717 C74-3 UC-NRLF $C 23M 20=1 E>; CHANGE DEC 11 WIS Ube mniversit^ ot Cbtcago THE PEPET LAW IN PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY) BY CARLOS EVERETT CONANT CHICAGO 1913 TLhc xnniverstts of Cbicaao THE PEPET LAW IN PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (DEPARTMENT OF SANSKRIT AND COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY) BY CARLOS EVERETT CONANT CHICAGO 1913 The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. By Carlos Everett Conant, Lecturer of Indonesian Languages, University of Chicago. In the vocalism of Indonesian languages the original indifferent vowel plays an important role. Resembling the Hebrew shewa, and the obscure vo ve j of many Indo-European languages, it was so colorless and indefinite in pn. nunciation that it developed differently in different speech groups. In somt languages it remained practically unchanged, as in Javanese, where it is called pepet 1 , while in others it evolved into various and more or less definite vowel sounds, e. g., IN 2 atep roof became Jav. atep, Mai. atap, Tag. dtip, and Bis. atup. Brandstetter 3 gives the following concise statement of the varied re- presentation of pepet in several of the more important languages of Indonesia: "The Pepet Law: Where the IN parent speech (Ursprache) had an e (called pepet in Javanese), OJav., Tontb., Bug. and Karo also have e, Mkb. and Mak. a, Bis. and Toba o, Tag. /, Day. e, Mai. in final syllable a, in the penultimate syllable <?, Mlg. in accented syllable e, in a syllable following the tone, /." The following table will illustrate the above law: rice sugar cane roof hear six Jav. tebu atep defter enem Mak. tabu ata laftere anaft Bis. bugds tubo* atup liufidg unom Toba boras tobu — onom Tag. bigds tubd dtip dinig anim Day. behas tewu atep door — — Mai. beras tebu atap deftat enam Mlg 1 thrughout the article to desij rent enim. ' Pepet or' e will be employee gnate the original indifl 2 The list of abbreviations: Bgb. Bagobo IN Indonesian OMlg. Old Malagasi Ban. Banawi Inb. Inibaloi Pamp. Pampanga Bat. Batan Isn. Isinai Pang. Pangasinan Bil. Bilan Itw. Itawi Phil. Philippine Bkl. Bikol Jav. Javanese Sml. Samal Bis. Bisaya Kim. Kalamian Sbl. Sambal Bol. Bolinao Knk. Kankanai Sng. Sangir Bon. Bontok Kuy. Kuyunon Sund. Sunda Bug. Bugis Lep. Lepanto Tgk. Tagakaolo Chro. Chamorro Mgd. Magindanau Tag. Tagalog Day. Dayak Mak. Makassar Tgb. Tagbamv.i Gad. Gaddang Mai. Malay Ting. Tingyan Har. Haraya Mlg. Malagasi Tir. Tirurai Hlg. Hiligaina Mnb. Manobo Tontb. Tontemboan Ibg. Ibanag Mkb. Minankabau Yog. Yogad Ilk. Iloko OJav. Old Javanese Bis., when not qualified, will be here intended to include the three great dialects, Hili- gaina, Cebuan, and the Samar-Leyte dialect. 5 "Mata-Hari", Luzern 1908, p. 52. * Unless otherwise indicated, u and o are interchangeable in Philippine languages. The Pcpet Law in Philippine Languages. 921 For a of Tag. tubo see below, p. 933. It is the purpose of the present study to trace the evolution of this indifferent vowel (pepet) thru several of the Philippine languages and dialects. The material will be treated under seven classes or types, as follows: I. the a/7-class, represented by Phil, atep roof, i. e. words having a in the first of two syllables the second of which has pepet; II. the /?#-class: Phil, begas rice; III. the //7-class: Phil, hipen tooth; IV. the /?/-class: Phil, bell to buy; V. the M/7-class: Phil, pused navel; VI. the /?«-class: Phil, penu full; VII. the /7/7-class: Phil, lebeh to excavate. ■ Following out this classification, it will be convenient to limit the study at first to eleven of the more conspicuous speech groups, viz.: Tag., Pang., Ilk., Mgd., Tir., Pamp., Ibg., Bkl, Bis., Bgb., and Sulu. The first comparative table will give a general view of the phenomena of the seven classes in the eleven languages named. This will be followed by a series of seven tables, each illustrating a single class, and arranged in the order given above. After studying the phenomena of the pepet law as shown by the material thus presented, other languages and dialects will be examined according to the same classification, tho v less formally and completely, owing to their greater scarcity of available material. Class I ap \l p a III ip IV pi V up VI pit VII pp Phil. atep begas hipen beli pused penu lebeh Tag. diip bigds nipin bili pusud puno libih Pang. ate > belds hipen bili pus eg pdnu — Ilk. atep • bagds hipen — piiseg punno — Mgd. atep 1 begds hipen — puset penu lebeh Tir. atef begds kifen betlei fused fend lebeh Pamp. atdp abyds ipan abli pusad apnii albdh Ibg. at dp baggd' hipan balli futdd pannii labbdh Bkl. at up bagds hipon bili pusod pand lubdh Bis. atiip bugds hipon bili piisod pund luboh Bgb. atop buggds hipon balli pusod punno lubboh Sulu a tup bugas ipun bi pusud — lubah. An examination of the above table with reference to the individual lan- guages shows that pepet regularly becomes i in Tag., e in Pang., Ilk., Mgd. and Tir., a in Pamp. and Ibg. and u in Bkl., Bis., Bgb. and Sulu. Languages which, like Tag., regularly show i for original pepet, may be spoken of as /-languages, those of the Pang, type, as ^-languages and those of the Pamp. and Bgb. types, as a-languages and ^-languages, respectively. Before proceeding to our comparative and analytic study of the pepet vocalism, attention should be called to certain other phonological peculiarities 1 The sources for Mgd., Tir., Bgb. and Sulu do not, as a general rule, indicate the stress accent. Wherever ascertainable, the stressed syllable will be marked in this paper by the acute accent ('). 270919 922 Carlos Everett Conant, of the languages examined. Most, if not all, of these peculiarities will be found to exist to a greater or less extent in other Indonesian speech groups, and a general comparative study of any one of them, metathesis, for example, would be worthy of separate treatment in a copious article. For our present purpose, however, it will be sufficient to note such secondary phonetic changes as must be taken into account in order to recognize the original phonetic equivalence of words so dissimilar in appearance as Pamp. abyds and Ibg. baggd 1 , both accurately representing Phil, begas rice, according to individual phonetic laws of the two languages. Thus, while both Pamp. and Ibg. are a-languages regularly showing a for pepet in the penult, the Pamp. abyds has metathesis of the first syllable and y for the usual Phil, g of the RGH series, neither of which phenomena is shared by Ibg. baggd 1 , which doubles the Phil, g and represents Phil, final s, as regularly, by an Ibg. t that has degenerated to the glottal top (hamza), tho it is retained with full pronun- ciation in the Ibg. dialects, Gad., Itw. and Yog. baggdt Compare here Ibg. appd' four, beside Gad., Itw., Yog. appdt Consonant gemination. — Several Phil, languages and dialects double a single intervocalic consonant under certain conditions. The languages of the above table which show this doubling are Ilk., Ibg. and Bgb., the examples being Ilk. punno, Ibg. baggd', balli, pannii, labbdn, and Bgb. buggds, balli, punno, lubbon. Other speech groups showing gemination of consonants are the Ibanag dialects called Gaddang, Itawi, and Yogad, and the Igorot dialect, Inibaloi. The following brief table will illustrate the more common cases: Phil. Ilk. Ibg. Gad. Itw. Yog. Inb. Bgb. four epat uppdt appd' appdt appdt appdt appat appat six enem innem anndm annem ennSm annSm annim annam seven pitu pito pitu pitu pitu pitu pitto pitto. In all these languages the gemination is real, that is, the two consonants are distinctly pronounced, e. g., the pp of the word for "four" is sounded as in Ital. Giuseppe, and not as in Eng. upper. The first two of the three examples follow the law of gemination of a single consonant following a pepet vowel (see below, pp. 927 ff.). But it is to be noted that the t of Phil, pitu, where the preceding vowel is not originally pepet, but /, is doubled only in Inibaloi and Bagobo, an indication that these two languages have a stronger tendency to gemination than the others, tho in this instance it is quite possible that the phenomenon is due to analogy with the gemination of the other numerals. This latter explanation is further borne out by the persistence of the single t of Phil, batii "stone" in all the geminating languages here enumerated 1 . 1 Blake, "Contributions to Philippine Grammar", Jour. Am. Or. Soc, vol. 27, New Haven 1907, p. 336, has noticed the doubling of single consonants in Ilk. and Ibg., but one of the two examples given for Ibg., namely, battu, is erroneous, the correct form being batii. In the same article (pp. 331 and 332) attention is called to the varied vocalism seen in Tag. bigas, difttg, silid, the suffix-m, and anirn, and their cognates in Bis. Bkl. Ilk. Pang. Mgd. Ibg. and Pamp. It is then stated "quite possible that this varied vocalism is the representation of a fourth The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 923 The rr written by Padre BennAsar in Tir. words is not a case of gemi- nation, but is the Spanish mode of representing a single r sharply trilled. In certain languages, notably, Ibg. and its dialects, double consonants are often the result of assimilation rather than gemination (see below, under consonant assimilation). Consonant assimilation. — Cases of both partial and total assimi- lation 1 are to be found in abundance in certain Philippine speech groups. The most common illustration of partial assimilation is that of a nasal conforming to the class of the following consonant, a common example being the variants Tag., Pamp., Mgd., Sulu, Tir., Bgb., Kuy. kambih goat, and Bkl. Bis. kandin, Gad., Itw". gandin. The Ibg. word kazzih shows total assimilation. The most striking example of partial assimilation presented by the material to be examined in this paper is that of the Pamp. change of a stop con- sonant to the class of the consonant immediately following. The consonants in question are most commonly brot into contact with each other as a result of metathesis, e. g. Pamp. abpd fathom from Phil, depa, where, after meta- thesis, the dental sonant d becomes the labial sonant b before the labial surd p. In the same manner labial-to-palatal assimilation is shown by Pamp. agkds, from. Phil, bekas to shoot an arrow, and the labial p of Phil, apdu gall becomes the dental t before d in Pamp. atdii. This partial assimilation of stops is, however, very limited and of exceptional occurrence, even in Pamp., as is shown by Pamp. atbti (Phil, tebu), atbiis (Phil, tebus), abldk (Phil, betak), akbdg (Phil, kabag), akddl (Phil. kadSl), agtdl (Phil, getel), apdd (contrasted with atdu for apdd), and the Pamp. variants agpdh and abpdh rule, standard. Total assimilation is a characteristic of some languages, notably Ibg. and its dialects, e. g. Ibg. dggu gall (Phil, apdu), dggau day (Ilk. &c. aldau), the consonant of the RLD series becoming g in Ibg. as in iguh nose and 'piga how much?, Ibg. Mug egg (Phil, Mug), Ibg., Itw. uffu, Gad. uffu, beside Pang, ulpo thigh. The Ilk. equivalent luppo shows metathesis and gemination. Assimilation follows metathesis in Ibg. appd (Phil, depa) fathom (see below, table II). The case of Ibg. tallu &c. will be treated below (p. 935). The Ibg. assimilation of a final consonant to a following initial consonant does not concern us here. Metathesis. — This, perhaps the most striking characteristic of the In- donesian languages, shows a high degree of development in Philippine speech, where its manifestations are exceedingly varied and often so complex as to render their classification difficult. primitive Philippine vowel, an indistinct vowel like the Indo-European shewa (Cf. Brandstetter, "Tag. u. Mad.", p. 34), which in a similar way is represented by several different vowels in the various Indo-European languages (Cf. Brugmann, "GrundriS &c", zweite Bearb., Strafiburg 1897, Bd. 1, p. 170)". The existence of the pepet vowel in the IN parent speech had years before been established by the Dutch scholars and Brandstetter, who had identified this obscure vowel with the prototype of the i : u correspondence of Tag. bigds and Bis bugds. My own study of the pepet vocalism of Phil, languges was begun in the Philippine Islands in 1901 and was suggested by Brandstetter's treatment of the IN obscure vowel in his "Die Beziehungen des Malagasy zum Malaischen", Luzern 1893, pp. 21, 22, 23, et passim. 