It is the speed not of nervousness, 
 but of downright eagerness. They fight for fighting's sake, 
 and never were such hilarious fighters. I watched their drill, 
 and, my goodness, how they did enjoy It." 
 
 For the Japanese cavalry not so much can be said. The 
 Jap Is not built for horsemanship ; like the Scotchman who 
 could not get into the Highlands, " he hasna the legs." Cap- 
 tain Younghusband says that the pony is usually master of 
 the situation. " The horses are small, vicious and slow. In 
 shock tactics they would be practically useless. Considered 
 as mounted infantry they are all very well, but as cavalry 
 not to be compared with the Cossacks." 
 
 Not so the artillery, or at least with that part of it 
 which depended upon the men. Like their manoeuvres afoot, 
 their battery was amazingly quick. Henry Norman, the 
 English traveler and author, describes them In action thus : 
 " Two batteries came up at a gallop, with perfect stead- 
 iness wheeled, halted, unllmbered, came to the * action front,' 
 loaded, and fired, with a smartness, coolness and rapidity, that 
 could hardly have been excelled." 
 
 The Japanese had learned among many other things, that 
 a good soldier is twice as valuable if he has good care, an(^ 
 
JAPAN'S ARMY AND NAVY 315 
 
 everything which goes to make for the efficiency of troops was 
 carefully attended to. The rations were of the simplest kind: 
 rice, dried fish, soy, and sometimes meat, but always ample, 
 and always the best of their kind. Their medical corps could 
 give points to Europe. Japanese camps were singularly free 
 from contagious diseases, and as for the hospitals, no one 
 could say enough to their praise. In summer the Jap soldier 
 was attired In a white cotton material, which, though conspicu- 
 ous, was cool and easily kept clean, while the winter uniform 
 differed only In being of heavier and darker material. Each 
 of them carried a long cloth bag, in which was a reserve supply 
 of sixty rounds, some duplicate parts for his rifle, a full kit of 
 medicine and instruments, needles and buttons, together with 
 rations for one day. These latter consisted of 36 ounces of 
 rice, 4 ounces of meat, and 4 ounces of vegetables, kept in a 
 tin pall, which also served for a cooking utensil. He was also 
 supplied with a Murata Magazine rifle, which could fire eight 
 shots, or be used as a single loader. The bayonet was not 
 usually carried fixed, but in the scabbard. Two-thirds of the 
 men were equipped with a small shovel for entrenching, while 
 the remainder were furnished with picks. 
 
 As for administrative detail, Japan managed that with 
 a nicety of clockwork. The transport service was incredibly 
 perfect, the camp-kit packed Into one-third less space than 
 that of any other army, and, owing to the efficiency of the 
 commissariat, always turned up on time. The Intelligence 
 Department had sown the whole East with Its spies, and its 
 maps were miracles of accuracy. The field telegraph, with its 
 bamboo poles, proved every bit as practical as if managed by 
 Americans. The engineers and sappers were prepared to do 
 their work In masterly fashion, and nothing was wanting to 
 make the Japanese army a powerful fighting machine. 
 
 Her naval personnel numbered 31,379 officers and men, with 
 a reserve of 6,227. But a statement of her position at the 
 
3i6 JAPAN'S ARMY AND NA VY 
 
 outbreak of hostilities brought to Hght the fact that nearly her 
 entire navy was mobilized near the salient points in the great 
 game ; all the battleships, all the armored cruisers, 73 torpedo 
 boats, and 9 of the destroyers were instantly ready for assault 
 or defence. 
 
 The six Japanese battleships comprised some of the best 
 modern type. The largest was the Mikasa, built in 1900, of 
 15,363 tons displacement, exceeding the largest Russian battle- 
 ship in the far East, the Tzarevitch, by 2000 tons. The princi- 
 pal armament of both of these battleships consisted of 12-inch 
 guns, of which each carried four ; and they both had the same 
 speed, eighteen knots an hour. The Japanese ships that were 
 built earlier than those of the Mikasa class, were not of great 
 value as fighting machines and hardly regarded as full line of 
 battleships. Among them, as of similar age, must be included 
 the Chen-Yuen^ which was captured from the Chinese. But since 
 1897 four battleships had been added to the Japanese navy, all 
 exceeding 15,000 tons displacement, all having 12-inch guns 
 and torpedo-tubes, and all rated at eighteen knots an hour. 
 Japan also possessed five cruisers of between 9,000 and 10,000 
 tons displacement, each with 7-inch armor, carrying 8-inch guns, 
 and with a speed varying from twenty to twenty-two knots. 
 
 About the beginning of 1904 Japan bought, in anticipation 
 of war with Russia, two cruisers which had been built at Genoa 
 for the Argentine Republic. They left that port with British 
 crews on board and commanded by British officers for the voy- 
 age to Japan, through the Suez Canal and the Red Sea. 
 When taken possession of by the emergency crew for the 
 Japanese Government, their equipment and armament were far 
 from complete. It was a question, however, of getting them 
 out of the Mediterranean before war should begin, and imme- 
 diately on their safe arrival in Japanese waters they were put 
 into commission. 
 
 Japan had also been in negotiation with Chili for the 
 
JAPAN'S ARMY AND NA VY 
 
 317 
 
 purchase of two cruisers. Under a convention between Chili 
 and Argentina both republics were to sell their ships of war; in 
 other words, they agreed to a naval disarmament. The 
 cruisers bought from Argentina were named the Moreno and 
 the Rivadaria, but upon their change of ownership they were 
 rechrlstened the Kasaga and the Niasin. Each was of 7,700 
 tons displacement ; the former mounted thirty-six guns and 
 the latter thirty-five. Japan had already a protected cruiser 
 called the Kasagi^ built on the Delaware by the Cramps, and 
 considered one of the best vessels in the Japanese navy, an 
 armorclad, 4,670 tons displacement, with two 8-Inch quick-firing 
 rifles and ten 4.7-Inch quick-firing rifles, and a secondary bat- 
 tery of smaller guns. 
 
 In her navy Japan possessed a small but thorough modern 
 equipment ; with naval bases at Nagasaki, Yokosuka, Kobe, 
 Kure, and Sasebo, she held the Straits of Korea, dividing the 
 Russian Squadron at Vladivostok from that in the Gulf of 
 Pe-chl-ll, and felt entirely secure from invasion of her own soil. 
 
 Japan conducted all her preparations for war with greatest 
 secrecy, but, so far as it was possible to ascertain, the full list 
 of her naval strength in the Far East was as follows : 
 
 BATTLESHIPS 
 
 Tons 
 
 Mikasa 15,200 
 
 Asahi 15,000 
 
 Hatsuse 15,000 
 
 Shikishima .... 14,850 
 
 Tons 
 
 Yashima 12,320 
 
 Fuji 12,320 
 
 Chen Yu^n .... 14,890 
 
 PROTECTED CRUISERS 
 
 Tons 
 
 Naniwa 5,700 Takashiho 
 
 Chitose 4,760 Toushima . 
 
 Kasagi 4,760 Akitsushina 
 
 Takasoga 4,300 Niitaka , 
 
 Hashidate 4,277 Idsumi . 
 
 Houkushima . . . 4,277 Chiyoda 
 
 Matsushima .... 4,277 Akashi . 
 
 Yoshino 4.150 Suma . 
 
 Tons 
 
 3.700 
 3.420 
 3.150 
 3.420 
 3,000 
 2,450 
 2,700 
 2,700 
 
3i8 JAPANS ARMY AND NA VY 
 
 ARMORED CRUISERS 
 Tons Tons 
 
 Yakumo 9,850 Iwate 9,75o 
 
 Asama 9,75o Idzumo 9,75o 
 
 Tokiwa 9,75o Azuma 9.436 
 
 Kasaga 7,700 Niasin 7,700 
 
 Besides torpedo boats and destroyers. 
 
 It may be said, that the Japanese navy had its beginning 
 in 1866, coincident with her re-awakening, under American 
 instructors, and they went on steadily Increasing their armored 
 fleet, in addition to building up an unarmored fleet, all armed 
 with the best rifled guns. The first armored ship constructed 
 for Japan was built on the Thames and was launched in 1877, 
 about six years before our new navy was begun. She was the 
 FoO'So, and had a displacement of 3,818 tons. About the 
 same time contracts were made in England for the two com- 
 posite armor-belted corvettes, the Kon-Go and the Hi-Yei. 
 Then in 1885 the Naniwa and the Takashiho, built by the 
 Armstrongs, In England, were launched. They were protected 
 cruisers of 3,700 tons displacement, and 18 knots speed, and 
 were conspicuous In the Japan-China war. The United States 
 has since built a number of vessels for the Mikado, and all 
 Americans were interested to see how they would quit them- 
 selves in the stress of actual warfare. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 The Army and Navy of Russia 
 
 Russia's Dilatory Tactics Favored War Preparations— Her Bases of Supplies — Trans- 
 portation of Troops — The Colossal Russian Army — Cossack Cavalry — Her Strength 
 at Sea. 
 
 BY dilatory tactics of every kind Russia tried to postpone 
 the inevitable war until she had firmly entrenched her- 
 self in Manchuria and felt secure enough to crush any 
 antagonist. She was not ready for war when it came, though 
 five, valuable months had been won by diplomacy and spent in 
 strengthening her position. Pledged though she was to with- 
 draw from Manchuria on October 8, 1903, Russia let the date 
 pass uncalendared. Asked by Japan to show her purpose, she 
 succeeded in putting off the Mikado until the New Year had 
 gone by, and while the situation was growing more strained 
 she was repairing shipyards and fortifications, strengthening 
 the supposedly impregnable Port Arthur, and Increasing the 
 natural facilities of Dalny and Vladivostok. 
 
 Vladivostok, the Eastern terminus of the Trans-Siberian 
 Railway, with the tidewater port of Its southern branch at 
 Dalny, were the chief Russian strongholds. The former 
 enjoyed a harbor, an arsenal, a dry and floating dock, and a 
 base of coal supply, while at Dalny were to be found a harbor, 
 a refitting yard, and a coaling station, together with the begin- 
 nings of other facilities and enterprises recently laid out by 
 Russia on an extensive scale. 
 
 Port Arthur has been called the Gibraltar of the Far 
 East, and notwithstanding the fact that the Japanese had 
 stormed it in 1895 it Is considered a formidable stronghold, 
 
 319 
 
320 THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 
 
 of which Russia had greatly improved the security during her 
 occupation, and had so refurnished the tidal basin, drydock, 
 refitting and coaling yard that it was in reality a point of great 
 strategic importance. 
 
 Fortified by an elaborate scheme of defences, Port Arthur 
 was the most powerful southerly naval station which the Mus- 
 covites possessed in Asia. The entrance to Port Arthur 
 is also guarded by nature. It is extremely narrow, in some 
 places, not more than two hundred yards wide. For this reason 
 Russians had boasted that it was as nearly impregnable as any 
 naval station in the Orient. 
 
 When Russia took possession of Port Arthur, at the end 
 of the Liau-Tong Peninsula, she found a Chinese arsenal, 
 which had been originally constructed under the direction of 
 European engineers. The Russians, however, were not satis- 
 fied with the plan of fortifications, and practically rebuilt the 
 fortress. 
 
 Like Vladivostok, Port Arthur lay at right angles to the 
 main channel. The outer harbor is deep, but the water in 
 the inner harbor would not float the largest vessels. All ships 
 having a draught of over twenty-four feet must lie outside in 
 the outer roadstead, where they were open to attack. 
 
 '^ Russia occupied Port Arthur on December i8, 1897. In 
 explaining her act she said that she regarded the possession of 
 Port Arthur as a compensation for her grievance with China. 
 
 The Russians strengthened the series of fortifications 
 known as the Hwang-Chinshan forts, which commanded the 
 entrance of the harbor to the east, and directly behind they 
 rebuilt a chain of batteries, which were intended to pour down 
 shot and shell into the inner harbor. The Laomuchu battery 
 was so placed that it swept the approach of the port diagonally 
 and commanded both the outer and inner basins. The villacre 
 of Port Arthur was situated opposite the entrance to the harbor. 
 
 Despite the powerful equipment of cannon which were to 
 
THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 321 
 
 play on vessels approaching Port Arthur, Japanese strategists 
 asserted that the fortress could be stormed and taken by a 
 concerted land and sea attack. Situated on a peninsula, Its 
 batteries might be Isolated and cut off from supplies. The 
 peninsula is joined to the mainland by a narrow strip of land 
 only eighteen miles wide In some places. 
 
 Japan was deprived of Port Arthur as the result of the 
 intervention of the powers at the close of the China-Japanese 
 War. When Russia stepped in and took possession of the 
 peninsula later, the act awakened in the Japanese a certain 
 hatred of the Muscovites, which had been smouldering up to 
 the time of this war. 
 
 One weak point in the Russian's war line was the uncer- 
 tain capability of the great railroad with which they had 
 recently spanned Siberia. Though built by supposedly com- 
 petent engineers and equipped with the finest rolling stock of 
 American factories, the single-track line was generally consid- 
 ered a failure by foreigners who had opportunity to inspect it. 
 Since almost all of the Russian soldiers, arms and supplies had 
 to be carried over this route from the large cities of European 
 Russia, it was early evident that on its efficiency would depend 
 the Czar's power to stand the demands of a long and exhaust- 
 ing war. 
 
 While on American heavily ballasted roadbeds a rail 
 weighing from sixty to ninety pounds to the foot Is the ac- 
 cepted standard, it has been stated on good authority that a 
 forty pound rail was used In crossing the Steppes, on a road- 
 bed of none too solid foundation. 
 
 The unbiased opinion of an experienced American trav- 
 eler who crossed Siberia shortly before war was declared may 
 be quoted as giving succinctly the conditions in this important 
 connecting link as they were just before hostilities commenced. 
 
 "This talk," said he, ''about Russia rushing troops and 
 supplies across the country on the Trans-Siberian Railway is 
 
322 THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 
 
 amuslnor to one who has been over that road. The rails are 
 the lightest that can be laid, and can be washed away by the 
 heavy rains that fall frequently, or the thaws that flood por- 
 tions of the country through which the road runs. It stands 
 to reason that a roadbed in this condition cannot take the 
 strain of such heavy traffic as would be imposed by the trans- 
 portation of troops and war munitions. Why, the maximum 
 speed of the trains is twenty miles an hour, though the engines 
 and cars can stand a forty-mile speed without being pressed 
 to the limit. Then there is another reason which, I think, is 
 quite as potent as the condition of the roadbed against the 
 transportation of troops in great numbers, and that is a break 
 in the road at Lake Baikal. This break is 125 miles long, and 
 you can imagine the congestion that would result. Even in 
 the course of ordinary business the travel between the two 
 points in the road is bad enough. Lake Baikal is about thirty 
 miles wide, and there are four small boats about as large as 
 your ocean-going tugs for the transportation of passengers and 
 freight from the western shore to the eastern. It would be 
 impossible to .carry more than 600 men a day across this lake 
 with the present facilities, and heaven only knows how they 
 would manage to get the field guns, horses and supplies over. 
 Then, on the other side, is the 125 miles break in the railroad. 
 Passengers are now carried over this stretch in carriages, 
 sledges and sleighs, but the soldiers would have to march and 
 drag their supplies with them. 
 
 " I had an amusing thing happen to me the last time I went 
 over the Trans-Siberian. Our train had jumped the track, and 
 I remarked to an official that such a proceeding was dangerous 
 business. 
 
 " *Oh,' he said, * that's nothing ; we have run off the rails as 
 often as eleven times a day.' " 
 
 Notwithstanding the many insecurities of her position, 
 
THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 323 
 
 Russia had mobilized a force almost equal in strength and 
 numbers to that of her smaller enemy. 
 
 According to the statement issued by the United States 
 Bureau of Military Information, Russia had about 262,000 men 
 stationed in Manchuria and on her line of railway in Eastern 
 Siberia. Russia had, according to the report a yearly contin- 
 gent of 335,525 men and a total war strength of 5,757,620 
 men. The peace establishment given was 1,167,000 men, or 
 1. 01 per cent, of the total population. It was estimated that 
 the Russian national wealth would reach $160 billions, of 
 which $14 billions were movable capital. 
 
 The Russian railway force in Southern Manchuria con- 
 sisted of four brigades of about 22,000 men, including infan- 
 try, artillery, and cavalry. Out of these forces a reserve of 
 10,000 men was disposed so as to garrison the important points 
 on the railway, the most important of these being the station of 
 Lia-o-yang, where a force of at least 3,000 men was maintained. 
 There were said to be about 15,000 men at Tsitsikar, perhaps 
 60,000 at Harbin, 40,000 more along the Sungari River, 
 20,000 at Mukden, 20,000 at Kirin and along the Nonni P.iver, 
 5,000 at the Sungari River railway bridge, 40,000 at Vladivo- 
 stok and Nikolskoi, 35,000 at Port Arthur and some 5,000 men 
 at Dalny. 
 
 An official handbook of Russia, under the head of " Mili- 
 tary Service," which became compulsory in 1874, gives an idea 
 of the immense resources from which the Slav's armies were 
 recruited : ^ 
 
 ** All the male population capable of service, from the 
 ages of 21 to 43, enter into the composition of the armed 
 forces of the state. Some, however, belong to the regular 
 permanent troops, while others are counted as militia, opoltche- 
 nie, and are called out only in time of war, and then princi- 
 pally for service in the rear of the regular army. The general 
 term of service in the regular army is eighteen years, four 
 
324 THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 
 
 of which are passed with the colors, and fourteen In the 
 reserves. 
 
 " The term of active service is diminished in proportion 
 to education, the shortest term being one year. There are in 
 Russia a great many exceptions to the rule of obligatory ser- 
 vice, as the full number of conscripts afforded by the whole 
 population is not necessary to complete the cadres in time of 
 peace. For Instance, the cadres of the Russian army on a 
 peace footing represent about 900,000 men, called out for four 
 years ; consequently 225,000 conscripts are required annually; 
 but In view of completely filling up the ranks of the army In 
 case of war, the yearly contingent is fixed at 265,000 men. 
 The population furnishes yearly 880,000 men of 21 years of 
 age, which Is three times the required number. Therefore the 
 remaining two-thirds have to be relieved in some way or other 
 from the duties of active service. 
 
 ** The principal ground for exemption Is physical Incapac- 
 ity, and for this reason about 290,000 conscripts are made free 
 of military service every year. In the next place the privilege 
 is granted for domestic reasons ; as, for Instance, In the case 
 of an only son of a family, or an eldest son assisting his father 
 when his brothers are not ready for work. Medical men, 
 clergymen, dispensing chemists, teachers, etc., are at once in- 
 cluded In the reserve for eighteen years. The remainder of 
 the superfluous conscripts are exempted by drawing lots. Out 
 of the yearly contingent of 265,000 men, about 6,000 are placed 
 in the navy." 
 
 Under the regime In force in 1904 a Russian Infantry reg- 
 iment had four battalions, with one surgeon In each battalion, 
 and a regimental surgeon, making five In all. A regiment of 
 Infantry is made up of sixteen companies. 
 
 The Russian troops In the field wear white blouses, dark 
 blue trousers and black leather boots, which come over the 
 trousers ; the officers, close-fitting white frock coats, dark blue 
 
THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 325 
 
 trousers and black high boots, in which the legs of the trousers 
 are tucked. 
 
 The Russian batteries were of small calibre and of old and 
 obselete style. The infantry soldier carried no bayonet scab- 
 bard, and the bayonet was always fixed. The ammunition he 
 carried in pouches from the belt. 
 
 The Cossack cavalry were mounted on strong, shaggy 
 ponies. They carried a heavy sabre and rifle slung over their 
 shoulders. Strange as it may seem, the government did not 
 provide the troops with tentage. The men were supposed to 
 build a sort of tent for themselves of whatever material avail- 
 able from their surroundings. 
 
 Their rations were of the simplest kind : hard brown 
 bread, salt, pepper and tea, in a small amount given to every 
 soldier for his day's ration. They were supposed to forage in 
 the country that they occupied, and were therefore not prop- 
 erly provided with food. 
 
 Their medical department was not at all up to the stan- 
 dard of the Japanese. The hospital beds were constructed of 
 iron legs with connecting iron bars to form the head and foot ; 
 across this were laid rough boards. A sack filled with straw 
 on this constituted the hospital bed for the soldier. 
 
 The Russian soldiers in China did not carry the ** first aid " 
 package, and had it not been for the Red Cross Society they 
 would have fared badly. 
 
 The Russian navy in the Far East was slightly weaker 
 than the Japanese, though, could the Czar have mobilized his 
 Baltic and Euxine squadrons, he would have been overwhelm- 
 ingly stronger than the Mikado. On the Eastern seaboard he 
 had three important naval bases. Port Arthur, Dalny, and 
 Vladivostok. Dalny, the ** fiat city," and projected terminus 
 of the Chinese Eastern Railway extension from Vladivostok, 
 was scarcely yet completed, and hence the fleet, divided in two 
 squadrons, lay at Vladivostok and Port Arthur. This separation 
 
326 
 
 THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 
 
 was, from the first, a weak point of which the Japanese 
 took the fullest advantage In striking their fatal blow at Port 
 Arthur. Had the two divisions of the Russian fleet succeeded 
 in joining forces the sea fighting would probably have been 
 much more stubborn. 
 
 Although no one, outside of the Russian officials them- 
 selves, was informed with absolute certainty of her military 
 strength, her available naval forces at the beginning of hostili- 
 ties were believed by accurate statisticians to consist of the 
 following vessels : 
 
 AT OR NEAR PORT ARTHUR. 
 
 BATTI.KSHIPS. 
 
 Displacement. Principal Armament. 
 
 Retvizan. 12,700 Four 12 -inch, twelve 6 -inch guns. 
 
 Pobieda 12,700 Four 10- inch, eleven 6 -inch guns. 
 
 Peresviet 12,700 Four lo-inch, eleven 6-inch guns. 
 
 Petropavlovsk 10,960 Four 12 -inch, twelve 6 -inch guns. 
 
 Poltava 10,960 Four 1 2 -inch, twelve 6-inch guns. 
 
 Sevastopol 10,960 Four 12-inch, twelve 6-inch guns. 
 
 Czarevitch .13,110 Four 12-inch, twelve 6-inch guns. 
 
 ARMORED CRUISER, FIRST-CI.ASS. 
 
 Bayan 7, 180 Two 8 -inch, eight 6-inch guns. 
 
 PROTECTED CRUISERS, SECOND CLASS. 
 
 Boyarin 3,200 Six 4.7-inch guns. 
 
 Variag 6,500 Twelve 6-inch guns. 
 
 Pallada 6,630 Eight 6-inch guns. 
 
 Almaz . 6,500 Twelve 6-inch guns. 
 
 Diana 6,630 Eight 6-inch guns. 
 
 Novik 3,000 Six 4.7-inch guns. 
 
 Aurora 6,630 Eight 6 -inch guns. 
 
 Askold 6,500 Twelve 6-inch guns. 
 
 UNPROTECTED CRUISERS, THIRD CLASS. 
 
 Armored gunboats 3 Torpedo-boat destroyers ... 19 
 
 Unarmored gunboats .... 4 Torpedo boats 6 
 
 Torpedo gunboats 2 And various smaller craft. 
 
 Auxiliary cruiser I 
 
THE ARMY AND NAVY OF RUSSIA 327 
 
 AT VLADIVOSTOK. 
 
 ARMORED CRUISERS, FIRST CLASS. 
 
 Displacement. Principal Armament. 
 
 Gromoboi 12,336 Four 8-inch, sixteen 6-inch guns. 
 
 Rossia 12,200 Four 8-inch, sixteen 6-inch guns. 
 
 Rurik io>933 Four 8-inch, sixteen 6-inch guns. 
 
 PROTECTED CRUISER. 
 
 Bogatyr 6,500 Twelve 6-inch guns. 
 
 Torpedo boats, 10. 
 
 By the middle of April, 1904, Russia had sustained the 
 complete loss of six vessels. The cruiser Variag and gunboat 
 Korietz were sunk in Chemulpo by the Japanese on February 
 9th; the cruiser Boyarin went down two days later; on the 
 twelfth of February a mine-laying transport, the Yenesei was 
 blown up by one of her own mines ; the torpedo boat, Skori, 
 met a similar fate on March 13th; and on April 13th, the 
 battleship Petropavlovsk, with Admiral Makaroff , his staff, and 
 more than 600 men, was blown up by the Japanese off Port 
 Arthur and sent to the bottom in less than three minutes. 
 The same day a destroyer, the Strashni, was shelled and sunk. 
 
 Of the remaining battleships and cruisers at Port Arthur, 
 every one, except the Peresviet, had been more or less damaged 
 by shell or torpedo. 
 
 In financial strength, which plays the sleeping partner in 
 the business of modem war, Russia's position was better than 
 Japan's, though neither country possessed the funds or credit 
 of some other great modem nations. Russia 's^, great revenue 
 was used up in the great enterprises which lay in governmental 
 control; the Trans-Siberian Railway and the development of 
 Manchuria had helped to turn her $100,000,000 of surplus into 
 a considerable yearly deficit. On the other hand, Japan's debt 
 had mounted enormously since her war with China, and her 
 
328 THE ARMY AND NAVY OF RUSSIA 
 
 expenses were increasing with every year of her progress in 
 modem civilization. 
 
 The following figures are interesting for comparison of 
 the two countries' resources at the outset of the war: 
 
 Japan. Russia. 
 
 Area square miles 162,655 8,650,081 
 
 Population 44,000,000 140,000,000 
 
 Yearly revenue $112,000,000 $1,000,000,000 
 
 Foreign commerce 250,000,000 700,000,000 
 
 Their relative strength, however, was best shown on the 
 stock market. On February 13th Japanese four per cent, 
 bonds sold in London at 69^, while Russian four per cent, 
 brought 90^. Making allowance for the support which the 
 Russian government was supposed to be giving its securities 
 for the sake of national credit, a favorable sentiment inclined 
 to the Russian investments ; and the fact that a large amount 
 of her certificates were held in France, practically insured that 
 any subsequent loans would be placed with the thrifty inhabi- 
 tants of that country. On the other hand, Japan had tried, 
 not long before, to negotiate a loan in this country, and had 
 met with little encouragement; Americans in general feeling 
 that other investments were preferable to the pledges of a 
 country already deeply mortgaged and about to embark on a 
 costly war. 
 
THE BAND OF A COSSACK REGIMENT PLAYING MARTIAL MUSIC 
 
 The Russian troops, unlike troops of other countries, march to the music of their own songs, accompanied 
 by cymbals, bells and tambourines striick with a drum stick. Any assembly of Russian peasants, even a 
 group of children, can sing magnificently, taking all the parts correctly. 
 
WAR VESSELS MADE FAMOUS 
 The upper picture represents the Russian Man-of-War "Kreizer," the lower the Japanese Cruiser "Naniwa/ 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 The Beginning and Causes of a Great War 
 
 Many Causes of the Rupture between Russia, the Great Empire of the East 
 and Japan, the Island Kingdom — A Long Period of Negotiations — ^War Hangs 
 in the Balance — Statements Issued by Contending Parties. 
 
 THE fundamental causes which for half a century had 
 been leading up to the outbreak of 1904 were the natural 
 antagonisms between the national ambitions of both 
 Russia and England. Far seeing English statesmen have real- 
 ized that the supremacy of that country is dependent upon the 
 superiority of her navy, made necessary by her insular position. 
 
 As a logical result of Russia's policy of continental expan- 
 sion, eventually her interests will come into conflict with Eng- 
 land's desire for continued supremacy of the high seas. 
 
 English thinkers have been keenly alive to the gravity of 
 this situation, and British diplomatic intrigue for at least two 
 generations of statesmanship has been guided toward the pre- 
 vention of Russia's naval growth, which once started, her im- 
 mense natural resources obviously threaten England's ascend- 
 ency on the sea. British diplomacy so far has been pre-emin- 
 ently successful, to the deep chagrin Of the Czar's ministers. 
 
 With the exception of Russia's sea-ports on the Baltic, 
 which, for a great part of the year are practically closed by the 
 rigors of semi-arctic climate conditions, her only other undis- 
 puted deep water port was Vladivostok on the Japan Sea which 
 suffers from similar climatic disadvantages. The chief object 
 of Russia's occupation of Manchuria was for the purpose of 
 establishing at Port Arthur a harbor open to the sea the 
 entire year. 
 
 329 
 
330 BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 
 
 Antagonism to this happened to unite the interests of 
 Great Britain and Japan. Therefore, England's traditional 
 policy made her the natural ally of Japan in this struggle. 
 
 The struggle, which began actively with the naval battle 
 on Monday, January 9, 1904, off Port Arthur, on the coast of 
 China, had been brewing for many years, and may be ascribed 
 largely to the greed of both Japan and Russia to become the 
 owners and possessors of the small country, which has been 
 known, on account of its solitary existence and its aloofness 
 from other nations, as the '' Hermit Kingdom. " Better known 
 as Korea, it is a peninsula, extending down between the Yellow 
 Sea and the Japan Sea, and only a few hours' sail from the 
 Island Kingdom. 
 
 There was another cause for this war, which must not be 
 overlooked, and which is to be found in the feeling of revenge 
 on the part of Japan for the loss of the fruit of her victory 
 over China in 1895. Through diplomatic manipulations, 
 Russia gained possession of Port Arthur, and the territory 
 which Japan had actually taken by force from China, and 
 which rightly belonged to her, but, with the aid of other 
 European countries, Russia succeeded in getting the full con- 
 trol of Port Arthur, and later becoming supreme in Manchuria, 
 practically annexed that entire territory to the Russian domain. 
 Hence Japan had been preparing to avenge herself upon the 
 powerful nation. 
 
 Russia, as it has appeared, agreed to vacate Manchuria 
 the 8th of October, 1903, but failed to do so. On the other 
 hand she steadily encroached upon Japan's interests in Korea. 
 The Mikado demanded, on the part of Japan, that the Czar 
 should carry out his pledge and recognize Korea as a Japanese 
 sphere of influence. All offers of compromise were spurned, 
 and Japan strengthened her position by an alliance made with 
 Great Britain in 1902. The latter country saw that it was to 
 her interest to have an ally in the Far East to oppose the 
 
BBGtmiNG AND CAUSES OF A GkSAT WAR 331 
 
 progress of Russia towards acquiring supreme influence in the 
 Eastern Hemisphere. Finally, Japan declared that she was 
 ready to fight for her rights, even unaided. 
 
 Both sides in the struggle issued statements defining and 
 describing their respective positions, and the causes which led 
 to a break in the peace negotiations between the two countries, 
 and leaving it finally to the arbitrament of the sword. We 
 give here both statements. 
 
 RUSSIA'S STATEMENT 
 
 By an official communication the Russian account of the 
 negotiations which led to the rupture, was as follows: 
 
 "Last year the Tokio Cabinet, under the pretext of 
 establishing the balance of power and a more settled order of 
 things on the shores of the Pacific, submitted to the imperial 
 government a proposal for a revision of the existing treaties 
 with Korea. 
 
 " Russia consented, and Viceroy Alexieff was charged to 
 draw up a project for a new understanding with Japan in 
 co-operation with the Russian Minister at Tokio, who was 
 entrusted with the negotiations with the Japanese government. 
 Although the exchange of views with the Tokio Cabinet on 
 this subject were of a friendly character, Japanese social circles 
 and the local and foreign press attempted in every way to 
 produce a warlike ferment among the Japanese and to drive 
 the government into an armed conflict with Russia. Under 
 the influence thereof, the Tokio Cabinet began to formulate 
 greater and greater demands in the negotiations, at the same 
 time taking most extensive measures to make the country 
 ready for war. 
 
 ''All these circumstances could not, of course, disturb 
 Russia's equanimity, but they induced her also to take military 
 and naval measures. Nevertheless, to preserve peace in the 
 Far East, Russia, so far as her incontestable rights and interests 
 
33 i BEGIN MING AND CAUSES OP A GREAT WAR 
 
 permitted, gave the necessary attention to the demands of the 
 Tokio Cabinet and declared herself ready to recognize Japan's 
 privileged commercial and economic position in the Korean 
 peninsula, with the concession of the right to protect it by 
 military force in the event of disturbances in that country. 
 
 ''At the same time, while rigorously observing the funda- 
 mental principle of her policy regarding Korea, whose inde- 
 pendence and integrity were guaranteed by previous under- 
 standings with Japan and by treaties with other powers, Russia 
 insisted on three points: 
 
 '' One — On a mutual and unconditional guarantee of this 
 principle. 
 
 ''Two — On an undertaking to use no part of Korea for 
 strategic purposes, as the authorization of such action on the 
 part of any foreign power was directly opposed to the princi- 
 ple of the independence of Korea. 
 
 " Three — On the preservation of the full freedom of nav- 
 igation of the straits of Korea. 
 
 " The project elaborated in this sense did not satisfy the 
 Japanese government, which in its last proposals not only 
 declined to accept the conditions which appeared as the guar- 
 antee of the independence of Korea, but also began at the 
 same time to insist on provisions to be incorporated in a pro- 
 ject regarding the question of Manchuria. Such demands on 
 the part of Japan, naturally, were admissible, the question of 
 Russia's position in Manchuria, concerning in the first place 
 China, but also all the Powers having commercial interests in 
 China. 
 
 "The imperial government, therefore, saw absolutely no 
 reason to include in a special treaty with Japan regarding 
 Korean affairs, any provisions concerning territory occupied 
 by Russian troops. The imperial government, however, did 
 not refuse, so long as the occupation of Manchuria lasts, to 
 recognize both the sovereignty of the Emepror of China in 
 
BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 333 
 
 Manchuria, and also the rights acquired there by other Powers 
 through treaties with China. A declaration to this effect had 
 already been made to the foreign cabinets. 
 
 '' In view of this, the imperial government, after charging 
 its representatives at Tokio to present its reply to the last pro- 
 posal of Japan, was justified in expecting the Tokio Cabinet 
 to take into account the considerations set forth above, and 
 that it would appreciate the wish manifested by Russia to come 
 to a peaceful understanding with Japan. Instead of this, the 
 Japanese government, not even awaiting this reply, decided to 
 break off negotiations and suspend diplomatic relations. The 
 imperial government, while laying on Japan the full responsi- 
 bility for any consequences of such a course of action, will 
 await the development of events, and the moment it becomes 
 necessary, will take the most decisive measures for the protec- 
 tion of its rights and interests in the Far East." 
 
 JAPAN'S STATEMENT 
 
 The following is the text of a statement issued by the 
 Japanese government setting forth its position: 
 
 ''Section i. — It being indispensable to the welfare and 
 safety of Japan to maintain the independence and territorial 
 integrity of Korea and to safeguard her paramount interests 
 therein, the Japanese government finds it impossible to view 
 with indifference any action endangering the position of 
 Korea, whereas Russia, notwithstanding her solemn treaty, 
 with China, and her repeated assurances to the Powers, not 
 only continues her occupation of Manchuria, but has taken 
 aggressive measures in Korean territory. Should Manchuria 
 be annexed to Russia the independence of Korea would natur- 
 ally be impossible. 
 