1 Cf. SlEVERS, "Grundzuge der Phonetik", 5 th ed., Leipzig 1901, p. 277. 924 Carlos Everett Conant, A case commonly noted is that of the metathesis of two consonants thrown together by the syncopation of an intervening vowel from which the stress has been removed by the addition of a formative suffix, e. g. Tag. aptdn from atip, Bis. imnon for inumon from iniitn; but the cases of metathesis appearing in the material collected for the present study are mostly of a different character, in which the transposition is not of concurrent consonants, but of a consonant and an adjacent vowel or of two consonants more or less widely separated. Metathesis of a consonant and adjacent vowel is seen in Pamp. altdu, abyds, atyds, abpd (table II below), Ibg. appd (for adpa < dapa), Mgd. alpd or arpd (beside lepd, repd), and Ilk. luppo beside Pang, ulpo (see above). Metathesis of consonants separated by a vowel is seen in Bkl. gabdt (Phil, begat) weight, Ilk. gasiit (Phil, gatus) hundred, Ilk. gessdt (Phil, getas) to cut or break thread. Initial and final consonants exchange places in Ilk. sagdt (Phil, tegas) hard, Ilk. subbut (Phil, tebus) to redeem, the Ilk. variants gorrood and dolloog thunder, and Pang, sennit, Ilk. sam'it beside Tag., Bis. tam'is sweet. Loss of intervocalic /. — Several languages show, with greater or less regularity, loss of an / between vowels, sometimes with, and sometimes without, resulting contraction. Sulu always drops / between two like vowels, which are then contracted, e. g. dan (Phil, dalan) way, bl (for bill, Phil, bill) to buy, o (for olo, Phil, ulu) head. The / is retained in Sulu wain eight but lost in kauhan (Cebu Bis. kaluha'dn) twenty. The loss is less regular in Tag. where no resulting contraction takes place, e. g. ddan way, but dalan to sow; bili to buy; pdo or pdwo ten (Phil, pulu), but dlo head. In Bontok "ten" is (sim)po'o, ' while three and eight are told and walo, respectively. Kankanai and Tingyan also have tula (told), but wd'o (Phil, wala), and (sim)po ten, tho / reappears in Ting, duapulu twenty. In Isn. the Phil, numerals tela, wala and pulu become tin, weu and piu, respectively, while / remains in Isn. sala sin, and tulid straight. RGH and RLD laws. — The phenomena of these laws, even within the limits of Philippine territory, are too varied and complex to permit of detailed study here 1 . While the consonant of the RGH series appears in most Phil, languages as g, as contrasted with the r of Toba and Mai. and the h of Day. and Sangir, there are several of them in which it is represented by other sounds, notably r, I und y, tho the Phil, g often appears in the same lan- guages alongside the other representatives. The following table, showing examples for the RGH consonant in initial, medial and final position, will present the more common cases: night hundred vein rice lip Phil. gabi gatus ugat begas bibig Ilk. rabii gasiit urdt bagds bibir and bibig Tir. — ratus urrat begds b6w£r Pang. Idbi lasus uldt belds bibil 1 For a more extensive study of these laws see "RGH Law in Philippine languages", JAOS vol. XXXI, pp. 70—85. The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 925 night hundred vein rice Inb. (ka)M(an) dasus ulat bekds Kim. labii — — — Knk. labi gasut uwat — Bon. lafi lasdt wath 1 — Lep. labi — uat — Ban. — — ulot — Ting. labi kdsut — bogas Pamp. — gat us uydt abyds Bat. — yatus uyat — lp bibil bibi. Ilk. and Tir. are the /--languages, the r being more regularly found in the latter. The /-languages are Pang., Kim. and the Inb., Knk., Bon., Lep., Ban. and Ting. The ^/-languages are Pamp. and Bat. It is to be noted that most of these languages have also g in some of the examples, this g in a few cases being changed to the corresponding surd k. Cases of apparent irregularity in the representation of the RLD con- sonant will be treated as they appear in the tables that follow. Other phonetic peculiarities appearing in the material to be examined will be given attention only when deemed necessary in order to identify a word with its cognates in other languages. We now proceed to the study of the pepet law by examining the material classified as outlined above (p. 921). Ta ble I: the ap-class. within, roof plant grasp sharp under great, much leech Phil. atep tan em dakep tarem dalem dake-l-a limatek Tag. dtip tanim dakip talim lalim dakild, malaki limdtik Pang. atep tanem dakep tarem dalem dakel — Ilk. atep tanim dakep tadem addlem dakkel alimdtek Mgd. atep — dakep tarem idalem dakel limatek Tir. atef — — tarrem dalem dakel limetek Pamp. at dp tandm dakdp tardm lalam dakdl limdtak Ibg. atdv tandm dakdi' tardm araldm dakdl alimatd k Bkl. atup tanum dakup tardm irdrum dakul, dakuld limdtuk Bis. at up tanum dakup talum ddlum daku limdtuk Bgb. atop — dakop — tadalom ddkol limatok Sulu atup tanam dakup — ha-lum dakola limatok. In the a/7-class the operation of the pepet law is remarkably uniform. If we disregard Sulu tanam, which may have been borrowed from Mai., the examples in the above table show no exception to the rule that pepet becomes i in Tag., e in Pang., Ilk., Mgd. and Tir., a in Pamp. and Ibg., and u (or o) in Bkl., Bis., Bgb. and Sulu. The o of Ibg. ato p , dako p , alimato k is no excep- tion, as it regularly stands for an Ibg. a representing Phil, e when followed by a final glottal stop (hamza) which represents one of the surd stops, k, t or p. This o has an open sound as in Ital. pud, and is entirely distinct from the Ibg. a. When a suffix is added to the root, the surd stop is restored and 1 The Bon. examples in this paper are taken from Jenks, "The Bontoc Igorot", Manila 1906. 926 Carlos Everett Conant, the Ibg. a reappears, e. g., alo p , with the locative suffix -an, becomes atappdn place of roof(ing) with Ibg. doubling of original p. Phil, a regularly remains unchanged in Ibg., e. g. baggd 1 , taggd 1 (table II below). The consonant of the RLD series is given in the hypothetical Phil, words heading the tables as r when medial (tarem), and as d when initial (dalem) or final (pused, table V). This r is here used merely as a convenient symbol and is not to be considered as in any way indicative of the original character of the RLD consonant, which in the majority of Phil, languages appears as / when intervocative. I have chosen r in order to differentiate the RLD con- sonant from an original /. The discussion of prefixed elements, as seen in the case of Phil. dal£m and limatek, where the identity of the examples is evident, is here unnecessary. Sulu ha-lum is for ha-lalum (<ha-dalum) with loss of intervocalic / and resultant contraction. The Phil, words for "great, much" show three variations: dake, dakel and dakela. The first variation is shown by Bis. daku and Tag. malaki (for tna-daki). The intermediate dakel is the prototype of the majority of the examples, including, besides those here given, Batan rakah, where h represents Phil. / (see below, p. 939). The third variation appears in Tag. dakild, Bkl. dakuld (great beside dakiil much), and Sulu dakola, and probably in Kim. dakolo and Chro. ddnkulo 1 . Table II: the pa-class. to erupt. rice hard fathom chew demolish weight float Phil. begas tegas depa sepa geba begat letau Tag. bigds tigds dipd sapd gibd big'dt litdu Pang. belds segdt depa sepd gebd beldt letdu Ilk. bagds sagdt deppd sapd rebbd — lettdu Mgd. begds tegds lepd, repd, alpd, arpd sepd gebd begat letau Tir. begds tegds — sefd gebd begat letau Pamp. abyds atyds abpd sapd — bdyat altdu Ibg. baggd' taggd* appd sapd — — Idtau Bkl. bagds tagds dupd sdpa gabd gabdt latdu Bis. bugds tugds dupd supd gubd bug'dt lutdu Bgb. bugds tuggds duppd suppa gubbd — luttau Sulu bugas — dupa sopah — bog at — With the exception of the Ilk. and Bkl. examples, this class shows a uniform and undisturbed operation of the pepet law. Tag. sapd is an isolated exception for which I have found no parallel among the thirty words of this class which I have examined. The Mgd. variants for Phil, depa are interesting as showing the unstable representation of RLD in that language, the con- sonant occurring indifferently, as r, I or d (cf. further Mgd. rugu, lugu or dugu blood), and a peculiar metathesis in which le, re become, with change of vowel, al, ar. 1 But see my paper "Consonant Changes and Vowel Harmony in Chamorro", "Anthropos", vol. VI (1911), pp. 136—146. The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 927 It is especially worthy of note that the geminating languages, Ilk., Ibg. and Bgb., show frequent doubling in this class, that is, of a consonant follo- wing the pepet vowel, while table I shows only one case of gemination (Ilk. dakkel) before the pepet vowel. Likewise in the following tables, as a general rule classes IV, VI and VII show doubling of the medial consonant in the geminating languages, as contrasted with classes III and V, in which no examples of gemination appear. Ibg. tdddag is not an example of gemination, but of assimilation (Phil, tindeg). It may therefore be set down as a working rule that!