 ''The Japanese government, therefore, being desirous of 
 securing permanent peace for Eastern Asia, by means of direct 
 negotiations with Russia with the view of arriving at a friendly 
 
334 BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 
 
 adjustment of their mutual interests in both Manchuria and 
 Korea where their interests met, communicated toward the end 
 of July last such desire to the Russian government, and invited 
 its adherence. To this the Russian government expressed a 
 willing assent. Accordingly, on the 1 2th of August the Japa- 
 nese government proposed to Russia through its representa- 
 tive at St. Petersburg the base of an agreement, which was 
 substantially as follows: 
 
 '* I — ^A mutual engagement to respect the independence 
 and territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires. 
 
 *' 2 — ^A mutual engagement to maintain for the people 
 an equal opportunity for the commercial industry of all nations 
 with the natives of those countries. 
 
 '' 3 — A reciprocal recognition of Japan's preponderating 
 interests in Korea, and that Russia has special interest in rail- 
 way enterprise in Manchuria, and a mutual recognition of the 
 respective rights of Japan to take measures necessary for the 
 protection of the above-mentioned interests so far as the prin- 
 ciple of Article i is infringed. 
 
 '' 4 — The recognition by Russia of the exclusive rights of 
 Japan to give advice and assistance to Korea in the interest of 
 reform and good government. 
 
 *' 5 — The engagement on the part of Russia to unimpede 
 the eventual extension of the Korean railway into Southern 
 Manchuria so as to connect with Eastern China and the Shan- 
 hai-Kwan-New-Chwang lines. 
 
 *' It was the intention of the Japanese government origi- 
 nally that a conference should take place between the represen- 
 tatives at St. Petersburg and the Russian authorities, so as to 
 facilitate progress as much as possible in reaching a solution of 
 the situation, but the Russian government absolutely refused 
 to do so on the plea that the Czar planned a trip abroad, and 
 for other reasons it was unavoidably decided to conduct the 
 negotiations at Tokio. 
 
BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 335 
 
 '* It was not until October 3d that the Russian govern- 
 ment presented counterproposals, in which it declined to 
 engage in respect to the sovereignty and territorial integrity 
 of China, and stipulated the maintenance of the principle of 
 equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations 
 in China, and requested that Japan declare Manchuria and its 
 littoral as being entirely outside of her sphere and interest. 
 She further put several restrictions upon Japan's freedom of 
 action in Korea; for instance, while recognizing Japan's right 
 to despatch troops when necessary for the protection of her 
 interests in Korea, Russia refused to allow her to use any por- 
 tion of Korean territory for strategical purposes. 
 
 ** In fact, Russia went so far as to propose to establish a 
 neutral zone in Korean territory north of the 39th parallel. 
 The Japanese government utterly failed to see why Russia, 
 who professed no intention of absorbing Manchuria, should be 
 disinclined to insert in the convention a clause in complete 
 harmony with her own repeatedly declared principle respecting 
 the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China. 
 
 " Furthermore this refusal of the Russian government im- 
 pressed the Japanese government all the more with the neces- 
 sity of the insertion of a clause to the effect that Japan has 
 important commercial interests in Manchuria and entertains 
 no small hopes of their further development, and that politi- 
 cally Japan has even interests there by reasons of its relations 
 to Korea, so that she could not possibly recognize Manchuria 
 as being entirely outside her sphere of interest. These reasons 
 decided Japan absolutely to reject the Russian proposal. The 
 Japanese government explained the above views, and at the 
 same time introduced other necessary amendments in the 
 Russian counterproposal. 
 
 ''They further proposed with regard to a neutral zone 
 that if one was to be created it should be established on both 
 sides of the boundary line between Manchuria and Korea 
 
336 BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 
 
 and of equal width, say fifty kilometres. After repeated dis- 
 cussions at Tokio, the Japanese government finally presented 
 to the Russian, government their definite amendment on 
 October 13th. 
 
 ''The Japanese government then frequently urged the 
 Russian government for a reply. In that reply Russia sup- 
 pressed clauses relating to Manchuria so as to make the pro- 
 posed convention apply entirely to Korea, and maintained its 
 original demand in regard to the non-employment of Korean 
 territory for strategical purposes, as well as a neutral zone, but 
 the exclusion of Manchuria from the proposed convention 
 was contrary to the original object of the negotiations, which 
 were to remove causes of conflict between the two countries 
 by a friendly arrangement of their interests both in Manchuria 
 and Korea. 
 
 "The Japanese government asked the Russian govern- 
 ment to reconsider the question, and again proposed the 
 removal of the restriction regarding the use of Korean terri- 
 tory and the entire suppression of the neutral zone on the 
 ground that if Russia was opposed to the establishment of 
 one in Manchuria it should not establish one in Korea. 
 
 ''The last reply of Russia was received at Tokio on 
 January 6th. In this reply it is true that Russia proposed to 
 agree to insert the following clause in the proposed agree- 
 ment: 
 
 " ' The recognition by Japan of Manchuria and its littoral 
 as outside her sphere and interest, whilst Russia within the 
 limits of that province would not impede Japan, or any other 
 Power, in the enjoyment of rights and privileges acquired by 
 them under existing treaties with China exclusive of the estab- 
 lishment. ' 
 
 " But this was proposed to be agreed upon only upon con- 
 ditions maintaining the clauses regarding a neutral zone in 
 Korean territory and the employment of Korean territory for 
 
BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 337 
 
 strategical purposes, the conditions whereof were impossible to 
 Japan's acceptance, as had already been fully explained to 
 them. It should further be observed that no mention was 
 made at all of the territorial integrity of China in Manchuria, 
 and it must be self-evident to everybody that the engagement 
 now proposed by Russia would be unpractical in value so long 
 as it was unaccompanied by a definite stipulation regarding the 
 territorial integrity of China in Manchuria, since treaty rights 
 are only co-existing with sovereignty. 
 
 "Eventually absorption of Manchuria by Russia would 
 annul at once those rights and privileges acquired by the 
 Powers in Manchuria by virtue of treaties with China." 
 
 29 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Peace or War 
 
 THE CRISES PRECEDING HOSTILITIES 
 
 The Japanese ''Monroe Doctrine" — Russian Pledges vs. Russian Actions — Japanese 
 Military and Naval Activity — Significant Japanese Irrperial Ordinances — The 
 Sinews of War — Depression of Values on Stock Exchange — Secrecy of Negotia- 
 tions — War Inevitable. 
 
 THE calm before the storm was never more indicative of 
 the violence of the subsequent outbreak than the many 
 quiet but tensely significant tremors which thrilled 
 throughout the Island Empire during the weeks immediately 
 preceding hostilities. The usually peaceful Japanese appar- 
 ently showed no outward change of his Oriental placidity, but, 
 tinder the surface, countless indications of the approaching 
 storm revealed to the observing eye the tension of the 
 moment. 
 
 To clearly understand the situation, a summary statement 
 of the events which shaped the crisis must be considered. In 
 1895 Japan waged a successful war against China, for the pur- 
 pose of ending an intolerable protectorate exercised by China 
 over Korea — acting in this matter very much as the United 
 States did in waging a war of liberation for Cuba. At the end 
 of that war, Japan actually occupied the greater part of Man- 
 churia, as an indemnity for the war ; and China, in her treaty 
 of peace, had definitely ceded the territory to Japan. Russia, 
 alleging that occupation of Manchuria by Japan was a menace 
 to the peace of the Orient, then secured the co-operation of 
 Germany and France to oust Japan from Manchuria. The 
 sequel to this was unopposed occupation of Kiao-Ch.^\i by 
 
 338 
 
PEACE OR WAR 339 
 
 Germany and of Port Arthur by Russia, and the consequent 
 real and constant peril to the peace of the Far East. Mean- 
 while, Korea was tactily and generally recognized to be an 
 exclusive ''sphere of influence" of Japan, but open to general 
 trade. The Nishi-Rosen convention of 1898 was intended by 
 Japan to secure, so far as concerned Russia, immunity against 
 aggression in Korea. The necessity of preventing ascendency 
 in Korea of any potential enemy is tradition and a cardinal 
 principle of Japanese diplomacy. Its maintenance is regarded 
 by Japan as even more vital to her than maintenance of the 
 Monroe Doctrine is regarded as vital by the United States. 
 
 The next chapter opens with the "Boxer" outbreak in 
 1900. After that disturbance ended, the several Powers con- 
 cerned in restoring order in China adopted a definite treaty 
 of peace, according to which it was agreed to respect, even to 
 maintain, the integrity of China. Russia was a signatory of 
 this treaty. In consonance with the requirements of her 
 treaty obligations, Russia surprised those familiar with her 
 shrewd and unscrupulous aggressive policy by voluntarily fix- 
 ing a term within which, after ratification of the treaty, she 
 would evacuate Manchuria; her troops having been mean- 
 while retained there to guard her railways. When this term 
 expired, April, 1903, Russia had neither withdrawn her troops 
 nor evinced any serious intention to do so. In view of special 
 interests involved, Japan pressed Russia with inquiries to 
 ascertain her real purpose concerning Manchuria. Since both 
 England and the United States were also manifesting great 
 interest in the question, it is probable that Russia was espe- 
 cially inclined to make a satisfactory reply. In any event, 
 Russia then assured Japan that evacuation would be accom- 
 plished within a further period of six months. By October 8, 
 1903, the date thus fixed, Russian pledges were still unkept. 
 On the contrary, Russia had in the interim been busy building 
 fortifications, sending out troops and supplies, adding to her 
 
340 PEACE OR WAR 
 
 Asiatic fleet; had even occupied new posts, and given evidences 
 of an intention, not merely to remain in Manchuria, but also 
 to extend the scope of her aggressions even to Korea. 
 
 After that time, Japan patiently, yet with the persist- 
 ency bom of vital motives, pressed Russia in negotiation, with 
 a view to arrive at a peaceful settlement of differences, and 
 to obtain a guarantee for the protection of interests which 
 Japan considers vital to herself. Russia met this surprisingly 
 moderate and conciliatory attitude with a policy of temporiz- 
 ing and evasion, delaying her replies, evading questions, and 
 dragging in irrelevant issues. She, meanwhile, continued to 
 build fortifications, to forward troops and supplies, to send out 
 every available warship, in every possible way to strengthen 
 her grip on the bone of contention and to perfect her naval 
 and military equipment. Thus, while nominally negotiating 
 with Japan as a friendly Power, she all the while added 
 irritation and provocation to her insolent disregard of Japan's 
 rights and claims. In the meantime, Japan strictly observed 
 all proprieties, and did not, until the last week of the year, 
 move a single soldier, add a single ship to her navy, or other- 
 wise make a single menacing special preparation. 
 
 Actual crisis resulted immediately from steps taken on 
 and after December 28. On that date four important impe- 
 rial ordinances were issued. Two of these relate to the 
 superior organization of the army and navy. They were 
 intended^primarily (i) to secure efficient co-operation between 
 military and naval arms of the service, and (2) to accord to 
 the chief of each branch of the service equal voice and equal 
 access to the Sovereign in offering advice and considering 
 plans of campaign. (Hitherto, the Chief of the General Staff 
 had a right to consult directly with the Emperor while the 
 Chief of the Naval Board had not that right.) The other 
 two ordinances provided: (i) for raising funds to meet the 
 ''expenses required for the maintenance of the armaments," 
 
PEACE OR WAR 34t 
 
 and (2) for speedy completion of the Seoul-Fusan Railway. 
 For the first purpose the Government was empowered " to raise 
 temporary loans, to draw upon the funds belonging to special 
 accounts, and to issue treasury notes." The only limita- 
 tions on this power were: (i) that rates of interest on obliga- 
 tions incurred should not exceed 6 per cent. ; and (2) that the 
 maximum period of redemption should be for temporary loans 
 two years, and for treasury notes five years. The ''funds 
 belonging to special accounts" aggregated something over a 
 hundred million yen.* In order to expedite construction of the 
 Seoul- Fusan Railway, the Government undertook two obliga- 
 tions: (i) It guaranteed the principal and interest, not 
 exceeding 6 per cent., on bonds issued by the company within 
 the limit of ten million yen; (2) in view of the fact that haste 
 would increase the cost of constructing the railway, the Govern- 
 ment granted to the company a cash subsidy of 1,750,000 yen, 
 with a further contingent grant of 450,000 yen. Loans were 
 authorized to raise the ftmds for this subsidy. In order to 
 protect itself and to assure the execution of its purposes, the 
 Government reserved the right to appoint three managing 
 directors and to maintain official inspection of the works and 
 the accotints of the company. In event of military occupation 
 of Korea or of military operations in Manchuria by Japan, the 
 strategic value of this railway would be immense; hence the 
 urgency of its construction at this juncture. 
 
 Coincident with the issue of the imperial ordinances, most 
 extraordinary activity in all military and naval circles began. 
 It was annotmced that the usual New Year holiday of ten days 
 would be this year contracted to a single day for arsenals, 
 dockyards, and many Government offices. The newspapers 
 published reports that troops of the large garrisons at Sendai 
 and Kumamoto were ordered to be ready for a winter cam- 
 paign, that active preparations were in progress at all barracks 
 
 * A yen is eqtiivalent to 50 cents American money. 
 
34i PMCE Ok WAR 
 
 and naval stations, that large orders for a new and specially 
 efficient kind of transport wagon were placed with the Tokio 
 Arsenal, to be filled in the shortest possible time. These 
 reports were credible and were credited, because only one or 
 two of the least important journals in the capital had pre- 
 viously been guilty of jingoism or sensationalism, while these 
 reports were published by all; and especially because they 
 were confirmed by reports of mercantile establishments which 
 were selling unusual quantities of personal supplies to army 
 and navy men; and by many evidences visible to observant 
 persons. Meanwhile, cable messages reported large purchases 
 by Japan of flour in the United States, and of coal both at 
 Norfolk, Va., and in England, as well as of the two cruisers 
 just completed in Italy to the order of Argentina. It was gen- 
 erally known that the Government had been in negotiation 
 with the large state-subsidized mercantile marine company, 
 Nippon Yusen Kaisha, as to terms for using its ships as 
 transports, and had already intimated to bankers that their 
 assistance might be needed to raise funds. Finally, the Gov- 
 ernment issued, January 5, an order which prohibited journal- 
 istic publication of any news relating to the movements of 
 Japanese troops or warships. At the same time, it was 
 rumored that 20,000 troops had moved out from Kumamoto. 
 The extremely serious aspect of affairs had, on the preceding 
 day (the first business day of the year) been signalized by a 
 sudden drop in values, ranging from 10 to 25 per cent, of the 
 last-quoted market price. Subsequently there was a very 
 slight recovery, but values continued, under the gravity of the 
 situation, to sag near the recent extraordinary minimum. 
 Under the circumstances, the laying of the facts before the 
 foreign governments is here regarded as about the last pacific 
 move on the part of Japan. 
 
 The utmost secrecy had successfully guarded the pro- 
 posals and counter-proposals of Russo-Japanese negotiations. 
 
PEACE OR WAR Ui 
 
 Even while presenting the facts to foreign governments, the 
 Japanese Government had refused to take its own people into 
 its confidence; but it is well known that the conference 
 between Ministers and Elder Statesmen on December i6 
 formulated the ''irreducible minimum" of Japan's demands, 
 and that this was the basis of the last Japanese communica- 
 tion transmitted to Russia on December 21. Persistent ru- 
 mors, emanating apparently from Berlin, represented the 
 return by Russia of another temporizing reply, alleging that 
 Russia would neither grant nor reject all of the Japanese 
 demands, but open new subjects for negotiation. But that 
 meant in the end only war, for Japan was in dead earnest, and 
 she was determined no longer to let Russia temporize while 
 using the time to strengthen her position against Japan. The 
 nation was a unit, and the most conservative papers persistently 
 voiced its sentiment, viz., that, in view of the Russian mode of 
 procedure and the moderation of Japan's demands, nothing 
 remained to negotiate. Hence it was obvious that the Rus- 
 sian reply must be reducible to a simple "yes" or ''no." 
 This reply did not come, but instead a temporizing one. It has 
 been believed in some quarters that the Russian Viceroy or 
 other high officials delayed the transmission of communica- 
 tions from the Russian Government to the Japanese Govern- 
 ment, and in consequence the latter, on February 6, 1904, 
 broke off further negotiations, declared war, and startled the 
 world with the unexpected and brilliant attack upon Port 
 Arthur, which resulted in a victory as remarkable as it was 
 sudden. 
 
CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 First Attack on Port Arthur 
 
 Occupation of Port Arthur by the Russians — The Gibraltar of the East — Beginning 
 of the War — Sailing of Japanese Fleet — Russians Fire First Shot — Battle of 
 Port Arthur, February 8-9, 1904 — Defeat of Russian Fleet — Withdrawal of 
 Japanese — Reports of Russian and Japanese Admirals of Battle. 
 
 BY the occupying of Port Arthur at the end of the Liau- 
 Tong peninsula, on December i8, 1897, and.estabhsh- 
 ing there one of the termini of the great trans-Siberian 
 railway, Russia realized one of her fondest dreams — the pos- 
 session of an open port on the sea in railway communication 
 with the rest of her dominion. 
 
 The Chinese fortifications which had been built by foreign 
 engineers, were immediately re-constructed. The town was 
 practically re-built, government buildings were erected, and 
 improvements of every kind devised and carried out. The 
 place was made a base of both naval and military supplies and 
 stocked with great stores of food. 
 
 A dry-dock was constructed, which though small, yet, 
 under the skillful mangement of the Russian naval engineers, 
 would be ample for all ordinary naval repairs required. In 
 short, so greatly did the Russians appreciate the strategic 
 value of this stronghold that they left nothing undone which 
 would make it in truth the "Gibraltar of the East." 
 
 Port Arthur was thus obviously destined to be one of the 
 first points of attack by the Japanese, and the characteristic 
 energy and impetuosity of that people led careful observers to 
 anticipate startling developments in that quarter at the very 
 outbreak of the war. 
 
 344 
 
RUSSIAN SOLDIERS BIVOUACKING IN A CHINESE TEMPLE 
 
 In sharp contrast with other nations, Russia does not appear to respect the religious customs and feelings of 
 a conquered people. In her occupation of Manchuria her soldiers have invaded and occupied the temples 
 which the Chine>e hold as sacred. England's policy has been directly the reverse. 
 
FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 345 
 
 The breaking off of all diplomatic relations with Russia by 
 Japan on January 6th, was the final signal of the beginning of 
 hostilities. For weeks previously Japan had been landing 
 troops disguised as coolies in Korea, and on the 7th she threw 
 off all secrecy, and openly seizing the Korean port of Masampo, 
 began the landing of an army corps. At the same time a 
 division of Russian cruisers sailed southward into the Yellow 
 Sea from Port Arthur. Meanwhile a Japanese naval division 
 had sailed from Japanese waters presumably for Chemulpo, 
 about midway on the western coast of Korea. It was confi- 
 dently expected that these two fleets would meet in battle 
 somewhere in the Yellow Sea. But the Russian fleet returned 
 to the protection of the fortifications of Port Arthur within 
 a few hours, without striking a blow. 
 
 Although the first shot of the war was probably fired by 
 the Russian warship Korietz at a Japanese vessel the day 
 before the fight at Chemulpo, the first general engagement 
 between the opposing forces occurred at Port Arthur, begin- 
 ning late at night on the same day, Monday, February 8, 1904. 
 This resulted in a brilliant victory for the Japanese squadron 
 sent ahead of the fleet and transports, which landed at Che- 
 mulpo the day following, for the purpose of blocking at Port 
 Arthur any attempted Russian interference with the latter 
 movement. 
 
 The moral effect of this victory was all-important, as it 
 practically gave the Japanese control of the sea, ensured their 
 uninterrupted transportation of troops, to the mainland and 
 the further occupation of Korea, which composed the first 
 stage of the war, preliminary to combined land and sea attacks 
 on Russian positions in Manchuria. 
 
 The attack of the Japanese fleet at Port Arthur was well 
 timed. Many of the Russian naval officers were ashore, cele- 
 brating with appropriate festivities the birthday of Admiral 
 Stark. 
 
346 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 
 
 The Russian fleet outside of the harbor consisted cf llic 
 battleship Petropavlovsk, flagship; Peresviet, sub-flagship; Po- 
 bteda, Poltava, Czarevitch, Retvizan and Sevastopol, and the 
 cruisers Novik, Boyarin, Bayan, Diana, Pallada, Askold and 
 Aurora. Only one of the Russian warships was using search- 
 lights, while in a leisurely fashion only three torpedo boats Were 
 patrolling the outskirts of the fleet ; all the other torpedo boats 
 were inside the basin. Everything was tranquil, and the Rus- 
 sians were not expecting the Japanese fleet for three or four 
 days. The lighthouse was already lighted and guiding lights 
 were burning. About eight o'clock the Russian sailors chanted 
 their evening prayers, and the hymn rolled out impressively 
 along the water. 
 
 The weather was perfect; it was not cold, and the sky 
 was clear, with a light southerly breeze and a hazy horizon. 
 Then deep silence settled down. About half -past eleven were 
 heard three distinct but muffled explosions, one after another. 
 Apparently they came from under the water, for all the 
 ships in the harbor vibrated violently. Instantly firing with 
 1 2 -pounders and 3 -pounders began. Searchlights were placed, 
 but without much method. The operations continued till mid- 
 night, when the firing had almost ceased, entirely ceasing at 
 three in the morning. The explanation was quickly and terri- 
 bly discovered; ten Japanese torpedo boats had approached 
 within half a mile of the Russian fleet, showing lights and fun- 
 nel signals just like those of the Russians, and had crept quite 
 close to the Russian ships before being discovered. Each of 
 the Japanese boats discharged torpedoes, three of which took 
 effect, striking the battleships Czarevitch and Retvizan and 
 the cruiser Pallada. 
 
 The instant after the ships were struck, the whole scene 
 was illumined by the brilliant searchlights of the Russian war- 
 ships whose decks were swarming with men. The Russian guns 
 
FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 347 
 
 instantly opened fire toward the sea and swept the water with 
 a rain of lead. 
 
 The firing lasted only for a short time ; then all was quiet 
 for a while, although the searchlights illumined the water for 
 an hour. Made bolder by their success, the Japanese torpedo 
 boats again approached the enemy whom they had aroused 
 and who was watching for them. Again the Russian search- 
 lights sought their evasive and deadly enemy; again tremen- 
 dous broadsides tore the waters. The Japanese did not 
 answer with a shot. 
 
 At 2 o'clock in the morning the Czarevitch and the Poltava 
 steamed slowly in from the outer roads and were beached 
 across the entrance to the harbor. They were soon followed 
 by the cruiser Boyarin, which was badly listed, and whose 
 steering apparatus seemed to be useless. She, too, was 
 beached at the harbor's entrance. None of the vessels was 
 seriously damaged above the waterline. 
 
 Notwithstanding the continuous fire from the ships 
 and forts, all the Japanese torpedo boats escaped. The 
 disabled Russian battleships were inside Forts Huan-ching- 
 shan and Chi-kwan-shan. The cruiser Boyarin lay out- 
 side, but within range of the forts. The sun rose very red, 
 disclosing the presence on the horizon of four two-funnel 
 cruisers, on whose masts were afterward distinguished the flag 
 of the Rising Sun of Japan. They came boldly within long 
 distance range, and remained calmly watching for two hours 
 after daybreak. 
 
 The Japanese cruisers drew a fierce fire from the Rus- 
 sian fleet and batteries, but for a while the latter, crippled 
 by the loss of three vessels, seemed disinclined to accept 
 the challenge to general action. The enemy's cruisers then 
 rejoined the two divisions of the main fleet. 
 
 A strange apathy seemed to possess the Russians. The 
 crew of white-faced, gaping men crdwded the forward decks of 
 
348 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 
 
 the damaged vessels. The cook of the Retvizan was seen 
 calmly throwing out slops, and men in the other vessels were 
 carefully washing the anchor chain while weighing the anchor. 
 For a long time after the anchor was weighed no vessel 
 showed a disposition to chase the Japanese or to fire a 
 single shot, until, at half past eight, the enemy finally left, 
 and were pursued by the Russian fleet, which proceeded 
 toward Dalny, inshore of the Japanese. At a quarter after 
 nine the Russians returned to their anchorage, no firing having 
 occurred, and again came silence, everything having passed on 
 with less noise than an ordinary naval review. 
 
 It was about eleven o'clock Tuesday when the Japanese 
 ships reappeared along the horizon. They were in fine order, in 
 two lines of battle: five battleships, six first-class, and three 
 second-class cruisers. The Russians had outside thirteen large 
 vessels under Admiral Stark, on the flagship Petropavlovsk, 
 and Rear Admiral Prince Uktomsky, on the flagship Peres- 
 viet, excluding the Pallada, Czarevitch, the flagship of Rear 
 Admiral Mollas, and the Retvizan, which were lying across the 
 inner harbor entrance. It was low water. At a quarter after 
 eleven came the first flash from a Japanese vessel. This 
 landed a 12-inch shell near the torpedo boats and disabled a 
 battleship. 
 
 Seen from the town of Port Arthur the battle which 
 ensued was a magnificent spectacle. The bombardment of 
 the forts lasted till a quarter to twelve, the Japanese 
 shooting with splendid precision. Two shells burst on the 
 summit of one fort and numbers on the face of the cliffs 
 and along the beach. All of them were heavy shells. 
 About twenty others fell in the old town and western har- 
 bor, where many steamers flying neutral flags were anchored, 
 and after the commencement of the action all the people 
 fled towards the hill outside the town for safety. The local 
 police kept splendid order; there was no looting. The 
 
FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 349 
 
 women and children were very brave. A little while after the 
 first shell was fired a big 12-inch one exploded, smashing 
 the office fronts of the Genshengs Yalu Concessions Com- 
 pany and the Russo-Chinese Bank. The streets were then 
 entirely deserted. 
 
 Regiments from the adjoining barracks and camps came 
 pouring through the town to take up defensive positions in the 
 event of the Japanese landing. The Japanese warships 
 steamed slowly past in an ellipse to westward and about 
 four miles off, each vessel beginning to fire when opposite the 
 Russian ships, which were two miles off shore. The action 
 became general. There was no manoeuvering ; simply heavy 
 fast firing on both sides. Over 300 shells were counted by an 
 eye-witness on land, few of which reached their mark. Owing 
 to the length of the range, most of the shells burst on contact 
 with the water or land. Some threw out yellow smoke, but 
 generally it was dense black smoke, temporarily concealing 
 the ships. , 
 
 During the action several merchant steamers outside the 
 roads moved their position, but none was allowed to leave 
 anchorage in the harbor. Firing ceased at noon, the Japanese 
 ships withdrawing southward, apparently undamaged. 
 
 Afterwards the Czarevitch got off at high water and was 
 towed into the large basin, where repairs were begun. The 
 Pallada effected her own repairs and rejoined the fleet, leaving 
 the Retvtzan still aground. A sum of the casualties showed 
 twenty- two killed and sixty-four wounded. Nearly half the 
 casualties occurred on the Pallada and Novik. A stirring 
 episode was the re-entrance into the harbor of the warships 
 Czarevitch and Novik after the fight. They came in tinder 
 their own steam, with bands playing and men cheering. 
 
 The Japanese fleet sailed southward. At i o'clock all was 
 quiet. The wounded were brought ashore and removed to hos- 
 pitals. After Monday night's action many Japanese torpedoes 
 
350 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 
 
 were found floating in the outside harbor. They were secured 
 and their mechanism extracted. 
 
 During the afternoon Alexieff ordered all women, children 
 and non-combatants to leave, and the slow special trains which 
 ran as often as possible to Dalny were crowded. The women 
 and children were immediately removed in an English steamer. 
 
 The stampede of Port Arthur that day had been almost 
 complete. Hundreds of people rushed from the streets, and 
 shop-owners, leaving everything — even bank books — ^behind, 
 boarded the trains, which were packed as with herrings. 
 
 The Japanese fleet which had wrought such havoc was 
 commanded by Vice- Admiral Togo, and numbered fifteen ves- 
 sels; The first division was made up of the Mikasa, the flag- 
 ship, and the first-class battleships Asaht, Fuji, Yashima, Shi- 
 kishima and Hatsuse, and the despatch boat Tatsuma. 
 
 Vice- Admiral Kamimura commanded the second division, 
 which was composed of the flagship Idzumo, the Yakumo, As- 
 ama, Iwate, all armored cruisers, and the Chitose, Kasagi, 
 Takasago and Yoshino, fast protected cruisers. 
 
 In the first week of the war the- Czar lost the use of three 
 battleships, two armored cruisers, four protected or unarmored 
 cruisers, a gunboat, a torpedo transport, and three boats of 
 the Vladivostok squadron. Those not sunk, were, neverthe- 
 less, so badly damaged that they could scarcely be repaired 
 quickly enough to be of immediate use. The damage in 
 money value amounted to a loss of nearly $20,000,000. 
 
 Vice-Admiral Togo's official report of the attack of the 
 Japanese fleet at Port Arthur was written at sea February 10, 
 at a point undisclosed by the Navy Department. The report 
 briefly and modestly recounts the Japanese victory. Vice- 
 Admiral Togo left the battle-ground not knowing the full 
 extent of the damage his torpedo shells had inflicted, but he 
 was evidently confident that the Russians had suffered heavily. 
 A translation of the report follows : 
 
FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 351 
 
 "After the combined fleet left Sasebo on February 6 
 everything went as planned. At midnight February 8 our 
 advance squadron attacked the enemy at Port Arthur. At 
 the time the enemy's advance squadron was for the most part 
 outside of Port Arthur. Of the advance squadron at least the 
 battleship Poltava, the protected cruiser Askold and two others 
 appeared to have been struck by our torpedoes. 
 
 '' On February 9 at noon our fleet advanced in the ofling 
 of Port Arthur Bay, and attacked the rest of the enemy's ships 
 for about forty minutes. The result of the attack is not yet 
 known, but it is believed considerable damage was inflicted on 
 the enemy, and I believe that they were greatly demoralized. 
 They stopped fighting about i o'clock, and appeared to retreat 
 into the harbor. 
 
 " In this action the damage to our fleet was very slight, 
 and our fighting strength is not in the least decreased. The 
 number of killed and wounded was fifty-eight. Of those, four 
 were killed and fifty-four wounded. 
 
 ''A report of the engagement of the squadron at Che- 
 mulpo has probably been sent to you already directly by 
 Admiral Uriu. 
 
 *'Our advance squadron bore the brunt of the enemy's 
 fire, and after the attack, for the most part, rejoined the 
 main f.eet. The imperial princes on board the ships are 
 unharmed. 
 
 "The conduct of all our officers during the action was 
 cool, not unlike that during the ordinary manoeuvres. Since 
 the battle their spirits have been high, but their conduct was 
 very calm during the battle. This morning, owing to a heavy 
 south wind, there has been no communication between the 
 ships, and no detailed report has been received from each 
 vessel, so I report merely the above facts. 
 
 (Signed) "Togo." 
 
352 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 
 
 Admiral Alexieff, Russian Viceroy of the Far East to the 
 Czar, telegraphed the following report of the battle to his sov- 
 ereign on Februray lo: 
 
 " A Japanese squadron of fifteen battleships and cruisers 
 to-day began to bombard Port Arthur. The fortress replied, and 
 the squadron weighed anchor in order to take part in the 
 contest." 
 
 A later telegram from the Viceroy read as follows : 
 
 ''After a bombardment lasting an hour the Japanese 
 squadron ceased firing and steamed southward. Our losses 
 were two naval officers and fifty-one men wounded and nine 
 men killed. One man was killed and three were wounded on 
 the coast batteries during the battle. 
 
 "The battleship Poltava and the cruisers Diana, Askold 
 and Novik were each damaged on the water line. The damage 
 to the fort was insignificant." 
 
 Another telegram from Alexieff referred to the first tor- 
 pedo attack, and said: 
 
 " Supplementing my first telegram, I announce that none 
 of the three damaged ships were sunk. Their boilers and en- 
 gines were not damaged. The Czarevitch's steering gear and 
 the Retvizan's pumping apparatus below the water line were 
 damaged. The Palladia was damaged amidships, near her 
 engines. 
 
 " Immediately after the explosion cruisers went to their 
 assistance, and, despite the darkness, measures were taken to 
 bring the damaged ships into the inner harbor. 
 
 "Two seamen were killed, five were drowned, and eight 
 were wounded. 
 
 "The enemy's torpedo boats were received, at the right 
 time, by a heavy fire from the ships. 
 
 " The unexploded torpedoes were foimd after the attack. 
 
 (Signed) " Alexieff. " 
 
 In the night attack of February 8th, and the bombard- 
 
FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 353 
 
 ment of the subsequent morning, Admiral Togo so crippled the 
 Russian fleeet at Port Arthur that the Japanese were secure in 
 transporting troops direct to Chemulpo for the projected 
 invasion of Korea. Their fleet was practically undiminished in 
 fighting strength, while that of the Czar had lost, at least tem- 
 porarily, five of its finest vessels — the battleships Czarevitch, 
 1^,110 tons; Retvtzan, 1 2, y 00 tons; Poltava, io,g 60 tons; Sevas- 
 topol, 10,960 tons; and the protected cruisers Pallada, 6,630 
 tons; Diana, 6,630 tons; Askold, 6,500 tons; Boyarin, 3,200 
 tons; Novik, 3,000 tons. 
 
 wS 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 The Battle Off Chemulpo 
 
 Situation of Port of Chemulpo — Sailing of Japanese Fleet for Korean Ports— K-eport 
 of the Cruiser Chiyoda — First Landing of Japanese Troops at Chemulpo — Ulti- 
 matum to the Russian Battleships — Beginning of the Fight — Retirement of 
 Both Forces — Last Dash of the Russian Ships — Defeat of the Russians — Res- 
 cue of Crews by Foreign Vessels — Landing of More Japanese Troops — Occupa- 
 tion of Seoul. 
 
 TWENTY-FOUR miles from Seoul, the capital of Korea, 
 is the port of Chemulpo, about midway on the west 
 coast of Korea. Its proximity to the capital gives the 
 port an important strategic value in the conquest of the penin- 
 sula. Following the Japanese occupation of Masampo on 
 Sunday, February 6th, and the landing of a division of 
 troops at that point, and simultaneously with the Japanese 
 naval attack on the Russian fleet at Port Arthur, a Japanese 
 fleet accompanying troop transports entered the Yellow Sea 
 with the intention of landing forces at Kunsan, considerably 
 south of Chemulpo. 
 
 But the Japanese cruiser Chiyoda, which left Chemulpo 
 during the night, met the fleet and reported only two Russian 
 war ships, the Variag and the Korietz, at Chemulpo. Conse- 
 quently the Japanese fleet of twenty-one ships, including seven 
 transports, continued the journey. 
 
 At half -past four o'clock in the afternoon of February 8th 
 the Japanese warships Akashi, Chiyoda, Takashiho, Naniwa 
 and Mikasa, with seven torpedo boats and three transports 
 entered Chemulpo Harbor, having on board 2,500 men. They 
 began to land troops immediately in perfect order and tinder 
 superb system, and by dawn of February 9th all the men were 
 
 354 
 
THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 355 
 
 safely billeted on the Japanese concession. The war ships 
 then withdrew. 
 