- Those Philippine languages and dialects which permit of consonant gemination double a single intervocalic consonant preceded by a vowel representing original pepet, whatever be the nature of the following vowel; but this gemination does not take place between two vowels of different origin, the second of which is a pepet vowel. Ilk. bagds, sagdt and sapd, contrary to the above rule, show no gemi- nation, and at the same time have a instead of e in the first syllable, while the other Ilk. examples have the regular doubling and the e representation of pepet. The bagds type, tho constituting half the examples here given, is exceptional (see additional list of pa-class examples given below), but the regular coincidence of the a vocalism and the single consonant is significant, and not to be regarded as merely accidental. The identity of the three words with those listed as their cognates in other Phil, languages is unquestionable, from both the semantic and the phonetic standpoint, the metathesized sagdt being supported by Pang, segdt and the similarly metathesized Ilk. subbiit (Phil, tebus) to redeem (table VI), and the pepet origin of the first a of sapd, in spite of the isolated Tag. sapd, being further vouched for by Mai., Jav. sapah and Toba sopa. Thus we are prepared to treat these three words as forming a category of Ilk. words in the pa-class showing at the same time the ungeminated consonant and the a vocalism of pepet. The explanation of this striking phenomenon is simply that the pepet vowel is assimilated to the a of the following syllable when only a single consonant intervenes, while the attractive force of the a of the second syllable is not sufficient to affect the pepet vowel of the preceding syllable when the two vowels are further separated by gemination. The vowel u (o), on the other hand, has a stronger influence in Ilk. over the pepet vowel of the preceding syllable, as shown by Ilk. punno (Phil, penu), tubbo (Phil, tebu), &c. of table VI, where the regres- sive vocalic assimilation takes place in spite of the intervening gemination. The following additional examples are given as further illustration of the pepet vocalism of the pa-type in Ilk. and Bkl.: Phil. Ilk. Bkl. Tag. bekas bekkds bukds bikds betak bettdk batdk bitdk beak — badk bidk deg'as deg'ds — dig'ds getas gessdt gatds — gutas Ilk. deg'ds is no exception to the rule for gemination nor to the law of assimilation just stated, since the hamza takes the place of, and is equivalent to, an additional consonant. Bis. Phil. Ilk. Bkl. Tag. Bis. bukds left a left/id laftd Una lurid butak letak lettdk latdk litdk lutak bu'ak pesa pessd pasd pisd pusd dug'ds tena tennd taftd Una tufta. 928 Carlos Everett Conant, Turning our attention now to the Bkl. words of this class, we find that they regularly show a for original pepet, instead of the u of the ap-class (table I), only two out of the fifteen examples cited showing u, viz., dupd and bukds. Is this Bkl. a to be explained also as due to vocalic assimilation as in the case of the Ilk. bagds-iype? Our answer depends upon an exami- nation of the Bkl. examples of the other classes where regressive vocalic assimilation could affect the pepet vowel, that is to say, those having the pepet vowel in the first syllable. In all of these classes there are Bkl. examples showing a for pepet, apparently without regard to the quality of the vowel in the next syllable, e. g. Bkl. sapi (Phil, sepi), pano (Phil, penu), danug (Phil, deneg), lunud or lamld (Phil, lened). On the other hand, Bkl. always shows u (o) for pepet in a final syllable (cf. tables I, III, V and VII). We thus discover that Bkl. has a tendency to represent pepet in the penultimate syl- lable by a, and is therefore not a w-language exclusively, but also an a-lan- guage in so far as the natural representation of penultimate pepet is con- cerned. We are prepared to say, then, that the first a of Bkl. bagds is not to be explained in the same manner as that of tfai Ilk. bagds, namely, as a case of assimilation, but the regular Bkl. vocalism of penultimate pepet. Such occasional exceptions as dupd and bukds are probably due to the working of analogy. For the metathesis of Bkl. gabdt and Ilk. gessdt, see above (p. 924). Worthy of note is the variety of the RGH consonant in Pang., Ilk. and Pamp., while the Tir. examples in table II show only g (see above, p. 926). Tabl e III: the ip- ■class. tooth slave cockroach desire to stand black Phil. fiipen (e)ripen ipes ibeg tindeg item Tag. hipin alipin ipis ibig tindig itim Pang. fiipen aripen ipes ibeg talindeg — Ilk. fiipen adipen ipes — — — Mgd. fiipen uripen ipes — tindeg item Tir. kifen rifen ifes ibeg tindeg itam Pamp. ipan alipan ipds — tindig — Ibg. nipan aripan ipd 1 — tdddag — Bkl. nipon oripun — ibug tindug itum Bis. fiipon ulipon ipus ibug ttndug ittim Bgb. nipon — ipiis ibug tindug itum Sulu ipun ipun — — tindog itum The jp-class, like the ap-class, shows remarkable uniformity of the pepet vocalism. The i of the first syllable evidently exerts no influence over the pepet vowel. Pamp. tindig and tinig (Phil, tinig, Tag. tihig. Bis. tihog voice) are exceptions for which there is at present no explanation. The possibility that they are borrowed from the neighboring language, Tagalog, is remote owing to their primitive meaning. Tir. itam is a Mai. loan word. The o of Ibg. ipo', of which there are several examples in the tables that follow, is for Ibg. a as explained above ( p. 927 ). In Ibg. tdddag n is assimilated to the following d and the a of the first syllable is due either to an exceptional assimilation to the following a, or to analogy. The initial (S) of (i)ripin will be discussed below (pp. 934 ff.). The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 929 Table IV: the pi- class, to buy strip off seed to buy strip off seed Phil. beli sepi ben'i Pamp. ablt aspi bini Tag. bili sipi binhi V Ib §- balli tap pi bini Pang. bili sipi bini ^Bkl. 1 Bis. bili sapi banhi Ilk. — — bin'i bili sipi binhi Mgd. — — benih (Mai.) Bgb. balli — binni Tir. betlei sefe bene Sulu bi — — Unquestioned examples of the /?/-class are few. Total regressive assimi- lation of vowels has here been more extensive than in any of the other classes, tho its operation has in some cases been so erratic as to defy clas- sification. So great is the apparent irregularity of vocalism here that the investigator is strongly tempted to set up a variable prototype, e. g., beli: bili, pending the identification of further material for comparison. Most of the examples, however, are readily explained as due to the law of vocalic assimilation, restricted by an intervening consonantal increment, such as that produced by gemination, between the pepet vowel and the following i. Before proceeding with the study of the Phil, examples, let us further justify their classification by reference to their cognates in some of the other related languages. The e of Phil, beli is represented regularly according to the general pepet law (p. 920) in OJav. well, Mai. Bali beli, Toba boll, Mak. balli. Cam blei shows loss of pepet as in brah (Phil, begas, Mai. beras). But Day. bili and Mlg. vidi, in both of which we should expect e, show assimilation to the following i. For sepi I have traced no cognates outside of Phil, territory. Cognate with Phil, ben'i are Mai. be'nih, Toba boni, which show the regular vocalism, and OJav. winih, Sund. binih, Mak. bine, Bug. wine, and Day. binyi, which show assimilation. The h of Tag. binhi, Bid. banhi, and Bis. binhi takes the place of the hamza, as often in the //-languages (cf. Tag. Bkl. Bis. Bgb. Sulu dahun, Phil, da'un leaf). It is quite possible that the same holds true for the y of Day. banyi 1 . Returning to the Phil, material in table IV, we find in the Tag. examples neither difficulty nor assistance, since Tag. is an /-language. The Pang. Ilk. Bis. and Sulu examples all suffer assimilation of the pepet vowel to the follo- wing /. The Tir. words have regularly e. The t of Tir. betlei is obscure, but there can be little doubt of the identity of this word, as it is the only Tir. term for barter (buy or sell), and offers no other phonetic difficulty, the final ei being practically the same sound as the final S of sefe and bene", and re- presenting original /, just as en in Tir. bateu stands for original u. Pamp. has assimilation in bini, but not in abli and aspi, where it is prevented by the intervention of two consonants brot together by metathesis. Likewise in Ibg. the pepet vowel is assimilated in bini, where only a single consonant sepa- rates it from the attracting vowel, but not in balli and tappi, where gemination 1 Brandstetter, "Mata-Hari", Luzern 1908, p. 24, considers the phonetic interrelation of these cognates "vielfach unklar". The Ilk. variant beni given in this citation is not found in the Lopez-Carro Iloko dictionary, nor have I found it in other sources. 930 Carlos Everett Conant, takes place. Ibg. tappi has t for Phil, s regularly as in taki' (Phil, sakif) pain. Bkl. here wavers between the regular a and assimilation. Most peculiar and inconsistent of all the examples studied for any class are the Bgb. balli and binni, especially when we compare here Bgb. palli (IN pili) to choose, showing a for an unmistakably original /. Mai. sepit, Sund. jepit, Jav. sapil (with exceptional a) pinchers must be referred to a prototype having pepet in the first syllable, which suffers assi- milation in Mak., Bug. sipi. The Phil, cognates have i in both syllables in all the eleven languages of the classified tables: Tag., Pang., Ilk., Mgd., Pamp., Bkl., Bis., Bgb. sipit (with varying accent), Ibg. sipi', Tir. sifit, Sulu gipit (if g can be explained). Whether assimilation of the pepet vowel has here acted inde- pendently in the various Phil, languages or had already taken place in the Phil, prototype is an open question; but that the IN prototype was a word showing pepet, and that the penultimate i of the non-/ languages is a result of assimilation at some stage of IN speech evolution is, in my opinion, beyond doubt. A good example of the /7j'-class outside of Phil, territory is IN tepi edge, border, which shows the regular vocalism in Mai. and Jav. tepi, Toba topi, Mak. tappi, Bug. teppi. It seems probable that assimilation is prevented in the Mak. and Bug. examples by the intervening consonant gemination as in Mak. balli, while it appears in Mak. bine, sipi and Bug. wine, sipi. If this is true, we have in Mak. and Bug. an exact parallel to the Phil, law of vocalic assimilation. The only possible Phil, cognates of Jav. tepi &c. which I have been able to trace are Bkl. tapi to lack little of, Bis. tapi edge of boat, Pang. tdpi board, and Ilk. tappi to fill to the edge, run over. If these are to be with the non-Philippine words, which to me seems more than probable, the uniform Phil, a is very obscure. Table V: the «/?-class. navel brain hair knee worm snake yes Phil. pused utek buek tued uled uWg ue(n) Tag. pusud utak buhok tuhod 6od, 6wod, dhod — do Pang. puse'g utdk buek — — uleg on Ilk. piiseg utek bodk — — uleg wen Mgd. puset utek buk uled ular (Mai.) wai Tir. fused utek ebuk etur — — utrar hoo, hee Pamp. piisad utak budk tud uldd — dwa Ibg. futdd ut6 k vu k , vu' x tudd — uldg mouse uwdn Bkl. pusdd hutuk biihuk tuhud lilud — 6ho Bis. piisod lit ok buhdk tuhud lilud — do Bgb. pusod utuk — — olod 00 Sulu pusud utuk buhok tuhud ud hit. 1 The correct Ibg. word is vu k , and not vu', tho the latter is the only form given by Pavo in his "Diccionario Espaiiol-Ibanag" (sic), Manila 1867. Both forms are given in the older work of Bugari'n, "Diccionario Ibanag-Espaiiol", Manila 1854, and tw A only in a still older MS Ibg.-Span. dictionary in my possession. The k form is also supported by the testimony of the Ibg. dialects Gad. and Itw., which have buk and ahiik, respectively, the final k being here fully pronounced. As the original final surd stops are not distinguished in pronunciation in Ibg., where they pass into hamza, except when supported by a suffix, they are often confused with each other in that language. This is especially frequent with words, which, like bu k , have no The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 931 With the exception of Tag., the languages here present the regular pepet vocalism, unless pepet is lost entirely as occurs in several cases, where the two vowels are concurrent, e. g., Pang, on, Mgd. buk, Tir. ebuk, elur, Pamp. tad, Ibg. vu' e . This is probably best explained as an absorption of the weak pepet vowel by its neighbor. Sulu ud and ha are examples of contraction of two concurrent similar vowels, the former after loss of the intervening / (see above, p. 924). In some words, however, Sulu, being an /^-language, bridges the hiatus between two vowels by the intercalation of h. Phil, buek and tued show this h uniformly in Tag., Bkl., Bis. and Sulu. buhuk, tuhud. Tag., which has hitherto shown regularly i for pepet, here deviates from its regular vocalism, and, with the single exception of the isolated liiak, sub- stitutes u(o). We evidently have before us an example of progressive vocalic assimilation, which is not paralleled elsewhere in the material of the eleven languages here tabulated, unless the isolated Ilk. book is thus to be explained. The assimilation with which we have to do in the other classes is regressive. Progressive assimilation is likewise doubtless the explanation of the second u of Sund. bank hair and iuur knee 1 , and of Batan badk, tuud, Kim. food, Kuy. book. That this assimilation in Tag. is prevented by the intervention of more than one consonant is indicated by the regular i of Tag. batlig wart, whose pepet origin is vouched for by the cognates, Pang. but/eg, Bkl., Bis. butlog, Pamp. batlig. We are already prepared for this case of prevented assimilation by our study of the same phenomena in the pa- class and the /?/-class. The a of Tag. dtak is an exception to which I know no parallel in Tag. Brandstetter (Prodromus, p. 51) sets up the variant series utak, atek, atok to account for the vocalic variety seen in Tag. dtak, Jav. utak and atek, and Mak. otoq (<7 = hamza). I am, however, strongly of the conviction that further investigation of the laws of pepet evolution as affected by the more powerful action of the laws of assimilation and analogy will establish the original identity of these various forms, and the preponderance of examples showing a vowel of unmistakable pepet origin, together with those whose forms with suffix to preserve the character of the original stop. The erroneous / written by Payo and by Bugarin (or one of his numerous revisers) in addition to the correct A-form, is doubtless due to popular analogy with other Ibg. words of more or less similar meaning properly ending in original t, e. g. kuW kinky hair, gunu' hair of the wild palm, duddil* hair of the body. The Ibg. wWi, therefore, does not belong with Mai. rambut, as suggested by Brandstetter ("Prodromus", p. 42), but with Toba buk, Sund. buuk and the Phil, words in k. For my ortho- graphy v instead of the t of the Spanish dictionaries and grammars, cf. my paper "F and V in Philippine Languages", p. 139. 1 Brandstetter, "Prodomus", p. 41, instead of setting up a dissyllabic IN prototype buek, tued, from which both the dissyllabic and the monosyllabic forms are eastly derived as explained above, considers the monosyllabic type the original one and then attempts to explain the longer forms Tag. buhok, tuhod, Sund. buuk, tuur as extensions of this prototype, admitting, however, that the extension (Zerdehnung) seen in Bis. and Tag. buhok is "ratselhaft". In the same work (p. 48) the author shows how simply and naturally the dissyllabic prototypes with pepet : teras, terab, berat degenerate, thru OJav. twas, twab, bwat, to New Jav. tos, a-tob, bot. 932 Carlos Everett Conant, vowel could have developed from either pepet or another vowel, makes it certain that when such identity is established it will be on the basis of original pepet. That the positing of variant forms in general in the study of IN pho- nology and morphology is merely a convenient makeshift for a temporary classification of phenomena not yet sufficiently investigated, and hence does not commit the investigator to any theory that may later be proved untenable, is distinctly stated by Brandstetter ("Mata-Hari", p. 53, par. 96), and this is the only possible method of proceeding to a scientific arrangement of many phonetic phenomena presenting problems awaiting solution in this compara- tively new field of research. The similarity, both in form and meaning, of Phil, tiled and uleg, together with the fact that most Phil, languages having the one word do not have the other, would at first sight suggest a confusion here of the final RLD and RGH consonants, and lead one to the conclusion that the word with a final con- sonant wavering between that of the RLD and the RGH series has come to have the exclusive meaning "worm" in some languages and that of "snake" in others. But in spite of the physical similarity of the two objects, worm and snake, they seem never to have been confused by the primitive Indo- nesian, certainly not by the Filipino, all of whose languages, so far as I have been able to examine them lexically, have distinct words for the two ideas. Thus the blank spaces under "worm" and "snake" in the above table (V) may be semantically filled out as follows; "worm": Pang, bigis, Ilk. egges, Tir. sofot, Ibg. tuggit; "snake": Tag. dhas, Mgd. nipai, Pamp. ubitian, Ibg. irdu, Bkl., Bis. hdlas, Bgb. bakossan, Sulu has (the Tag., Bkl., Bis. and Sulu words being, of course, identical). Under none of the definitions given is there any suggestion of confusion between the concepts "worm" and "snake". Add to this the uniform RLD consonant in the words having the former meaning and the equally uniform RGH consonant of the others, as well as the existence in Mai. of both ulat (hulat) worm and ular snake 1 , and the probability of confusion of the two prototypes disappears. The exceptional a of Tir. tirrar may be due to the influence of the adjacent r sounds. The w of Ilk. wen and Mgd. wai represents the original a which, after loss of accent, has weakened to a semivowel; that of Pamp. owa and Ibg. uwdn is a semivocalic glide developed between the two vowels, while in Bkl. oho the h is inserted a in bdhok, tuhod. The vocalism of Mgd. wai, where we should expect we, is unclear. The Tir. variants hoo, hcc exemplify a law of vocalic interchange peculiar to Tir., and as yet little under- stood, but paralleled by the Tir. pluralizing variants de, do, da. Table VI: the /?«-class. full sugar cane redeem pedere sound to sate to boil Phil. penu tebu tebus etut tenug oesug scbu Tag. pund lubo tubds a tot tunog buS6g subd Pang. pdnu tabu - atot tandl — sabd ' The / of Mai. ulat is for the sonant d of the RLD series by the law of final stop con- sonants, the r of ular reguiarly for RGH. The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 933 full sugar cane redeem pedere sound to sate to boL Ilk. punnd tubbo subbut uttdt — bussiig sobbd Mgd. penu tebu tebus tud tanuk — — Tir. fend — tebus etiit — besor — Patnp. apnti atbu atbus atut atni dbsi asbd Ibg. pannu tavvu tavvu* attii' tannug battug tavvu Bkl. pand tubu tubus atdt tandg basdg sabd Bis. pund tubd tubds utdt tundg busog subd Bgb. punnd tubbo tubbos uttdt — bussog — Sulu — tubu — utut — — — Tag. shows u for pepet as in the preceding class, but here by regres- sive assimilation. Ilk. likewise has u for the same reason (cf. above, p. 931). Pang, shows a instead of the regular e. This is evidently a case of partial assimilation to the following u. The geminating languages here show doubling of the medial consonant in all the examples (see above, consonant doubling), and the Pamp. examples, excepting atut, show metathesis in the first syllable. Ilk. subbut is an example of metathesis of initial and final consonants not infrequent in that language (see above, under metathesis). Mgd. has an ex- ceptional a in tanuk, which shows the surd k finally for the sonant g, as Mgd. puset for Phil, pused (table V). A comparison of the final consonantism with that seen in Mgd. uled (Phil. ulSd) and Mgd. tud (Phil, etuf) would indicate that final stops in Mgd. waver between surd and sonant, whatever may have been the original sound. In Pamp. atni and absi we have a peculiar treatment of original final ug, the g of the RGH series becoming the semivowel y or i, which with the preceding u first forms a diphthong ui, from which the labial element is later lost after shifting of accent to the final component i. The Bkl. words have the regular a for pepet in the penult in five of the seven examples here tabulated, in spite of the following u (cf. above, p. 931). li tble VII: the pp-cl cleave, ass. to close excavate pole hear stick thorn (hand) six Phil. lebefi teken deheg deket tenek kemkem enem Tag. libih tikin dinig dikit tinik kimkim anim Pang. — teken denel — tenek kemkem anem Ilk. — tekken define g rekket tennek kemkem innem Mgd. leben teken — deket tenek — anem Tir. lebeh — — deket — kemkem enem Pamp. albdh atkdn — — — kamkdm andm Ibg. labbdh takkdn — dakkd' tannd k — anndm Bkl. lubun tukun dahug dokdt tiinok komkdm anum Bis. lubiin tukun duhiig dukiit tuntik kumkiim unum Bgb. lubbun — ' — ddkkot — komkom anndm Sulu luban — duhuk — tunok kumkum unom This class, like the a/7-class (table I), is remarkably uniform in its pepet vocalism. This is evidently due to the fact that the development of the pepet vowel is here undisturbed by the attractive influence of a neighboring dis- similar vowel. 934 Carlos Everett Conant, Aside from the exceptional a in the ultima of Bgb. anndm and Sulu luban, for which no explanation can here be offered, and the peculiar vocalism of the first syllable of Phil, enim to be treated below, the Bkl. shows the only peculiarity requiring special comment. It will be noted that in this class Bkl. has a for penultimate pepet only two of the seven examples listed, the other five showing u. The following additional list of words in the /7/7-class shows nearly the same proportion of Bkl. examples having a in the penult: Phil. Bkl. Tag. Other languages begkes bugkiis bigkis Bis. bugkus Mai. berkas betek butdk bitik Pang, betek Ilk. bettek deles dolds dills Pang, deles Ibg. dallo 1 getel giitul gitil Pang, getel Pamp. agtdl neknek nokndk niknik petes put us pitis Bis. putus Pamp. aptds seged sogdd sigtd Tir. seged Pamp. asydd tegeb tagob tigib Mgd. tegeb Pamp. atydb terek tdrok tldik Ilk. teddek Pamp. atddk teres tados tiris Pang, seret Pamp. at das Ibg. dallo' has an original final t for Phil. 5 regularly as in tabbu' (Phil. tSbus), and Pang, seret has metathesis of initial and final consonants. Penultimate a and u interchange in the Bkl. variants lamid, laniid to sink in water (cf. the cognates Pang, lened, Ilk. lenned, Bis., Sulu laniid). Thus we see that while the penultimate pepet vowel in Bkl. here, as in other classes, wavers between a and u, the latter predominates to such an extent that it may, for our purpose be considered the rule, and a the exception. If we contrast with this case that of the pu-dass (table VI), where Bkl. regularly shows a in spite of an original a of the following syllable, we are forced to the conclusion that vocalic assimilation cannot explain the phenomena before us. In fact, the only certain case of vocalic assimilation in che Bkl. material studied is that of bill in the /?