 At ten o'clock the Japanese Consul warned the British 
 residents that Admiral Uriu, commanding the squadron, had 
 given the Russian senior officer, captain of the Variag and 
 commander of the Korietz until noon to leave port, failing 
 which he would begin action. At half -past eleven in the fore- 
 noon the Variag and the Korietz steamed away and were met 
 by eight Japanese vessels. The first gun was fired at twenty 
 minutes to twelve o'clock. The Japanese scorning the Korietz, 
 concentrated their fire on the Variag. The latter continually 
 circled round, replying from her sides alternately, but it was 
 apparent that her shooting was not good. On every side her 
 shells went wide. It was observable that the Japanese gradu- 
 ally closed, the battleship Mikasa doing most of the firing and 
 effecting damage. At a quarter after one o'clock p. m. they 
 ceased firing, as the Variag re-entered the harbor and took up 
 a position with the Korietz, among other foreign war ships. 
 One of her boilers was injured, and she was on fire astern. 
 The flames were extinguished by flooding a compartment. 
 
 Meanwhile the Japanese fleet withdrew. Two hours later 
 the Russians attempted to break through the Japanese fleet, 
 which was encountered four miles from the inner harbor, and 
 then, with bands playing the national anthem, the interna- 
 tional fleet loudly cheering the bravery and gallantry of the 
 Russians, the Variag and Korietz faced the Japanese fleet in 
 wliat was certain death. There was a terrible explosion: the 
 Korietz had been blown up by the Russians, whose men could 
 be seen in boats pulling for the Variag. An immense column 
 of smoke arose and then cleared away, leaving the sight of the 
 Korietz with funnels and masts just above water. Japanese 
 ashore were wildly cheering. 
 
 At twenty minutes after five o'clock p. m., fire appeared 
 in the after part of the Variag and spread slowly. The Japanese 
 
3S6 THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 
 
 then stopped firing, and all the spectators, on sea and land, 
 saw the Variag heel over surely, but barely perceptibly, 
 and at five minutes after six o'clock sink with a rumble. 
 The Russians admitted that the Korietz fired the first shot, 
 and said that it was accidental. The Russians had made a 
 brave fight against an immensely superior force, and the en- 
 gagement was watched by thousands of persons on shore, who 
 had gathered in anticipation of a collision. 
 
 The American gunboat Vicksburg, the British cruiser 
 Talbot, the French cruiser Pascal, and the Italian cruiser Elba 
 also witnessed the engagement and saluted the victorious flag. 
 The Korietz was utterly overmatched: destructive broadsides 
 from the Japanese vessels raked her continuously until she 
 sank. Many of the crew were killed by shells or drowned, 
 and all the survivors who swam ashore were captured by 
 Japanese soldiers. 
 
 The Variag' s commander, Captain Vladimir Behr, ordered 
 his officers and crew to jump overboard and save themselves if 
 they could, and then blew up the ship, thus sacrificing his own 
 life. About 200 of the crew of 570 were killed or drowned. 
 The Variag' s officers were: Captian Vladimr Behr, Lieuten- 
 ant Commander Ivan Kraft, Lieutenant Volgoborodoff , Lieut- 
 enant Masinoff , Lieutenant Vasilieff , Lieutenant Ivan Richter, 
 Lieutenant Vladimir Posilenkoff, Lieutenant F. Sveredoff, 
 Second Lieutenant Ivan Ekinhoff, Second Lieutenant L. 
 Kovanko, Chief Engineer Ivan Lakeoff, Assistant Engineer 
 Ivan Soldatoff, Assistant Engineer Vladimir Rodinn, Chief 
 Surgeon August Zoot and Assistant Surgeon S. Jute. 
 
 Upon the Japanese side not a man had been lost, and the 
 fleet was practically undamaged. The great guns of the bat- 
 tleships had poured a terrible and deadly fire upon the Variag, 
 to which her smaller weapons could only make a gallant, but 
 ineffectual, reply. A twelve inch shell had entered her port- 
 quarter, totally wrecking her cabin, and starting a fire in that 
 
VICE-ADMIRAL TOGO 
 
 Commander of one of the Japanese Squadrons 
 
THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 357 
 
 portion of the ship. One of her boilers had been pierced and 
 disabled by a ten inch shell, and the escaping steam scalded a 
 number of her firemen. The entire starboard side of her 
 bridge was carried away by a third projectile, sweeping the 
 executive officer and quartermaster at the wheel into the sea. 
 An ensign, who was signalling on the bridge at the time, was 
 blown to atoms and, after the firing, no trace of him could 
 be found except one hand still tightly clenching the flag. 
 Another large shell struck one of her three Inch guns, dis- 
 mounted it, and killed the entire gun's crew. At the same 
 time another shell burst over her main fighting top and dis- 
 abled one of the lookouts. She had received other fatal shots 
 in her coal bunkers, which caused her to list badly to port, and 
 started a fire which burned until she sank. 
 
 The Russians then seized and scuttled the steamship 
 Sungari, which lay in the harbor, to prevent her capture and 
 employment by the Japanese. 
 
 This ended a brilliant defense on the part of the Czar's 
 seamen, and at the same time paved the way for possibly dan- 
 gerous international complications. 
 
 Some few of the crew were drowned In the attempt to 
 escape, but the men loyally aided their officers, of whom not one 
 was thus lost. Many swam, not to the shore, but to the foreign 
 men-of-war in the harbor, which promptly lowered boats and 
 went to their rescue. 
 
 The victorious Japanese now precipitated an acute situa- 
 tion by twice making demands on the commanders of the three 
 foreign vessels that the Russian refugees be surrendered to 
 them as prisoners of war. 
 
 The captain of the British cruiser Talbot, being the senior 
 
 naval officer present, replied to the Japanese demands by 
 
 ♦ stating that he awaited instructions from his government 
 
 before complying, thus for a while staving off any strenuous 
 
 action on the part of the Japanese. Meanwhile, his superior, 
 
358 THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 
 
 Sir Cyprian Bridge, the British Admiral In command of the 
 English squadron In the harbor, ordered the captain of the 
 Talbot ViOt to deliver any of the 150 wounded Russians who 
 had taken refuge on his vessel, to the Japanese unless the 
 Russians so desired. 
 
 The destruction of the Variag Is of especial interest 
 to Americans, because it was built at Cramp's shipyard at 
 Philadelphia. It was completed In 1900, and the Czar was 
 particularly well pleased with this specimen of American 
 workmanship. The Variag was designed to come up to the 
 highest requirements of a first-class high-speed protected 
 cruiser, and carried a large and formidable battery of guns 
 and torpedo tubes. Her main battery consisted of twelve 
 six-Inch, twelve fifty-calibre, seventy-five rapid-fire guns, and 
 six three-pounder Hotchkiss guns. The torpedo battery num- 
 bered one bow tube, one stern tube, and four broadside train- 
 ing tubes. A protective deck of three-inch armor on the 
 slope, and one and one-half inches on the flat, protected the 
 machinery, magazines, and other vital parts of the ship. The 
 thirty boilers of the NIclausse type, arranged in four groups, 
 had a grate surface of 1,575 square feet, and a heating surface 
 of 62,000 square feet. The speed requirements called for a 
 sustained speed of twenty-three knots an hour for twelve 
 hours, with open stoke holes. There were accommodations for 
 twenty-one ofificers, nine petty officers, and a crew of 550 men. 
 
 The Korietz^ the other Russian vessel destroyed, was still 
 on the Russian navy list, but she had no value as a fighter. 
 She was built In Stockholm, Sweden, and was of steel, 
 206 feet in length, 35 feet in beam, 1,413 tons displacemen, 
 and 1,500 Indicated horse power. Her speed was thirteen 
 knots, and her armament consisted of two 8-inch breech 
 loaders, one 6-Inch breech loader, four 4.7-inch quick firers, 
 two 6-pounder quick firers, four i -pounder revolving cannon 
 and two torpedo tubes. 
 
THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 359 
 
 Immediately following the battle the landing of more 
 Japanese troops at Chemulpo was begun, and the march on 
 Seoul followed. In all, 19,000 troops were disembarked at 
 this point, and with the taking of Masampo the Japanese mili- 
 tary occupation of the southern half of Korea was complete. 
 Scores of Japanese transports, unimpeded by the Russians, 
 were pouring troops into Korea at the different ports, and 
 Seoul, the capital, was occupied in force. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Destruction of the Petropavlovsk 
 
 Togo Mines the Channel of Port Arthur — Decoys the Russians from the Harbor — 
 The Pursuit — Loss of the Strashni — Silence Before the Tragedy — Petropav- 
 lovsk Blown up and Sunk — Alexieff Reports the Disaster to the Czar. 
 
 ON the morning of Wednesday, April 13, 1904, the Rus- 
 sian navy suffered the most signal single catastrophe 
 which occurred during the early period of the war. 
 Admiral Makaroff, the man to whom all Russia looked as one 
 who would retrieve the first disasters and re-establish Slavonic 
 supremacy on the Eastern Sea, went down to his death on his 
 flagship Petropavlovsk, which struck a Japanese mine and sank 
 in two minutes within full view of the Japanese fleet and the 
 Russian garrisons. This appalling disaster threw the whole of 
 Russia into gloom and brought out many expressions of ad- 
 miration from neutrals and foes of the courageous sea-fighter 
 and his sterling qualities. 
 
 Admiral Togo who had made the harassing of Port 
 Arthur the subject of his special study for the preceding two 
 months, conceived the ruse of countermining the harbor and 
 decoying the Russian ships over these engines of destruction. 
 He divided his fleet into three divisions and steamed thirty 
 miles away, leaving two divisions on the scene. During the 
 night of April 12th, the mine-laying transport, Koryu Maru, 
 escorted by two divisions of destroyers, entered the harbor 
 mouth and let down a number of floating mines directly in the 
 open channel. Though the shore batteries opened a heavy 
 fire on her, she managed to finish her work and get away with- 
 out being hit ; one lucky shot might have exploded her cargo 
 360 
 
DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 361 
 
 and blown her to atoms. After this exploit she rejoined her 
 fleet, and the Russians were ignorant of what she had done. 
 
 Morning dawned misty, but the Russians were all alert, 
 owing to the firing of the previous night. At 8 a. m. Admiral 
 Makaroff , seeing only a weak squadron menacing Port Arthur, 
 put to sea with the following force: The battleships Petro- 
 pavlovsk, Poltava and Pobieda, and the cruisers Diana, Askold 
 and Novik. These were joined outside by the cruiser Bay an, 
 which had been engaged with a number of Japanese destroyers 
 during the night. 
 
 The cruiser squadron, seeing that the Russian warships 
 had cleared the harbor, steamed out to sea with the Russian 
 ships at full steam following after them. The Russians opened 
 rapid fire at long range, the Japanese replying at intervals. 
 When the Japanese had drawn the Russians out some fifteen 
 miles they communicated the situation to Admiral Togo by 
 wireless telegraph. Immediately on receipt of the message he 
 signaled to the cruisers Kasaga and Niasin to join the battle- 
 ship squadron and went forward at full steam. By a piece of 
 bad luck for him the wind freshened at this moment, dispelling 
 the mist, and Makaroff , descrying the smoke, guessed the ruse 
 and put about at full steam for Port Arthur, all the Japanese 
 ships pursuing him at their utmost speed. 
 
 The magnificent spectacle which presented itself can not 
 be better told than in the words of an eye-witness who, from 
 one of the promontories of Port Arthur harbor, saw, not only 
 the trap laid for Makaroff , but also the desperate fight of the 
 destroyers which occurred early that morning. 
 
 At daybreak I made out through the light haze to the 
 southward, about five miles from shore, six torpedoboats 
 strung out in line, all firing. In the lead, and outstripping the 
 others, was a boat heading at full speed directly for the en- 
 trance of the harbor. The last in line was beclouded in steam 
 and lagging. She had evidently been hit. It was difficult to 
 
563 DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 
 
 distinguish our boats, but finally, through my glasses, I saw 
 that the leader and the laggard were Russian, and that the 
 four others were Japanese. 
 
 The torpedoboat from which steam was escaping was firing 
 viciously. The four centre craft drew together, concentrating 
 their fire upon her, but the crippled destroyer poured out her 
 fire and was successfully keeping off her assailants. The sig- 
 nal station flashed the news to the men of the batteries that the 
 vessel was the Strashni. 
 
 The tinequal combat was observed with breathless interest 
 but the net drew close arotmd the doomed boat. The four 
 Japanese vessels formed a semi-circle and poured in a deadly 
 fire. The steam from the Strashni grew denser, covering her 
 like a white pall. Still she fought like a desperately wounded 
 animal brought to bay. Running straight for the adversary, 
 barring her way to safety, she passed the Japanese astern and 
 fired at them. At this stage Vice- Admiral Makaroff, who had 
 been observing the progress of the conflict through a tele- 
 scope, signaled to the cruiser Bayan, lying in the inner harbor, 
 to weigh anchor and go out to the rescue. 
 
 The Japanese destroyers clung to their victim like hounds 
 in a chase. They had become separated, but again resumed 
 their formation. Small jets of flame and smoke were spurting 
 from the light rapid-firers, Varied by denser clouds, as torpe- 
 does were discharged against the Strashni. 
 
 It was the end. The stricken boat loosed a final round, 
 but it was as if a volley had been fired over her own grave, for 
 she disappeared beneath the waves, only a little cloud of steam 
 marking the place where she went down. 
 
 By this time the entire Russian squadron was in the outer 
 harbor. Besides the Petropavlovsk, I saw the battleships Peres- 
 viety Poltava, Pohieda and Sevastopol, the cruisers Novik, Diana 
 and Askold, and the torpedoboats. The flags annotincing the 
 Admiral's approbation of the Bayan were hauled down and 
 
DESTRUCTION OP THE PETROPAVLOVSK 363 
 
 replaced by another signal. Immediately the torpedoboats 
 dashed ahead, and the heavier ships began to spread out. See- 
 ing the flight of the Japanese cruisers, the Petropavlovsk 
 opened fire with her great gims, but the enemy was out of 
 range and soon disappeared. Our squadron continued the 
 chase, finally fading from view. 
 
 I waited anxiously for its reappearance, and in about an 
 hour it came in sight. Far beyond it, the number of points 
 from which smoke arose, announced the presence of the 
 enemy. Nearer and nearer came the vessels, and at last I 
 raade out behind our squadron a fleet of fourteen, of which 
 six were battleships and the remainder armored and unarmored 
 cruisers. Unable to get within effective range of Vice- 
 Admiral MakaroflE's ships, the enemy stopped eighteen versts 
 from shore. 
 
 Our squadron, with the Petropavlovsk leading arrived at 
 the entrance to the harbor and drew up in line of battle. An 
 other signal was floated from the flagship and the torpedoboat 
 at once proceeded through the entrance into the inner harbor. 
 Vice- Admiral Makaroff was evidently unwilling to risk his vul- 
 nerable craft to the heavy projectiles of the enemy's armored 
 ships. I watched the Petropavlovsk closely as she steamed 
 toward Electric Cliff; the frowning marine raonster, whose 
 guns were ever turning toward the enemy, was prepared to 
 send huge messengers of death against him. 
 
 All was quiet. It was the hush before a battle — the hush 
 when every nerve is strained to get into impending danger. I 
 looked for the Japanese ships, but they were without move- 
 ment, save that caused by the heaving sea. 
 
 My glance returned to our squadron. The Petropavlovsk 
 Was almost without headway ,when suddenly I saw her tremble. 
 She seemed to rise out of the water, a tremendous explosion 
 rent the air, then a second and then a third. Fragments flew 
 in all directions, and wreckage and men were mixed up in a 
 
364 DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 
 
 terrible mass. I was hardly able to realize the horror of it 
 when the ship began to list. In a moment the sea seemed to 
 open and the waters rushed over her. The Petropavlovsk had 
 disappeared. 
 
 Floating woodwork and the few men struggling m the 
 water were all that was left to recall the splendid fighting ma- 
 chine which a few hours before had sailed out of the harbor„ 
 The same shock experienced by the observers on Golden 
 Hill paralyzed for a moment the men on the ships, but when 
 it passed torpedoboats and small boats hastened to the rescue 
 of the survivors. 
 
 Eager to ascertain what had occurred on board the sunken 
 ship, I hastened to a landing where a small remnant of the 
 gallant crew were being put ashore and conveyed to a hospital. 
 Signalman Pochkoff, who was slightly wouned, was able to 
 give me a remarkably clear statement of the disaster. He 
 said: 
 
 " We were returning to the harbor, the Petropavlovsk lead- 
 ing. Some of our cruisers which had remained in the harbor 
 came out and steamed toward the enemy, firing sixteen shots 
 at him with their bow gtms. They then retired. The enemy 
 numbered fourteen heavy ships, nearly all armored, while ours 
 were nine. Against their armored cruisers we had only the 
 Bayan. I stood in the wheel-house on the bridge of the Pe- 
 tropavlovsk looking up the signal book. The admiral's last 
 signal had been for the torpedoboats to enter the harbor. 
 
 ''The Petropavlovsk slowed speed and almost stood still. 
 Suddenly the ship shook violently. I heard a fearful explo- 
 sion, immediately followed by another, and then another. 
 They seemed to me to be directly under the bridge. I rushed 
 to the door of the wheel-house, where I met an officer, proba- 
 bly a helmsman. I could pass him, and I sprang to the win- 
 dow and jumped out. The ship was listing, and I feard that 
 every moment she would turn over. On the bridge I saw an 
 
DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 365 
 
 officer weltering in blood — it was our Admiral — Makaroff. 
 He lay face downward. I sprang to him, grasped him by the 
 shotilder and attempted to raise him. 
 
 ''The ship seemed to be falling somewhere. From all 
 sides flew fragments. I heard the deafening screech and the 
 frightful din. The smoke rose in dense clouds and the flames 
 seemed to leap toward the bridge where I was standing beside 
 the Admiral. I jumped on the rail and was washed off, but 
 succeeded in grabbing something. 
 
 '' On our ship was an old man with a beautiful white beard, 
 who had been good to our men. He had a book in his hand 
 and seemed to be writing, perhaps sketching. He was Verest- 
 chagin, the painter." 
 
 Captain Crown, who went down with the Petropavlovsk, 
 joined that ship on the previous day, having succeeded in get- 
 ting through from Shanghai, where he left his vessel, the gun- 
 boat Mandjur. Captain Crown was a descendant of a Scotch- 
 man who fought with Russia in one of her wars with Sweden. 
 
 The text of Viceroy Alexieff 's report to the Emperor con- 
 cerning the Petropavlovsk disaster and the torpedoboat engag- 
 ment which preceded it, reads as follows: 
 
 ''I respectfully report to your Majesty that on April nth 
 the whole effective squadron at Port Arthur sailed out six 
 miles to the southward to manoeuvre, and toward evening re- 
 turned to port. On April 12th a flotilla of eight toi^pedoboat 
 destroyers went out to inspect the islands, having received 
 orders to attack the enemy should he be encountered in the 
 course of the night. 
 
 "Owing to the darkness and a heavy rain three of the 
 destroyers became separated from the flotilla, two of which re- 
 turned to Port Arthur at dawn. 
 
 '' The third, however, the Strashnt, having, according to 
 the evidence of her seamen, encountered several Japanese de- 
 stroyers, took them, in the darkness, for Russian ships, and 
 
366 DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 
 
 giving the signal of recognition, joined them at dawn. She 
 was recognized by the enemy, and there was a fight at close 
 quarters, in which her commander, midshipman, and engineer, 
 and most of her crew were killed. Maleiff, her lieutenant, 
 although wounded, continued firing on the enemy. 
 
 " At dawn on April 13 th the cruiser Bay an went out, pre- 
 ceded by destroyers, and hurried to the rescue. About six- 
 teen miles from Port Arthur the Bayan saw the destroyer 
 Strashni engaged with four Japanese destroyers. Shortly 
 afterward an explosion occurred, and the Strashni sank. Driv- 
 ing off the enemy's destroyers by her fire, the Bayan ap- 
 proached the scene of the fight, lowered her boats and had 
 time to save the remnant of the destroyer's crew. Unfortu- 
 nately, only five men were swimming. Their lives were 
 saved. The cruiser was obliged to fight on her starboard side 
 with six Japanese cruisers which came up. Having picked up 
 her boats, the Bayan regained the harbor, suffering no damage 
 or loss, although covered with fragments of shells. 
 
 ** The cruiser Diana and five destroyers hastened to her 
 succor, and at the same time the other cruisers, the battleships 
 Petropavlovsk and Poltava, and some destroyers came out from 
 the roadstead and the other battleships left the harbor. In 
 column formation, with the Bayan at the head and the destroy- 
 ers on the flank, Vice- Admiral Makaroff proceeded to the scene 
 of the Strashni' s fight, whither more Japanese destroyers and 
 cruisers were approaching. After a short fusillade, about fifty 
 cable lengths distance (10,000) yards, the ships drew off. 
 
 '*A squadron of nine Japanese battleships appeared at 
 8.40 A. M., and our ships retired toward Port Arthur. In the 
 roadstead they were rejoined by the battleships Pobieda, Peres- 
 viet and Sevastopol, which were coming out through the chan- 
 nel. The squadron was drawn up in the following order: 
 
 '' Askold, Bayan, Diana, Petropavlovsk, Peresviet, Pobieda, 
 Novik, five destroyers and two torpedo cruisers. They turned 
 
DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 367 
 
 toward the left, but when approaching the mouth of the chan- 
 nel the destroyers w^ere signaled to return to the harbor and 
 the cruisers to proceed. Manoeuvering, with the Petropavlovsk 
 at their head, the squadron turned to the east, making toward 
 the enemy on their right. 
 
 At 9.43 A. M. an explosion occurred at the right side of 
 the Petropavlovsk; then a second and more violent explosion 
 under her bridge. A thick column of greenish yellow smoke 
 was seen to rise from the battleship, her mast, funnel, bridge 
 and turret were thrown up and the battleship heeled over on 
 starboard side. Her poop arose from the water, showing her 
 screw working in the air. The Petropavlovsk was surrounded 
 by flames and in two minutes sank, bow first. 
 
 " Some of her crew escaped. The cruiser Gaydamak, 
 which was a cable-length away, lowered 'boats and succeeded 
 in rescuing Grand Duke Cyril and forty-seven seamen. The 
 destroyers and boats from the Poltava and Askold also picked 
 up some of the Petropavlovsk' s crew. Altogether seven officers 
 and seventy- three men were saved. The Poltava, which was 
 following the Petropavlovsk two cable lengths astern, stopped 
 her engines and remained on the scene of the disaster. 
 
 ''At a signal from Rear Admiral Uktomsky the other 
 warships made for the entrance of the harbor, manoeuvering 
 toward the Peresviet in line. A mine exploded -under the star- 
 board side of the Pohieda. She listed, but proceeded and en- 
 tered the harbor with all the other ships astern of her. The 
 enemy remained in sight imtil 3 o'clock, and then disappeared. " 
 
 With this defeat the Russians were no longer to be feared 
 on the sea, and the Japanese began to push the land manoeu- 
 vres in the second stage of the war, which comprised the inva- 
 sion of Manchuria and the siege of Port Arthur. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Crossing the Yalu ; the First Great Land Battle 
 
 Two Great Armies Face to Face on the Banks of the Yalu — Six Days' Heavy Fight- 
 ing Results in Retreat of the Russians — The Japanese Capture Russian Artil- 
 lery. 
 
 AS was expected from the beginning of the hostihties, 
 the Yalu River became the scene of the first conflict 
 between the contending land forces of Russia and Japan. 
 This river, as will be seen by consulting a map, is at the 
 Northern boundary of Korea, separating it from Manchuria. 
 The Russian army had taken possession of Manchuria, and 
 Harbin was made the headquarters of the commander-in-chief 
 of the Russian forces in the East, and, for many months, the 
 concentrating of armies and supplies was pushed forward with 
 all possible haste at this point. Its situation was well suited 
 for this purpose, as from this point either Vladivostok or Port 
 Arthur, each a sea-port point of great importance, could be 
 easily reached. It was sufficiently removed from the fron- 
 tier to insure freedom for military preparations. 
 
 On the other hand, the Japanese had practical control of 
 Korea, and it wa-s their purpose to concentrate as large an 
 army on the south bank of the Yalu as could be done, and 
 from that point to push their military operations. Before the 
 formal declaration of war, Korea, through Japanese influence 
 largely, had -undertaken the building of a railroad, and only a 
 few miles had been completed from Fusan, the southern termi- 
 nus, but the line had been marked out to Seoul, the Capital of 
 Korea. Over this route Japan was hurrying her forces north- 
 ward. Her transports h^d landed th^ various divisions of the 
 
CROSSING THE YALU 369 
 
 army at Chemulpo, a sea-port of Seoul, and at points farther 
 north. The greatest difficulty was to build roads, and march 
 the army northward, but during the last week in April, 1904, 
 the Japanese had concentrated a large force, estimated from 
 50,000 to 100,000, on the south bank of the Yalu, and began 
 active preparations for crossing this river and driving the Rus- 
 sians from their stronghold. 
 
 The Yalu River is a stream of some importance, navigable 
 for fifty miles above its mouth. It was necessary to construct 
 pontoon bridges or convey the troops across in boats. Various 
 attempts to do the latter were repulsed by the Russians, with 
 their artillery, on the north side. The posting of a strong 
 artillery force, however, on the south bank by the Japanese in 
 an advantageous position enabled them to protect their men 
 in building a pontoon bridge. Islands in the middle of the 
 river, which facilitated the building of the bridges, were taken 
 possession of by the Japanese after a severe skirmishing. 
 
 The six days' fighting, which ended in the repulse of the 
 Russians, began on Tuesday, April 26th, 1904. On this day. 
 General Kuroki, who commanded the Japanese forces, began 
 the movement by ordering a detachment of the Imperial 
 Guards division to seize the Island of Kurito in the Yalu, 
 above Wiju, and a detachment of the Second Division to 
 seize the Island of Kinteito, situated below Wiju. The 
 detachment of the Imperial Guards met with some resist- 
 ance, but it succeeded in clearing the enemy out, and occu- 
 pied Kurito Island. The Russians abandoned the Island 
 of Kinteito when attacked by the detachment of the 
 Second Division. Both positions were gained with trifling 
 losses. 
 
 During these movements on the islands the Russians 
 opened fire on the Japanese with eight 9 ^-centimetre gun, 
 from a hill behind Kur-lien-cheng and two Hotchkiss guns 
 which were motinted on the bank of the river at Khussan, 
 
 ?4 
 
370 CROSSING THE YALU 
 
 where the Russians seemed to have established their head- 
 quarters. One battery of Japanese artillery, which had taken 
 a position on a hill to the east of Wiju, fired three volleys at 
 Khussan, and at noon on Tuesday the Russian batteries behind 
 Kur-lien-cheng shelled Wiju, wounding one Japanese with 
 shrapnel. 
 
 On Wednesday the Russians resumed the bombardment 
 of Wiju, firing at intervals throughout the day. The Japanese 
 artillery did not respond to this fire. General Kuroki received 
 reports to the effect that the Russians were fortifying the 
 heights on the right bank of the Iho River. These new 
 defences extended from Kur-lien-cheng through the village of 
 Makao to Koshoki, a distance of three and a quarter miles. 
 
 The Russians resumed their bombardment on Thursday, 
 but it was generally ineffective. Subsequently, General 
 Kuroki ordered two companies of the Imperial Guards to 
 cross the Yalu and make a reconnoisance along the left bank 
 of the Iho for the purpose of discovering the character of 
 the Russian fortifications along the heights on the right bank 
 of the river. The Japanese force advanced toward Khussan, 
 and then dispatched a small detachment to the village, where 
 a party of Russians were encountered. In the engagement 
 which followed five Russians were killed. The Russians 
 shelled the reconnoitering party from an emplacement in the 
 hills in the southeast part of Yoshoko. This fire was without 
 effect. 
 
 The Russian artillery on the hill behind Kur-lien-cheng, 
 firing at a high angle, opened on Wiju, the Island of Ktirito, 
 and Seikodo, to the south of Wiju, where some Japanese 
 batteries had taken position. This firing continued into 
 Thursday night, and General Ktiroki reported that while it 
 was ineffective, it disturbed his preparations for an attack. 
 The Russians resumed the shelling of Wiju on Friday, but 
 the Japanese did not reply. 
 
CROSSING THE YALU 371 
 
 The Twelfth Division of the Japanese army was chosen 
 to make the first crossing of the Yalu. It began its prepara- 
 tions on Friday by driving the Russians from their position on 
 the bank of the river opposite Sulkochin, which is eight miles 
 above Wiju, and the point selected for the crossing. This 
 division constructed a pontoon bridge over the river, and at 
 three o'clock Saturday morning it began crossing. The entire 
 division passed over the river during the day, and by six 
 o'clock Saturday evening it was in the position assigned to it 
 for the battle of Simday. The movement of the Twelfth Jap- 
 anese Division was covered by the Second Regiment of field 
 artillery and another artillery regiment of heavy gims. 
 
 At twenty minutes to eleven o'clock Saturday morning 
 the Russian artillery posted to the north and to the east of 
 Kur-lien-cheng, began shelling the patrols of Japanese infantry 
 which had been dispatched from Kinteito Island to Chukodai, 
 another island north of Kinteito, and under Kur-lien-cheng. 
 The Japanese batteries replied to this shelling and silenced 
 the Russian fire. 
 
 Later, eight Russian guns, posted on a hill to the east of 
 Makao, a village, opened up on the Imperial Guards. To this 
 shelling the Japanese artillery to the east of Wiju responded, 
 and the Russians ceased firing. Then both the Kur-lien-cheng 
 and the Makao batteries re-opened, and this fight brought a 
 vigorous response from a chain of Japanese batteries on the 
 Korean side of the river. The Russian guns fired for two 
 hours before they were silenced. 
 
 The Japanese losses in the bombardment of Saturday 
 were two men killed and five officers and twenty-two men 
 wounded. A flotilla of gimboats from the squadron of 
 Admiral Hosoya participated in the fighting of Saturday. It 
 encoimtered a mixed force of Russian infantry, cavalry and 
 artillery on the Manchurian bank of the Yalu, below Antung, 
 and after a sharp fight scattered them to the hills. 
 
372 CROSSING THE YALU 
 
 A bridge across the main stream of the Yalu, just above 
 Wiju, was completed at eight o'clock Saturday night, and the 
 Second Japanese Division and the Imperial Guards immedi- 
 ately began crossing. They advanced and occupied the hills 
 back of Khussan, facing the Russian position on the right 
 bank of the river. All through Saturday night regiment after 
 regiment of Japanese soldiers poured across the bridge, and at 
 a late hour Saturday night General Kuroki telegraphed to the 
 General Staff of the army: 
 
 " I will attack the enemy on May ist, at dawn." 
 
 True to his promise, General Kuroki at daylight centred 
 all his artillery on the Russian position between Kur-lien-cheng 
 and Yoshoko. To that fire the Russians made reply with all 
 their batteries. 
 
 At seven o'clock in the morning the Russian battery at 
 Yoshoko was silenced, and half an hour later General Kuroki 
 ordered his line, stretching for four miles, to attack. The 
 Japanese infantry, on the word of command, charged across 
 the Iho, wading that stream breast deep, and began storming 
 the height at 8.15 o'clock. At 9.30 they had swept the Rus- 
 sian line back across the plateau. 
 
 Although his troops had been fighting for days and de- 
 served a short rest. General Kuroki had no difficulty in send- 
 ing his men after the retreating Russians from Kur-lien-cheng 
 and attacking them wherever they made a stand on their own 
 chosen positions in the hills north and south of the Pekin road, 
 which leads to Feng-wang-cheng. A serious engagement was 
 fought in the evening between 7 and 9 o'clock at Hamatan, 
 where the Iho river, a branch of the Yalu, makes its first bend 
 to the west. 
 
 The Second and Twelfth Divisions and the Imperial 
 Guard, forming the First Army Corps, advanced, notwith- 
 standing a stout resistance on the part of the Russians, by 
 three roads, driving the enemy before them, and at 7 o'clock 
 
CROSSING THE YAW m 
 
 P. M. (Sunday) occupied a line extending from Antung to Liu- 
 shu-shu. The Imperial Guards surrounded their enemy on 
 three sides, and after a severe fight captured twenty guns with 
 their horses, carriages and ammtinition, and more than twenty 
 officers and men. 
 
 The general reserve corps advanced by the Liao-yang 
 road. The Russian force was composed of the whole Third 
 Division and the Twenty-second and Twenty-foiirth Regi- 
 ments of the Sixth Infantry Division of sharpshooters and 
 General Mistchenko's cavalry brigade with about forty guns 
 and eight machine guns. The Russians made a most stubborn 
 resistance, but were driven successively out of seven lines of 
 trenches. They retired in confusion and continued the retreat 
 toward Feng-wang-cheng. Large quantities of small arms and 
 ammunition were captured. 
 
 That the Japanese heavy field gims were effective a Rus- 
 sian lieutenant-colonel, who was taken prisoner, testified when 
 he said that the effect of the Japanese artillery fire on Satur- 
 day and Sunday was enormous. The same Russian prisoner 
 declared that Lieutenant-General Sassulitch, Commander of 
 the Second Siberian Army Corps, and Major-General Kash- 
 talinsky, Commander of the Third East Siberian Rifle Brigade, 
 were wounded by shells. 
 
 General Sassulitch was in command of the entire force in 
 the Yalu region, which extended along a front of over thirty 
 miles, with reserve supports fifteen miles back. His instruc- 
 tions had been to harass the Japanese in crossing the Yalu, but 
 not to bring on a general engagement. He was directed to 
 withdraw in good order after having accomplished his purpose 
 of impeding the enemy in crossing. It developed that he was 
 deceived as to the strength of the Japanese, and also by their 
 flanking his position. This drew him into a battle which 
 proved disastrous to the Russian army. 
 
 General Kuropatkin, the Commander-in-Chief of the 
 
m CkOSSMG TH£ YAW 
 
 Russian forces in the Far East, made the following detailed 
 report of the battle on the Yalu. 
 
 *' I consider it my duty to report the circumstances of the 
 grievous and yet glorious battle fought by the troops under 
 my command with the superior forces of the Japanese, May i. 
 
 '* Early on the morning of April 30th, the Japanese began 
 to oppress our left flank, having on the previous evening occu- 
 pied the Khussan Heights after an attack in consequence of 
 which I ordered the Twenty-second Regiment, which has occu- 
 pied Khussan, to retire across the Ai River to our position at 
 Potietinsky. 
 
 " On the morning of the same day an extraordinarily pro- 
 longed and violent bombardment of our whole position at 
 Kur-lien-cheng began from Wiju. I forsaw that the Japanese 
 after the bombardment, in which over 2,000 projectiles were 
 discharged, would take the offensive. 
 
 " I received orders from Lieutenant-General Sassulitch to 
 accept battle and to retain my position at the forts of Potie- 
 tinsky. My left flank was defended by two battalions of the 
 Thirty-second Regiment and the Third Battery of the Sixth 
 Brigade. 
 
 " The Japanese took the offensive at 5 o'clock in the morn- 
 ing, dispatching at least one division of infantry, which, advanc- 
 ing in column, sustained enormous losses, but crossed the ford 
 and attacked our position, which was exposed to the fire of 
 thirty-six field guns and siege batteries. The Japanese ad- 
 vanced and occupied the position. Toward noon I ascertained 
 that the Japanese had routed the battalion of the Twenty- 
 second Regiment posted at Chingow and were turning my left 
 flank. At i o'clock in the afternoon my left flank was rein- 
 forced by two battalions of the Eleventh Regiment and a bat- 
 tery commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Moravsky, which were 
 sent from the reserve by General Sassulitch with orders to 
 hold their ground until the departure of the Ninth and Tenth 
 
CROSSING THE VALU ^ys 
 
 Regiments from Sakhodza. I ordered the Eleventh Regiment 
 to occupy a commanding position in the rear from which they 
 could fire on the enemy from two sides. I held Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Moravsky's battery in reserve and ordered the Twelfth 
 Regiment, the Third Battery and the quick-firing guns to re- 
 tire under cover of the Eleventh Regiment. My chief-of -staff 
 led the rear guard to its position. 
 