/-class, beside the unassimilated pepet vowel of sapi and banhi. Now a review of all the Bkl. material we have collected shows that pepet invariably becomes a (0) in a final syllable, and, as a rule, becomes a in the penult of all classes except the /7/7-class, where it regularly becomes u. Of the two pepet vowels we have seen that u is the more stable, and hence, if there are two pepets in the same word, naturally evolving like sounds, as is seen in all the other languages of the /7/7-class, the two vowels will naturally be u rather than a. The exceptions like daniig are explained as due to analogy, the a-u succession following that of the /?#-class and the large number of other Bkl. words of the same vocalism. A pepet vowel in initial position develops peculiarly in certain languages. This vowel most commonly appears as a weak, colorless a. Its most con- spicuous examples are the IN numerals enem six and epat four, to which may be added Phil. (S)ripSn (table III). The same a appears in the reduplicated syllable of Phil, tetieiln three, which has become stereotyped in some languages while others show the simple IN form tilu 1 . 1 Cf. Blake, "Contributions to Philippine Grammar" in J. of the Am. Or. Soc., vol. 28, p. 204. The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 935 Phil. Tag. Pang. Ilk. Mgd. Hlg. Bgb. Kuy. Inb. epat apdt apdt uppdt apat apdt appdt apdt dppat 'enem anim anem inn em anem aniim anndm ane'm annim (e) ripen alipin aripen adipen uripen ulipon -— ' — — tet(e)lu tat 16 (talo) (talld) (tela) tatld tatld tatld (tdddu, The parenthesized talo and telu are from the unreduplicated prototype tela. Ilk. talld and Inb. tdddu, as well as Ibg., Gad., Itw., Yog. tallu, may phonetically represent either the simple or the reduplicated form. If they are from the simple tela, the double consonant is the result of gemination (see above, p. 922), but if from the reduplicated tet(e)lu, it is the result of regressive assimilation following syncopation of the intervening weak <?. It is probable, however, that the Ibg. talld and Ilk. talld are, notwithstanding their similarity of appearance, from different prototypes, the former being from Phil. tet(e)lu and the latter from Phil. tela. The unassimilated t of Ilk. itldg egg stands as evidence against the reduplicated prototype for Ilk. and the same may be said of the Inb. tdddu in view of Inb. exduk 1 egg, where assimilation does not take place. In Ibg., on the other hand, Phil, itlug appears as Mug. With this evidence alone, Ibg. tallu could be referred to tetfejla as well as to telu, and the former prototype is suggested as the more probable by the Bat. tatdd 2 (Phil, tetfejla). Ilk. talld, appdt, innem show an exceptional variety of pepet represen- tation which is difficult to account for. It is possible that the quality of the following consonant has here affected thaf of the weak vowel in question. Hlg. has, beside the forms here given, told, updt, unum, like the other Bis. dialects (except Kuy.). The a vocalism of the original unaccented pepet which appears consi- stently in tetfejlu, epat and enem, in several languages and dialects instead of the regular pepet vowel peculiar to those languages is doubtless due pri- marily to the influence of the original a in the last syllable of all but one of the first five IN cardinals, esa, dua, tela, epat, lima. Thus the original final a of dua would tend to give an a coloring, especially in counting, to the weak unaccented pepet of the following telu, and this influence would have a still greater effect upon the more isolated pepet of the reduplicated 1 Ortography of Scheerer, "The Nabaloi Dialect", Manila 1905, p. 103; x represents the sound of ch in the Scotch word loch. 2 Tatdu is doubless the correct form. It is taken from a word list given to me orally by a Batan servant boy at Aparri (north coast of Luzon) in October 1904. This boy had recently arrived from his native island, Batan, and I hence consider his word list moje reliable than that which I took one year later af Claveria (North Luzon) from a native of Batan who had many years before migrated with his family to Luzon. The latter gave tdddu, which, if correct, shows assimilation of t to the following d, since Bat. does not double a single consonant. He similarly gave the word for goat as kaddin, which the servant boy had pronounced kanclin, Furthermore, tatdo is the form found both in the Batan Catecismo of Padre Rodriguez (reprinted by Retana in his "Archivo del Bibliofilo Filipino", vol. 2, Madrid 1896), p. 13, et passim, and in the Batan "devocionario" entitled "Nu Napia Amigo", Manila 1901, p. 62, et passim. I would therefore discard both tdddu and the by-form tatlo given by Scheerer, "The Batan Dialect as a Member of the Philippine Group of Languages", Manila 1908, Plate I. 936 Carlos Everett Conant, form t$t(g)lu. The initial a of apdt would in turn be due, either to the assi- milative influence of the original a of the final syllable, or to analogy with the already established a of the first syllable of its predecessor, tatlii, or more probably, to both these influences combined. Finally, the a of lima exerts its influence upon the initial unaccented pepet of its successor enem, and the a thus resulting is now amply fortified by the analogy of the penultimate a of tatlii and apdt. The a's thus arising then become still more firmly esta- blished by mutual support under the natural operation of the laws of analogy. A striking example of analogy is furnished by the Pamp. numerals adwd and apuld, which have prefixed an a owing to the initial a of atlu, apdt, andm. For the i of isd one in non-i languages there seems to be no satis- factory explanation, unless we posit the variants esa, isa. Tag. and Bon. isd could be referred to either of these variants, but the following forms must go back to Ssa: Knk. esa, Kal. eta, Bat. asd 1 , Bis., Isn. usd. Tgb. and Hlg. have both usa and isa. Other examples of the isa type are Bkl. 2 , Pang., Pamp., Sulu, Mgd., Tgk. isd, Ilk., Ting, maisa (for ma + isa), Itw. isa, Ibg., Gad. itte (t regularly for Phil, s and e as in Ibg. due two beside dua), Kuy. isard (lit. "one only"). The proclitic form sa seen in Bkl. sard, Inb. saxei, Ibg. tdddai, Bgb. sabbad, Mnb. sabad, Tir. seba'an one, Tag. sanpwwo, Bkl. sampdlo, Mgd., Bgb. sapulu, Gad. tdfulu (with secondary Gad. accent and regular t for s), Pang, samplo ten (lit. "one ten"), and Mai., Jav., Sund. sa one and sapuloh ten may be explained either as a third variant beside 8sa, isa, or as esa with loss of the initial pepet when the word becomes proclitic. Cam sa may represent either sa or esa, it being a peculiarity of that language to suppress a penultimate pepet vowel, e. g., Cam brah (IN biras) rice, kldu (IN telii) three, pak (IN epat), nam (IN enem). An IN u is thus suppressed in Gam sa pluh (IN pulu) ten. It is evident from the above examination of the pepet vocalism of the numerals, that in several languages they form a distinct category subject to a special secondary influence, namely, the combined operation of assimilation and analogy, and hence may be set aside as not belonging to the general phenomena of the pepet law. Excluding, then, this peculiar vocalism of un- accented pepet in the numerals and in the first syllable of the exceptional (e)ripen, we may now proceed to a more concise statement of the evolution of the indifferent vowel in each of the eleven languages above tabulated. Tagalog: Pepet regularly becomes i; but when the vowel of an adjacent syllable of the same root word is an original u (o), pepet is assimilated to this vowel, becoming a (o), but not to a preceding u (o) if more than a single consonant intervenes, e. g. pusud (Phil, pusid), puno (Phil, pinu), but butlig (Phil, butlig). 1 Blake, op. cit., p. 203, explains the initial a of asd as prefix. I quote his explanation without comment: "Batan asa is probably the root particle sa which is found in the majority of the forms of one, with a prefix a probably identical with the a of Tagalog ang, just as the i of iisa is identical with the / of Pampangan ing", 3 Bkl. isd is the form used in counting, cf. Marcos DE Lisboa, "Vocabulario de la Lengua Bicol", Manila 1865, s. v. isd. The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 937 Pangasinan: Pepet regularly becomes e, exceptionally / or a. It appears as / by assimilation to an original i of the following syllable in the same root word (bill: Phil, bell), and as a by partial assimilation to an original u (o) of the following syllable (pdnu: Phil. penu). Iloko: Pepet regularly becomes e, exceptionally a, i or u. It appears as a by assimilation to an original a of the following syllable in the same word when only a single consonant intervenes (bagds: Phil, begas), and as e or u by assimilation to an original i or u, respectively, of the following syl- lable of the same word (bin'i: Phil, bent, punno: Phil. penu). Magindanau: Pepet appears regularly as e, exceptionally as i. It be- comes / by attraction to an original i in the following syllable of the same root word (sipit: IN sepit). Tirurai: Pepet becomes uniformly e, except in sifit: IN sepit, where it becomes i Ibg. assimilation to the i of the following syllable. Pampanga: Pepet regularly becomes a, exceptionally / by assimilation to an original i of the following syllable in the same root word when only a single consonant intervenes (bini: Phil, beni, but abli: Phil. belt). Ibanag: Pepet regularly becomes a, exceptionally i by assimilation to an original i of the following syllable in the same root word when only a single consonant intervenes (bini: Phil, beni, but balli: Phil. belt). Bikol: Pepet regularly becomes u(o) in a final syllable and a in the penult; but if the original vowel of both syllables is pepet, it becomes u(o) in both. Before an original i of the following syllable in the same root word, it is sometimes assimilated, becoming i (bill: Phil, beli), and sometimes be- comes the regular penultimate a (sapi: Phil. sepi). Bisaya: Pepet regularly becomes u(o), exceptionally I by assimilation to an original i of the following syllable in the same root word (bill: Phil. beli). Bagobo: Pepet becomes u(o) eycept when followed by an original i in the next syllable of the same root word, when it either it assimilated, be- coming i (binni: Phil, beni), or becomes a (balli: Phil. beli). Sulu: Pepet regularly becomes a(o), exceptionally i by assimilation to an original i of the following syllable of the same root word (bi < bii < bill < Phil. beli). Other languages and dialects. We now continue our study by examining the pepet vocalism of the following languages and dialects, one of which, Chamorro, tho not within Philippine territory, is conveniently classi- fied here: 1. Ata (near Mt. Apo, S. Mindanao) 1 . 