 ''At I o'clock the Japanese approached so close to the 
 position held by the Eleventh Regiment that the Third Bat- 
 tery could not pass along under the cross-fire, and taking up a 
 position a short distance from the Japanese, remained there 
 until the end of the fight, losing its commander, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Moravsky. 
 
 ''A company with quick-firing guns was brought up from 
 the rear guard. The officer commanding this force, seeing 
 the difficult situation of Moravsky 's battery, took up the posi- 
 tion on his own initiative. He lost half of his men and all his 
 horses, and attempted to remove his guns by hand to the 
 shelter of the hills under the Japanese cross-fire. The quick- 
 firing pieces discharged about 35,000 bullets. The Twelfth 
 Regiment cut its way through and saved its colors. 
 
 ''The second Battery of the Sixth Brigade, having 
 attempted to rejoin the reserves by another route, could 
 not ascend the mountain slopes with only half its horses 
 and, retiring to its original position, received the Japanese 
 attack. 
 
 "The Eleventh Regiment, which held its ground two 
 hours more with heavy losses, forced a passage at the point of 
 the bayonet, and crossed the ravines with its colors. It lost 
 its Colonel-commandant, 40 officers, and about 200 non- 
 commissioned officers and men. 
 
 "The Japanese losses must have been enormous. The 
 Russians retired in good order on Feng- Wang-Cheng. The 
 men of the Third Division maintained their excellent morale, 
 
376 CROSSINC THE YAW 
 
 and over 700 wounded proceeded with their regiments to Peng 
 Wang Cheng." 
 
 The gloom which prevailed in St. Petersburg was almost 
 completely dispelled when the people read the story of the 
 glorious fight made by Russia's handful of rough regiments 
 against the flower of the Mikado's legions at the Yalu and of 
 the utter defeat — as St. Petersburg viewed it — of Vice-Admiral 
 Togo's many attempts to seal Port Arthur. 
 
 At the river crossing the Japanese dead lay piled up 
 literally in heaps. General Kuroki's success was purchased at 
 such a heavy cost that the Russians were disposed to regard 
 it as a defeat rather than a victory for him. The Russian 
 reports of the engagement showed that the Russians fought 
 with such bulldog tenacity and bravery against the overwhelm- 
 ing superiority of the enemy that the latter 's nominal victory 
 was eclipsed by the prowess of the Czar's soldiers. 
 
 The report of General Kuropatkin also served to restore 
 General Sassulitch to public favor. For he had not followed his 
 orders strictly in going into the engagement, as before stated. 
 Those who were disposed to criticise him, even at the head- 
 quarters of the General Staff, where it was considered that he 
 made a tactical blunder, now said that he redeemed himself by 
 his gallantry in action, and the damage he inflicted upon the 
 enemy. 
 
 The people, as they read the accounts of the battle, were 
 especially impressed with the desperate bayonet charge of the 
 Eleventh Regiment. The mental picture of the regiment 
 advancing against the enemy with bands and bugles blaring 
 and the priest with cross aloft at the head appealed to the 
 dramatic sense of the Russian population as nothing else could. 
 The survivors of this heroic regiment, which cut its way out 
 after being attacked on three sides, declared that the position 
 was surrounded by more than a thousand dead Japanese. 
 
a; u 
 
 O - 
 00 c« 
 
 1^ 
 
CROSSING THE YALU 377 
 
 ' Almost simultaneously with the invasion of Manchuria by 
 General Kuroki and his army, a move of great importance was 
 made by the Japanese forces in the rear of Port Arthur. 
 After eight attempts to bottle up the entrance of that fortress, 
 the last of which succeeded, Admiral Togo held his fleet alert 
 off the harbor's mouth to prevent a sally by the Russian ships, 
 vvhile the Japanese invested the stronghold in the rear. 
 
 This great movement in the Japanese campaign was 
 inaugurated successfully on May fifth and sixth, 1904, when the 
 Second Army of Japan, commanded by General Oku, 50,000 
 strong, landed at three points on the Liao-tung Penin- 
 sula, namely at Pitsewo, Port Adams and Kinchau, beating 
 back the Russian force opposing them, occupying the line of 
 the Chinese Eastern Railway, and cutting the Russian tele- 
 graph wires, thus completely isolating Port Arthur. 
 
 The Japanese transports, sixty or more in number, arrived 
 off the Liao-tung Peninsula, at a point due west of the Elliott 
 group of islands, at 5.30 p. m., on Thursday, the fifth, escorted 
 by ten torpedoboats and four torpedoboat destroyers, and by 
 two auxiliary cruisers. After a reconnoissance from Taku-shan 
 south by naval detachments, the Japanese commander con- 
 cluded that a comparatively small force of Russian cavalry 
 and infantry guarded the east coast. 
 
 He first bombarded the Russan batteries on the shore, 
 silencing them, and then dispersed the Russian infantry and 
 cavalry. Next a landing party of sailors went ashore. It 
 being low tide, they plunged into the water, wading breast 
 deep for nearly three-quarters of a mile, and on reaching the 
 shore, at 7.30 p. m., they took up a position on a range of hills 
 without firing a shot, and planted the Japanese flag. The 
 landing of troops followed immediately, and was continued all 
 night. The Japanese troops at once occupied the line of the 
 Chinese Eastern Railway, and cut the telegraph wires to Port 
 Arthur. 
 
CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Driving the Russians Northward 
 
 Relief of Port Arthur Defeated — Junction of the Japanese — The Great Battle ef 
 Liao-Yang — Terrible Losses — Kuropatkin's Boast — Slaughter on the Shaho — 
 Russian Retreat — Winter Quarters — The Malacca and Knight Commander 
 Incidents — Birth of a Russian Heir. 
 
 THERE were now two all-important things to be done 
 by the Japanese. They had to defeat, and, if possi- 
 ble, destroy, the main Russian army under Kuro- 
 patkin, and they had to maintain the command of the sea, 
 without which all their forces on the mainland would find 
 themselves entrapped. To hold the sea, they must put the 
 Russian ships in the Pacific out of service before they could 
 be reinforced from Europe, and they must have no harbor 
 of refuge open to such reinforcements if they came. That 
 meant that Port Arthur, Russia's only ice-free naval base on 
 the Pacific, must be taken at any cost. It was equally im- 
 portant to the Russians to hold that fortress, and two weeks 
 after the siege began General Stakelberg was sent down with 
 an army corps in a desperate attempt at its relief. General 
 Oku enveloped the Russians at Telissu, or Vafangow, about 
 eighty miles north of Port Arthur, on June 15, and they 
 barely escaped by a headlong flight with the loss of fourteen 
 guns and 3,500 men killed, wounded, and missing. This 
 ended all efforts to break the siege of Port Arthur in the cam- 
 paign of 1904. The Japanese continued to pour troops into 
 the Liaotung Peninsula. Part of them stayed in front of Port 
 Arthur as a Third Army, under General Nogi. Oku, with 
 378 
 
DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 379 
 
 the Second Army, passed northward on the heels of the 
 Russians. The forces disembarked at Takushan, now swelled 
 into a Fourth Army, headed for the north under General 
 Nodzu. The objective of the First, Second, and Fourth Armies 
 was the Russian point of concentration at Liao-Yang. New- 
 chwang was now untenable, and the Russians abandoned the 
 town, and with it their last opening to the Manchurian coast. 
 The supreme command of the Japanese forces was intrusted 
 to Field Marshal Marquis Oyama, who had commanded ten 
 years before in the war against China. 
 
 The armies of Kuroki and Nodzu were separated from 
 the valley through which the Russian railroad ran by a range 
 of mountains, pierced by occasional passes. The First Army 
 had to force the formidable Motien Pass: the Fourth Army 
 had to take the Pass of Fengshui. The work was intrepidly 
 done in both cases. The Second Army moved north up the 
 railroad. By the end of August the converging movement 
 was complete, and the three armies, consisting of 240,000 
 men, were in touch in sight of Liao-Yang. The First Army, 
 commanded by. Kuroki, on the right, the Fourth, under Oku, 
 in the centre, and Nodzu with the Second on the left, form.ed 
 a horseshoe, with its ends resting on the Taitse River. The 
 Russian army formed an inner horseshoe in a similar position. 
 Inside of that again were the square walls of the strongly 
 fortified town of Liao-Yang. Kuropatkin had 200,000 to 
 210,000 men. Stakelberg and Meyendorff held the right 
 of his line, Mistchenko and Rennenkampf with their Cossacks 
 were intrenched on the left, while the commander himself 
 took charge of the centre. Since May i he had been fortifying 
 the town, the hills and the plain and, with only a slightly 
 inferior force, awaited the Japanese on ground of his own 
 choosing. 
 
 On August 24, General Kuroki attacked Anping with 
 his left and centre, reserving his right flank for another move- 
 
38o 
 
 DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 
 
 ment not then apparent. At the same time, General Nodzu 
 attacked the Russian right flank, forcing it to retire from 
 Anping to Liao-Yang, closely followed by his and General 
 Kuroki's forces. Meanwhile, the Japanese centre, under 
 General Oku, in a series of brilliant, reckless infantry charges, 
 was trying to carry the Russian centre. Here it was that 
 the greatest loss of life took place. For two days, Oku hurled 
 his splendid infantry against the Russian breastworks, forti- 
 fied with every device that time and ingenuity could provide, 
 but, despite their valor the desperate resistance of the Rus- 
 sians was too much for the bayonet charges of Oku's men. 
 So fierce were the Japanese attacks, however, that even 
 behind their breastworks, the Russians suffered even more 
 severely than their assailants. Meanwhile, a tremendous 
 artillery duel was in progress, the six hundred Russians guns 
 replying to the seven hundred or eight hundred Japanese 
 cannon incessantly for three days, ending August 29. 
 
 After a week of fighting all along the line Kuroki found 
 a secure spot ten miles up the river, and his missing right 
 flank crossed it by a pontoon bridge on the last day of August. 
 As soon as Kuropatkin discovered that his flank was about 
 to be turned he tried to crush the detachment at one blow, 
 but by desperate fighting for three days Kuroki managed to 
 land the rest of his force across the river and compelled the 
 Russians to retreat. This Kuropatkin effected in a masterly 
 manner, accelerated by Kuroki, who attacked him again at 
 the Yen-Tai coal mines, and, fortified in Mukden, the ancient 
 caf)ital of Manchuria, counted his dead and repaired his 
 r'anks. In twelve days of fighting the Russians had lost about 
 20,000 men, killed and wounded; the Japanese nearly 18,000. 
 Although to the latter belonged the victory, they had not 
 succeeded in annihilating Kuropatkin, as had been their 
 expectation. The strong city of Liao-Yang, however, fell 
 into their hands and provided them with a vast quantity of 
 
DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 381 
 
 stores which the Russians, in their hasty evacuation, had 
 not been able entirely to destroy. 
 
 Kuropatkin waited a month and then issued a procla- 
 mation to his army on October 2, of which the following is 
 part : 
 
 '' Heretofore the enemy, in operating, has relied on his 
 great forces, and, disposing his armies so as to surround us, 
 has chosen, as he deemed fit, his time for attack, but now 
 the moment to go to meet the enemy, for which the whole 
 army has been longing, has come, and the time has arrived 
 for us to compel the Japanese to do our will, for the forces 
 of the Manchurian army are strong enough to begin a forward 
 movement." 
 
 Consistently enough the Russian advance began, several 
 days later, and, finding the Japanese unprepared, drove in 
 the outposts of their army, which was spread over a front of 
 about fifty-two miles. Oyama quickly drew together his 
 line of battle and sent a column eastward to flank the enemy 
 when the general engagement was in progress. The battle 
 of the Shakhe or Sha-ho was the result, named from the river 
 which runs east and west across the scene of conflict. Mean- 
 while, General Kuropatkin had pushed the bulk of his army 
 which, it was reported, had been increased to 280,000 men, 
 across the Hun River and along the main road toward the 
 railway station and the Yen-Tai coal mines. Here he was 
 faced by General Oku, who was guarding the railway with 
 the Japanese left, and General Nodzu, who was guarding the 
 mines and the main road with the Japanese centre. The 
 Russian general's chief effort was to break through the Japan- 
 ese right flank, commanded by General Kuroki, and in the 
 battle which followed, and which raged for eleven days, Gen- 
 eral Kuropatkin constantly tried to pierce the Japanese lines 
 by breaking through between General Kuroki and General 
 Nodzu. On their side, the Japanese commanders played 
 
3^2 
 
 DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 
 
 their favorite flanking game, the centre army bearing the 
 Russian attack, while Oku, on the left, and Kuroki, on the 
 right, endeavored to crumple up the Russian wings. In 
 fact, General Kuroki 's forces had been lost to view for several 
 days, having made such a wide detour to the eastward in their 
 flanking movement. 
 
 This battle, or series of battles, was distinguished by 
 
 MUKDEN AND THE BATTLEFIELD OF THE SHA-HO. 
 
 heavier fighting than that at Liao-Yang, and the losses were 
 appalling. Nothing equal to it had yet occurred in the war, 
 in consecutive fighting, though the subsequent carnage before 
 Port Arthiir mounted high in the aggregate. The Russians 
 lost nearly 68,000 and the Japanese about 16,000. In the 
 end the Russians were driven back and went into winter 
 quarters on the north bank of the Hun river, and the Japanese 
 
DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 383 
 
 settled down on the opposite side, nesting themselves in caves 
 and dugouts, which they fortified against the cold and against 
 their enemy. 
 
 Russia had, meanwhile, managed to stir up enmity in 
 Europe. Previous to the blunder of her Baltic squadron in 
 firing on a British fishing fleet, which is elsewhere noted, two 
 of her cruisers sailed through the Dardanelles in July and 
 made a prize of the British liner Malacca. The Petersburg 
 and the Smolensk were the offenders and their principal 
 victim, a great Peninsular and Oriental steamer, was over- 
 hauled in the Red Sea and sent north t.nder a prize crew to 
 find a Russian port. The English press demanded peremp- 
 tory steps and the vessel was held at Port Said until a protest 
 from London to St. Petersburg set the matter right. 
 
 Hardly was this excitement allayed, however, than the 
 Vladivostok squadron, under the enterprising Jessen, seized 
 and sank the British ship Knight Commander, bound for Japan 
 with railroad materials. The English again raged and de- 
 manded reparation, but the Russian prize court confirmed 
 the judgment of Admiral Jessen in sinking the ship, because 
 of his inability to bring her to port. 
 
 These incidents did not better the foreign attitude to- 
 ward Russia, and internal feeling was naturally affected by 
 the reverses and blunders of the Government. The Minister 
 of the Interior, Von Plehve, was assassinated, and a student 
 killed Bobrikoff, the Governor of Finland. It was most 
 opportune, therefore, that on August 12, an heir was born 
 to the throne. Alexis Nikolai vitch, who will reign as Alexis 
 II, reconciled the people to the "English Czarina," and 
 diverted for a time to universal rejoicing the minds of a people 
 whom military reverses abroad and social unrest at home had 
 made dangerous almost to the point of revolution. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 The Fall of Port Arthur 
 
 Its Significance and Influence — The Terrible Losses on Both Sides — First Days of 
 the Investment — Besieged by Sea and Land — Storming Kinchau and Nanshan 
 Hill— Tightening the Lines— Wolf Hills, Last Outer Forts, Taken— Witteoft's 
 Sally Defeated — Stoessel Refuses to Surrender — ^Japanese Storm 203-Metet- 
 Hill — Rihlung Fort Taken — Surrender. 
 
 THE fall of Port Arthur after eleven months of the most 
 ferocious siege in recorded history was accomplished 
 by the Japanese army under General Nogi, on the 
 evening of January ist, 1905. Tens of thousands of men were 
 sacrificed by the dauntless besiegers in their irresistible block- 
 ade, and a mere handful remained uninjured of the brave 
 garrison which defended the supposedly impregnable fortress 
 against the fury of their enemy. 
 
 For just three months after the first blow of the war was 
 struck at Port Arthur on February 8, the city maintained 
 communication with the outside world by railroad and tele- 
 graph, but on May 7 the Japanese cut these communications, 
 completed a cordon from shore to shore on the Liaotung 
 Peninsula and shut up the heroic General Stoessel and his 
 devoted garrison in their stronghold. From that day until 
 its fall Port Arthur was in a state of siege and the fighting 
 was almost incessant. The garrison was approximately 
 40,000 effectives, some troops having been smuggled in during 
 the lax days of the blockade ; while the attacking force varied 
 from 30,000 to 100,000. Its size was repeatedly reduced and 
 increased; in various futile assaults upon the fortress it lost 
 approximately 75,000 men killed and wounded, and in the 
 384 
 
n 
 
 
 
 o ^ 
 < -I 
 
 
 I?: 
 
 fD 
 
 o 2 
 
 5.. 31 
 
 O 0) 
 
386 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 
 
 autumn months suffered a loss of 16,000 men by beri-beri, a 
 scourge that at one time threatened to annihilate the besieg- 
 ing army. At times General Nogi was called on to detach 
 large bodies of troops to go north and join in the fighting 
 against General Kuropatkin and had to wait for months for 
 reinforcements to fill his depleted ranks. 
 
 Roughly speaking, he made a general assault upon the 
 fortress, designed to force its capitulation, about once a 
 month. All these assaults failed, the Japanese being hurled 
 back from the defenses with appalling losses, while the Rus- 
 sians fought, behind their splendid fortifications, with com- 
 parative immunity. After the early days of August the siege 
 operations were marked by extreme ferocity displayed by 
 soldiers on both sides. The Russians became convinced that 
 surrender would be followed by a massacre, and the Japanese, 
 after protesting in vain against violations of the Red Cross 
 and white flags, resolved neither to give nor ask quarter. 
 Russian outposts, surprised by Japanese scouts, fought with 
 their fists until beaten to death; non-combatants sent out 
 by either side to collect the dead and wounded were shot 
 down without compunction; neither side dared try to succor 
 the wounded, who lay under the fortifications, and thousands 
 of injured men perished of exhaustion and thirst in full view 
 of both armies. 
 
 Isolated instances of heroism that would have set the 
 world ringing under less overwhelming circumstances were 
 dwarfed by the generally magnificent conduct of both forces. 
 By sea there were torpedo boat dashes of superb recklessness, 
 and big ships plowed through mine fields with heroic disre- 
 gard to give battle or in wild efforts to escape. By land the 
 Japanese hurled themselves against positions declared to be 
 impregnable. They faced and scaled rocky heights crowned 
 with batteries and crowded with defenders, suffering losses 
 that would have appalled any European army. 
 
THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 
 
 3^7 
 
 The whole story is one of undaunted courage and sub- 
 lime bravery. The losses were appalling: in some engage- 
 ments leading up to the capture of 2 03 -Metre Hill the attack- 
 ing force lost as high as 40 per cent, of the force engaged, 
 while the garrison's losses were frightful 
 
 The defense of the position which fell tocher as a heritage 
 'after the Chinese-Japanese war cost Russia practically her 
 entire fleet in those waters. Her ships lay from Port Arthur's 
 inner basin to Chemulpo, in Korea, and along the Shantung 
 Peninsula, battered hulks of once proud vessels, or, ignomini- 
 ously dismantled, interned in neutral Chinese harbors. Save 
 the three or four cruisers and some lesser craft in the ice- 
 bound refuge of Vladivostok, not a war ship remained to fly 
 the Russian cross in the waters of the Northern Orient. 
 
 With the capture of the naval base the Japanese com- 
 pleted the first part of their campaign, and were ready to 
 push the war into Manchuria with concentrated vigor. The 
 whole military situation became simplified at once: it was 
 improbable that aggressive operations would be carried on 
 in the extremity of a Manchurian winter, while, in the early 
 spring, Nogi's army of 100,000 tested veterans, released from 
 Port Arthur, could be joined to the forces of Oyama and 
 Kuroki and thrown against the Russian lines in the north. 
 There was, therefore, an advantage gained to the Mikado's 
 men by their costly success, in addition to the intrinsic strat- 
 egic value of the captured position. 
 
 The story of the siege proper dates from May 5th and 6th, 
 1904, when the Japanese landed an army at Pitsewo and 
 Kinchau, at each side of the narrowest part of the Liaotung 
 Peninsula, as related in a preceding chapter. The first days 
 of the Japanese presence on the peninsula were devoted to 
 bringing up supplies and preparing for the advance south- 
 ward. The Russians, realizing the inevitability of a siege of 
 the fortress, prepared to concentrate the lines of defense, and 
 
383 
 
 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 
 
 on May 12 blew up and burned the magnificent piers, docks, 
 warehouses, etc., at the new commercial city of Dalny, about 
 thirty miles north by east of Port Arthur. The very next 
 day Japanese torpedo boats entered the harbor of Dalny to 
 prepare for the landing of troops there. In the necessary 
 
 Luto U thnn C\ 
 
 FORTIFICATIONS OF PORT ARTHUR AND THE SIEGE LINES. 
 
 work of removing the mines placed by the Russians one 
 Japanese torpedo boat was blown up with all on board. 
 
 The week following this operation ended with the occu- 
 pation of Kinchau and the great battle of Nanshan Hill. 
 These two points commanded the land approaches to Port 
 Arthur, and the Japanese, commanded by General Nogi, 
 carried them only after m.ost desperate conflicts that raged 
 
I 
 
 QENa^AL TERAOUTCHI 
 
 M.'f\f/,5T£f^ OF WAfi. . 
 
 EIGHT DISTINGUISHED JAPANESE OFFICERS 
 
THE JAPANESE INFANTRY HALTING FOR RATIONS 
 
 The Japanese soldiers have hot rice in the morning. They then fill little oblong 
 reed boxes with rice, which is eaten cold during the midday halt. 
 
THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 389 
 
 throughout May 25 and 26. The Japanese losses in these 
 two battles, which count as one in the war's history, wers 
 nearly 4,000, the heaviest they had sustained up to that time, 
 and the valor displayed by the Japanese in assaulting the 
 Russian positions has seldom been equaled. 
 
 The winning of these places completed the preliminary 
 investment of Port Arthur, as with the ships of Admiral Togo 
 supreme on the seas, the Japanese were in complete command 
 of every approach to the Kwangtung Peninsula, and the prob- 
 lem then resolved itself into one of tightening their lines until 
 they should be drawn close about the fortress itself. 
 
 This proved, however, a long, tedious and expensive 
 operation, for the Kwangtung Peninsula was found to be little 
 more than a mass of forts, all connected, and each one neces- 
 sitating a separate assault before it could be occupied and the 
 advance continued. To the performance of the work required 
 General Nogi's army proved insufficient, and reinforcements 
 were poured in ever-increasing numbers upon the shores of 
 the Liaotung Peninsula, until more than 150,000 men had 
 been sent to prosecute the great work on which Japan's most 
 ambitious efforts were centered. In these plans the Japanese 
 followed the general lines pursued by them in their attack 
 upon the city when it was held by the Chinese in 1894. They 
 advanced from the north and east, following the route of the 
 railroad and the wagonway, the former running up the penin- 
 sula toward Mukden, and the latter almost paralleling it, 
 with a branch toward Dalny and Talienwan. 
 
 This great general assault occurred on July 3-4, and was 
 characterized by the greatest valor on each side. The Japa- 
 nese, with their frenzied ardor, assaulted the Russian forts 
 by day and by night, sweeping forward in the face of a hurri- 
 * cane of fire from cannon and small arms, all well protected 
 by entrenchments. They stopped only when the Russians 
 exploded mines buried in the slopes of the hills and wrought 
 
390 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 
 
 such havoc uS no army could endure. Both the Japanese 
 and Russian losses in these engagements were heavy, but as 
 the Russians fought from behind earthworks and had all the 
 advantage of position, it is supposed that the Japanese casual- 
 ties were far greater than those of the defenders. 
 
 From the abandonrnxnt of this first attempt to carry the 
 Russian outworks by storm until July 28 the fighting in front 
 of Port Arthur was of a desultory character, no general en- 
 gagement occurring during that period. The Japanese w^ere 
 ceaselessly active, their artillery pouring into the Russian 
 lines a fire of terrible intensity. More than 300 Japanese 
 cannon were engaged in this long-continued attempt to 
 silence the Russian batteries, but their efforts were only partly 
 successful. During the last days of the period the Japanese 
 brought up their heaviest siege guns, located them in the most 
 advantageous positions, tightened their lines and prepared 
 for a second assault. 
 
 The firing of heavy guns ceased neither by night nor by 
 day, and the rain of shells upon the Russian defenses, and 
 even in the city of Port Arthur, was incessant and most 
 terrific. The fiight of the shells at night could be seen by 
 ships far out at sea, and passers by the peninsula reported 
 that the spectacle of the night bombardments was an awe- 
 inspiring one. 
 
 On July 28 the Japanese made their second assault upon 
 the Russian outer line of defenses. The artillery redoubled 
 its fire to prepare the way for one final superb charge, and even 
 before the Japanese infantrymen started across the numerous 
 valleys of death that lay between their lines and the Russian 
 forts the latter had been battered almost into helplessness by 
 the wondrously accurate fire of the Japanese gunners. This 
 assault was successful in the extreme, and the more important 
 of the Russian outworks were possessed by the Japanese, but 
 only after fearful loss of life and the wounding of thousands. 
 
THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 391 
 
 Other Russian embarrassments followed. Two days 
 later a Russian torpedo boat sunk the Indo-China Navigation 
 Company's steamship Hipsang as it was passing Pigeon Bay. 
 The ship was a neutral, and its sinking was an act of pure 
 wantonness. On the sam^e day, July 30, the Russian torpedo 
 boat destroyer Lieutenant Burukoff struck a mine and went 
 to the bottom. That day's greatest happening, however, 
 was at Wolf Hills, a chain of low m^ountains to the north of 
 Port Arthur, possession of which commanded all the ap- 
 proaches to the inner defenses of the fortress. This advan- 
 tageous position remained in possession of the Russians after 
 the storming of their outer works two days before, but on 
 July 30 the Japanese assaulted and captured all the Russian 
 forts on this chain of mountains, and on August 5 General 
 Nogi reported to Tokio that with Wolf Hills in his possession 
 the Japanese investment of Port Arthur was complete. 
 
 By August 7 the Japanese had pushed forward their lines 
 until their advance rested within 2,750 yards of the Russian 
 inner defenses, and on August 8 a large body of Japanese 
 troops was landed in Louisa Bay, on the west coast of the 
 Kwangtung Peninsula, the object being to send these troops 
 against Port Arthur from the west, simultaneously with Gen- 
 eral Nogi's main advance from the north and east. 
 
 On August 10 Admiral Witteoft, who succeeded Admiral 
 Makaroff in command of the Port Arthur fleet, attempted a 
 sortie from the harbor with six battleships, four cruisers and 
 eight torpedo boats. Admiral Togo's squadron met the Rus- 
 sians outside the harbor, and an all-day fight ensued. Of 
 the Russian fleet, whose commander was killed, the battle- 
 ships Sevastopol, Pobieda, Peresviet, Poltava, and Retvizan, 
 and the cruiser Pallada, with some of the torpedo boats 
 returned to Port Arthur during the night. The battleship 
 Czarevitch, in a helpless condition, reached Kiaochau, a Ger- 
 man possession, and was dismantled. The cruiser Askold 
 
THE HUMAN LADDER 
 
 The brave Russian Captain Lebedief , with sword and revolver, repelled three of these furious 
 Japanese assaults on a fort at Port Arthur before he was swept from the wall. This was one 
 of the last forts to be taken before the fortress surrendered, January i, 1905. 
 
THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 393 
 
 and one destroyer, the former badly damaged, made their way 
 to Shanghai; the cruiser Diana reached Saignen, a French 
 port, south of Hong Kong; two destroyers were beached 
 near Weihaiwei, and the cruiser Novik, after saihng around 
 Japan, was destroyed August 20-21 at Korsakovsk, SakhaHn 
 Islands, by the Japanese cruisers Chitoso and Tsushima. 
 That naval disaster sealed all dreams of the relief of Port 
 Arthur, for it settled forever Japan's mastery of the Pacific 
 in this war. 
 
 Five days later the Japanese made a general land and 
 naval attack upon Port Arthur, the troops assaulting with 
 all their frenzied vigor, while Admiral Togo's ships threw 
 a rain of shells over the hills and into Port Arthur and the 
 Russian defenses. This attack was not decisive, although 
 the Japanese army advancing from Louisa Bay eastward 
 succeeded in driving the Russians out of all their forts in the 
 vicinity of Pigeon Bay. The besiegers could not, however, 
 hold these positions because of their locations, which enabled 
 the guns of the Russians' inner works to sweep their interiors. 
 They were equally untenable for the Russians under the fury 
 of the Japanese fire and the battling of August 1 5 rested with 
 even honors on each side. 
 
 On August 17 the Japanese commander, under a flag of 
 truce, sent a note to General Stoessel, commanding the Port 
 Arthur garrison, formally demanding the surrender of the 
 place, and asking, in case his demand should be refused, a 
 cessation of hostilities for a period of sufficient duration to 
 permit the removal by Japanese transports of all the non- 
 combatants from within the Russian lines. General Stoessel 's 
 reply was a curt refusal, declining once and for all time the 
 demand for a surrender of the garrison, and declaring that 
 there was no occasion for the removal of the non-combatants. 
 
 The surrender of the fortress having been refused, the 
 Japanese, whose lines had been advanced almost to the point 
 
394 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 
 
 of touching the Russian inner defences, began a general 
 assault upon these works. The Japanese artillery played 
 upon the Russian forts a perfect deluge of explosive shells, 
 and time and time again the Japanese assaulted, charging up 
 the heights in the face of a withering fire, over exploding 
 mines, and with inextinguishable enthusiasm throwing them- 
 selves against the Russian works. The defenders met all of 
 these attacks without flinching, and although the original 
 garrison of about 40,000 men had been greatly reduced by 
 death, wounds and disease, the defense was a most admirable 
 one. Upon every hand the assailants were repulsed until 
 August 21, when the "Chair Fort," on Etzeshan Hill, a very 
 short distance to the northeast of the city, fell into their 
 hands. 
 
 Before dawn on August 24 an attempt was made to take 
 several forts on Ask Ridge. Four hundred guns battered the 
 ridge, and regiment after regim.ent made desperate assaults, 
 only to be driven back with awful losses. When the Japanese 
 had retired to their intrenchments after this carnage it was 
 estimated that 10,000 men had fallen before the Russian fire 
 between August 19 and August 25. The centre division lost 
 6,000 men and one regiment lost 2,500. 
 
 During the following two weeks Stoessel's forces made 
 sorties hoping to retake Banjusan forts, which the enemy had 
 occupied some time before but these attempts failed. Then 
 the Japanese forces settled down to the systematic construc- 
 tion of siege parallels, working by night while Russian search- 
 lights played over the fields and Russian guns kept up a 
 steady fire. 
 
 While the siege operations were going on, General Nogi 
 received heavy reinforcements and matters were sufficiently 
 advanced by September 19 for a general assauft early in the 
 morning, the main attack being made against Rihlung Moun- 
 tain, which the Japanese had twice failed to carry. These 
 
THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 395 
 
 works were especially strong, and before the duter redoubt 
 was won, 1,000 Japanese had fallen. On the other hand the 
 Russian loss was small, and they had succeeded in saving the 
 main forts. On the same evening a Japanese attack was 
 made on the half-moon forts in the Shuishi Valley but it 
 failed, as did two succeeding assaults. The next morning, 
 however, after a most desperate hand-to-hand struggle, the 
 Russians were forced to evacuate. 
 
 Holding all the forts taken. General Nogi next devoted 
 his time to placing great eleven-inch howitzers, and on October 
 I, fire was directed against the Uhr Fort. An intrenched hill 
 near this redoubt was taken on October 16, but when an 
 assault was made against the main fort on October 26, and 
 the Japanese had reached the outer trenches, mines were 
 exploded, killing scores and driving back the assailants. En- 
 couraged by this success the Russians made a sortie the next 
 day and killed 300 Japanese. 
 
 Again General Nogi settled down to building counter 
 trenches and parallels, and on October 30 he ordered a general 
 attack against the entire line of defenses. Thousands fell, 
 the losses to the besiegers being heavier than in any previous 
 assaults: the battle lasted until the night of October 31, and, 
 while they had been repulsed at many points, the Japanese 
 forces succeeded in taking two forts on Kekwan Mountain, 
 penetrating the main line of defense and entering the wedge 
 for the final capture of Port Arthur. Then came a futile but 
 spectacular charge against the Sungshu forts, in which Gen- 
 erals Nakamura and Saito led a picked body of expert swords- 
 'men. Dashing against the parapets, they were met by volleys 
 and the fire of machine guns and hurled back in confusion. 
 
 Meanwhile operations were approaching a climax on the 
 Japanese right. Several weeks before the Japanese had been 
 repulsed in a desperate charge against the forts on 203-Metre 
 Hill, but by sapping, the line had been drawn close to the 
 
DEATH IN THE BARBED WIRE 
 
 The barbed wire entanglements set by the Russians in front of their forts surrounding 
 Port Arthur was an expedient new to warfare. They proved frightfully effective. The 
 Japanese attempted to charge through these death-traps by thousands, and when 
 they were hopelessly entangled the Russians cut them to shreds with volleys of shrapnel. 
 
THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 397 
 
 defense works, and during the first week of December daily 
 attacks were made on this important position, which com- 
 manded the harbor of Port Arthur. The assaults culminated 
 on December 10, when, after thousands of the brave Japanese 
 soldiers had fallen, when the slopes ran red with blood, when 
 ofenches filled with burning petroleum spread death, and 
 dynamite bombs were hurled back and forth, the Russians 
 were driven out and the Japanese flag floated on the walls. 
 But the cost was mounting with frightful rapidity. It was 
 said that from October i to December 10 more than 14,000 
 of the Mikado's troops fell. 
 
 In a few days great siege guns were mounted, and one by 
 one the Russian warships in Port Arthur harbor were sunk. 
 The Pobieda, Bayan, Retvizan, Poltava, Pallada, Peresviet 
 and Giliak were plainly visible two miles away and could be 
 seen crumbling to wreck as the enormous shells repeatedly 
 struck them. To escape destruction the battleship Sevas- 
 topol steamed to the outer harbor under the protection of a 
 hill, but on the night of December 14 two flotillas of Japanese 
 torpedo boats attacked the warship and sank her with the 
 loss of one from their number. 
 
 Hardly had 203-Metre Hill been taken when the aggressive 
 Nogi turned his attention to the great Rihlung Fort, two 
 miles from the town of Port Arthur. Elaborate trenches 
 had been dug to the very base of the great stone and earth 
 walls, and seven dynamite mines were made ready. Early 
 in the morning of December 29 the mines were exploded, 
 breaches were made in the walls, and through these the 
 Mikado's troops swarmed. Five hundred Russian defenders 
 made a gallant stand, but in the end they were forced to flee. 
 This was the first of the main forts on the inner line to be 
 taken. The Japanese troops, after months of labor and at 
 an awful sacrifice in life, were now face to face with the last 
 chain of forts, and Port Arthur's end was in sight. 
 
393 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 
 
 All ftiese achievements served to cut communications 
 between the Liaotie fort, destined to be ''the last ditch" of 
 the defenders, from a great part of the chain of forts. From 
 the hour of the fall of East Kekwan events hastened to 
 their culmination, for on December 31 a part of Sungshu 
 'Mountain fell into the hands of the besiegers, and only a few 
 hours later the H fort, another strong position, was captured. 
 
 On Sunday, January i, the Russian spirit was utterly 
 broken. The Japanese storming columns at dawn completed 
 the capture of Sungshu Mountain, and a few hours later all 
 of the northern forts were in their possession. At five o'clock 
 in the afternoon Wantai or Signal Hill was captured by storm 
 and the whole interior of the stronghold lay at the mercy of 
 the besiegers' artillery. Realizing that within the next twenty- 
 four hours the Japanese might swarm into the city and wreak 
 their will upon the garrison, Lieutenant General Stoessel, late 
 Sunday evening, sent a white flag to General Nogi offering 
 to surrender the fortress. His offer was accepted on Monday, 
 January 2, bringing to an end the siege which had lasted for 
 ten months and twenty-four days. 
 
 During the last weeks of the siege the condition of the 
 garrison was most desperate. Several of the brigade and 
 division commanders counseled surrender, especially after 
 the news of the defeat of General Kuropatkin on the Shakhe 
 River, but General Stoessel, who had telegraphed his family 
 at the beginning of the siege: ''Farewell; Port Arthur will 
 be my tomb," held on with marvelous persistency and by 
 personally leading countercharges against the Japanese so 
 endeared himself to the troops that the soldiers warmly sup- 
 ported him in his determination to hold out as long as resist- 
 ance could be offered. 
 
 Lack of food, lack of pure water, scarcity of medicines, 
 the utter absence of anaesthetics, making frightful the suf- 
 ferings of the wounded, the ravages of disease, the ever- 
 
THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 399 
 
 present fear of death, the incessant roar of the siege guns, 
 all tended strongly to make the hearts of brave men turn 
 faint, but the Russian garrison did not falter; the soldiers 
 fought on, day and night, with a heroism that excited the 
 admiration of the whole world, and of no one more than the 
 Japanese. 
 
 Admiral Kamimura had meanwhile secured his revenge 
 upon the marauding Vladivostok squadron. On August 14, 
 the three great cruisers, Rossia, Rurik, and Gromohoi, at- 
 tempted to dash through the Korea Strait, where he was on 
 guard. Their approach was signaled by wireless telegraphy, 
 and the Japanese caught them, sank the Rurik, and chased 
 the Rossia and Gromohoi back to Vladivostok, which they 
 reached in a disabled condition. Thus this dreaded force 
 was eliminated from the estimates of Russian naval strength. 
 
 In October, after the war had been dragging on for eight 
 months, the Baltic fleet, which might have changed the bal- 
 ance of power if it had started earlier, got under way for the 
 East, and, in passing through the North Sea, fired on some 
 British trawlers, a mistake which nearly caused war between 
 Russia and England. Part of it, under the commander-in- 
 chief. Vice- Admiral Rojestvensky, went around the Cape of 
 Good Hope, and a division under Rear-Admiral Voelkersam 
 through the Suez Canal. The two divisions were expected 
 to unite at some point in the Indian Ocean and proceed to 
 Port Arthur or Vladivostok. The destruction of the Port 
 Arthur squadron, and the capture of the fortress, left them 
 with no destination, and relieved Togo of the necessity of 
 keeping his main force on blockading duty. The bulk of 
 the Japanese fleet immediately went home to refit, and in 
 anticipation Togo sent a force southward, either to intercept 
 or to observe the Baltic vessels. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 The Personal Point of View 
 
 The Author on the Scene of Conflict — First Impressions in Japan — Close Co-opera- 
 tion of the Japanese — Native Enthusiasm and Depression — Tallcfe with 
 Foreign Residents — Chemulpo — Port Arthur. 
 
 WHEN the author arrived at Nagasaki on the United 
 States Army Transport Sherman ^ overloaded with 
 soldiers and their officers returning to America from 
 the Philippines, the interest of all was naturally keyed to a high 
 point on this approach to the Japanese port nearest to the zone 
 of actual hostilities. The transport was to lie in Nagasaki 
 harbor for two days in order to coal for the long Trans-Pacific 
 voyage ahead to San Francisco. Meanwhile the passengers 
 hastened ashore for the double purpose of seeing Japan, and 
 also in the hope of seeing some reflection of the war, which 
 at this time was the uppermost subject of conversation. 
 
 A few, including myself, who intended to make a pro- 
 longed stay in the country, surrendered our baggage to casually 
 selected members of the dirty crowd of coolies who swarm.ed 
 up the sides of the transport, and then following in their 
 wake were rowed ashore in queer boats called sampans. A 
 perfunctory examination of our effects at the Custom House, 
 the inevitable dispute with the sampan coolies over payment, 
 a very short jinricksha ride, and our party was comfortably 
 housed at the Nagasaki Hotel, facing the water front. The 
 usual itinerary of sight seeing was duly followed, and forty- 
 eight hours later, farewells having been made to those of our 
 countrymen departing for San Francisco, the transport 
 36 401 
 
402 THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 
 
 steamed down the Bay, and, as far as those remaining were 
 concerned, became but a memory. 
 
 That night while taking dinner with Captain Barker, 
 the local transport United States Army Quartermaster, he 
 inquired if I had noticed any evidence of warlike activity 
 during the past two days. I was forced to admit that my 
 curiosity in that direction had not been rewarded in the 
 slightest, that in all I had not seen above a dozen Japanese 
 soldiers on the streets. The Captain then informed me that 
 the previous night a force of 20,000 Japanese soldiers had 
 been brought into Nagasaki by train, had been carried out 
 into the Bay on sampans, loaded into a Japanese transport, 
 and before daylight had left for some port in Korea. The 
 Captain further added that Nagasaki was one of the two most 
 important points of embarkation for Japanese troops, as 
 well as of all kinds of supplies, the other port being Mogi at 
 the southern entrance of the Japan Sea. Thus my first 
 impression of the war at fairly close hand was the marvelous 
 secrecy of the Japanese. 
 
 Some time later, while in Korea, I was passing through 
 a city occupied by Japanese troops, and in the evening found 
 groups of four to a dozen lounging before the open fronts of 
 every residence. I stopped to converse in our limited com- 
 mon vocabulary, supplemented by the universal sign language, • 
 and incidentally, with natural curiosity, reached for one of 
 the rifles which was standing against a wall nearby. The 
 rapid-fire of chaff and good-natured fun which had been 
 expended between us up to this time suddenly ceased. The 
 owner of the rifle snatched it from my hands, and I was 
 plainly made to see that it was not to be examined. Accept- 
 ing the rebuff with good nature, in another moment our 
 former relations were restored, but the nature of the Japanese 
 rifle, made by Japanese workmen in the Japanese city of 
 Osaka, and used with such marvelous effect by Japanese 
 
THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 403 
 
 soldiers in this war, reinained as great a mystery in its ccn- 
 struction to me as were the first firearms of the Spanish 
 invaders of Mexico to the Incas, whom they subdued. 
 
 During the weeks that followed in Japan, as I traveled 
 on to Tokio and again back to Nagasaki by rail and by water, 
 there were countless instances of the same unanimity of co- 
 operation in the smallest details of military preparation 
 between the highest authorities and the lowest in rank. The 
 Japanese have developed an almost inconceivable capacity 
 for the consideration of every detail, and with the result 
 that reports of commanders in the field and on sea have even 
 concluded with the phrase "As Pre- Arranged. " 
 
 On my first visit to Japan, as the train sped onward to 
 Tokio, we passed hundreds of troop trains on their way to 
 one of the two ports of embarkation for the front. At every 
 town and village, reception platforms had been erected, 
 gaily decorated with flags, lanterns and streamers, and on 
 each a representation of the Rising Sun, the emblem of Dai 
 Nippon. Large crowds of natives greeted each troop train 
 as it passed by, or halting for a few moments, furnished the 
 soldiers with refreshments. School children lined up in 
 semi-military formation sang patriotic songs and hymns, 
 while occasionally a brass band of foreign importation, the 
 members of which wore foreign uniforms, with conspicuous 
 awkwardness, played ''Marching Through Georgia" or "The 
 Suwanee River" with a dolefulness that can only be matched 
 by the early rehearsals of the village band in rural America. 
 All was enthusiasm. Everybody cheered, and no one more 
 than the soldiers. Several months later on the occasion of 
 my third visit to Japan, when I passed through the Korean 
 Straits into Mogi Harbor during the raid of the Vladivostok 
 squadron, I noticed a decided change in the attitude of the 
 Japanese. The success of the Russians in sinking several 
 transports, the accidental collision between two others, and 
 
404 
 
 THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 
 
 the loss of several thousand men, following close on the ter- 
 rible losses with which each Japanese victory against the 
 Russians had been purchased, had all produced a decided 
 effect on both the train loads of soldiers, which still passed 
 with the same frequency over the railways, and on the natives 
 which thronged the stations. Their enthusiasm was gone. 
 The tone was that of depression. The brass bands were not 
 in evidence. Even the flags and streamers looked discour- 
 aged, as their rain- washed colors no longer presented the same 
 brilliant appearance. Along the wharves, where a few months 
 previously crowds had thronged the water's edge, now stood 
 small groups of quiet natives, while the cheeks of the majority 
 of the women were tear-stained. A vivid contrast, and 
 equally vivid reflection, of the strain the terrible price in 
 human life the Japanese nation was paying for its early vic- 
 tories, was making upon her people. 
 
 It was a source of great surprise, in conversation, to find 
 that the sympathies of many of the European and American 
 miCrchants in the various leading cities of Japan were more 
 with the Russian cause than with Dai Nippon. The cause 
 of this in some instances was due to the fact that especially 
 during the summer months great numbers of Russian tourists 
 visited Japan. The Russian is a good spender. He buys 
 freely, and the breaking off of commercial relations between 
 the two countries has caused great loss, the bulk of which 
 naturally falls to the foreign merchants. Another reason 
 for this strange hostility to the Japanese side is found in the 
 assertion of many foreigners of long residence in Japan that 
 the Japanese character since their victory over China, ten 
 years previously, had steadily grown in arrogance and con- 
 ceit. A further victory over the great European nation of 
 Russia, I was informed repeatedly, would bring this arrogance 
 and overbearing attitude on the part of the Japanese towards 
 all foreigners to such a point as to be unbearable. On further 
 
THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 405 
 
 investigation I find that it is quite true that even England 
 and America, whom the Japanese profess to have such great 
 friendship for, are discriminated against by the Japanese 
 authorities in the commercial field, as v/ell as in the courts 
 of law, where it is commonly said: ''It is impossible for a 
 foreigner to get justice if his case is against a Japanese." 
 
 My entry into the historic harbor of Chemulpo, where 
 the first shot of the war was fired by one of the guns on the 
 Russian gunboat Kortetz, on the afternoon of February 8, 
 1904, as fully discussed elsewhere, was made on a Norwegian 
 tramp steamer, the captain of which had made several suc- 
 cessful blockade runs into Port Arthur with contraband of 
 war. 
 
 At Chemulpo, I met many foreigners, naval officers, as 
 well as the English Consul, who, during the progress of the 
 famous naval engagement in the harbor had had two men 
 watching every detail of the fighting with telescopes from 
 an elevation above the water. From these sources I was 
 able to connect the various conflicting threads of the story 
 of that fight, which in detail is given in another part of this 
 volume. While still at Chem.ulpo the sky line off the harbor 
 became greatly darkened by thick clouds of smoke. A launch, 
 engaged for the purpose, took me out a short distance, and 
 I learned that the smoke was caused by the fleet of transports 
 taking the Second Army to Manchuria, there to act in co- 
 operation with the First Army on the Yalu, by cutting off the 
 land connections between the main forces of the Russians 
 and Port Arthur. Later on, in spite of the instructions of 
 the Japanese authorities, and the many floating torpedoes 
 and contact mines in the Yellow Sea, I was enabled to get 
 within a short distance of this famous fortress on another 
 tramp steam.er, on which I traveled well within sight of the 
 entire Liao-Tung Peninsula, from the Port of Newchang to 
 Chef 00. 
 
CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 The Massacre at St. Petersburg 
 
 Constitutional Agitation in Russia — Conference of -Zemstvos — Demands of the 
 People — Press Censorship — Resolutions of the Lawyers — Condemned to Exile 
 — Is the End of Autocracy Coming? — The Fight for Reform — Insolent Police 
 Omnipotence — Good Material in the Zemstvos — Warning of the French Revo- 
 lution — Nicholas Rebuffs the Zemstvos — The Strike in St. Petersburg — 
 Gopon — Bloodshed before the Winter Palace — Assassination of Grand Duke 
 Sergius. 
 
 EXTRAORDINARY agitation was fermenting among the 
 people of European Russia during the last part of the 
 year 1904. The Liberals and the Socialists began to 
 take advantage of the government's reverses in the Far East 
 to press their claims for less autocratic rule at home. And 
 their efforts were directed toward securing recognition for the 
 Zemstvos. How rebuff after rebuff was offered the represen- 
 tatives of the people until finally the popular outcry was 
 hushed for a time by the slaughter of several thousand men, 
 women and children is told in this chapter. 
 
 The Zemstvos are the governing bodies of the Russian 
 provinces. They are supposed to be constituted by law and 
 to govern all the provinces, although in point of fact only 
 thirty-four of the eighty-seven provinces have Zemstvos. 
 XJtider the Russian form of government these bodies are per- 
 haps nearer the people than any others. For weeks they had 
 been in conference attempting to get Czar Nicholas to take 
 some decisive action. The things they were trying to accom- 
 plish were the abolition of the passport system, the free- 
 dom of the press and participation in the Government through 
 one or two elected bodies. The ballot was their greatest de- 
 sire, for with this they would be in a position to accomplish 
 other reforms. 
 406 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 407 
 
 A comprehensive view of this agitation for constitutional 
 government in Russia is given in an article in the Nineteenth 
 Century, for January, 1905, by Prince Peter Kropotkin, from 
 whom we quote a number of the following pages : 
 
 The greatest excitement prevailed in Russia when it 
 became known that the representatives of the Zemstvos of 
 thirty-four provinces of the Empire were going to meet at 
 St. Petersburg in order to discuss the necessary reforms in the 
 general political organization of the country. The very fact 
 that such an authorisation had been granted was equivalent 
 to an invitation to discuss a scheme of a Constitution; and so 
 it was understood everywhere. When the Zemstvo delegates 
 were leaving their respective provincial towns they were sent 
 off by groups of enthusiastic friends, whose parting words 
 were: ''Return with a Constitution!" 
 
 Their original intention was to make of their conference 
 a solemn official gathering which would speak to the Govern- 
 ment in its official capactiy, but at the last moment the Minis- 
 ter of the Interior refused to grant the necessary authorisation ; 
 and as the Zemstvo delegates declared that they were decided 
 to meet nevertheless, they were informed that they could do 
 so only in private, and that their conference would be treated 
 as a private gathering, but that their resolutions could be 
 handed by a few delegates to the Minister of the Interior, and 
 through his intermediacy to the Emperor. This is how this 
 Conference, which surely will become an important historical 
 date, took place on the 19th, 20th, and 21st of November at 
 St. PetersbiH-g. 
 
 The decisions of the conference were expressed in eleven 
 resolutions, which, as will be seen presently, are now becoming 
 the programme of an agitation which is gradually spreading 
 all over Russia. Moreover, in contrast with all the petitions 
 addressed to the Tsar on previous occasions by certain Zemst- 
 vos, the present memorandum is couched in far more dignified 
 
4o8 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 language and in definite terms. It begins by mentioning 
 "the abnormal character of State government which has de- 
 veloped since the beginning of the eighties (1881), and consists 
 in a complete estrangement of the Government from the peo- 
 ple, and the absence of that mutual confidence which is neces- 
 sary for the life of the State" (§1). "The present relations 
 between the Government and the people" — they say further 
 on — ''are based on a fear of the people's self- administration, 
 and on the exclusion of the people from the management of 
 State affairs" (§2). The result of it is that while the bureau- 
 cracy separates the Supreme Power (read The Emperor) from 
 the nation, it thus creates the very conditions for an entire 
 lawlessness in the administration, in which the personal will 
 of every functionary takes the place of law (§ 3). This de- 
 stroys confidence in the Government and hampers the devel- 
 opment of the State (§§3 and 4). Consequently, the Zemst- 
 vos express the following desiderata, which deserve to be 
 given in full, because in such history-making documents as 
 this the wording is almost as important as the general idea. 
 
 '' (5) In order to put an end to this lawlessness of the 
 Administration, the inviolability of the individual and the 
 private dwelling must be proclaimed and thoroughly carried 
 out in life. Nobody can have any punishment or any restric- 
 tion of his rights inflicted upon him without a sentence hav- 
 ing been pronounced to this effect by an independent magis- 
 trate. For this purpose it is moreover necessary to establish 
 such a responsibility of the members of the Administration 
 as would allow of their being legally prosecuted for each breach 
 of the law, in order thus to secure legality in the actions of the 
 functionaries. 
 
 '' (6) For the full development of the intellectual forces 
 of the nation, as also the expression of the real wants of society 
 and the free exercise of public opinion, freedom of conscience. 
 
A RUSSIAN CONVICT SETTLEMENT IN SIBERIA 
 
 B^ the arbitrary government of the Czar, people accused of political and other offenses may, without 
 tnal, be sent to the cold regions of Siberia, to undergo the horrors of the Siberian exile. This illus- 
 tration shows the prisoners in the exercise grounds with their wretched huts in the background. 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 409 
 
 religion, speech, and press, as also of meeting and association, 
 must be guaranteed. 
 
 " (7) The personal and political rights of all the citizens 
 of the empire must be equal. 
 
 " (8) Self- administration being the main condition for 
 the development of the political and economical life of the 
 country, and the main body of the population of Russia be- 
 longing to the class of the peasants, these last must be placed 
 in the conditions that are necessary for the development of 
 self-help and energy, and this can only be obtained by putting 
 an end to the present subordinate and lawless position of the 
 peasants. Therefore it is necessary: (a) to equalize the rights 
 of the peasants with those of all other classes; (b) to free them 
 from the rule of the Administration in all their personal and 
 social affairs ; and (c) to grant them a regular form of justice. 
 
 '' (9) The provincial and the municipal institutions which 
 are the main organs of local life must be placed in such con- 
 ditions as to render them capable of performing the functions 
 of organs of self -administration, endowed with wide powers. 
 It is necessary for this purpose: (a) that the representation 
 in the Zemstvos should not be based on class principles, and 
 that all forces of the population should be summ.oned, as far 
 as possible, to take part in that administration; (6) that the 
 Zemstvo institutions should be brought nearer to the people 
 by instituting a smaller self-administrative unit; (c) that the 
 circle of activity of the Zem.stvos and the municipal institu- 
 tions should include all the local needs ; and (d) that these insti- 
 tutions should acquire the necessary stability and independ- 
 ence, without which no regular development of their activity 
 and their relations to the organs of the Government is possi- 
 ble. Local self -government must be extended to all the parts 
 of the Empire. 
 
 '* (10) For creating and maintaining a close intercourse 
 between the government and the nation, on the basis of the 
 
4IO THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 just-mentioned principles, and for the regular development 
 of the life of the State, it is absolutely necessary that repre- 
 sentatives of the nation, constituting a specially elected body, 
 should participate in the legislative power, the establishm.ent 
 of the State's budget, and the control of the administration. 
 (The minority of the conference, consisting of twenty-seven 
 persons, accepted this paragraph only as far as the words 
 * should participate in the legislative power.') 
 
 " (ii) In view of the gravity and the difficulties of both 
 the internal and external conditions which the nation is now 
 living through, this private conference expresses the hope 
 that the supreme power will call together the representatives 
 of the nation, in order to lead our Fatherland, with their help, 
 on to a new path of national development in the sense of es- 
 tablishing a closer union between the State's authority and 
 the nation.*' 
 
 This memorandum, signed by 102 delegates out of 104 — 
 two abstaining — ^was handed to Prince Sviatopolk Mirsky, 
 and through him to the Emperor. Four more resolutions 
 were taken later on by the same Conference, and they offer a 
 special interest, as they represent a first attempt at legislation 
 upon a definite subject in the form, well known m olden times 
 in this country, of a Royal petition. Three of these resolu- 
 tions, which concern education, blame the Government for 
 its negative attitude in this matter, and ask full freedom for 
 the Zemstvos to deal with it; while the fourth demands the 
 abrogation of the state- of -siege law and an amnesty in the 
 following terms: 
 
 "Considering that the Law of the 26th of August 1881, 
 embodying the measures for the Maintenance of Order in the 
 State (state-of -siege law) is one of the chief causes which favor 
 the development of lawlessness in the Administration and 
 breed popular discontent, which both stand in the way of 
 mutual confidence and unity between the Government and 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 411 
 
 the population, the Conference finds that the repeal of this 
 law is desirable. Besides, taking into consideration that the 
 system of administratively inflicted penalties, which has been 
 applied lately on a large scale in virtue of that law, has pro- 
 duced a great number of victims of the arbitrary actions of 
 the administration who are now suffering various penalties 
 and limitations in their legal rights, the Conference considers 
 it its duty to express itself in favor of a complete remission 
 of all penalties inflicted by mere orders of the Administration. 
 It expresses at the same time the hope that the Supreme 
 Power will introduce pacification in the country by an act of 
 amnesty for all persons imdergoing penalties for political 
 offences." 
 
 The Press was not permitted to mention the Zemstvo 
 Conference, or to discuss its resolutions; but the latter were 
 hectographed in thousands of copies at St. Petersburg, re- 
 printed in a more or less clandestine way in many cities, and 
 spread broadcast all over Russia. On the other side, as soon 
 as Sviatopolk Mirsky had made his declarations about the 
 need of '' confidence between the Government and the nation, " 
 confirming his declarations by the release of a small number 
 of ''administrative" exiles — the Press at once adopted quite a 
 new tone. The need for a new departure, under which the 
 nation would be called to participate in the government of 
 the country, began to be expressed in a very outspoken way. 
 All the main questions concerning the revision of taxation, 
 the necessity of not merely returning to the original law of 
 the Zemstvos (altered in 189c), but of revising it in the sense 
 of an abolition of the present division into ''orders;" the ne- 
 cessity of re-establishing the elected Justices of the Peace, 
 and of granting a thorough self-government to all the provinces 
 of the Empire; the equality of political rights of all citizens, 
 and so on — these and numbers of similar questions are dis- 
 cussed now with the greatest liberty in the daily Press, and 
 
412 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 nobody conceals any longer his disgust of the reactionary 
 regime which has swayed Russia for the last thirty years. 
 
 Of course, censorship continues to make its victims. The 
 review Law (Pravo) has already received two warnings, and 
 of the two new dailies, one {Son of the Fatherland), which 
 came out under a new ''populist" editorship, is already sup- 
 pressed for three months; while the other (Our Life), which 
 has Social Democratic tendencies, has its sale in the streets 
 forbidden. With all that, the Press, with a striking unanimity 
 support the Zemstvo resolutions, without naming them. 
 Even the Novoye Vremya, which has always vacillated be- 
 tween ultra-Conservative and Liberal opinions, according 
 to the direction of the wind in the upper spheres, is now Con- 
 stitutionalist. As to the ultra-reactionary Prince Meschersky, 
 owner of the Grazhdanin, he has published some of the most 
 outspoken articles against the old regime — only to turn next 
 day against those who demand a Constitution. Since 1861, 
 this gentleman's house has been the centre of a semi-Slavo- 
 phile but chiefly landlord and bureaucracy opposition to the 
 reforms of Alexander the Second. Hold was adroitly taken 
 in this centre of the tvv^o successive heirs to the throne, Nikolai 
 Alexandrovitch and his brother, who became later on Alex- 
 ander the Third, in order to secure, through them, an over- 
 throw of all the reforms made by their father. Now, the 
 Grazhdanin reflects the unsettled condition of mind in the 
 Winter Palace spheres. The Moscozv Gazette is thus the only 
 consequent defender of the old regime. At the same time, 
 the Provincial Press acquires a new importance every day, 
 especially in Southern, South- Western, and South-Eastern 
 Russia. I have several of these papers before me, and can- 
 not but admire the straightforward and well-informed way 
 in which they discuss all political questions. They reveal 
 quite a new provincial life. 
 
 It would be impossible to render in a few words the depth 
 
TWO INTERESTING RUSSIAN SCENES 
 
 One a mounted Cossack in the rural districts, and the other Russian peasants at 
 a Railway Station in Manchuria. 
 
A TYPICAL SCENE IN KOREA 
 
 The Koreans resemble the Japanese in many respects. The country is especially interesting in connection 
 •with the Russo-Japanese War as each nation is trying for supremacy in Korea. This picture represents a 
 Korean maiden dancing the fan dance before the military officers. 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 413 
 
 and breadth of the agitation provoked in Russia by the Zem- 
 stvo Conference. To begin with, ' 'the Resolutions ' ' were signed 
 at once by numbers of persons of high standing in St. Petersburg 
 society, who do not belong to the Zemstvos. The same is 
 now done in the provinces, so that the memorandum of the 
 Zemstvos becomes a sort of ultimatum — it cannot be called 
 a petition — addressed by the educated portion of the nation 
 to the Emperor. In most provincial cities the return of the 
 Zemstvo delegates is being made the occasion of influential 
 meetings, at which the members of the Provincial Assemblies 
 (the District Assemblies will follow suit) send to St. Peters- 
 burg their approval of the resolutions ; while numbers of land- 
 lords and other influential persons in the provinces seize this 
 opportunity for adding their signatures to those of the Zemstvo 
 delegates. 
 
 Wherever a few educated persons come together, nothing 
 is spoken of but the coming Constitution. Even the appalling 
 war has been relegated to the background, while the consti- 
 tutional agitation takes every day some new form. In the 
 universities, both professors and students join it. The former 
 sign the resolutions, while the latter formulate similar reso- 
 lutions, or organise street demonstrations to support them. 
 Such demonstrations have taken place already at St. Peters- 
 burg, Moscow, and Kieff, and they surely will be joined by 
 working men as soon as they spread southwards. And if they 
 are dispersed by force they will result in bloodshed, of which 
 none can foresee the end. 
 
 Another important current in the movement was created 
 by the celebrations of the fortieth anniversary of the Judicial 
 Law, which was promulgated on the 2d of December, 1864. 
 Large meetings of lawyers (avocats), followed by banquets, at 
 which all professions of ''intellectuals" were represented, in- 
 cluding members of the magistracy and, occasionally, of the 
 administration, have been held at St. Petersburg, Moscow, 
 
414 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 Saratoflf, Minsk, Tomsk, and so on; and at all these meetings 
 the programme of the Zemstvos, reinforced by strong resolu- 
 tions requiring the repeal of the exceptional state-of-siege 
 law and condemning the whole regime under which Russia is 
 now, was voted and transmitted to the Minister of the Interior. 
 At Moscow the resolutions passed at the meeting of the law- 
 yers were worded very strongly, as may be seen from the fol- 
 lowing characteristic abstracts: 
 
 " (i) The fundamental principles of Right, expressed in 
 the Judicial Law of the 2d of December, 1864, and which 
 recognize only such a form of State life, in which all the actions 
 of all are submitted to law, equal for all, and applied by the 
 Courts with no regard to any outside influence, are incompati- 
 ble with the principles of the bureaucratic lawlessness which 
 endeavors to take hold of every manifestation of life and to 
 submit it to its uncontrolled power. . . , (4) The princi- 
 ple of religious tolerance, proclaimed in this law, was brought 
 into non-existence by a series of by-laws and circulars, by 
 means of which large portions of the population were placed 
 into special categories, and deprived of important personal, 
 family and property rights — and this, not for crimes of theirs, 
 and not in virtue of legal sentences, but merely for the ex- 
 pression of the dictates of their conscience, and by mere orders 
 of the Administration. ... (7) The principle of an inde- 
 pendent Justice, equal for all, has been reduced to nought by 
 the abolition of all guarantees of independence"; and the 
 declaration enumerates the main by-laws by means of which 
 this purpose was achieved. 
 
 And, finally, their last resolution expresses what every 
 educated Russian is thinking, while at the same time it con- 
 tains a reply to the Tsar's manifesto of April, 1903. It runs 
 as follows: 
 
 " It appears from all the life of Russia for the last forty 
 years that it is absolutely hopeless to endeavor to introduce 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 415 
 
 in our country the reign of Right, so long as the arbitrary rule 
 of bureaucracy continues to exist, even though all sorts of 
 rights may be inscribed in our code." 
 
 Nothing short of a thorough reform in the fundamental laws 
 of the State can secure the ends of justice and law — such is 
 the conclusion of the Moscow lawyers. 
 
 Striking facts were produced at these meetings. Thus, 
 the following figures just published by The Messenger of Law 
 will illustrate the lawlessness which prevails under Nicholas 
 the Second in all matters concerning political offences. From 
 1894 till 1 90 1, not one single political affair was brought be- 
 fore a court of justice or an examining magistrate. All in- 
 quests were dealt with by police officers or functionaries of the 
 Ministry of the Interior. As to the numbers of such cases, 
 they are simply extravagant. Thus in 1903 no fewer than 
 1988 political cases, concerning 5590 persons, were opened, 
 in addition to all those which were pending. In the same 
 year, 1522 inquests, involving 6450 persons, were terminated. 
 Out of this number 1583 persons were liberated, 45 were sent 
 before courts-martial, and no fewer than 4867 persons were 
 submitted to various penalties, including imprisonment, inflicted 
 by the Administration, without the interference of any magis- 
 trate. Out of these, no fewer than 1502 were sent into exile, for 
 terms up to ten years, to various remote provinces of Russia 
 and Siberia! Nothing on this scale was done even under 
 Alexander the Third, the corresponding figure for the last 
 year of his reign being only 55 (in 1894). 
 
 The Judicial Law of 1864 contained certain guarantees 
 against the arbitrary action of the police. But, as has been 
 indicated during the last few days, already in 1870 and 1875 
 the preliminary inquest was taken out of the hands of inde- 
 pendent examining magistrates and was handed to the ordinary 
 police and the State police officers. No fewer than seven 
 hundred by-laws have been issued since 1864 foi" tearing the 
 
4i6 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 Judicial Law to pieces — limiting the rights of the courts, 
 abolishing trial by jury in numerous cases, and so on; so that- — 
 to use the expression of the Saratoff lawyers' meeting — "all 
 the principles of the law of Alexander the Second have been 
 annihilated. This law exists only in name." 
 
 At the same time the exceptional laws promulgated dur- 
 ing the last two reigns have given to every police officer, in 
 every province of the Empire, the right to arrest every Rus- 
 sian subject without warrant, and to keep him imprisoned as 
 a suspect for seven days — and much longer under various other 
 pretexts — without incurring any responsibility. More than 
 that. It was publicly vouched at one of the lawyers ' meetings 
 that when arrests are made en masse, simple policemen receive 
 in advance printed and signed warrants of arrest and search- 
 ing, on which they have only to inscribe the names of the per- 
 sons whom they choose to arrest! Let me add that all these 
 resolutions and comments have been printed in full, in both 
 the provincial and the Moscow papers, and that the figures 
 are those of official reports. 
 
 At St. Petersburg the fortieth anniversary of the Judicial 
 Law was celebrated by nearly 700 persons — lawyers, literary 
 people, and so on — and their resolutions were equally outspoken. 
 
 '' The martyrology of the Judicial Law (they said) is a 
 striking illustration of the fact that under the autocratic and 
 bureaucratic regime which prevails in Russia the most ele- 
 mentary conditions of a regular civil life cannot be realised, 
 and partial reforms of the present structure of the State would 
 not attain their aim." 
 
 The Assembly confirmed therefore the resolutions of the 
 Zemstvo representatives, only wording the chief ones still 
 more definitely, in the following terms: 
 
 ''3. That all laws be made and taxes established only with 
 the participation and the consent of representatives, freely 
 elected by all the nation. 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 417 
 
 "4. That the responsibiHty of the Ministers before the 
 Assembly of Representatives of the nation should be intro- 
 duced, in order to guarantee the legality of the actions and 
 the orders of the Administration." 
 
 For this purpose, and in view of the extremely difficult 
 conditions in which the coimtry is now involved, the Assembly ^ 
 demanded the immediate convocation of a Constituent As- 
 sembly, freely elected by the people, and a complete and 
 unconditional amnesty for all political and religious offences, 
 as well as measures guaranteeing the freedom and the responsi- 
 bility of responsible elections, and also the inviolability of the 
 representatives of the people. This declaration was signed 
 by 673 persons, and sent to the Minister of the Interior. 
 
 The anniversary meetings of the Judicial Law being over, 
 the agitation has already taken a new form. It is the munici- 
 palities, beginning with Moscow and St. Petersburg, which 
 now pass the same resolutions. They ask for the abolition 
 of the exceptional laws and for the convocation of a represen- 
 tative Assembly, and they insist upon holding a general con- 
 ference of representatives of all the Russian cities and towns, 
 which would certainly express the same desires. 
 
 It is evident that the reactionary party is also at work, 
 and a meeting of reactionists took place at the house of 
 Pobiedonostseff, in order to discuss how to put a stop to the 
 constitutional movement. They will leave, of course, not 
 a stone tmtunied to influence the Tsar in this direction, and, 
 to begin with, they hit upon the idea of convoking meetings 
 of the nobility in different provinces. They expected that 
 such meetings would vote against a Constitution. But, be- 
 ginning with Moscow, they met with a complete fiasco; the Mos- 
 cow nobility adopted the same resolutions as the Zemstvos. 
 More than that. A new movement was set on foot, in the 
 old capital, in the same direction. A few days ago, at a meet- 
 ing of the Moscow Agricultural Society, one of the members 
 
 27 
 
4i8 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 proposed a resolution demanding the abolition of the except- 
 ional state-of-seige law promulgated in 1 88 1. He met with 
 some opposition, but after brilliant speeches had been pro- 
 nounced in support of the resolution it was voted with only 
 one dissentient. 
 
 One may expect now that many other societies, economic 
 and scientific, will follow the example of the Moscow agricul- 
 turists. In the meantime the public libraries, both municipal 
 and supported by private contributions, have inaugurated 
 a movement for demanding a release from the rigours of cen- 
 sorship. There is in Russia a special censorship for the libraries, 
 and even out of those books which have been published in 
 Russia with the consent of the censorship many works, chiefly 
 historical and political, are not permitted to be kept in the 
 circulating libraries. The Smolensk public library has now 
 petitioned the Minister of the Interior asking for the abolition 
 of these restrictions, and this petition is sure to be followed 
 by many others of a similar kind, the more so as simply pro- 
 hibitive restrictions are imposed upon the village libraries, 
 the public lectures, and, in fact, in the whole domain of popu- 
 lar education. 
 