2. Banawi (mountains of N. Luzon). 3. Batan (Batan Islands, to N. of Luzon). 4. Bilan (mountains of S. Mindanao, S. of Ata territory). 5. Bontok (Igorots of Lepanto-Bontok province, N. Luzon). ' For more detailed geographical information cf. Scheerer's sketch map in his work, "The Batan Dialect &c", p. 17, and, for the Luzon territory, Worcester's authoritative work, "The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon", in the Philippine Journal of Science, vol I, No. 8, Manila 1906. 938 Carlos Everett Conant, 6. Chamorro (Marianne Islands). 7. Gaddang (Ibanag dialect, N. Luzon). 8. Inibaloi (Igorots, Benguet province, N. Luzon). 9. Isinai (mountains of Nueva Vizcaya province, N. Luzon). 10. Itawi (Ibanag dialect, N. Luzon). 11. Kalamian (N. Palawan). 12. Kankanai (Igorots of N. Benguet, N. Luzon). 13. Kuyunon (Bisaya dialect, Cuyo Islands, between Panay and Palawan). 14. Lepanto (mountains of N. Luzon). 15. Manobo (mountains E. of Gulf of Davao, S. Mindanao). 16. Samal (Samal I. Gulf of Davao, S. Mindanao). 17. Sambal (Zambales province, W. Luzon). 18. Tagakaolo (Apo range, W. of Gulf of Davao, S. Mindanao). 19. Tagbanwa (Palawan I.). 20. Tingyan (mountains of N. Luzon). 21. Yogad (Ibanag dialect of N. Luzon). ^-languages. Lepanto: Pepet becomes e: zelok (Tag. etc. itlug, Mai. telof) egg, oeg (uleg 1 ) snake, tined (tehed) back of neck. The last example shows i in the penult. For loss of / in oeg, cf. Lep. uat (ugat) vein, where the consonant of the RGH series, appearing secondarily as /, is lost in intervocalic position, and buan (bulan) moon, where the / is original ; but is seems not to be lost before o(u), zelok, olo (ula) head (cf. above, p. 924). The discrepancy between the final consonant sounds of zelok and oeg is more apparent than real, since final stops are generally not exploded in Philippine languages, and it is pro- bable that to the German ear of Schadenberg, from whose list the above examples are taken, the same consonant appeared, now as k, now as g. Kankanai: Pepet becomes regularly e, exceptionally u(o): esd (esa) one, epdt (Spat) four, enem (enem) six, eweg (uleg) snake, told (tela) three, bii'ok (buek) hair, the o of the last two examples being the result of assimi- lation to a neighboring original u(o). In this last respect, Knk. is sharply differentiated from the neighboring dialect Inb., which has bu'ek. The first e of eweg, on the other hand seems to be case of assimilation of an original u to an accented pepet vowel. Inibaloi: Pepet regularly becomes £, exceptionally i and a: atep (atgp) roof, acdlem (Ilk. addlem, Tag. lalitri) deep, acaxel (daktt) much, bekds (begas) rice, utek (utek) brain, piiseg (pused) navel, bu'ek (bu£k) hair, illeg (ulgg) snake; atiit (etut) pedere tdddo (telu) three, dppat (epat) four, annim (enim) six, macim (marem) afternoon. Where a occurs it is in the penult, and the two examples of i are in an accented final syllable ending in m. The c (=di in church) of acdlem, acaxel, and macim is the regular representative in Inb. of the RLD consonant, and x (= ch in Scotch loch) is for intervocalic k, cf. also Inb. koxo (kuku) finger nail. Kuyunon: Pepet regularly becomes e, exceptionally a and u: iddlem (iralem, Bis. idlum) below, rdet (Bis. da'ut, Tag. la'it) bad, lieg (Bis. li'ug, Tag. Wig) neck, ibeg (ibeg) desire, love, ipen hipen tooth (with loss of initial When not otherwise indicated, the parenthesized form is to be understood as Phil. The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 939 n as in Pamp. ipan and Sulu ipun, table III); anem (enem); tatlo (tetfejlu), apdt epat; puno (penu) full, tubus (tebus) redeem, book (buek). The numerals show the penultimate a (cf. pp. 935 and ff.), and the u (o) of the last three examples is the result of a-assimilation as in Tag. Kalamian: Pepet regularly becomes e, exceptionally u (o): eta (esa), epat (epat), enem (enem), kentii (Bat. anal, Chro. -unai, OJav. heni) sand, kiripen 1 (eripenj slave, bitonken (bituen) star, kuled (uled) worm; tolo (telu), dakolo (Chro. ddnkulo, cf. above, p. 926) great, tood (tued) knee. The first o of tolo and dakolo is the result of assimilation to the o of the following syllable, and the second o of tood shows assimilation to an original u (o) immediately preceding, as contrasted with bitonken and kuled, where pro- gressive assimilation is prevented by intervening consonants. Kim. eta has t for Phil, s like the Ibg. dialects, e. g. Kim. katawa, Ibg. atawa (asawa) spouse, Kim. toto, Ibg. tutu (susu) uber. One of the chief characteristics of Kim. is a parasitic k, which is seen most commonly prefixed to an initial vowel, as in katawa, keuai, kiripen, kuled, sometimes in the interior of a word, as in bitonken and takon (Tag., Pang, taon, Mai. tahun) year, and sometimes finally, as in lotok (Bis. hito, Tag. Iulo) to cook 2 , polok (IN pulu) ten. Languages showing both e and a. Batan: Pepet regularly becomes e in a final root syllable, and a in a penultimate syllable: hipen (hipen) tooth, ipwes (ipes) roach, puseg (pused) navel, uhed (uled) worm, rahet (daet, seeunder Kuy) bad, bituhen {bituen) star, anem (enem) six, labeh (lebeh) to bury, adheyen (deheg-en) hear (imv.), asd (esa) one, tatdu (tetlu) three, dpat (epat) four, atiit (etut) pedere; it becomes u by progressive assimilation in tiiud (tued) knee, and buuk (buek) hair, where no consonant intervenes, contrast puseg bituhen. Bat. has both dadake and rakuh meaning great, the former being Phil, dake (Bis. daku, Tag. malaki) with reduplication, and the latter the extended form dakel (see above table I). For the exceptional u instead of e in rakuh there is no satis- factory explanation. In sehseh 3 (Tag. silsil,, Ilk. Pang, selsel, Pamp. salsdl, Ibg. tattdl (Bis., Bkl. sulsiil), both syllables show e for pepet contrary to the rule for penultimate a. We have here the reduplication of a monosyllabic root as in the case of Phil, kemkem (table VII, p. 933), a type that is very common in all Philippine languages, and in such forms pepet seems always 1 Written quiripuen in Padre Jeronimo's Vocabulario, the u being written after the labial p to indicate the obscure sound of e, cf. Padre Cosgaya's Spanish orthography of the Pang, cognate aripuen (pronounced aripen, with e as in Ger. sageri). 2 Padre Jeronimo's coser (p. 17 of the "Vocabulario Castellano-Calamiano") is evidently erroneously written for cocer. This is indicated, not only by the phonetic correspondence of the Phil, words, but by the meaning of the words in the list immediately preceding and following coser, the order being comido, crudo, coser, serveza for ceivezd), vino &c, where serveza shows the same error. 3 From the form written ipanejsej repent (imperative) in "Nu Nap:a Amigo, p. 421, et passim. The Phil, root selsel, which develops different shades of meaning in different languages, based on the general idea "to crush, blunt, rivet", has often in the reflexive and passive the derived meaning "be sorry, repent". 940 Carlos Everett Conant, to develop the same vowel in the two syllables, as tho they were treated as separate words. The h of sehseh, like that of iihed and rakuh is the regular represen- tation of Phil. / in Bat., cf. also Bat. uho (ulu) head, hahyit (laii.it) sky, rahan (dalan) way. It is strongly aspirated, approaching the spirant sound of g in Ger. "Ziege", and hence is represented in the Span, orthography of Nu Mapia Amigo by /. When taking the word lists from natives of Batan Island I obser- ved the close similarity of this sound to that Inb. x (see above, p. 938). The h of bituhen and rahet is parasitic, as often in the ^-languages, Tag., Bis., Bkl., Sulu (cf. the medial parasitic k of Kalamian, p. 939), where it bridges the hiatus between two vowels, i. e., replaces intervocalic hamza. The retention of Phil. / in Bat. labeh is an exception for which I have found no parallel. Bat. adheyen (deheg-en) shows metathesis of the first syl- lable and y for Phil, g (RGH) as regularly (see above, p. 924). Togad. Gaddang and Itawi: These are dialects of Ibg. and, like that language, regularly represent pepet by a, which, however, is sometimes modi- fied, becoming obscure e of the ^-languages: Gad., Yog., Itw. baggd (begas) rics, tdllti (tetlu) three, appdt (epat) four, Gad. filtad (pused) navel, Gad., Yog. utak (utek) brain, Gad. pannu (penu) full, Gad. attii, Itw. dttu (etutj pedere, Gad., Yog., Itw. annem (enem) six, Gad. hipen, Yog. hipen, Itw. hipan (hipen) tooth. This e may be considered as a secondary modification of a since original full vowels are often thus obscured in these dialects, e. g. Gad. maple (Ilk. mappyd) good, Gad. kdmet (Tag., Bis. kamot) hand, Itw. memmemd (ma-mama, IN mama) to chew, but Gad. mdmmama. Like Ibg., these dialects are characterized by consonantal gemination (baggdt, appdt), total regressive assimilation of consonants (tdllu, see discussion of Tag. tallu, pp. 935 ff.), / for Phil, p before u (Gad. fiitag, Itw. fiitad, Yog. td-fulu, Phil, pulu, but Gad., Yog., Itw. appdt, pitii seven, and t for Phil, s except before i (Gad., Yog., Itw. baggdt, Gad. futag, Itw. futad, Yog. tagatut [sagatus] one hundred, but Ibg. siku, Gad. siku, Phil, siku elbow); but they differ from Ibg. in retaining unchanged the final surd stops, k, t, and p (baggdt, utak) and the pepet a preceding such final surd stop (utak, but leg. uto k . U-\ angtiagcs. Tingyan: Pepet regularly becomes u (o), exceptionally a, e or /: ddkon (dake-n) great, bogds (begas) rice, tiilu (telu) three, updt (epat) four, book (buek) hair; andm (enem) six; beken (Day., Tir., Mgd. beken, Har., Sulu bukiui) not so; nebin (hipen) tooth, maisa, for ma + isa (esa or isa) one. The material is not sufficient for an analysis of the exceptional vocalism, a, e and i. The n of ddkon is doubtless a connective (the ligazon of the Spanish grammarians) like the n of Bis. dakiih balai large house. Isinai: Pepet becomes uniformly u (o): osa or ossa (esa) one, opat (epat) four, onom (Snem) six, lubu (leben) bury, dnon (kan-£n, Tag. kdn'iti, Bis. kdn'on) food. The change of IN k to hamza seen in anon is a peculiarity of Isn. and may occur in any position, initial, medial, or final, e. g. a (ka) you (sing.) The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 941 in Christiano a? 1 Are you a Christian? a(ak) I in the answer to the above question, O Ama, christiano a Yes, Father, I am a Christian, ana' (anak) off- spring, le'ai (laki) male. The loss of n in lubu has, so far as I know, no parallel in Isn. Tagbanwa: Pepet regularly becomes u (o), exceptionally i or a: bugas (begas) rice, itom {item) black, usa (esa) beside isa (isa) one (see above, p. 936), tulo (tela) three, unon (enem) six, bo'ok (buek) hair, madlom (OJav. malem, Mai. ma lam, Gam mo'lam, Ilk. malem, Chro. macum) night, ka'un (Bis. kd'on, Tag. kd'in) eat; nipin (nipen) tooth; bituan (bituen) star. Tgb. nipin has initial /z for IN zz. With the final n in zz/zo/z for IN /zz, compare Tgb. /m<? (lima) five, but the m is retained unchanged in itom and madlom. Chamorro: Pepet becomes u (o), exceptionally e: dtof (atep) roof, tdnum (tanem) plant, pugas (begas) rice, lotsa (Tag. lisd, Bis. taz) nit, ta/o (tela) three, gunurn (enem) six, huhug (deneg) hear; /?