 It will be noticed that in all the above resolutions the 
 form to be given to the representative government has not 
 yet been defined. Must Russia have two houses or one? 
 Will she have seven or nine Parliaments (like Canada) and a 
 Federal Senate ? What extension is to be given to the federa- 
 tive principle? And so on. All these matters have not yet 
 been discussed in detail. It is only known that some Zemstvo 
 delegates, under the presidency of M. Shipoff, are discussing 
 these vital questions. However, as the Zemstvos exist in 
 thirty-four provinces only, out of fifty, of European Russia 
 proper, and there are besides Finland, Poland, the Caucasus, 
 Siberia, Turkestan, and the Steppe Region, no scheme of 
 representative government can be worked out without the 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 419 
 
 consent of these units. This is why the idea of a Constituent 
 Assembly is gaining ground. All that can be said in the mean- 
 time is, that the Jacobinist ideas of the centralisers find but 
 little sympathy in Russia, and that, on the contrary, the pre- 
 vailing idea is that of a federation, with full home rule for its 
 component parts of which Finnish home rule may be taken 
 as a practical illustration. 
 
 Such are, then, up to the i8th of December, the main 
 facts of the constitutional agitation which is going on in Rus- 
 sia. And frorn all sides we hear the same questions: Is it 
 really the end of autocracy that is coming? Is Russia going 
 to pass from autocracy to representative government, without 
 a revolution similar to that of 1789 to 1793 in France? Is the 
 present movement deep enough to attain its goal? And, 
 again, are the Tsar and his nearest advisers prepared t-o make 
 the necessary concessions, without being compelled to do so 
 by popular uprisings and internal commotions ? 
 
 First of all, let it be well tmderstood that there is nothing 
 tmforeseen in the demand of a Constitution, so unanimously 
 expressed by the representatives of provincial self-govern- 
 ment. Over and over again, for the last forty years, they have 
 expressed the same desire, and it is for the third or fourth 
 time that they now address similar demands to the Emperor. 
 They did it in 1 880-1 881. They repeated it in 1894, as soon 
 as Nicholas the Second came to the throne, and again in 1902 
 in connection with the committees on the depression of agri- 
 culture. At the beginning of this year, when the war broke 
 out and the Zemstvos decided to send their own field-hospitals 
 to the seat of war (these hospitals, by the way, are described 
 as the best in Manchuria), representatives of all the Zemstvos 
 demanded the permission to meet together, to agree upon 
 joint action in the organization of relief for the wounded, as 
 well as foi the families of the Reservists. On both occasions 
 the authorization was refused and the meetings forbidden; 
 
420 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 but on both occasions the Zemstvo delegates held secret con- 
 ferences at Moscow and discussed their affairs in spite of the 
 menaces of Plehve (Shipoff went for that into exile) . And in 
 both cases they concluded that the convocation of a National 
 Assembly had become an imperative necessity. The present 
 move is thus a further development of several former ones 
 It is the expression of a long-felt need. 
 
 The necessity of a representative government for Russia 
 was spoken of immediately after the death of Nicholas the 
 First, and we are informed by Prince Tatischeff {Alexander 
 the Second and his Times) that as early as in 1856 Alexander 
 the Second had had a plan of a Constitution worked out. 
 However, precedence had to be given then to the abolition of 
 serfdom and the terrible corporal punishment then in use 
 (which meant a judicial reform); besides, some sort of local 
 self-government had first to be created. These reforms filled 
 up the years 1859-1866. But in the meantime the Polish 
 revolution broke out (in 1863), and it was then believed at the 
 Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the uprising was 
 supported by promises of intervention given to its leaders by 
 the Western Powers. 
 
 This revolution had the worst imaginable consequences 
 for Russia. It closed the reform period. Reaction set in — 
 the reaction which has lasted up to the present day, and which 
 has cost Russia hecatombs of her best and most devoted men 
 and women. All schemes of constitutional changes were 
 abandoned, and we learn from the same author that the reason 
 which Alexander the Second gave for this abandonment was 
 his fear for the integrity of the Empire. He came to Moscow 
 in 1865, and there, at his Iliynsky Palace, he received Goloh- 
 vastoff — ^that same President of Nobility in one of the districts 
 of the Moscow province who had forwarded to the Tsar an 
 address, in the name of the nobility he represented, demand- 
 ing a Constitution. The words which Alexander is reported 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 421 
 
 to have said to Golohvastoff during the interview are most 
 characteristic: '' I give you my word," he said, ''that on this 
 same table I would sign any Constitution you like if I were 
 sure that this would be for the good of Russia. But I know 
 that if I did it to-day, to-morrow Russia would go to pieces. 
 And you do not desire such an issue. Last year you your- 
 selves (the Moscow nobility) told me that, and you were the 
 first to say so." There is no reason to doubt the authenticity 
 of these words. They are just what Alexander the Second 
 would have said, and while he was uttering them he was quite 
 sincere. But, as I have explained in my Memoirs, his was a 
 very complicated nature, and while the menace of the West- 
 em Powers, ready to favor the dismemberment of the Em- 
 pire, must have strongly impressed him, the Autocrat also 
 spoke in him, and still more so the man who demanded above 
 all to be trusted implicitly. On this last point he was ex- 
 tremely sensitive. 
 
 Be that as it may, the idea of giving Russia a Constitution 
 was temporarily abandoned ; but it cropped up again ten years 
 later. The great movement *' towards the people" was then 
 in full swing. The prisons were overflowing with political 
 prisoners, and a series of political trials, which had taken 
 place with open doors, had produced a deep impression on the 
 public. Thereupon Alexander the Second handed in a schem.e 
 of a Constitution, to be reported upon to the Professor of Civil 
 Law and the author of a book much spoken of on this subject — 
 K. P. Pobiedonostseff! 
 
 What the appreciations of Pobiedonostseff were, we do 
 not know; but, as he has expressed his views on representa- 
 tive government in a number of works, we may be certain that 
 his report was negative. His ideal is a Church, as strongly 
 organised as the Catholic Church, permeating all the life of 
 society and assuming, if need be, a fighting attitude against 
 the rival Churches. Freedom and Parliamentary rule are the 
 
422 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 enemies of such a Church; consequently, he concludes, autoc- 
 racy must be maintained ; and Russia is predestined to realise 
 the happiness of the people under the rod of the Church. The 
 worst was that Pobiedonostseff succeeded for years in main- 
 taining a reputation for honesty, and only lately has it become 
 evident that, although he does not care for wealth, he cherishes 
 power and is most unscrupulous as to the means by which he 
 maintains his influence at Court. 
 
 In 1876 Alexander the Second was thus besieged with 
 doubts. But then came the uprising in Servia, the Turkish 
 War, the Berlin Treaty, and once more the inner reforms were 
 postponed. The Turkish War revealed, however, such depths 
 of disorganisation in the State machine that, once it was over, 
 the time had apparently come for making a serious move in 
 the constitutional direction. Discontent was general, and 
 when the trial of The Hundred and Ninety-three began at 
 the end of 1878, and full reports of it were given in the papers, 
 the sympathies of the educated classes went all in favor 
 of the accused, and all against their accusers. The moment 
 was opportune; but one of those omnipotent functionaries 
 who had been nurtured in the atmosphere of the Winter Palace, 
 Trepoff, gave a different turn to affairs. 
 
 The history of the years 1878-1881 is so fresh in the memo- 
 ries of all that it need not be retold. How, immediately after 
 the excitement produced at St. Petersburg by the above trial, 
 Trepoff, the head of the St. Petersburg Police, ordered one of 
 the * 'politicals" to be flogged in prison; how thereupon Vera 
 Zasulitch shot at Trepoff, and wounded him; how Alexander 
 the Second, inspired by the Chief of the State Police, Mezent- 
 soff, revised the relatively mild sentences pronounced by the 
 Court in the trial of The Hundred and Ninety-three, and 
 rendered them very much heavier; how in reply to this, Mez- 
 entsoff was killed in broad daylight ; and how this was the be- 
 ginning of a fearful struggle between the Government and 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 423 
 
 the revolutionists, which ended in a wholesale slaughter and 
 transportation to Siberia of the best elements of a whole gen- 
 eration, including children sixteen years old, and in Alexander 
 the Second losing his life — all this is well known. It is also 
 known that he was killed the very day that he made a timid 
 and belated concession to public opinion by deciding to sub- 
 mit to the State Council a scheme for the convocation of an 
 Assemhlee des Notables. 
 
 This scheme is often described as a Constitution. But 
 Alexander the Second himself never attributed to it this mean- 
 ing. The proposal of Loris Melikoff, which received the ap- 
 proval of the Tsar on the 17th of February (March i), 1881, 
 consisted in this : the Ministries were to bring together by the 
 next autumn all the materials which they possessed concerning 
 the reorganization of the Central Government. Then special 
 Committees, composed of representatives of the different 
 Ministries, as well as of persons invited by the Government 
 for this purpose, would prepare schemes for reform of the 
 Central Government ** within the limits which would be indi- 
 cated by the Emperor.*' These schemes, before submitting 
 them to the State Council, would be discussed by a general 
 Commission composed as follows: (a) Persons nominated by 
 the Emperor out of members of the above Committees; (6) 
 delegates from the provinces in which the Zemstvos have been 
 introduced — two delegates per province, elected by the pro- 
 vincial Zemstvos — as also delegates from a few important 
 cities; and {c) members nominated by the Government to 
 represent the provinces which had no Zemstvo institutions. 
 Only the members mentioned under (a) would have the right 
 of voting; the others, {h) and (c), would only express their 
 opinions, but not vote. The Commission itself would have 
 no legislative power; its resolutions would be submitted to 
 the State Council and the Emperor in the usual way. 
 
 This measure had to be made public, and on the ist (13th) 
 
424 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 of March, Alexander the Second approved the draft of a mani- 
 festo which had to be issued to this effect. He only desired 
 it to be read at a meeting of the Committee of the Ministers 
 on the following Wednesday. He was killed, as is well known, 
 a few hours later, and the next Committee of Ministers, which 
 took place on the 8th (20th) of March, was presided over by 
 his son, Alexander the Third. The meeting fully approved 
 the manifesto, which had now only to be printed. But Alex- 
 ander the Third hesitated. Old Wilhelm the First had advised 
 him to yield; but the reactionary party, headed by Pobied- 
 onostseff and Katkoff , was very active in the opposite di- 
 rection. Katkoff was called from Moscow to exert a pressure 
 on the Tsar by the side of Pobiedonostseff, and Alexander 
 was easily persuaded by Count Ignatieff and such a specialist 
 in police matters as the Prefet of Paris. M. Andrieux, that the 
 revolutionary movement could easily be crushed. Whilst 
 all this was going on the Liberal Ministers, who were in favor 
 of constitutional reforms, undertook nothing decisive, and 
 Alexander the Third, who had already written to his brother: 
 *' I feel so happy: the weight is off my shoulders, I am granting 
 a Constitution," yielded the other way. On the 29th of April 
 (nth of May), he issued his autocratic manifesto, written by 
 Pobiedonostseff , in which he declared: ''Amidst our affliction 
 the voice of God orders us to vigorously take the ruling power 
 in our own hands, with faith in Providence and trust in the 
 truth and might of the Autocratic Power which we are called 
 upon to reinforce and to protect against all attacks, for the 
 welfare of the nation." 
 
 One of the first acts of this personal power was the pro- 
 mulgation of that state-of -siege law which, as we saw, handed 
 all classes of Russia to the now omnipotent police officials, 
 and made of Russia one great State prison. Thus began those 
 gloomy years 1 881- 1894, of which none of those who lived 
 them through can think otherwise than as of a nightmare. 
 
£.0 
 
 
 ill 
 
 - £ s 
 ill 
 
 -3 
 
 c P 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 425 
 
 To tell the truth, Alexander the Third was not exactly a 
 despot in his heart, although he acted like one. Under the 
 influence of the Slavophile, Konstantin Aksakoff, he had 
 come to believe that the mission of autocracy in Russia is to 
 give a certain well-being to the peasants, which could never be 
 attained under a representative government. Towards the 
 end of his life he even used to say that there were only two 
 thorough Socialists, Henry the Fourth and himself. What 
 induced him to say so I do not know. At any rate, when he 
 came to the throne he adopted a programme which was ex- 
 plained in a French review, in an article generally attributed 
 to Turgu^neif. Its main points were: a considerable reduc- 
 tion of the redemption tax which the ex-serfs paid for their 
 liberation; a radical change in the system of imperial taxation, 
 including the abolition of the ''poll-tax," and the excise on* 
 salt; measures facilitating both the temporary migrations of 
 the peasants and emigration to the Urals and Siberia; rural 
 banks, and so on. Most of these measures were carried 
 through during his reign; but in return the peasants were de- 
 prived of some of the most elementary personal and civil rights 
 which they had obtained under Alexander the Second. Suf- 
 fice it to say that instead of the Justices of the Peace, formerly 
 elected by all the population, special police officers, nominated 
 by the Governors, were introduced, and they were endowed 
 with the most unlimited rights over the village communities, 
 and over every peasant individually. Flogging, as in the 
 times of serfdom, was made once more an instrument of "edu- 
 cating" the peasants. Every rural policeman became a governor 
 of his village. The majority of the schools were handed over to 
 Pobiedonostseff. As to the Zemstvos, not only were they 
 gradually transformed more and more into mere boards of 
 admiiiistration under the local Governor, but the peasants 
 were deprived of the representation which they hitherto had 
 in that institution. The police officers became even more 
 
426 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 omnipotent than ever. If a- dozen schoolmasters came to- 
 gether they were treated as conspirators. The reforms of 
 1 86 1- 1 866 were treated as the work of rank revolutionists, 
 and the very name of Alexander the Second became suspect. 
 Never can a foreigner realize the darkness of the cloud which 
 hung over Russia during that unfortunate reign. It is only 
 through the deep note of despair sounded in the novels and 
 sketches of Tchekoff and several of his contemporaries — *' the 
 men of the eighties'' — that one can get a faint idea of that 
 gloom. 
 
 However, man always hopes, and as soon as Nicholas the 
 Second came to the throne new hopes were awakened. I 
 have spoken of these hopes already in previous articles, and 
 shown how soon they faded away. Since then Nicholas the 
 Second has not shown the slightest desire to repair any one of 
 the grave faults of his father, but he has added very many 
 new ones. 
 
 Everywhere he and his Ministers have bred discontent — 
 in Finland, in Poland, in Armenia (by plundering the Armenian 
 Church), in Georgia, in the Zemstvos, among all those who are 
 interested in education, among the students — in fact, every- 
 where. But that is not all. There is one striking feature in 
 this reign. All these last ten years there has been no lack of 
 forces which endeavored to induce the ruler of Russia to 
 adopt a better policy; and all through these ten years he 
 himself — so weak for good — ^found the force to resist them. 
 At the decisive moment he always had enough energy to turn 
 the scales in favor of reaction by throwing in the weight of 
 his own personal will. Every time he interfered in public 
 matters — ^be it in the student affairs, in Finland, or when he 
 spoke so insolently to the Zemstvo delegates on his advent to 
 the throne — every time his interference was for bad. 
 
 However, already during the great strikes of 1895, and 
 still more so during the student disturbances of 1897, it had 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 42? 
 
 become apparent that the old rigime could not last long. Not- 
 withstanding all prosecutions, a quite new Russia had come 
 into existence since 1881. In the seventies it was only the 
 youth which revolted against the old regime. In our circles 
 a man of thirty was an old man. In 1897 men of all ages, 
 even men like Prince Viazemskiy, member of the Council of 
 State, or the Union of Writers, and thousands of elderly men 
 scattered all over the cotmtry, joined in a unanimous protest 
 against the autocratic bureaucracy. 
 
 It was then that Witte began to prepare the gradual pas- 
 sage from autocracy to some sort of a constitutional regime. 
 His commissions on the Impoverishment of Agriculture in 
 Central Russia were evidently meant to supply that inter- 
 mediate step. In every district of the thirty-four provinces 
 which have the Zemstvo institutions, Committees, composed 
 of the Zemstvos and of local men invited ad hoc, were asked to 
 discuss the causes of this impoverishment. Most remarkable 
 things were said in these Committees, by noblemen and func- 
 tionaries, and especially by simple peasants — all coming to 
 one conclusion: Russia cannot continue to exist under the 
 police rule which was inaugurated in 1881. Political liberties 
 and representative government have become a most urgent 
 necessity. **We have something to say about our needs, and- 
 we will say it " — this was what peasant and landlord alike said 
 in these Commissions. The convocation of an assembly of the 
 representatives of all provinces of Russia had thus become 
 tmavoidable. But then Nicholas the Second, imder the instiga- 
 tion and with the connivance of Plehve, made his little coup 
 d'etat. Witte was shelved in the Council of State, and Plehve 
 became an omnipotent satrap. However, it is now known 
 that in 1902 Plehve had handed to Nicholas the Second a 
 memoir in which he accused Witte of preparing a revolution 
 movement in Russia, and already then the Tsar had decided 
 in his mind to get rid of Witte and his Commissions. This 
 
428 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PET*ERSBURG 
 
 he did, handing Russia to that man whom the worst reaction- 
 ists despised, even though they called upon him to be their 
 savior. 
 
 An orgy of insolent police omnipotence now began: the 
 wholesale deportation of all discontents; massacres of the 
 Jews, of which the instigators, such as the Moldavian Krushe- 
 van, editor of the Bessarabets, were under the personal pro- 
 tection of the Minister; an orgy of wholesale bribery, general 
 corruption, and intimidation. And Nicholas the Second had 
 not one word to say against that man! Only now, when 
 Plehve's successors h^ve brought to the Tsar the copies of all 
 his Majesty's correspondence with the Grand Dukes, which 
 Plehve opened and had carefully copied for some unknown 
 purpose — only now they go about in the Winter Palace ex- 
 claiming "It is Plehve who is the cause of that agitation! It 
 is he who has brought upon us all this odium ! " As if Plehve 
 was not their last hope — the last card of autocracy. Truly 
 has the lawyer Korobchevsky said before the Court, in defence 
 of his client Sazonoff : ''The bomb which killed the late Minister 
 of the Interior was filled, not with dynamite, but with the 
 burning tears of the mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters, 
 of the men whom he sent to the gallows or to die slowly in 
 prison or in Siberia!" 
 
 But who are these new men of the Zemstvos — it will be 
 asked — who come now so prominently to the front ? Are they 
 capable of playing the responsible part which history seems to 
 bestow upon them? 
 
 .When provincial self-government was introduced forty 
 years ago there certainly was among the promoters of this 
 reform some sort of idea like this : " Let the landlords, the mer- 
 chants, the peasants, familiarize themselves, through the pro- 
 vincial and the district assemblies, with representative gov- 
 ernment and the mangement of public affairs." This is also 
 how the reform was understood on the spot, and this is why 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 429 
 
 the Zemstvos attracted at the outset so many of the best pro- 
 vincial forces. 
 
 The mode of composition of these assembHes is original. 
 Russia, as is known, is divided into provinces, and each prov- 
 ince into ten to twelve districts. Leaving aside Poland (ten 
 provinces), Finland (which is its own Parliament), Caucasia 
 and Asiatic Russia (Siberia), Turkestan, the Steppe Region, 
 European Russia is divided into fifty provinces, out of which 
 thirty-four have now the institution of the Zemstvo. This 
 means that in these provinces each district has an assembly, 
 elected by all the inhabitants, for the management of quite a 
 number of local matters. Each assembly nominates its own 
 executive, and all the district assemblies nominate a Provincial 
 Assembly, which also has its executive, and is presided over 
 by the provincial President of the Nobility. The towns have 
 their own municipal government. The district elections, how- 
 ever, are made separately by the three orders — the nobility, 
 the mixed landowners (merchants and peasant proprietors), 
 and the peasants belonging to the village communities. Be- 
 sides, as the foimdation of the electoral rights is the value of 
 landed property owned by each person in the district, and the 
 nobility are the chief landowners, the result is that in most 
 assemblies the number of peasant representatives is inferior 
 to those of the other two orders taken together. Only in cer- 
 tain north-eastern provinces such as Vyatka have the peasants 
 a dominating voice. This is, at least, how the Zemstvos were 
 constituted till 1890, when the would-be ''Peasant Tsar" 
 further reduced the number of peasant delegates. 
 
 It would seem that under such an organization the Zemst- 
 vos would soon become mere administrative boards, on which 
 the country squires would find a number of well-paid positions. 
 So it was indeed at the outset in some central provinces, where 
 the landlords of the old school had the upper hand. But on 
 the other hand there were also provinces, such as Tver (an 
 
430 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 old nest of ''Decembrists "), Voronezh, Poltava, partly Ryazkn, 
 and others, in which the nobility, owing to various circum- 
 stances, took the lead of the reform movement. In these prov- 
 inces, as also in the northern-east ones, in which the peasants 
 dominate, the Zemstvos became an active force for introduc- 
 ing in the villages all sorts of useful institutions on a demxO^ 
 cratic basis. These two sorts of Zemstvos became the leaders 
 of the others. This is why, notwithstanding all the obstacles 
 opposed to them by the Central Government, the Zem^stvos, 
 as a rule, have accomplished something. They have laid the 
 foundation of a rational system of popular education. They 
 have placed sanitation in the villages on a sound basis, and 
 worked out the system which answers best the j3urpose of free 
 medical help for the peasants and the laboring classes. They 
 elected Justices of Peace who were decidedly popular. And 
 some of the Zemstvos are doing good work by spreading 
 in the villages better methods of agriculture, by the supply of 
 improved machinery at cost price, by spreading co-operative 
 workshops and creameries, by mutual insurance, by intro- 
 ducing school gardens, and so on. All this, of course, within 
 the narrow limits imposed by the present economical condi- 
 tions, but capable, like similar beginnings in Western Europe, 
 of a considerable extension. 
 
 Another important feature is that the Zemstvos draw 
 into their service a considerable number of excellent men, 
 truly devoted to the people, who in their turn exercise a de- 
 cided influence upon the whole of the Zemstvo institution. 
 Here is a country district in North- Western Russia. Its dis- 
 trict assembly consists of twenty noblemen elected by the 
 nobility, one deputy from the clergy (nomxinated by the Church) 
 one functionary of the Crown (who sits by right), f /e depu- 
 ties elected by the second order of mixed landowners (m.er- 
 chants, peasant proprietors, etc.), and nine peasants from 
 the third order, representing the village communities. They 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 431 
 
 decide, let us say, to open a number of village schools. But 
 the salaries of the teachers are low, the schoolmasters' houses 
 are poor log-huts, and the assembly people know that nobody 
 but a ''populist," who loves the people and looks upon his 
 work as upon his mission, will come and stay. And so the 
 "populist" comes in as a teacher. But it is the same with the 
 Zemstvo doctor, who is bound to attend to a number of vil- 
 lages. He has to perform an incredible amount of work, trav- 
 elling all the year rotmd, every day, from village to village, 
 over impassable roads, amidst a poverty which continually 
 brings him to despair — read only Tchekoff's novels. And, 
 therefore, nobody but a "populist " will stay. And it is the 
 same with the midwife, the doctor's aid, the agricultural in- 
 spector, the co-operator, and so on. And when several Zemst- 
 vos undertook, with their limited budgets, to make house-to- 
 house statistical inquests in the villages, whom could they 
 find but devoted ''populists" to carry on the work and build up 
 that wonderful monument, the 450 volumes of the Zemstvo 
 inquests? Read CErtel's admirable novel. Changing Guards, 
 and you will understand the force which these teachers, doc- 
 tors and statisticians represent in a province. 
 
 The more the Zemstvos develop their activity, the more 
 this "third element" grows; and now it is they — the men and 
 women on the spot, who toil during the snowstorm and amidst 
 a typhus stricken population — who speak for the people and 
 make the Zemstvo speak and act for it. A new Russia has 
 groWQ in this way. And this Russia hates autocracy, and 
 makes the Zemstvos hate it with a greater hatred than any 
 which would have sprung from theories borrowed from the 
 West. At every step every honest man of the Zemstvo finds 
 the bureaucracy — dishonest, ignorant, and arrogant — stand- 
 ing in his way. And if these men shout, " Down with autoc- 
 racy!'* it is because they know by experience that autocracy 
 is incompatible with real progress. 
 
432 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 These are, then, the various elements which are arraigned 
 in Russia against the old institutions. Will autocracy yield, 
 and make substantial concessions — in time, because time plays 
 an immense part under such conditions ? This we do not know. 
 But that they never will be able any more to stop the move- 
 ment, this is certain. It is said that they think at the Winter 
 Palace to pass a few measures in favor of the peasants, but 
 to avoid making any constitutional concessions. However, 
 this will not help. Any improvement in the condition of the 
 peasants will be welcome. But if they think that therefore 
 they will be able to limit their concessions to the invitation of 
 a few representatives of the provinces to the Council of State, 
 where they may take part in its deliberations, this is a gross 
 mistake. Such a measure might have pacified the minds in 
 1 88 1, if Alexander the Third had honestly fulfilled the last 
 will of his father. It might have had, perhaps, some slight 
 effect ten years ago, if Nicholas the Second had listened then 
 to the demand of the Zemstvos. But now this will do no 
 longer. The energy of the forces set in motion is too great to 
 be satisfied with such a trifling result. And if they do not 
 make concessions very soon, the Court party may easily learn 
 the lesson which Louis Philippe learned in the last days of 
 February, 1848. In those days the situation at Paris changed 
 every twenty-four hours, and therefore the concessions made 
 by the Ministry always came too late. Each time they an- 
 swered no longer to the new requirements. 
 
 In all the recent discussions nothing has yet been said 
 about the terrible economical conditions of the peasants and 
 the working men in the factories. All the resolutions were 
 limited to a demand of political rights, and thus they seem to 
 imply that the leading idea of the agitation was to obtain, 
 first, political rights, and to leave the discussion of the economi- 
 cal questions to the future representative Government. If 
 this were so, I should see in such a one-sidedness the weak 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 433 
 
 point of the agitation. However, we have already in the 
 resolutions of the committees on the Impoverishment of Cen- 
 tral Russia a wide programme of changes, required by the 
 peasants themselves and it would be of the greatest impor- 
 tance to circulate this programme at once in the villages. 
 
 Early in December it was found that the Czar intended 
 to do nothing for the Zemstvos, and he decreed that there 
 should be no elections of a body to have a hand in the Govern- 
 ment. He furthermore severely rebuked the president of the 
 Chirnogov Zemstvos, saying: 
 
 ' I consider the request of the president of the Assembly 
 of Chirnogov arrogant and tactless. It is not the business of a 
 meeting of Zemstvos to occupy themselves with questions 
 concerning the administration of the Empire. The sphere 
 of such assemblages is clearly defined by law." 
 
 This clear indication of his utter disregard of the Zemst- 
 vos brought about the crisis of January, 1905. The Zemstvos 
 were forced to give up the struggle, and many of the members 
 returned to their homes. Although the Emperor had shown 
 himself favorable to a more liberal regime, his action did not 
 cause a great deal of surprise, and the plans of the heads of 
 the reform movement went along toward perfection. 
 
 An imperial manifesto in reply to the Zem.stvo request 
 for representation in the government was made on December 
 26. Several days preceding this, the Czar had returned cer- 
 tain resolutions submitted to him by several Zemstvos with 
 an indorsement that questions of state administration are of 
 no legal concern to the Zemstvos. In his manifesto, the Em- 
 peror ignored entirely the demand for a constitutional govern- 
 ment, but announced in the most definite and authoritative 
 way, that the Russian Govemmicnt was to remain autocratic. 
 He pledged him.self to care for the needs of the country, "dis- 
 tinguishing between all that is real in the interests of the Rus- 
 sian people and tendencies not seldom mistaken and influ- 
 
 28 
 
434 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 enced by transitory circumstances." The ukase went on, in 
 somewhat indefinite terms, to grant certain liberal reforms, 
 including uniform laws for the peasantry, liberty of the press 
 and religion, revision of laws affecting foreigners, and thorough 
 reform of the general laws of the empire, so that ** its inviolable 
 fulfillment for all alike shall be regarded as the first duty by 
 all the authorities and in all places, subject to us; that its non- 
 fulfillment shall inevitably bring with it legal responsibility 
 for every arbitrary act, and that persons who have suffered 
 wrong by such acts shall be enabled to secure legal redress." 
 The manifesto had been received by the reactionaries as too 
 liberal, and by the Liberals as unsatisfactory, because, while 
 promising great reforms, the Czar, in reaffirming autocracy 
 and intrusting the execution of his reforms to the coimcil of 
 ministers and the very bureaucracy which is so detested had 
 practically made his own declaration a dead letter. 
 
 Widespread discontent developed rapidly. Then fol- 
 lowed a strike at St. Petersburg, and the coming to the fore 
 of the Priest Gopon, as champion of the people. The strike 
 spread rapidly and by Friday, January 20th, 174 plants had 
 been shut down. At first the demands of the strikers were 
 purely industrial: The demands made by the men at the 
 great Putiloff Iron Works were as follows: 
 
 '' First — The dismissal of the foreman who is objected to 
 by the union and the reinstatement of the men who were dis- 
 missed for belonging to the union. 
 
 " Second — Eight hours work per day. 
 
 "Third — The valuation of work to be made by a joint 
 committee of workmen and foremen. 
 
 ** Fourth — The appointment of a joint Permanent Com- 
 mittee of Arbitration. 
 
 '* Fifth — A minimum wage of 50 cents per day for un- 
 skilled male labor. 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 435 
 
 "Sixth — Overtime work not to be obligatory and to be 
 paid for at double rate. 
 
 "Seventh — The men not to bear the cost of condemned 
 work when not responsible for it. 
 
 "Eighth — A minimum wage of 35 cents per day for un- 
 skilled female labor, and the establishment of a creche for 
 children. 
 
 " Ninth — Improved medical attendance. 
 
 "Tenth — Improved sanitary conditions in the work- 
 shops, espjecially in the smithies. 
 
 " Eleventh — Immunity from punishment for strikers. 
 
 "Twelfth — The average rate of pay during the strike." 
 
 There was no violence with the spread of the strike: 
 Armies of men quit work and St. Petersburg became terror- 
 stricken. All the demands of the strikers were refused and, 
 incensed by this and carried on by the knowledge of their 
 strength, they decided to appeal to the Czar, in full confidence 
 that he would adjust their grievances. 
 
 The situation was critical. An industrial strike of vast 
 proportions, developing into political riots which held the 
 Russian capital in a state of siege and resulted in the killing 
 by the military of 2,100 and the wounding of 5,000 of the 
 demonstrators who had gathered before the Winter Palace to 
 present a petition to the Czar, had almost set the entire em- 
 pire ablaze. Strikes are forbidden by Russian law, but, be- 
 ginning with the employees of the Neva Shipbuilding Works, 
 in the capital, the strike had spread so that it included all of 
 the industries represented in the city, paralyzing all business, 
 and even depriving the city of electric light. Under the lead- 
 ership of the courageous priest, their leader, nearly 100,000 of 
 the strikers marched toward the Winter Palace on Sunday, 
 January 22, with a petition to the Czar (which they were not 
 permitted to present) for relief from intolerable laws, couched 
 
436 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 
 
 in terms of such despair as perhaps have not been used since 
 the days of the French Revolution. 
 
 Under Gopon's leadership, a petition was drawn up and 
 largely signed, which, going beyond the complaints on which 
 the strike originated, attacked the whole capitalistic system 
 of the country, bitterly assailed the present Government as 
 one of bureaucracy and demanded the reform of both, assert- 
 ing that death was preferable to existence under such condi- 
 tions. 
 
 This was to have been presented personally to Emperor 
 Nicholas. A deputation of workmen endeavored in vain to 
 see his Majesty at Tsarskoe Selo and appeal to him to come 
 to the Winter Palace on Sunday to be present at an immense 
 demonstration of the industrial classes. It was then planned 
 to have all the workmen in St. Petersburg, headed by their 
 leader, the priest Gopon, in full canonical garb, raarch to the 
 palace and assemble in the great parade ground. It was the 
 intention of the strikers to disregard any attem^pt of the au- 
 thorities to suppress the meeting, though the workmen agreed 
 to attend the meeting unarmed, saying they were unwilling 
 to meet violence with violence. 
 
 The authorities were prepared, and more than 50,000 
 troops, drawn up in the streets and squares of the capital, 
 received the crowds, first with a blank volley, and afterward 
 with bullet, shell, and saber, killing more than 2,000 unarmed 
 men, women, and children, and wounding 5,000 more. Led 
 by two priests in sacred robes, bearing the cross, these peace- 
 ful citizens were trampled upon and massacred by Cossacks. 
 Before the slaughter. Father Gopon addressed a letter to the 
 Czar, informing him of the trust of the people, and calling upon 
 him to meet the petitioners, but, he concluded, '' if vacillatiag, 
 you do not appear, then the moral bands between you and the 
 people who trust in you will disappear, because innocent blood 
 will flow between you and your people." After the massacre 
 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 437 
 
 the strikers intrenched themselves with barricades in the 
 streets of VassiH Ostroff (Basil Island, north of the Neva), 
 wrecking buildings, and burning telegraph poles. Armories, 
 arsenals, and cartridge factories were sacked. "Down with 
 Autocracy" and "Down with the Czar" were heard in the 
 streets. The Emperor himself, after an attempt on his life 
 had been made with a gun of one of the saluting batteries at 
 the ceremony of "blessing the waters" (on January 19), had 
 disappeared from public view, and for several days his where- 
 abouts were unknown. The revolt had not been confined to 
 the capital, but had spread to Moscow, Odessa, and Sevasto- 
 pol, and throughout the Caucasus. In spite of his liberal and 
 reform tendencies, Prince Sviatopolk-Mirski was not looked 
 upon as the strong man of the occasion, but Russian Liberals 
 were turning to ex-minister of finance. Serge Witte, whom 
 many regarded as a possible dictator of the emipire. 
 
 The crisis rapidly developed. On February 8, Soisalon 
 Soininen, the procurator general of Finland was assassinated 
 at Helingsfors, and ten days later all the world was shocked 
 to hear that a new calamity had fallen on the hunted family 
 of Romanoff. 
 
 The Grand Duke Sergius, uncle and brother-in-law of 
 the Tsar, one of the chief reactionary powers in Russia,. was 
 blown to pieces with a bomb on February 17, 1905, as he 
 was leaving the Kremlin in a carriage. 
 
 A few minutes before the bell of the gate sounded the 
 hour of three the equipage of the Grand Duke emerged from the 
 gates of the palace and proceeded, followed by sleighs con- 
 taining secret police. It swept at a smart pace toward the 
 gate, passing the Choudoif cloister, Ivan's tower, the great 
 Czar bell and long rows of cannon captured from Napoleon 
 in the Winter retreat of 181 2. In a few moments the carriage 
 was in front of the courts of justice, where the walls of the 
 triangle form a narrow entrance to the Nicholas gate, and a 
 
43^ THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBVRC^ 
 
 man clad in workman's attire, stepping forward from the side- 
 walk, threw a bomb which he had concealed beneath his coat. 
 
 A terrible explosion followed and a hail of iron pelted the 
 grim stone walls of the arsenal and courts of justice. A thick 
 cloud of smoke, snow and debris arose, and when it had cleared 
 a ghastly sight was revealed. On the snow lay fragments of 
 the body of Grand Duke Sergius, mingled with the wreck of 
 the carriage ; his head had been torn from his body and reduced 
 to a shapeless pulp, and the trunk and limbs were frightfully 
 mangled. 
 
 The assassin was thrown to the ground and stunned by 
 the force of the explosion, but he quickly got up and ran 
 toward the gate, attempting to escape. His haste and the 
 blood streaming from his face where he had been wounded 
 by fragments of the bomb, attracted the attention of a ser- 
 geant of police, who seized him before he could draw his 
 revolver. 
 
 Police officials rapidly gathered, but before anything could 
 be done towards collecting the scattered fragments of the body 
 Grand Duchess Elizabeth drove up in an open carriage. 
 She broke down entirely at the sight and dropped to 
 her knees, sobbing bitterly. After a few minutes she was 
 led away, and, on a stretcher, covered with a plain soldier's 
 cloak, the remains of Sergius were borne to the Choudoff 
 cloister, where officials and members of the Grand Duke's suite 
 had assembled. 
 
 The Tsar immediately issued a proclamation lamenting the 
 murder of his uncle, but neither he, nor any member of his 
 immediate family ventured out of the palace to attend the 
 funeral of the dead nobleman. 
 
CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 The Russian Rout at Mukden 
 
 Kuropatkin Overwhelmed by Oyama — Kuropatkin at Bay on the Hun River — 
 Arrival of Nogi and his Port Arthur Veterans — How the Lines were Drawn — 
 Attack on the Russian Center — Nogi and Kuroki Bend the Flanks — Nogi's 
 Dash to Mukden — Kuroki Bursts the Russian Line — Kaulbars' Gallant Stand — 
 Retreat — Enveloped by Oyama's Band of Steel — The Mad Race for Tie Pass — 
 Trapped by the Japanese — Unparalleled Slaughter of Men. 
 
 WHILE the final scenes in the remorseless struggle 
 around Port Arthur were drawing to a bloody close, 
 an even more momentous calamity to the Russian 
 arms was shaping itself before the walls of the ancient capital 
 of the Manchu dynasty. 
 
 General Kuropatkin 's enormous host, numbering more 
 than a quarter million men, was attacked by the combined 
 Japanese armies under Field Marshal Oyama, surrounded 
 and nearly annihilated in a furious battle which lasted for 
 nearly three weeks and resulted in greater loss of life than 
 any conflict of recorded history. 
 
 This continuous and cumulative action will rank among 
 the great decisive battles of history. In the multitude of 
 the numbers engaged, in the duration and desperation of 
 1 the fighting, in the appalling extent of the carnage, it finds 
 no parallel in the world's annals. The Japanese fought like 
 demons and the Russians made a valiant defense, but they 
 were outnumbered, outgeneraled and outfought, until they 
 faced a defeat so sweeping and irretrievable that it could 
 hardly fail to determine the struggle. 
 
 After his disastrous defeat and evacuation of Liao- 
 
 439 
 
440 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 
 
 Yang, General Kuropatkin fled, in the extremity of a Man- 
 churian winter, to the north shore of the Shakhe River, 
 which runs westward some ten miles south of Mukden 
 and empties into th?:^ Hun River. Here, his 300,000 men 
 entrenched themselves, and the pursuing Japanese did the 
 same upon the opposite bank. Each army sheltered itself 
 in trenches and dugouts burrowed in the frozen soil and 
 gradually gathered to itself reinforcem.ents. Large num- 
 bers of fresh soldiers were hurried to the Russian side by 
 the Manchurian branch of the Trans-Siberian Railway in 
 anticipation of the impending struggle, and General Nogi, 
 with his war-worn veterans from Port Arthur, hastened 
 north to swell the host of Oyama's forces. 
 
 Finally, when the Japanese ranks numbered about 450,- 
 000 men and the Russians 350,000, the great battle became 
 general on February 26th, after some preliminary skirmishes. 
 The Japanese seized upon that inter-season period when the 
 fierce winter cold has subsided and the spring rains have not 
 yet made the roads impassable to push a general attack upon 
 the Russian position, with the intention of driving the latter 
 back northward from Mukden to the Tie Pass, which General 
 Kuropatkin was believed to have fortified strongly. Far more 
 important, and more difficult, was the Japanese attempt to 
 divide and cut off one portion of the enemy's army — a feat 
 which was nearly accomplished at Liao-Yang. The Japanese 
 attack was at first strongest on the east flank of the long lines 
 in which the two armies had been encamped in winter quarters 
 north and south of the Shakhe, which here flows almost 
 straightly from east to west. The Russians evidently believed 
 that the Japanese serious intention was to otitflank them at 
 the east, but soon the attack pressed hard also upon the center 
 and the west. Two or three minor passes fell into the hands 
 of the Japanese after they had crossed the river, but the Rus- 
 sians maintained a strong resistance at Lone Tree Hill, which 
 
1% 
 
THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 441 
 
 iiad been heavily fortified, and there held back the enemy 
 for a long time. 
 
 Then Kuroki and Oku, on the Japanese right and left, 
 began to drive in the Russian flanks, just as they had done at 
 Liao-Yang, and Kuropatkin retaliated by hurling GenerrJ 
 Kaulbars against the Japanese center. Oyama redoubled 
 his efforts at that point and pressed the Russians harder, while 
 Oku and Kuroki never ceased their crumpling of the enemy's 
 flanks. Night and day nearly 3,000 cannon volleyed projec- 
 tiles across the death zone between the two armies, and assault^ 
 ing parties from each side were thrown back with terrible 
 losses. Little by little, however, the Japanese gained ground. 
 Fortified hills fell into their hands all along the front until, 
 by March 3, the Russians were in an extremely critical situa- 
 tion. Their center was holding desperately to its positions, 
 and detachments of Japanese were still turning the wings 
 back with undiminished fury. 
 
 The line of battle, stretched for a hundred miles from tip 
 to tip, was now the shape of a crescent moon with the horns 
 pointing northward. Kuropatkin had been driven over 
 the Sha river, his left, under Rennenkampf , and the Cossacks, 
 rested on Kandolesan, east of Mukden on the road from Sin- 
 sinling to Tie Pass, and his right had been bent back from 
 Sinminting, northwest of the city, imtil it was facing nearly 
 west. 
 
 Two decisive movements then occurred to precipitate 
 the Russian rout. A large part of Kuroki 's force burst the 
 line between Rennenkampf and Linevitch, while Nogi, with 
 his veterans from Port Arthur, made two forced marches of 
 forty miles a day without food or sleep, and fell on the Russian 
 wing only five miles from Mukden on the northwest. 
 
 Kuroki, while driving an army imder General Kawamura 
 clear around the end of Rennenkampf 's line, attacked vigor- 
 ously also with the rest of his command and presently found a 
 
442 
 
 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 
 
 weak spot between the two Russian generals. Two hvindred 
 thousand men seized the road leading north to Fushun and 
 entered the wedge whieh was to cut off the Russian left wing 
 and speed the tide cf victory. Rennenkampf took to the 
 mountains contesting every inch of the ground and, trying to 
 
 
 HOW MUKDEN WAS WON BY OYAMA 
 
 At the critical moment; the thin Japanese enveloping line and the wedge which cut apart the 
 
 Russian armies of Linevitch and Rennenkampi. 
 
 keep the wedge from severing him from the main body of his 
 countrymen, fell back northward. 
 
 Meanwhile Nogi's men on the northwest had fallen like 
 an avalanche on the tip of Kaulbars' right wing, shouting 
 in Russian, '' Out of the way for us; we are from Port Arthur!" 
 After marching for two days without sleep or food they threw 
 themselves fanatically on their enemy and fought with 
 
THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 443 
 
 unflagging courage, but those who were captured almost imme- 
 diately dropped asleep from exhaustion. This great exploit 
 of the flanking column turned the growing defeat into a dis- 
 aster. Japanese shells were falling within a few miles of the 
 Manchu capital and Nogi was j)ressing hard to cut the railway 
 and Kuropatkin's retreat. Advance bodies of Japanese 
 scouts were even then reported to be in the neighborhood of 
 Tie Pass, forty miiles north, and communicating with their 
 fellows from Kuroki's army en the east. 
 
 It was necessary for Kuropatkin to crush Nogi's force 
 or be entirely surrounded and General Tserpitsky, music 
 playing, temporarily repulsed the swarming enemy, but rein- 
 forcements were speedily brought up by the Sinminting Road, 
 and after that the Russians were barely able to hold their 
 own. 
 
 In the Mukden railway station there was a scene of fever- 
 ish activity. Trains were moving, now north and now south, 
 while the streets were filling with two-wheeled ambulance 
 carts, rude Chinese vehicles, filled with wounded. On 
 roofs, on heights and even from tree tops, crowds of curious 
 Russians and Chinese watched the fight which continued to 
 increase in intensity. The Japanese, like madmen, or as 
 though crazed with some drug, threw themselves upcn the 
 regiment occupying a position east of the old railway em- 
 bankment and drove it eastward, occupying the railway bed 
 to the south, where the same mad attack was met by a stubborn 
 resistance. Toward evening the fight slackened on the rail- 
 road and the cannonading was stilled. Throughout the utter 
 darkness of night the same regiments w^ere engaged in a series 
 of demonstrations, giving troops in the rear a chance to rest. 
 At dawn on March 6 began a fight long to be remembered 
 in the history of wars. It was of terrific grandeur, and might 
 be compared to a vast thunderstorm of lead, shrapnel and 
 bullets pelting mercilessly a strip of land. twenty miles long 
 
444 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 
 
 and seven miles broad, mowing down victims by the thousands, 
 and, with the explosions of shimose shells and vScy the -like 
 work of 6-inch shells, razing whole villages. 
 
 On tills day the Russian commander telegraphed to the 
 Czar, ''I must abandon Mukden," and immediately began to 
 evacuate his positions south and southeast of the city, fighting 
 a continuous and desperate rearguard action to cover his 
 retreat. For three days the Russians filed northward toward 
 the reserve fortifications at Tie Pass and on the evening of 
 March 9, shortly after 9 o'clock, the order was given to 
 complete the evacuation of the station and city, with direc- 
 tions that the movements of trains northward must be finished 
 by 5 o'clock in the morning. The enormous task was com- 
 pleted in nine hours, including the hasty embarkation of the 
 wounded, who crowded the station platform and occupied the 
 hospitals, and, on the morning of March 10, Mukden lay 
 defenceless before the Japanese. 
 
 Within an hour after the last Russian train had left the 
 station, Oyama's men entered the city and Kuropatkin tele- 
 graphed to the Czar, '' I am suiTounded. " Under cover of a 
 terrific dust-storm the preceding day, a body of Japanese took 
 strategic positions farther north along the Liao River and 
 came in touch with their comrades who were operating en the 
 eastern side of the Russian line of retreat. The cordon of 
 steel and men was drawn completely around the retiring host, 
 shells were falling on each train load of men and supplies 
 that passed along the railroad ; but Kuropatkin fought des- 
 perately to save himself from a second Sedan and finally suc- 
 ceeded in bringing to Tie Pass a disorganized remnant of his 
 once magnificent army. 
 
 To enumerate the myriads of men who fell in the frightful 
 carnage before Mukden conveys an idea of the magnitude of 
 the battle. More than 100,000 Russians fell on the field and 
 75,000 were made* prisoners. About 600 heavy cannon fell 
 
K3I?U§S!AN 
 IBJAPANESE 
 
 vxxwic JAR POSITIONCSI 
 
 THE RETREAT FROM MUKDEN, 
 
 All of the Russian armies fled precipitately, harassed by Japanese on three sides, for the 
 
 full forty miles between Mukden and Tie Pass. Two days later they were driven 
 
 from this last stronghold. aaz 
 
446 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 
 
 into the victor's hands, with a quarter milHon shells, 25,000,- 
 000 rounds of small ammunition, 75,000 bushels of cereals, 
 and 275,000 of fodder, 65,000 rifles, 1,000,000 rations of bread 
 and 70,000 tons of fuel. In addition to this the retreating 
 Russians burned vast quantities of stores and exploded a num- 
 ber of magazines. About 50,000 Japanese were slain in the 
 conflict, which, with their number captured, brought the total 
 combined losses to more than 200,000. 
 
 The battle of Mukden makes all other great fights of 
 modem times fade into insignificance. In the hosts of men 
 engaged, in the num.ber of killed and wounded, and in the 
 length of time it was fought with ceaseless fury Mukden is 
 the greatest of recorded history. 
 
 At Gettysburg, the combined forces were about 170,000, 
 and the loss in killed and wounded during the three days of 
 fighting totaled nearly 55,000 men. Of the 160,000 men 
 engaged at Antietam, 38,000 were killed and wounded in two 
 days. When Napoleon met his fate at Waterloo with 72,000 
 men, the allies, with 107,000, wiped out nearly half his army 
 and the combined casualities mounted to 57,000. 
 
 Of all great battles Sedan most nearly resembles in tactics 
 the fight at Mukden. The fate of France in the Franco- 
 Prussian War was decided in four days beginning with Sep- 
 tember I, 1870. The combined forces, 390,000, were scarcely 
 as great as either one of the two armies which contested the 
 field in Manchuria, while the killed and wounded were only 
 about 26,000. Only 1,000 guns were firing at Sedan or one- 
 third the number used by Kuropatkin and Oyama together. 
 
 After the fate of his army was decided Kuropatkin 
 resigned his command, pleading shattered health, and General 
 Linevitch was appointed to the supreme direction of the 
 Czar's armies in Manchuria. 
 
CHAPTER XL. 
 
 Annihilation of the Baltic Fleet 
 
 Rojestvensky's Eight-Months' Voyage to the East — French Neutrality — Togo's 
 Ambuscade — The Japanese Attack Suddenly — Experiences of a Japanese 
 Officer — Russians Bombarded, Torpedoed, Sunk — Havoc on the Borodino — 
 Nebogatoff Surrenders — ^Total Destruction of the Fleet — List of Vessels Lost 
 — The Japanese Resume Their Land Campaign. 
 
 {N the greatest sea-fight of all history practically the entire 
 Russian navy in Asiatic waters was annihilated by Togo 
 
 and the Japanese in the three days following May 27, 1905. 
 The ill-fated Baltic fleet under Rojestvensky which had set 
 out from St. Petersburg eight months previously, after its 
 embarrassing affair with the English North Sea fishing fleet 
 and its hazardous voyage around the Cape of Good Hope, went 
 utterly to pieces at the first clash with its enemy, lost its com- 
 manders and best ships, and left the Japanese to continue their 
 suspended land campaign at leisure. 
 
 In watching the slow progress of the Russian fleet toward 
 East Asian waters many observers had concluded that the real 
 object of Rojestvensky was not to seek battle with the Japa- 
 nese, but to make a show of strength which would moral! y sup- 
 port Russia's demands in the inevitable negotiations for peace. 
 He was abundantly supplied with men and coal, however, and 
 on his long voyage had ample time to bring his discipline 
 and efficiency to the highest point. Under his supreme com- 
 mand were the divisions of Admirals Enquist, Nebogatoff and 
 Voelkersam, comprising, in all, eight battleships, three arm- 
 ored cruisers, six protected cruisers and a number of coast- 
 defense vessels, torpedo boats, destroyers, colliers and trans- 
 ports. 
 
448 ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 
 
 Togo's fleet was not so strong on paper, though in weight 
 of gtins it was a match for the Russians. Five battleships, 
 eight armored and thirteen protected cruisers, besides a large 
 number of destroyers and torpedo boats, made up his fighting 
 force. It was unhampered by slow-moving colliers, being near 
 to its bases of supplies, and had greatly the advantage of its 
 foes in mobility and speed. The gunnery of these two enemies 
 had never been contrasted, and until the eventful meeting in 
 Korean waters few were confident in foretelling the outcome 
 of a battle. 
 
 Rojestvensky passed Singapore, at the end of Malaysia, 
 during the early days of April, and called forth a storm of 
 protests from Japan by stopping at the French port, Kamranh 
 Bay, far longer than the customs of neutrality allow. Finally 
 the Russians got under way and put to sea. The world sup- 
 posed Togo to be watching their progress and heard little but 
 rumor until the mighty conflict of May 27. It developed that 
 Rojestvensky, after feinting to sail around the islands of Japan, 
 made a dash for the Straits of Korea, which, at this point, are 
 narrow and studded with numerous islands, and which offered 
 the shortest possible passage to Vladivostock. Lying in am- 
 bush behind the islands on the Korean side, Togo and his 
 entire fleet waited for the Russians to approach the trap. His 
 position was ideal. Wind and sun were at his back and his 
 ships, being nearer land under a lee, were more steady than 
 those of their enemy. 
 
 The following story of the battle was told by an officer 
 of one of the Japanese ships : 
 
 "At 5.30 Saturday morning a wireless message reading 
 'The enemy's squadron is in sight,' reached the naval base. 
 This message was transmitted to all our ships by the flagship, 
 with instructions to get ready for action, whereupon our 
 squadron left their rendezvous and headed for the eastern 
 channel off Tsushima. Our men seemed to be filled with 
 
ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 440 
 
 new inspiration and were eager for the long-delayed fight to 
 begin. 
 
 '' When Tsushima was sighted to the southwest, the sea 
 was rough and the torpedo boats were forced to run for the 
 shelter of the island. Our third fighting squadron, with the 
 Takachiho to port, reconnoitered the Russian course, and at 
 11.30 A. H- informed the main squadron by wireless telegraph 
 that the Russian ships were passing into the east channel, 
 whereupon our main squadron, changing its course somewhat 
 to the southward, came in sight of Okinshima (Ikinoshima) at 
 I o'clock in the afternoon. The third division arrived later and 
 joined the main squadron. The first and second divisions, 
 accompanied by the destroyer flotilla, changed to a westerly 
 course, while the third division and the fourth destroyer 
 flotilla headed slightly eastward. During the manoeuver the 
 Russian flagship appeared to the southward at 1.45 o'clock. 
 The Russians steamed up in double column. The fleet was 
 numerous, but no living being was visible. The Russian ships 
 seemed to be in good order. 
 
 " Our ships hoisted the flag of action, the Mikasa signal- 
 ing, * The defense of our Empire depends upon this action. You 
 are expected to do your utmost. ' Our men seemed silently to 
 weigh the significance of this signal. Our first and second divi- 
 sions turned to the Russians' starboard, while the third division 
 kept in close touch with the preceding two divisions. With the 
 Japanese ships proceeding in this order, it was 2.13 o'clock 
 when the Russians opened fire. The first two shots fell short 
 of our line and it was some minutes later before we commenced 
 firing. Then the battle was on with firing from both sides. 
 Our destroyers kept on the port side of the main squadron, and 
 in this formation we pressed the Russians against the coast of 
 Kjushiu (the southernmost of the three main islands of Japan), 
 and they were obliged to change their course to the east. We 
 so manoeuvered our ships as to have their bows parallel to the 
 39 
 
45P ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 
 
 north side of the Russian Hne. The Mikasa, of our first divi- 
 sion, which had been leading, changed to the rear of the Hne, 
 while the Kasuga headed the line. 
 
 '' The engagement now became very fierce. The Borodino 
 was seen to be on fire. A little later the Russians headed west 
 and we changed our course accordingly. Five ships of our 
 second division concentrated their fire on the Borodino. 
 
 '' Our first division now began firing vigorously, proceed- 
 ing parallel with the Russian line, and as we began to press 
 against the head of the Russian line our third division veered 
 to the Russian rear, thus enveloping their ships. The engage- 
 ment proceeded hotly. Our second division followed a course 
 parallel with the northern side of the Russians and this move- 
 ment completed the envelopment. The Russian ships were 
 seen trying to break through and our destroyer flotilla inter- 
 cepted their new course. This state of envelopment continued 
 until the following day, with the ships at varying distances. 
 Thus enclosed on all sides, the Russians were helpless and pow- 
 erless to escape the circle. 
 
 * " Previous instructions had been given the destroyers and 
 torpedo boats to attack the Russian ships. Accordingly the 
 fifth destroyer flotilla advanced against a Russian ship, upon 
 which the second division had been concentrating its fire, sig- 
 naling: 'We are going to give the last thrust at them.' 
 The Russian ship continued to fight, and seeing the approach- 
 ing torpedo boats, directed its fire on them. Undaunted, our 
 destroyers pressed forward, the Chitose meantime continuing 
 its fire. The torpedo flotilla arrived within 200 yards of the 
 Russian ship, and the Shir anus fired the first shot. Two other 
 torpedo boats fired one each. The Shir anus received two 
 shells, but the other boats were not damaged. The Russian 
 ship went down. 
 
 ''Sundown saw the battle still raging furiously. Our 
 shells were evidently telling on the Russians, who showed signs 
 
ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 
 
 HOW THE GREAT BATTLE OF KOREA STRAIT WAS FOUGHT. 
 (Japanese ships in outline — Russian ships in black.) 
 
 Togo, early in the morning of Saturday, May 27, with his fleet with steam up was off Masanpo, 
 Korea, when he was informed by wireless telegraphy from one of his scouting vessels that the Russian 
 fleet in two columns was steaming northeast off Quelpart Island. Sending his lighter cruisers north- 
 ward, with his heavy fighting ships and swarm of torpedo boats and destroyers Togo sailed arotmd the 
 head of Tsushima (Tsu Islands) and heading southeast struck the Russian fleet near the Ikino Island. 
 Rojestvensky evidently anticipating Togo's attack from the direction of the Japanese coast, had his 
 heavy battleships in the column nearest that coast as follows. Jemtchug (cruiser), scouting in the lead 
 then the Borodino, Orel, Kniaz Souvaroff (flagship), Alexander III, Oslyabia, Sissoi Veliky, Navarin, 
 Nicolai I. In the other column were the armored cruiser Admiral Nakhin;off, the coast defense iron- 
 clads. Admiral Oushakoff, Admiral Seniavin, Admiral Apraxin, the cruisers Dimitri Donskoi, Svietlana, 
 Oleg, Aurora. Almaz, Izumrud and Vladimir Monomach. Togo coming from the northwest, engaged 
 the column of cruisers and coast defense ships first; the Russian battleships being too far to the east- 
 ward to join in the battle for some time without firing upon their own ships in the other column. 
 
 It was here that the Borodino, Alexander III and three cruisers were sunk. The Russian fleet 
 fighting northward had a running battle with the Japanese fleet until evening, when Togo sent his tor- 
 pedo boats and destroyers at them. Under this attack the Russian fleet scattered, and several of the 
 big ships went down, including the Souvaroff, the Navarin, the Sissoi Veliky and the Oslyabia. The 
 others steamed northward and on the next day, May 28, in the vicinity of the Liancourt Rocks, the 
 Japanese, after sinking the Admiral Oushakoff, captured the battleships Orel and Nicolai I and the 
 coast-defense ships Admiral Apraxin and Admiral Seniavin. 
 
452 ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 
 
 of confusion. Our fifth torpedo flotilla, after destroying the 
 Borodino, followed in the wake of our second division, the sig- 
 nal reading: 'Something like the Russians' submarines have 
 been sighted. Attack them.' The flotilla followed and 
 located the object, which proved to be a sinking ship with 
 its overturned bottom showing. Thirty survivors citing to 
 the wreck, crying for assistance. Firing ceased with the 
 approach of darkness. 
 
 "According to orders previously given for a torpedo attack 
 after dark, all the destroyer flotilla, dividing into two squad- 
 rons, proceeded to attack the Russians during the whole night. 
 The Russians frustrated the first and second attacks with 
 searchlights. A third attempt was carefully made and the 
 Yugiri sank a ship of the Borodino type, and also hit others. 
 During the night the Russians continued to move and we pre- 
 served our enveloping movement some distance from the Rus- 
 sian position. The Russian ships headed northeast after day- 
 break, hoping to reach Vladivostok. Our officers and men 
 were determined that not a ship should escape, and resolved 
 not to relax their efforts until they had succeeded in either 
 sinking or capturing every Russian ship. Our ships always 
 kept ahead of the Russians. The battle was resumed at 9 
 o'clock Sunday morning, twelve miles east of Chiyupyon Bay, 
 and lasted all day. * Here the Russians suffered their heaviest 
 losses . They seemed unprepared to repel night attacks . Dur- 
 ing our first night attack the Russians showed nine search- 
 lights and frustrated the attacks, but clearly gave us the loca- 
 tion of the fleet, which brought success later." 
 
 On board the Borodino the carnage was awful and typical 
 of the fate suffered by the other Russian ships. An officer of 
 this ill-fated ship described the horror of his struggle as follows : 
 
 "Admiral Rojestvensky came on board early in the battle 
 and directed the fighting from the Borodino's flying bridge. 
 At three o'clock the Japanese battleships Shikishima and Fuji 
 
THE BATTLE OF THE SEA OF JAPAN 
 
 The Russian fleet under Admiral Rojestvensky sailed from the Baltic Sea to attack Japan in 
 her own waters. After a voyage of several months the fleet assembled and gave battle in the 
 Sea of Japan, and was defeated by the Japanese fleet under Admiral Togo. 
 
ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 453 
 
 Opened every gtin upon us. A projectile struck the forward 
 barbette, in which I had charge of a twelve-inch gun, and this 
 rendered us all insensible. I groped out of the smoke-filled 
 barbette to the deck and found there a rain of projectiles. 
 Dozens were lying dead or wounded at every turn. I returned 
 to the barbette, but was only able to fire two rounds when two 
 projectiles struck us simultaneously, wrecked the barbette, 
 disabled both the twelve-inch gtins and killed eighteen officers 
 and men. The Borodino now became a veritable shambles, 
 successive shells destroying the steering gear and ammunition 
 hoists, so that the shells had to be carried by hand. Admiral 
 Rojestvensky was wounded and transferred to a destroyer, 
 and as the destroyer left she was assailed by a hail of small- 
 arm ammunition. 
 
 ** It was now four o 'clock. The Borodino had been repeat- 
 edly struck in the hull, and was settling down, with no hope of 
 saving her. 
 
 '' The Japanese had broken our battle formation and were 
 closing in, concentrating their fire on our fighting tops, of 
 whose crews hardly one escaped. Fire had now broken out 
 in several places, adding to the horror of our situation, and it 
 was decided to withdraw from the firing line for the purpose 
 of repairing our steering gear. But we were surrotinded by 
 eight Japanese ships and bombarded on every side. 
 
 '* We still fought desperately without our after twelve-inch 
 guns and what was left of our smaller guns and with about half 
 our complement of men. But the Borodino sank lower and 
 lower. Toward evening, after we had lost four hundred men, 
 we noticed two Japanese destroyers coming toward us. We 
 sank one with a well-directed shell. The other launched a 
 torpedo which missed us. 
 
 "All the men in the engine rooms were driven on deck by 
 the flames of the spreading fire. Finally a Japanese torpedo 
 flotilla bore down upon us and an explosion caused the Bora- 
 
454 ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 
 
 dino to turn turtle. I with forty others was rescued from the 
 sea by the Japanese armored cruiser Kasuga and was trans- 
 ferred to the shore." 
 
 Togo enjoyed the great advantage of tactical position 
 when he opened fire, having the lightest of the Russian ships 
 between him and Rojestvensky's heavier vessels, thus smother- 
 ing the fire of the latter. Besides, Togo was able to use all his 
 broadsides, whereas the stemmost ships of the Russian col- 
 umn, coming on in lin'e ahead formation, could only with diffi- 
 culty use any guns at all. Nevertheless, although suffering 
 the complete loss of four ships in the desperate encounter which 
 followed and being subjected to a series of torpedo attacks 
 Saturday night, Rojestvensky was able to steam 200 miles 
 during the night. When Sunday morning came the Russian 
 fleet was di voided into two divisions. The faster and stronger 
 division, under Rojestvensky, was met by Kamimura and 
 Uriu, while the slower division, under Nebogatoff, renewed the 
 fight with Togo. With some of the scattered Russian units 
 it was a case of save himself who could. 
 
 The fight lasted continuously for three days, Togo pur- 
 suing the Russian remnant up the Sea of Japan to the Lian- 
 court Islands, where Rear- Admiral Nebogatoff surrendered the 
 two battleships, Orel and Nicolai /, and two coast-defense ves- 
 sels, Apraxin and Seniavin. 
 
 When the smoke of battle had cleared away and Togo had 
 reassembled his ships, not one Japanese battleship or cruiser 
 was lost or even disabled. 
 
 But the extent of Russia's disaster was appalling. Of the 
 magnificent fleet which had sailed around the world into Japa- 
 nese waters only one war vessel had escaped capttire or destruc- 
 tion. The gigantic armada of the Czar had been totally oblit- 
 erated at its first contact with the enemy. Only the swift 
 cruiser Almaz managed to reach Vladivostok, and a few trans- 
 ports fled to the Philippines and other neutral ports, where 
 
ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 455 
 
 they were dismantled, in accordance with international law. 
 More than sixty vessels of all sizes had passed Singapore two 
 months before; only one reached its destination. Admiral 
 Rojestvensky was found by the Japanese wounded hiding in 
 a destroyer and was taken to Sasebo. Admiral Von Voelker- 
 sam was killed by a shell in the conning tower of his flagship, 
 the Oslyahia; Admiral Nebogatoff surrendered at Liancourt 
 Rocks, and Enquist was a refugee at Manila. It was the most 
 complete and crushing naval defeat in history. 
 
 SHIPS VANQUISHED BY TOGO. 
 
 Following is a list of the Russian vessels sunk or captured 
 by the Japanese fleet: 
 
 SUNK. 
 
 Displacement 
 
 Tons. Crew. 
 
 Kniaz Souvaroff (flagship) i3»5i6 740 
 
 Borodino, battleship i3»5i6 740 
 
 Alexander III, battleship 13.516 740 
 
 Oslyabia, battleship 12,674 732 
 
 Sissoi Veliky, battleship 10,400 550 
 
 Navarin, battleship 10,206 630 
 
 Admiral OushakofE, coast defense 4.126 318 
 
 Admiral Nakhimoff, armored cruiser 8,524 567 
 
 Dimitri Donskoi, armored cruiser 6,200 510 
 
 Vladimir Monomach, armored cruiser 5.593 55° 
 
 Aurora, protected cruiser 6,630 422 
 
 Svietlana, protected cruiser 3,862 360 
 
 Jemtchug, protected cruiser 3,106 340 
 
 Oleg, protected cruiser 6,675 422 
 
 Izumrud, protected cruiser 3.200 340 
 
 Repair ship Kamtchatka, transport Irtyssen and three destroyers. 
 
 CAPTURED. 
 
 Orel, battleship 13.516 740 
 
 Nicolai I, battleship 9,672 604 
 
 Apraxin and Seniavin, coast-defense ships 4,200 318 
 
 Transport Ural and one destroyer. 
 
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 2 tfi 2 
 
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 S ^ o 
 
 cr tf > 
 
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 S Of O 
 
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CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 Peace Negotiations 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt Calls for Peace — Shirtsleeve Diplomacy — The President's 
 Note — ^Japan and Russia Accept — Applauded by the Powers. 
 
 WHILE all the world was waiting anxiously to see if 
 the victorious Japanese would push the war into 
 Siberia, and to see if Russia would slaughter more 
 thousands of soldiers in what seemed a hopeless struggle, 
 European diplomats sat with folded hands and made no 
 attempt to end a conflict which was rapidly injtiring the 
 prosperity of all the nations. It was Theodore Roosevelt, 
 President of the United States, who gave them another les- 
 son in the now famous American '' Shirtsleeve diplomacy, " by 
 urging the two warring powers to make peace and offer- 
 ing himself as mediator if his services were requested. The 
 President had, before writing to the belhgerents, soimded 
 each of them unofficially to learn their attitudes and had 
 also felt the pulse of every European power. 
 
 On Thursday, June 8, he sent to the Japanese and Russian 
 Governments, through diplomatic channels, the following 
 dispatch : 
 
 " The President feels that the time has come when in the 
 interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not 
 possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict 
 now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United 
 States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes 
 for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels that the 
 progress of the world is set back by the war between these two 
 great nations. 
 
 457 
 
45 S PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 ' The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japan- 
 ese Governments, not only for their own sakes, but in the 
 interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotia- 
 tions for peace with one another. 
 
 "The President suggests that these peace negotiations 
 be conducted directly and exclusively between the belliger- 
 ents ; in other words, that there may be a meeting of Russian 
 and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates without any 
 intermediary in order to see if it is not possible for these repre- 
 sentatives of the two Powers to agree to terms of peace. The 
 President earnestly asks that the Japanese (Russian) Govern- 
 ment do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the Russian 
 (Japanese) Government likewise to agree. 
 
 " While the President does not feel that any intermediary 
 should be called in in respect to the peace negotiations them- 
 selves, he is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the 
 two Powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid in 
 arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. 
 But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly 
 between the two Powers, or in any other way, the President 
 will be glad, as his sole purpose is to bring about a meeting 
 which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace. '* 
 
 The effect of this letter was instantaneous. The Euro- 
 pean powers, none of whom would take the initiative in bring- 
 ing about peace, began to second America's effort. Kaiser 
 William urged it on the Czar, through the Grand Duke Michael, 
 who hap|)ened to be attending the wedding of the German 
 Crown Prince, and President Loubet despatched a similar 
 message to St. Petersburg, through the French Ambassador. 
 London expressed great satisfaction at Roosevelt's direct 
 methods, and there was open admiration in St. Petersburg 
 for the man **who acted while others thought." 
 
 President Roosevelt's intention was that Russia and 
 Japan should appoint representatives with ftill powers to 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 459 
 
 meet and come to terms of peace without the use of a third 
 party. At every stage of the negotiations Japan had reso- 
 lutely assumed the position that she could not admit the inter- 
 cession of any other Power, nor present her peace terms in 
 any other way except directly to Russia, and the President's 
 identical note was framed in accordance with this attitude of 
 Japan's. The latter was first to accept the President's sugges- 
 tion, and Russia immediately followed. Both powers gave 
 assurances that they were acting in good faith and actively 
 began arranging for the proposed meeting. The result was 
 twofold : a bringing together of two hostile nations in a man- 
 ner to save the pride of both, and a great addition to the 
 prestige of the United States. 
 
 After it had been decided that the envoys to treat for 
 peace should meet on American soil, with full power to act, 
 the Mikado named as his plenipotentiaries Baron Komura 
 and Kogoro Takahira, Japanese minister to the United States. 
 After various appointees had been announced for the repre- 
 sentatives, among them Muravieff , the Czar finally selected 
 Sergius Witte, formerly Minister of Finance, and Baron 
 Rosen, who had been Ambassador to the English Court. The 
 Japanese chief envoy was conveyed on a cruiser to San Fran- 
 cisco, and, crossing the continent, arrived in New "York on 
 Wednesday, July 26. He was joined immediately by Minister 
 Takahira, and, before visiting anyone else, made a formal 
 call on President Roosevelt at Oyster Bay. 
 
 The Russian envoys, after some delay, left Paris, and 
 crossing the Atlantic on a Russian cruiser were presented to 
 President Roosevelt. The members of the two parties were 
 then introduced to each other and sailed on the Dolphin and 
 Mayflower, escorted by their respective warships, for Ports- 
 mouth, New Hampshire, where peace negotiations were en- 
 tered into at the Navy Yard to avoid the heat at the Capital. 
 
46o PEACE NEGOTIA TIONS 
 
 Special preparations had been made for the reception 
 of the envoys and every faciHty was afforded them for a 
 speedy consideration of the momentous subject which had 
 brought them together. On the second floor of the main 
 building at the Navy Yard, rooms had been set apart for 
 the meeting of the envoys, and also for consultation purposes. 
 We give in one of our illustrations a view of the Board as it 
 was organized, with the envoys of Russia and Japan facing 
 each other. They represented the most distinguished men 
 of both countries. Both sides seemed to realize the import- 
 ance of their mission and the gravity of the subject which 
 was before them; also the necessity of a speedy decision. 
 The representatives of each country had come with full 
 powers to negotiate a treaty, but had definite instructions 
 beyond which they could not go. 
 