//<£# (nipen) tooth. The £ of «//«?« is due to the / of the preceding syllable 2 . The consonantal peculiarities of Chro. illustrated by the above examples are the following: IN p becomes / (dtof, nijen); IN b becomes p (pugas, cf. piilan, IN bulan moon); the consonant of the RLD series becomes h initially (hiinug, cf. hdnum, Phil, danum water); a parasitic g is developed (gunum, cf. ginem, IN inum drink) and IN initial n is simplified to n (ntfen, cf. naan, Phil, nalan name). Unclassified languages. Banawi: Pepet becomes i in olig (uleg) snake. Bon to k: In this dialect, the development of the pepet vowel, like that of other sounds, notably original b 3 , seems to be of a variable and uncertain character. It appears as i in isa (esa or isa), ipdt (epat) four, inim (enem) six, piisig (pused) navel; asa light e in the last syllable of utek (utek) brain, and cuh-nen (den(e)g-en) hear; as the sound of u in Eng. but* in the first syllable of the last example, and in owug (uleg) snake ; and as o in fook (buek) hair and told (telu) three. In Bon. cukcdki great is seen the Phil, dake (table I) with reduplication of all except the pepet vowel, the original a being obscured to u. With Bon. c for Phil, d (RLD) in cuh-n&n and cukcuki, compare ciiwa (dua) two. The w of owug is a labial glide after loss of intervocalic / (see above, p. 924). With the / of fook, compare Bon. lifo (ribu) thousand. In view of the vocalism of the numerals and pusig and cukcdki, it is probable that Bon. should be classified among the /-languages, the other vowels being explained as cases of vocalic assimilation, total (fook, told) or partial (utek, owdg). 1 This question and the following answer are copied literally from Padre Alarcon's "Catecismo", p. 32. 22, where d is written for 'a, and d for a'. 2 Cf. my paper "Consonant Changes and Vowel Harmony in Chamorro", "Anthropos", vol. VI (1911), pp. 136—146. 3 Cf. Jenks, "The Bontoc Igorot", Manila 1905, p. 229, and my paper, "F and V in Philippine Languages", Manila 1908, in Division of Ethnology Publications, vol. V, part II, p. 137. 4 Cf. Jenks, op. cit., p. 228 : u = u in but. 942 Carlos Everett Cojnant, Sambal 1 : Pepet becomes i, e, a or u(o): alaki (dake) large (Bol.); nipen (nipen) tooth, kdnen (kan-en) food, cooked rice, dnem (enem) six, dpat (epat) four, tdro (Bol.) tolo (lba) three, buyas (begas) rice, bituun (bituen) star. Sbl. nipen shows n for original n as in several other speech groups, and y for the consonant of the RGH series in buyas, as in Pamp. and Bat. (see above p. 925). Ata: This is probably an rt-language : tatlo (tet(e)lu) three, appdt {epat) four, anndm (enem) six. In pound (penu) full we evidently have a case of regressive assimilation of which this same root has furnished so many examples in other languages. Ata, like Bgb., is a geminating language, as is apparent from the examples here given. Bilan: This, like the preceding, is probably an ^-language: atlo (tela) three, faai {epat) four, agtiaman (enem) six. Bil., like Tir. and Tgk., is an /-language. With faat compare Bil. fito (pita) seven. Metathesis is especially frequent and varied in character in this language. It is seen in the first syllable of atlo and faat, for tald and a fat, and in the last syllable of the root in gasfaolan (for gas-falo-an, IN pulu) ten, beside atlo falo (ielu piilu) thirty. The peculiar form aguaman (agwaman) may be easily explained en the basis of Phil, enem and comparison with the other numerals in Bil. To aman for anam by metathesis, is prefixed the parasitic gw from gwalo (walu) eight (cf. Inb. gwalo, Chro. gwdlog), the g analogy being assisted by the g of nagfitd seven, gasium nine, and gasfaolan ten, and to this increment is further added the initial a of the first three Bil. cardinals anisu, aluii, atlo. Manobo: Pepet becomes u (o) in upat (epat) four, ika-unum (enem) six, and pond (p£nu) full. Mnb. ikaltd three (properly third) is formed from the ordinal prefix ika and Phil, tela with syncopation of pepet and metathesis of the consonants thus brot together. Tagakaolo: Pepet becomes u (o) in ufat (epat) four and ka-nuon (enem) six. The latter form, if correctly written, is difficult of analysis. Tgk. is an /-language: with ufat compare fito seven and folo ten. Samal: Pepet becomes u (o) in too (telu) three, upat (epat) four, and ika-unum (enem) six. One is isa in Sml. Syncopation of / appears in too and wad (walu) eight. Recapitulation. /-languages: Ta^alog, probably Bontok, and perhaps Banawi. ^-languages: Iloko, Inibaloi, Kankanai, Kalamian, Kuyunon, Lepanto, Magindanau, Pangasinan, Tirurai, Batan (a in penult). ^-languages: Pampanga, Ibanag, and its dialects, Gaddang, Itawi, and Yogad, and probacly Ata~and Bilan. (7-languages: Bagobo, Bisaya, Chamorro, Isinai, Sulu, Tagbanwa, Tingyan, and probably Manobo, Samal, and Tagakaolo. Bikol has u (o) in the ultima, and a in the penult except in the /?/?-class where it lias //. 1 The examples arc taken from the lists in Appendix B of Rrkd's "Negritos of Zambales" in , .Ethnological Survey Publications", vol. II, part. I, Manila 1901. The words were selected from the two colums headed "Zambal of Bolinao" and "Zambal of lba". Where the Bol. and lba forms differ, 1 have so indicated in parenthesis. The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 943 Doubtful: Sambal. It is seen from the above recapitulation that languages of the same class are often widely separated geographically, and conversely, that several classes may have representatives with in a comparatively small area. In fact the different classes are so universally commingled geographically, that no given territory can be said to favor any one of the different vowels evolved from original pepet. From a review of the classified phenomena of pepet vocalism as a whole, it is evident that deviations from the normal development of the indifferent vowel according to the regular operation of the pepet law are due almost exclusively to the interference of the laws of vocalic assimilation and analogy. Our study has also developed the fact that some Philippine languages, like Malay and Malagasi, show a double pepet vocalism, one vowel regularly appearing in the penult and another in the ultima of the IN prototype, and that the Philippine languages, wherever they show this double vocalism, have a in the penult. This is the case of Batan and Bikol, and doubtless of the exceptional a seen in the penult of some Bagobo words, and sporadically elsewhere. That this penultimate a is not the result of assimilation or analogy, but an undisturbed and natural development of the indifferent vowel in a special position, has appeared from a searching investigation of the Bikol material, and the testimony of the Batan. We have also found that several languages have a special penultimate a in the Phil, numerals telu, epat and enem, due to the combined action of assimilation and analogy. Bibliography. 1. Sources consulted for the Philippine languages and Chamorro. Ata. Montano J. Rapport a M. le ministre de Pinstruction publique sur une Mission aux lies Philip- pines et en Malaisie (1879—1881). Paris 1885. Bagobo. GlSBERT Mateo. Diccionario Espanol-Bagobo. Manila 1892. (The dictionary proper is preceded by a grammatical sketch of the Bagobo language, pp. IX XVI.) - Diccionario Bagobo-Espanol. Manila 1892. (Not printed with the foregoing.) Banawi. Schadenberg Alex. Beitrage zur Kenntnis der im Innern Nordluzons lebenden Stamme. (An article pub. in "Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte", Nov. 16, 1889, pp. 649—727.) Batan. Conant C. E. A list of Batan words (MS) orally taken from two natives of Batan Island, one of whom, a servant boy recently arrived from his native island, gave his list a Aparri, north coast of Luzon, Oct. 7, 1904, and the other, an elderly settler in Claveria, a small town on the northwest coast of Luzon, gave his list at the latter town, Nov. 9, 1905 About 200 words. Dominican missionary or missionaries (not named). Nu Napia Amigo anmana Devocionario du chirin nu Ibatan a ichasantos nu cristiano: a pinarin da ni Padres Misioneros du Islas Batanes. Manila 1901. (Bound together with the following, which is also bound separately.) — Visitas du Santisimo cani Santa Maria a pinayapu ni S. Alfonso Ligorio. Manila 1901. . 944 Carlos Everett Conant, Paula Franco de and Castano NicolAs. Diccionario Espafiol y Batan. (Date and place un- certain. About 200 items of this work have been copied by Retana, Archivo del Biblid- filo Filipino, vol. II, Madrid 1896, Prologo, pp. XIII— XIX.) Rodriguez Jose. Catecismo dc la Doctrina Christiana. Manila 1834. (Reprinted by Retana, Archivo del Bib. Fil., vol. II, Madrid 1896, pp. 260—306.) SCHEERER Otto. The Batan Dialect as a Member of the Philippine Group of Languages of Ethnology Publications, vol. V, part I, Manila 1008. Bikol. -f Lisboa Marcos de. Vocabulario de la lengua Bicol. 2 d ed., Manila 1865. (The only dictionary. A folio vol. in 2 parts, Bkl.-Sp. and Sp.-Bkl., 417 and 104 pp.) Herrejon Santos. Lecciones de Gramatica Bicol-Hispana. Binondo 1882. Vera Roman Maria de. Gramatica Hispano-Bicol. Manila 1904. Bilan. Montano J. Raport &c. (see Ata). Bisaya. (Cebuan.) Conant C. E. A Bisaya-English Dictionary (MS) prepared at Cebii, P. I., 1906, with collaboration of Vicente Sotto and Juan Villagonzalo. About 5500 words. Encarnacion Juan Felix de la. Diccionario Bisaya-Espanol, 3' 1 ed. Manila 1885, 437 pp. fol. bound together with the following. Diccionario Espafiol-Bisaya, 3 d ed. Manila 1885, 349 pp. fol. (The standard work for the Cebuan dialect. It also contains many words from other Bis. dialects.) Encina Francisco. Gramatica Bisaya-Cebuana del P. Fr. En. Augustino Calzado reformada por el M. R. P. Fr. Nicolas Gonzalez, Manila 1885. Guillen Felix. Gramatica Bisaya para facilitar el estudio del Dialecto Bisaya Cebuano. Malabon 1898. I Zueco de S. Joaquin Ramon. Metodo del Dr. Ollendorf para aprender a leer, hablar y escribir un idioma cualquiera, adaptado al Visaya. 2 l ed. Manila 1884. Bisaya. (Hiligaina. Spoken in Panay and Occidental Negros.) Mentrida Alfonso de. Diccionario de la lengua Bisaya, Hiligucina y Haraya de la Isla de Panay. Manila 1851. (This work comprises the first 460 pp. of a vol. of 827 folio pp. the second part which is the following item.) Martin Julian. Diccionario Hispano-Bisaya. Manila 1842. (The only large dictionary of the Panayan dialects. My access to this rare work was due to the courtesy of the Hon. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, who kindly allowed me to consult his copy in his library at Manila.) Lozano Raymundo. Cursos de lengua Pannyana. Manila 1876. (Contains a Bisaya-Spanish dic- tionary, pp. 91—231.) Mentrida Alfonso. Arte de la lengua Bisaya-Hiligayna de' la Isla de Panay . . . corregido y aumentado por el M. R. P. Jose Aparicio. Tambobong 1894. Bisaya. (Samar and Leyte.) 