 It fell to the victorious side, the Japanese, to present 
 in a formal manner their demands or terms which they 
 would require for a settlement. However, on August 9th, 
 the first day of meeting of the conference, the representatives 
 of each government presented their credentials for the other's 
 inspection. On the following day they were declared satis- 
 factory and the Japanese then presented a set of twelve 
 conditions or principles essential to a peace treaty. Although 
 both sides had agreed that the proceedings of the conference 
 should remain secret, it very early developed that the twelve 
 conditions necessary for peace as outlined by the Japanese 
 were as follows, stated briefly now, but which we shall amplify 
 later when we speak of the results of the conference and the 
 details of the agreement reached, for convenience of reference 
 giving these principles in a succinct form: 
 
 1. Recognizing the preponderating influence of Japan 
 in Corea. 
 
 2. The simultaneous evacuation of Manchuria by the 
 Russian and Japanese military forces. 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 461 
 
 3. The whole transfer to Japan of Russian leasehold 
 in the Liaotung peninsula, Port Arthur and Dalny. 
 
 4. Return to China of the civil administration of Man- 
 churia in accordance with the treaty given by Russia to 
 China on April 8, 1902, which provided that Manchuria 
 would be restored to China in three successive periods of 
 six months each, the failure to carry out which was one of 
 the chief factors of the war. 
 
 5. Cession of the island of Sakhalin by Russia to Japan. 
 
 6. The transfer to Japan of all docks, magazines and 
 military warehouses in Port Arthur and Dalny without com- 
 pensation; all rights in private property to be respected. 
 
 7. The transfer to Japan of the railroad between Port 
 Arthur and Dalny and Harbin, part of which was at time of 
 negotiations in Japan's military occupation. 
 
 8. Retention by Russia of the main Manchurian line. 
 
 9. Russia to reimburse Japan for the war expenses. 
 
 10. Russia to transfer to Japan all her warships now 
 interned in Pacific ports. 
 
 11. The limitation of Russian naval force in the Pacific 
 waters. 
 
 12. Japan to have fishing rights on the Siberian coast. 
 A study of the claims and a comparison with the treaty 
 
 as finally concluded shows at once that Japan abandoned all 
 the punitive clauses of the original demands and further cut 
 in half her demand for Sakhalin as contained in Article 5, 
 for to Russia she cedes all of Sakhalin north of the fiftieth 
 parallel of latitude. The seizure of Sakhalin was an incident 
 of the war. Japan's old claim on the island was not one of 
 the causes of the war. 
 
 After the preliminaries of the first two days, the chief 
 incidents in the negotiations were: 
 
 On the 12 th the Japanese envoys received the Russian 
 answer to their conditions, and the conferees proceeded to a 
 
462 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 consideration of the articles seriatim. Two days later an 
 agreement was reached on three of them, and on the 15th on 
 two more, laying over one, believed to be the fifth, that on 
 Sakhalin. On the 17th a temporary deadlock was reached 
 on indemnity and surrender of interned vessels, and on the 
 1 8th the conference adjourned until the 2 2d, the Russians 
 having agreed to eight Japanese proposals, and refused to ac- 
 cept those relating to indemnity, cession of Sakhalin, sur- 
 render of interned warships, and limiting Russian naval 
 power in the Pacific. 
 
 At President Roosevelt's request, Baron Rosen, on the 
 19th, had a conference with him at Oyster Bay, after which 
 it was reported that the President urged Russia to pay an 
 indemnity now in order to avoid heavier demands later; but 
 Russia declined to take such a course. On Monday, the 21st, 
 the special agent of the Japanese government in this country, 
 Baron Kaneko, made a call on the President by request, the 
 latter still striving to arrange a compromise between the 
 belligerents. Failure to attain to peace was still generally 
 expected. But when the conferees met again (2 2d) the Jap- 
 anese made a concession, proposing that, in lieu of an indem- 
 nity, Russia purchase Sakhalin Island, at a price to be fixed 
 by a board of arbiters. Prospects of peace seemed much 
 brighter. No advance step, however, was taken on the 23d, 
 though the Japanese offered further concessions, and adjourn- 
 ment for three days was agreed upon. This was in conse- 
 quence of President Roosevelt having appealed to the Czar 
 through Ambassador Meyer, who had a long conference with 
 His Majesty at Peterhof, but without the desired result — 
 Russia, her foreign minister. Count Lansdorff, announced on 
 the 24th, would pay no tribute to Japan directly or indirectly, 
 and would cede no territory whatever. 
 
 In view of this statement the Japanese commissioners 
 were inclined to regard their mission as over and seemed to 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 463 
 
 think the negotiations would end in failure on the 26th. But 
 the President persisted in his efforts to bring about a settle- 
 ment, to this end communicating with M. Witte, who had to 
 answer that the Czar remained obdurate. At the same time 
 it was announced that the Tokio government would not yield. 
 The outlook was gloom.y indeed, then, when the envoys met on 
 the 26th. It was only for a brief session. At Baron Komura's 
 request they adjourned until Monday afternoon, the 28th, 
 until he could hear further from his government. The Czar 
 had just sent his ultimatum to the President's propositions, 
 declining to pay Japan an indemnity under any guise, but 
 offering to cede the southern half of Sakhalin and to pay 
 liberally for the care of the Russian prisoners of war. When 
 the 28th came it was announced that, as the result of a con- 
 ference between Mr. Takahira and M. Witte, the meeting 
 had been postponed until such time as the Japanese envoys 
 received final instructions from Tokio. 
 
 It was believed the President had brought about this 
 postponement by direct communication with the Mikado's 
 government, which had been called in secret consultation on 
 the subject. On the afternoon of the 28th it was known in 
 Portsmouth that Japan was yielding, but to what extent was 
 not divulged until the conferees had met next morning. 
 When they did meet, on that ever-memorable August 29, 
 1905, 'Japan withdrew her demands for indemnity, for the 
 interned Russian ships and for the proposed restriction on 
 Russian naval power in the East. Thereupon the conferees 
 announced that the treaty would be drafted by two of the 
 most eminent of international lawyers, Professor Maartens 
 for Russia, and for Japan Mr. Denison, an American who has 
 been a resident of that country for thirty-six years, and the 
 legal adviser of its government for the past twenty years. 
 
 "That is splendid— magnificent!" exclaimed President 
 Roosevelt, who was one of the very first outside of the con- 
 
464 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 ference room to hear the news officially. But equally splendid 
 has been the tribute paid to him for his share in the result. 
 He had not expected it, and was prepared to appeal to the 
 German Emperor to have him use his influence with the Czar 
 as a last resort in his efforts to bring the warring nations to 
 terms. But he had won without this appeal; and the heads 
 of the nations, as well as the most prominent men in all walks 
 of life and the press of the world, hastened to give him due 
 credit for the service he had rendered to humanity. In 
 America all party distinctions were laid aside by press and 
 political leaders, and the President's success was hailed with 
 approval and praise. These tributes are worthy of permanent 
 record, and for that reason we select a few for these pages. 
 
 The cable messages from King Edward and Emperor Wil- 
 liam were among the first to be received. They said: 
 
 ''Marienbad, Aug. 29. 
 " The President: 
 
 ''Let me be one of the first to congratulate you on the 
 successful issue of the Peace Conference, to which you have 
 so greatly contributed. 
 
 "Edward R. I." 
 
 "Neues Palais, Aug." 29. 
 ''President Theodore Roosevelt: 
 
 ''Just read cable from America announcing agreement 
 of peace conference on preliminaries of peace; am overjoyed; 
 express most sincere -congratulations at the great success 
 due to your untiring efforts. The whole of mankind must 
 unite and will do so in thanking you for the great boon you 
 have given it. 
 
 "William I. R." 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS , 465 
 
 The Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary cabled on 
 the 31st: 
 
 ''IscHL, Aug. 31. 
 " To the President of U. S. A.: 
 
 '' On the occasion of the peace just concluded I hasten, Mr. 
 President, to send you my friendliest felicitations on the result 
 of your intervention. May the world be blessed with many 
 years' continuance of peace undisturbed. 
 
 ''Franz Josef." 
 
 This came from the President of France: 
 
 ''La Begude, Presidence, Aug. 30. 
 " The President of the Republic of the United States: 
 
 'Your Excellency has just rendered to humanity an 
 eminent service, upon which I felicitate you heartily. The 
 French Republic rejoices in the role which her sister, America, 
 has played in this historic event. "Emile Loubet. " 
 
 Sir Mortimer Durand, the British Ambassador to the 
 United States; M. Jusserand, the French Ambassador; Sir 
 Chentung Liang-cheng, the Chinese Minister; Baron Mayor 
 des Planches, the Italian Ambassador, and Count Cassini, 
 formerly Russian Ambassador to this country, and then 
 accredited to Madrid, Spain, all expressed their appreciation 
 of the President's efforts in behalf of peace. Their messages 
 of eulogy follow: 
 
 "Lenox, Mass., Aug. 29. 
 " Secretary to the President: 
 
 " Please submit to the President my most cordial con- 
 gratulations upon success of his efforts to bring about peace. 
 
 "Durand." 
 
 "Amherst, Mass., Aug. 30. 
 
 " The President: 
 
 " I beg to offer my hearty congratulations for the success- 
 ful conclusion of peace for which the whole world, especially 
 the Orient, is ever indebted to you. 
 
 30 ■ "Chentung Liang-cheng." 
 
466 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 ''Washington, Aug. 29. 
 '' President Roosevelt: 
 
 *'I beg to offer to you, Mr. President, on behalf of the 
 Itahan Government and of myself as representative of my 
 august sovereign, heartfelt congratulations for your great 
 success in re-establishing peace. Italy, which, since her con- 
 stitution, has endeavored to be an element and factor of 
 harmony among nations, will greatly admire and praise the 
 work you brought on so advantageously for the benefit of 
 humanity. 
 
 ''Mayor des Planches, 
 "Italian Ambassador." 
 
 "London, Aug. 30. 
 ''President Roosevelt: 
 
 "Heartiest, warmest congratulations. 
 
 "JUSSERAND." 
 
 " Paris, Aug. 30. 
 ''President Roosevelt: 
 
 " Profoundly happy at the result of the negotiations, 
 which assures a peace honorable to both nations and in which 
 you have taken so fruitful a part. "Cassini. " 
 
 The Pope was informed of the conclusion of peace in the 
 Far East early on the morning of the 30th. He immediately 
 rose, exclaiming: 
 
 "This is the happiest news of my life. Thank God for 
 President Roosevelt's courage." 
 
 The Pontiff telegraphed later to Emperor Nicholas his 
 congratulations to him and to the whole world. 
 
 Among the telegrams received by the President from 
 other men of prominence is the following: 
 
 "Baltimore, Md., Aug. 29. 
 " President Roosevelt: 
 
 "Accept hearty congratulations on your splendid victory 
 for peace. "James, Cardinal Gibbons." 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 467 
 
 A cablegram signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 John Morley, President Murray Butler, Charles Dabney, 
 Richard Harlan, Gen. Grant Wilson, Andrew Carnegie and 
 others, who were guests of Andrew Carnegie in Scotland, read : 
 
 ''Clashmore, Scotland, Aug. 30. 
 ''President: 
 
 '' Skibo guests thankfully congratulate you and three con- 
 tinents upon the conclusion of honorable and, we hope, lasting 
 peace between two great empires. May this be the last war 
 between civilized peoples." 
 
 Next came this: 
 
 ''London, Aug. 30. 
 ''President Roosevelt: 
 
 " Beg your Excellency to accept my heartfelt congratula- 
 tions on successful issue of your able and persistent efforts en 
 behalf of peace. The whole world, civilized and uncivilized, 
 is indebted to you. "General Booth, Salvation Army. " 
 
 The credit for the result had been expressed officially, 
 first of all, by the plenipotentaries themselves. On the very 
 day the agreement had been reached they both telegraphed 
 and wrote to the President acknowledging the vital importance 
 of the part he had taken. In answering these missives he 
 asked them to convey to their respective sovereigns his "ear- 
 nest congratulations upon the wisdom and magnanimity" 
 they and their people had displayed, a feeling, he felt sure, 
 all civilized mankind shared with him. The envoys, of course, 
 did as requested, and in due time the following messages came: 
 
 "Peterhof, Alexandria, August 31. 
 ^'President Roosevelt: 
 
 "Accept my congratulations and earnest thanks for 
 having brought the peace negotiations to a successful conclu- 
 sion owing to your personal energetic efforts. My country 
 will gratefully recognize the great part you have played in the 
 Portsmouth peace conference. (Signed) "Nicholas." 
 
468 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 ''ToKio, Sept. 3, 1905. 
 ''The President: 
 
 '' I have received with gratification your message of con- 
 gratulations conveyed through our plenipotentiaries, and 
 thank you warmly for it. To your disinterested and unremit- 
 ting efforts in the interests of peace and humanity I attach 
 the high value which is their due, and assure you of my grate- 
 ful appreciation of the distinguished part you have taken in 
 the establishment of peace based upon principles essential to 
 the permanent welfare and tranquillity of the Far East. 
 
 ''MUTSUHITO." 
 
 Meanwhile the press of the world had been no less com- 
 plimentary than its rulers and all other men of public note. 
 We must remain satisfied to let a few extracts from papers 
 near at hand speak here for all. While the negotiations had 
 as yet reached only half-way in their course, the Review of 
 Reviews said editorially: 
 
 '* We citizens of the United States of America have just 
 cause to congratulate ourselves upon the fact that America 
 stands, above all things, for peace and justice throughout the 
 world. The American President, who is the type of twen- 
 tieth-century American citizenship, has again shown how an 
 earnest, peaceful nation can brush aside the traditions of a 
 worn-out diplomacy when a great issue is at stake. In the 
 most irregular of ways, and in defiance of all the rules of the 
 diplomatic game as played for centuries. President Roosevelt, 
 with the approval and God-speed of the civilized world, it can 
 be confidently asserted, has had the courage to take a hand in 
 the proceedings at Portsmouth. What no European sover- 
 eign would have dared to do — what none of them could have 
 done without giving serious offense — Mr. Roosevelt did. He, 
 we are forced to believe, has acted as the mouthpiece of the 
 neutral world. He has again been the spokesman of its power- 
 ful peace interests. It is known that King Edward of Eng- 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 469 
 
 land, the ally of Japan; President Loubet of France, an ally 
 of Russia, and Emperor William of Germany, all of these 
 representing the great powers of the world most vitally inter- 
 ested in the conclusion of peace, have been working hard and 
 in harmony with the American President toward that end. 
 It was the American chief magistrate who — at the suggestion 
 and with the approval, it is generally believed, of Europe — 
 invited Japan and Russia to confer at Portsmouth. What 
 more appropriate than that this same American President, 
 with his powerful personality and the tremendous energy and 
 infinite resources of his vigorous mind, should again speak 
 for the outside world when the principals in the great dip- 
 lomatic duel had exhausted their resources?" 
 
 And when his intervention had succeeded, the daily 
 press of all shades of political opinion reiterated, often even in 
 more emphatic language, the same view. Let us begin with 
 a paper that has frequently censured his acts. The New York 
 Sun of August 30th among other things said: 
 
 ''From his first perception of the opportunity to the final 
 accomplishment of his purpose Mr. Roosevelt never waivered 
 or weakened, never lost hope, never made a false move or a 
 blunder of any sort, never once overstepped the proprieties 
 which his official post and his relations with the two govern- 
 ments prescribed. He has been the peacemaker in the fullest 
 sense of the blessed word. The conference would not have 
 occurred but for him. But for him it would have gone to 
 pieces after it had begun. The success of his noble enterprise 
 is one of the most splendid examples which history can afford 
 of will power, character and straightforward yet not unsophis- 
 ticated altruism working efficiently and perseveringly in 
 one individual for the good of millions. The magnitude of 
 Mr. Roosevelt's achievement will grow in the eyes of the world 
 as the years go by; what man by a single seizure of oppor- 
 tunity, and the consummately skilful use of it when seized, 
 ever earned a surer title to the most honorable fame?" 
 
470 
 
 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 '* It is peace, " the New York Tribune said; '' and in this 
 culmination of an international incident without parallel in 
 human history, the chief credit and praise are due to the chief 
 peacemaker. We could scarcely speak too highly of the four 
 statesmen who have been in momentous conference at Ports- 
 mouth, and who have with so much courtesy to their oppo- 
 nents and so much loyalty and devotion to their own countries 
 been the protagonists of their respective causes. But before 
 and above even those distinguished guests of the nation the 
 world will regard the chivalrous knight errant of peace who 
 alone has made their meeting and their achievements possible. 
 When no other ruler in the world would or could take such a 
 step, he bravely and tactfully assumed the initiative in bring- 
 ing the warring powers together. It was he who brought 
 those four plenipotentiaries to Portsmouth. When the nego- 
 tiations seemed to have reached a deadlock and to be in danger 
 of failure, it was he who pressed the benevolent factor of his 
 own masterful personality into the problem, not only once, 
 but again and again, until by an exercise of single-handed 
 influence unsurpassed in history he practically compelled 
 success. A diplomatic triumph of the first magnitude was 
 the Russian estimate of his initial achievement in securing 
 the peace conference. This final achievement is something 
 more. It transcends mere diplomacy and is a triumph for 
 peace, for reason and for humanity. The tidings of the day 
 are peace, and the peace is the work of Theodore Roose- 
 velt. " 
 
 ''Americans." said the New York Evening Post, "have 
 special reasons for proud rejoicings. Their country has been 
 the- intermediary, as it has been the scene, in the making of 
 this great peace, and their President has pressed on undaunt- 
 edly, when all the world faltered, in the determination to 
 make reason and religion prevail over the passions of war. 
 It is a proud day for Theodore Roosevelt, and every lover of 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 471 
 
 mankind will acclaim his sleepless efforts and h's splendid 
 triumph." 
 
 ''It would almost seem," said the Brooklyn Eagle, "as 
 though the envoys had been held together by the sheer force 
 of the character of the man who offered up that invocation, 
 so resolute was Theodore Roosevelt, so tenacious of the pur- 
 pose he had in hand. 
 
 ''The end has justified his means, whatever they may 
 have been. The end consigns him to a place in history, con- 
 signs him to a categor^^ almost all, if not absolutely all, his 
 own. 
 
 "Never will it be given to a man to undertake a task of 
 greater magnitude, to traverse a path beset with greater 
 difficulties. There was almost derision at the beginning. 
 There were those who ridiculed. 
 
 " Difficulties seemed to be cumulative. All the drift 
 appeared to be in the direction of the hopeless, but the man 
 never wavered. The one unalterable, determined factor 
 throughout has been the President. 
 
 " He has triumphed. He has reaped a reward beyond the 
 possibility of calculation. He has sheathed the swords of 
 a million men. For that he will have monuments hereafter. " 
 
 "In apportioning the praise and the glory," said the 
 New York Times, "it becomes us to be moderate in the allot- 
 ment of the share belonging to Mr. Roosevelt. But we see no 
 reason why foreigners should restrain themselves. It is 
 really a matter of very deep pride with us that this treaty is 
 to be signed upon our soil, and that the initiative in the pro- 
 ceedings which led to it was taken by Mr. Roosevelt. It is 
 now seen that his invitation was not premature; it was sent 
 at the precise lucky moment. It is seen, too, that his urgent 
 intercessions were not overdone, though in the case of any 
 other head of a great nation it would have been called over- 
 doing. The world over, it was known that Mr. Roosevelt's 
 
472 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 motives were the noblest, and that they were entirely disin- 
 terested. He had no other thought than to bring about a 
 ' firm and lasting peace. ' He has succeeded so well that if any 
 should choose to call it the Peace of Roosevelt the answering 
 smile would be rather more than half approving. One such 
 great act is enough to ennoble and give distinction to any 
 human life." 
 
 ''Nobody can deny," said the New York Staats-Zeitung, 
 "that Theodore Roosevelt has achieved a great triumph by 
 accomplishing the agreement between Japan and Russia. 
 Whatever honest differences may exist as to his views and 
 actions, and how much we may be opposed to his political 
 opinions, the fact remains indisputable that he deserves the 
 credit of having brought about the final agreement between 
 the two parties. Without his intervention and his ceaseless 
 efforts the conferences would have ended without result, and 
 the end of the bloody war in the Far East is due to his personal 
 labors in behalf of peace." 
 
 " It was ' unprecedented meddling, ' if you will, " said the 
 Philadelphia North American; "but it was swift, vigorous 
 work, and work as tactful as it was swift and vigorous. No 
 one can doubt that, but for the President, the conference 
 would have adjourned more than a week ago, and the legions 
 of Linievitch and Oyama would now be at each other's throats. 
 No one can compute the ensuing calamitous consequences. 
 
 " This, then, is a Roosevelt peace — the greatest of recon- 
 ciliations caused by the ' Man with the Big Stick' — the quench- 
 ing of a conflagration by ' a human firebrand. ' ' ' 
 
 "Theodore Roosevelt a World Power," is the editorial 
 caption of the Philadelphia Press, which said: 
 
 " Great as was Bismarck's work in securing peace at the 
 Berlin Congress, President Roosevelt's work on this occasion 
 is greater still. He called the conference. Again -and again 
 he has saved it from disaster. At the end he secured the 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 473 
 
 concessions, first from the Czar and next from the Mikado, 
 which made peace possible. Without President Roosevelt 
 war would have been resumed. Single handed and alone, he 
 has changed the history of the world when neither nation at 
 war asked for his good offices nor desired them. 
 
 '' Such an achievement and such a work put a man in a 
 class apart. He becomes in himself one of the world's greater 
 forces, to be reckoned with in all its wider affairs. No man's 
 career and no man's future can be regarded in the same light 
 or prove the same after such supreme success in the most 
 difficult of tasks as after he has been thus triumphantly tested 
 by the arduous greatness of things done." 
 
 ''The peace conference," said the Philadelphia Public 
 Ledger, ''proved a natural corollary of the stupendous and 
 transcendently important events it considered; it furnishes 
 history a new chapter in diplomacy; it places a crown of 
 laurel upon the brow of America's great. President, Theodore 
 Roosevelt, the Pacificator; it enshrines the name of Japan 
 freshly in the hearts of all lovers of peace, all friends of human- 
 ity, for her final acts of magnanimity and moderation, which 
 exalt and glorify her character not one whit less than her 
 brilliant and heroic achievements in war .... No achievement 
 of President Roosevelt will endure longer or bring him greater 
 fame than this. He has won his way to the forefront as the 
 chief personage among the nations of the earth, not by bloody 
 deeds upon the battlefield, but in the paths of peace, so that 
 he shall emblazon our country's history, along with Lincoln 
 the Emancipator, as Roosevelt the Pacificator." 
 
 "President Roosevelt," accord'ng to the Philadelphia 
 Record (Democrat), "has crowned a career full of honor and 
 good works with an achievement that commands the respect 
 and homage of the civilized world. His name is on every lip. 
 The Holy Father at Rome thanks God for the President's 
 splendid courage; Kaiser Wilhelm and King Edward shower 
 
474 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 him with congratulations, and, as the former says, the whole 
 of mankind will unite in thanking him for his untiring and now 
 happily successful efforts to restore peace to the world. The 
 triumph at Portsmouth was Roosevelt's above all. Other 
 men contributed to it, but he bore the foremost part. In 
 leading to a peaceful outcome of the conference he has wrought 
 a seeming miracle that none but he would have had the con- 
 fidence and the indomitable will to essay." 
 
 "Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war;" 
 and of these President Roosevelt has achieved the greatest 
 yet recorded in the world's annals. 
 
 The treaty which he brought about was not long in reach- 
 ing completion. 
 
 The final meeting of the conference was called for three 
 o'clock, September 5th, and the momentous document, 
 engrossed in duplicate (one copy in English and one in French), 
 was signed by all four of the plenipotentiaries at 3.47, the 
 protocol, or minutes of the last meeting, when peace was 
 decided upon, having received their signatures an hour and 
 a half earlier. At 3.50 peace was officially proclaimed by 
 the big guns in the navy yard with an ambassador's salute, 
 nineteen shots ; and the whistles of all the ships in the harbor 
 joined in the din, as did also all the church bells of Ports- 
 mouth. With a hearty good will the envoys emptied their 
 glasses to the toast of eternal friendship. A message was 
 hurried to the Czar, another to the Mikado, and a third to 
 President Roosevelt. Meanwhile the telegraph wires had 
 flashed to all the world that the peace of Portsmouth was an 
 accomplished fact, while the marine band outside the naval 
 building was playing an exhilirating march. 
 
 At the toast-drinking to the new peace, to the Emperors 
 of Russia and Japan, to President Roosevelt and to universal 
 amity. Baron de Rosen was the first to break the silence. 
 **We have," he said, "just signed an act which will have 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 475 
 
 forever a place in the annals of history. It is not for us 
 active participants in the conclusion of this treaty to pass 
 judgment on its import and significance. As negotiators on 
 behalf of the empire of Russia, as well as the empire of Japan, 
 we may with tranquil conscience say that we have done all 
 that was in our power in order to bring about the peace for 
 which the whole civilized world was longing. As plenipoten- 
 tiaries of Russia we fulfill a most agreeable duty in acknowl- 
 edging that in negotiating with our hitherto adversaries, and 
 from this hour our friends, we have been dealing with true 
 and thorough gentlemen to whom we are happy to express 
 our high esteem and personal regard. We earnestly hope that 
 friendly relations between the two empires will henceforth 
 be firmly established and we trust that his Excellency, Baron 
 Komura, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, and one of the leading 
 statesmen of his country, will apply to the strengthening of 
 these relations the wide experience and wise statesmanship 
 he so conspicuously displayed during these negotiations, which 
 have now been so auspiciously concluded. 
 
 Baron Komura replied that he shared entirely the views 
 of Baron de Rosen. The treaty of peace which they had just 
 signed, he said, was in the interest of humanity and civiliza- 
 tion, and he was happy to believe that it would bring about a 
 firm, lasting peace between two neighboring empires. He 
 added that it would always be pleasant for him to recall that 
 throughout the long and serious negotiations, which they have 
 now left behind them, he and his colleagues had invariably 
 received from the Russian plenipotentiaries the highes , 
 courtesy and consideration, and finally he begged to assui ! 
 the Russian plenipotentiaries that it would be his duty as 
 well as his pleasure to do everything in his power to make 
 the treaty in fact what it professes to be in words — a treaty 
 of peace and amity. 
 
 Shortly after the toasting and luncheon the Russiarr 
 
476 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 went to Christ Episcopal Church to take part in a thanks- 
 giving service in their own rite, conducted by the Russian 
 priests of St. Nicholas' Church, New York. 
 
 The full text of the treaty is too long for reproduction 
 here, but an authoritative abstract of it conveys an adequate 
 idea of its scope. It opened with a preamble that his Majesty, 
 the Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, and his Majesty, 
 the Emperor of Japan, desiring to close the war now sub- 
 sisting between them and having appointed their respective 
 plenipotentiaries, and furnished them with full powers which 
 were found to be in form, have come to an agreement on a 
 treaty of peace and arranged in articles to the following pur- 
 port: 
 
 Article I. Stipulates for the re -establishment of peace 
 and friendship between the sovereigns of the two empires and 
 between the subjects of Russia and Japan respectively. 
 
 Article II. His Majesty, the Emperor of Russia, recog- 
 nizes the preponderant interest from political, military and 
 economical points of view of Japan in the Empire of Korea 
 and stipulates that Russia will not oppose any measures for 
 its government protection or control that Japan will deem 
 necessary to take in Korea in conjunction with the Korean 
 Government, but Russian subjects and Russian enterprises 
 are to enjoy the same status as the subjects and enterprises 
 of other countries. 
 
 Article III. It is mutually agreed that the territory of 
 Manchuria be simultaneously evacuated by both Russian 
 and Japanese troops. Both countries being concerned in 
 this evacuation, their situations being absolutely identical, 
 all rights acquired by private persons and companies shall 
 remain intact. 
 
 Article IV. The rights possessed by Russia in conformity 
 with the lease by Russia of Port Arthur and Dalny, together 
 with the lands and water adjacent, shall pass over in their 
 
TWO HEROES OF THE BATTLE OF THE SEA OF JAPAN 
 
 In this battle Admiral Rojestvensky was severely wounded and taken to a Japanese Naval Hos- 
 pital. Here his victor, Admiral Togo, visited him and congratulated him upon his brave fight. 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 477 
 
 entirety to Japan, but the properties and rights of Russian 
 subjects are to be safeguarded and respected. 
 
 Article V. The Governments of Russia and Japan 
 engage themselves reciprocally not to put any obstacles to 
 the general measures (which shall be alike for all nations) 
 that China may take for the development of the commerce 
 and industry of Manchuria. 
 
 Article VI. The Manchurian Railway shall be operated 
 jointly between Russia and Japan at Kouang-Tcheng-Tse. 
 The two branch lines shall be employed only for commercial 
 and industrial purposes. In view of Russia keeping her 
 branch line with all rights acquired by her convention with 
 China for the construction of that railway, Japan acquires 
 the mines in connection with such branch line which falls to 
 her. However, the rights of private parties or private enter- 
 prises are to be respected. Both parties to this treaty remain 
 absolutely free to undertake what they deem fit on expro- 
 priated ground. 
 
 Article VII. Russia and Japan engage themselves to 
 make a conjunction of the two branch lines which they own 
 at Kouang-Tcheng-Tse. 
 
 Article VIII . It is agreed that the branch lines of the 
 Manchurian Railway shall be worked with a view to assure 
 commercial traffic between them without obstruction. 
 
 Article IX. Russia cedes to Japan the southern part of 
 Sakhalin Island as far north as the fiftieth degree of north 
 latitude together with the islands depending thereon. The 
 right of free navigation is assured in the bays of La Perouse 
 and Tartare. 
 
 Article X. Recites the situation of Russian subjects 
 on the southern part of Sakhalin Island and stipulates that 
 Russian colonists there shall be free and shall have the right 
 to remain without changing their nationality. Per contra, 
 the Japanese Government shall have the right to force Russian 
 convicts to leave the territory which is ceded to her. 
 
478 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 Article XI. Russia engages herself to make an agreement 
 with Japan giving to Japanese subjects the right to fish in 
 Russian territorial waters of the Sea of Japan, the Sea of 
 Okhotsk and Bering Sea. 
 
 Article XII. The two high contracting parties engage 
 themselves to renew their commercial treaty existing between 
 the two governments prior to the war in all its vigor with slight 
 modifications in details and with a most favored nation clause. 
 
 Article XIII. Russia and Japan reciprocally engage 
 to restitute their prisoners of war on paying the real cost of 
 keeping the same, such claim for cost to be supported by 
 documents. 
 
 Article XIV. This peace treaty shall be drawn up in 
 two languages, French and English, the French text being 
 evidence for the Russians, and the English text for the Japan- 
 ese. In case of difficulty of interpretation the French docu- 
 ment is to be final evidence. 
 
 Article XV. The ratification of this treaty shall be 
 countersigned by the sovereigns of the two States within 
 fifty days after its signature. The French and American 
 Embassies shall be intermediaries between the Japanese and 
 Russian Governments to announce by telegraph the ratifica- 
 tion of the treaty. 
 
 Two additional articles are agreed to as follows: 
 
 Article I. The evacuation of Manchuria by both armies 
 shall be complete within eighteen months from the signing 
 of the treaty beginning with the retirement of troops of the 
 first line. At the expiration of the eighteen months the two 
 parties will only be able to leave as guards for the railway 
 fifteen soldiers per kilometer. 
 
 Article II. The boundary which limits the parts owned 
 respectively by Russia and Japan in the Sakhalin Islands 
 shall be definitely marked off on the spot by a special limit- 
 ographic commission. 
 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 479 
 
 By this treaty Japan becomes the dominant power in 
 Manchuria. Both Russians and Japs must evacuate this 
 great territory, but Japan's influence will be exerted in the 
 control of the railway from Port Arthur to Changtufu, and in 
 the occupation of the Port Arthur stronghold. 
 
 It is customary to imagine Manchuria, at the lower 
 promontory of which is Port Arthur, to be a small place, a 
 mere province in the Chinese Empire. As a matter of fact, 
 it is a very large province. If it could be lifted and set down 
 within the borders of the United States it would cover all the 
 New England States, together with New York, New Jersey, 
 Delaware, Virginia, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, 
 Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. 
 
 Its area is 400,000 square miles. It is situated in the 
 northeastern part of China, directly south of the Amur or 
 Great River. Well does that stream deserve its name, for, 
 emptying into the Pacific at the Sea of Okhotsk, it extends 
 backward through nearly one-third of the vast extent of Asia. 
 
 On the east Manchuria is bounded by a little strip of 
 Siberia and by the highlands and solitudes which separate it 
 from Korea, the hermit kingdom. On the south is the Yel- 
 low Sea and westward it stretches away toward Mongolia, 
 without natural frontiers. Its boundary in that direction was 
 once marked by a long line of palisades, erected four centuries 
 ago, to keep out the tribes of the west. These palisades have 
 long since disappeared. 
 
 Mukden, the chief city of Manchuria, is 500 miles north- 
 east of Peking. 
 
 There are 12,000,000 people in Manchuria, living in three 
 provinces, Shinking, Kirin and Tsi-tsi-har. The first is the 
 largest and best known. The chief city, Mukden, is known 
 as the "affluent capital" and has a population as large as 
 Washington. 
 
 Sakhalin, on the division of which Japan and Russia 
 
544* (48o) PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 agreed, is an island nearly 700 miles long, but of narrow dimen- 
 sions, stretching from Laperouse Strait northward along the 
 coast of Siberia. It has an area of 28,000 square miles. The 
 sky over the island is almost always clouded. Its eastern 
 coast is either icebound or strewn with ice summer and winter. 
 
 In forests and coal, however, Sakhalin is rich. There 
 also are large deposits of petroleum; in fact, the oil regions 
 are said to be richer than those of America. 
 
 But the chief wealth of the island is the fisheries. The 
 rivers teem with salmon, and the waters along the coast with 
 herring. The average fish output of the island yearly is in 
 the neighborhood of $1,500,000, and this with the industry 
 hardly half developed. 
 
 From another point of view, the fish industry is vital to 
 the life of Japan. It becomes a question of no fish, no rice; 
 no rice, no Japs. Every year Sakhalin sends about $1,000,000 
 worth of herring for fertilizer on the Japanese rice fields. 
 
 Russian occupation of Sakhalin always has been a stand- 
 ing menace to Japanese agriculture. It was the case of Korea 
 over again, only with herring substituted for grain as the issue. 
 
 The population of the island is fewer than 30,000, includ- 
 ing about 5000 convicts, 6000 exiles and 2000 released con- 
 victs. The native population consists of 2000 Gilyaks, who 
 inhabit the southern part, and about 2000 Ainos, the abor- 
 igines of the island. 
 
 The plenipotentiaries had scarcely begun their work 
 at Portsmouth when, on August 12th, Japan concluded a 
 new treaty with England, superseding that of 1901. While 
 the former instrument bound either party to aid the other 
 only when attacked by two enemies at once, the latter pro- 
 vides for this action against one enemy, but applies only to 
 England's interests in Asia. This treaty is a strong guarantee 
 of lasting peace in the Far East. 
 
 N. B, — To find the last folio number in this volume, add to the sum of numbered pages, 480, 
 sixty-four, for the illustrations which have been included in the book but not numbered. 
 

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