3 SAnchez DE la Rosa Antonio. Diccionario Hispano-Bisaya para las provincias de Samar y Leyte. Manila 1895. (480 folio pages, bound together with the following item.) — Diccionario Bisaya-Espanol . . • para las provincias de Samar y Leyte. Manila 1895. (332 pp. fol.) Gramatica Hispano Visaya . . . de las provincias de Leyte y Samar. Manila 1887. (Contains a most instructive Compendio Visaya, pp. 298—327. Note that the author wrote Bisaya [not Visaya] in his later work just listed.) Imgueroa Antonio. Arte del Idioma Visaya de Samar y Leite. 2' ed. Biondo 1872. Bisaya. (Masbate and Tikau.) Rosa Pablo de la. Vocabulario Visaya-Ingles Metodo practice) snn^ ingles agud mapag- adalan sang mga taga isla sang Masbate cag Ticao. Manila 1905. Bisaya (of Cuyo Kuyunon). Augustinian Friar An. Adalan sa mga Christianos nga insultat sa cuyunon ig sa isarang Padre Augustino Recoleto. 2' 1 ed. Manila 1904. (A pamphlet of 72 pp. containing the Chri- stian doctrine in Kuyunon.) The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 945 Conant A. E. A word list of the Kuyunon dialect (SM) furnished orally by a native of Cuyo. Manila 1904. Contains the numerals and names of parts of the body (ca. 50 words). Bontok. Jenks A. E. The Bontoc Igorot. Ethnological Survey Publications, vol. I, Manila 1905. Chamorro. Conant C. E. Consonant Changes and Vowel Harmony in Chamorro. Publ. in "Anthropos", vol. VI, pp. 136—146. Fritz Georo. Chamorro-Grammatik. In "Mitteilung des Seminars fur orientalische Sprachen an der kdniglichen Friedrich Wilhelms-Universitat zu Berlin, Jahrgang VI, erste Abteilung: Ostasiatische Studien". Berlin 1903, pp. 1—27. — Chamorro- Wdrteibuqh in zwei Teilen : Deutsch-Chamorro und Chamorro-Deutsch, auf der Insel Saipan, Marianen, gesammelt von G. F., kaiserl. Bezirksamtmann auf Saipan. Berlin 1903. Ibanez del Carmen Aniceto. Diccionario Espanol-Chamorro que dedica a las escuelas de Marianas el P. Fr. A. lb. del C. Cura Parroco de Agaiia. Manila 1865. Safford W. E. The Chamorro Language of Guam. Published serially in vols. V, VI and VII of the "American Anthropologist", Washington, D. C. 1903, 1904, 1905. Gaddang. Conant C. E. A Brief Comparative Word List of the Yogad, Gaddang, and Itawi Dialects (MS). A list of 75 English words with their equivalents in the three dialects taken orally from several natives in N. Luzon, 1904 and 1905. Rodriguez Jose. Catecismo de la Doctrina Christiana en lengua Ga-dang impreso por primera vez el ano 1833. 2 d ed. Manila 1897. (173 pp.) Haraya. (See above, Bisaya Hiligaina. Padre Pedro Chirino gives the Haraya version of the "Ave Maria" in his famous work "Relacion de las Islas Filipinas", 2 l ed. Manila 1890, p. 54. Mentrida, in his Hiligaina grammar [pp. 18 — 20] gives the Haraya "declinacion" of the articles and pronouns. Padre Hilario Santaren wrote a "Catecismo Historico" entirely in the Haraya dialect, printed by the Colegio de Santo Tomas, Manila 1877.) Hiligaina. (See Bisaya Hiligaina.) Ibanag. Bugarin Jose. Diccionario Ibanag-Espafiol compuesto en lo antiguo por el R. P. Fr. J. B., reducido a mejor forma por el R. P. Fr. Anronio Lobato de Sto. Tomas; compendiado por el R. P. Pr. Julian Velichon, Vicario Provincial; reducido a metodo mas claro, con un suplemento, y dado a luz por el R. P. Fr Ramon Rodriguez, antiguo ministro en Cagayan y actuel Procurador General de la Provincia del Santisimo Rosario, de orden de N. M. R. P. Provincial Fr. Antonio Carrillo. Manila 1854. (The only large Ibg.-Span. diet, published. It is a folio vol. containing 12 -|— 280 -j- 76 pages.) MS Ibanag-Spanish dictionary (tille page lacking) containing 174 folios (348 pp. and an "Indice de las raices anticuadas estrahidas de cuerpo del Diccionario para mayor comodidad" containing 16 folios to "quippal". It is very closely but clearly written and contains a large number of words and definitions not found in the foregoing. Payo Pedro. Diccionario Espanol-Ibanag (sic). Manila 1867. Fausto de Duevas Jose Maria. Arte Nuevo de la Lengua Ybanag. 2' 1 ed. Manila 1854. (The so-called grammars of Nolasco de Medio and Nepomuceno are manuals in Ibg. for the study of Spanish.) Iloko. Carro Andres. Vocabulario Iloco-Espanol. 2' 1 ed. Manila 1888. (The only large Ilk.-Span. diet., a folio vol. containing XII -f- 295 pp.) Floresca Romual do. Vocabulary English-Ilocano. Vigan 1904. (237 pp. small 8 vol.) Lopez and Carro. Gramatica Ilocana. 3' 1 ed. Malabon 1895. 946 Carlos Everett Conant, Inibaloi. Scheerer otto. The Nabaloi Dialect. Ethnological Survey Pub. vol. II, Manila 1905. (Corrected and checked by my own lists taken in Baguio, Bcnguet 1903, 1905, and 1906.) Isinai. Rocamora Francisco. Catecismo de la Doctrina Crlstiana en la lengua dc Isinay 6 Inmeas. Manila 176. (176 pages.) Conant C. E. Isinai-English Word List compiled from the foregoing. Baguio, Benguet, P. I., 1907 (MS). Itawi. (See Gaddang.) / Kalamian. v Jeronimo de la Viroen de Monserrate. Vocabulario Castcllano-Calamiano. MS of 1789 published by W. E. Retana, Arch, del Bib. Fil. vol. II, pp. 207-224. Kankanai. Conant C. E. Kankanai Word Lists (MS) taken orally from eight Kankanai boys, each being questioned privately, at Baguio, Benguet 1903. Fifty words, chiefly numerals and parts of the body. X Lagsaca M. (Quoted by Scheerer, "Batan Dialect", p. 20 et passim.) Kuyunon. (Sec Bisaya of Cuyo.) Lepanto. Schadenberq Alex. op. cit., for Banawi, q. v. Magindanau Juanmarti Jacinto. Diccionario Moro-Maguindanao-Espafiol and Diccionario Espafiol Moro- Maguidanao. Manila 1892. (The two parts bound in one 4 to vol. 272 and 242 pp.) Gramatica de la Lengua de Maguindanao segun se habla en el centro y en la costa sur de la Isla de Mindanao. Manila 1892. SwriH Capt. C. C. A Grammar of the Maguindanao Tongue. Washington, D. C, 1906. (A trans- lation of the foregoing.) Manobo.'' A Montano J. Rapport &c. (sec Ata.) , Pampanga. ,/ \ Berqano Dieoo. Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga en Romance. Reimpreso: Manila 1860. (The only large dictionary, 343 pp. fol., of which pp. 279—343 are taken up with a "Diccionario de Romance en Pampango".) Arte de la lengua Pampanga. Manila 1729. Fernandez Eligio. Nuevo Vocabulario Espafiol, Tagalo y Pampango. 4"' ed. Manila 1896. Parker Luther. An English-Spanish-Pampango Dictionary. Manila 1905. Pangasinan. ^ Cosgaya Lorenzo Fernandez. Diccionario Pangasinan-Espanol. Manila 1865. (in two parts: "Diccionario de la lengua Pangasinana" and "Vocabulario Hispano-Pangasinan", 330-f-121 pp. fol. The only large dictionary and exceedingly race. I secured my copy privately in Manila after searching for a copy for two years in vain.) Pellicer Mariano. Arte dc la lengua Pangasinan 6 Caboloan. 3' ed. Manila 1904. Samal. \S ' i Montano J. Rapport &c. (see Ata). Sambal. v REED W. A. Negritos of Zambales. Ethnological Survey Pub. vol!. II, part I, Manila 1904. Sulu. * CowiE Andson. English-Sulu-Malay Vocabulary. London 1893. Havnes T. H. English, Sulu, and Malay Vocabulary. Published in Journal of the Straits Branch Roy. As. Soc, Dec. 1885 and Dec. 1886. Tagakaolo. S Montano J. Rapport &c. (see Ata). The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages. 947 Tagalog. Noceda Juan de and Sani.ucar Pedro de. Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala. Reimpreso en Manila 1860. (642 pp. fol. in two parts: "Vocabulario Hispano-Tagalog (sic)" pp. 423—642. The most complete and reliable dictionary.) niqg Charles. A Tagalog English and English Tagalog Dictionary, Manila 1904. (360 pp. 8 vol.) Minguella de las Mercedes Toribio. Ensayo de Gramatica Hispano-Tagala. Manila 1878. San Josef Francisco de. Arte y Reglas de la lengua Tagala. Manila 1832. S. Augustin Gaspar de. Compendio del Arte de la lengua Tagala 3 d ed. Manila 1979. Totanes Sebastian de. Arte de la lengua Tagala, y Manual Tagalog (sic). Binondo 1865. Tagbanwa. Everett A. Hart. Word list incorporated in Swettenham's "Comparative Vocabulary of the Dialects of some of the Wild Tribes inhabiting the Malayan Peninsula, Borneo, &c", Journal of the Straits Branch of the R. A. S., June 1880. Marcilla v. Martin Cipriano. Estudio de los Alfabetos Filipinos. Malabon 1895. Tingyan. Meyer Hans. Eine Weltreise. Leipzig 1884. Tigurai. Bennasar Guillermo. Diccionario Tiruray-Espafiol. Manila 1892. — Diccionario Espanol-Tiruray. Manila 1893. Un P. misionero de la Compania de Jesus (known to be Padre F. BennAsar). Observaciones gramaticales sobre la lengua Tiruray. Manila 1892. Yogad. (See above, Gaddang.) 2. Other works which have been especially useful in the preparation of this article : Set in Adriani N. Sangireesche Spraakkunst. Leiden 1893. Set in Brandstetter Renward. Malayo-polynesische Forschungen. Erste Reihe: II. Die Be- ziehungen des Malagasy zum Malaiischen. Luzern 1893. — Zweite Reihe: II. Tagalen und Madegassen. Luzern 1902. III. Ein Prodromus zu einem vergleichenden Worterbuch der malaio-polynesischen Sprachen. Luzern 1906. IV. Mata-Hari, oder Wanderungen eines indonesischen Sprachforschers durch die drei Reiche der Natur. Luzern 1908. Cabaton Antoine. Dix dialectes indochinois recueillis par Prosper Odend'hal, administrateur des services civils de l'Indochine; etude linguistique par A. C. Reprint from the March- April, 1905, number of "Journal Asiatique", Paris 1905. Favre L'Abbe P. Dictionnaire Malais-Francais. Vienna 1875, 2 vols. 8vo., and Dictionnaire Francais-Malais. Vienna 1880, 2 vols. 8vo. Ferrand Gabriel. Un texte arabico-malgache du XVI 9 siecle, transcrit, traduit et annote d'apres les mss. 7 et 8 de la Bibliotheque nationale, being an extract from Notices et Extraits, vol. XXXVIII, pp. 449—576. Paris 1904. Ferrand's great work on the Malagasi dialects, entitled "Essai de phonetique comparee du malais et des dialectes malgaches", Paris 1909, did not come to hand in time to be consulted for the present study. Hardeland Aug. Dajacksch-Deutsches Worterbuch. Amsterdam 1859. Kern H. Taalvergelijkende verhandeling over het Aneityumsch met een Aanhangsel over het Eromanga. Amsterdam 1906. Schmidt P. W. Die Mon-Khmer-Volker, ein Bindeglied zwischen Volkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens. Braunschweig 1906. Sievers Eduard. Grundzuge der Phonetik, 5"' ed. Leipzig 1901. Worcester Dean C. The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon, published in The Philippine of Science, vol. I, no. 8. Manila, October, 1906. ERRATA For some reason, not yet known to the author, his proof corrections, sent from America to Vienna, failed to be made by the printer, hence the necessity of indicating them here. A few entirely obvious misprints, e. g., thaf (for that), are passed without notice, p. 920, line 2, for: Lecturer of, read: Lecturer in 922, line 14, for: top, read: stop 923, line 19, omit period after from line 27, for: 'piga, read: piga 926, line 9, for: intervocative, read: intervocalic 928, line 4 from end, for: 927, read: 925 930, 3d line before Table V, read: If these are to be connected with 931, footnote 1, line 2, for: eastly, read: easily 932, 4th line before Table VI, for: inserted a, read: inserted as 933, 2d line following table at top of page, for: 931. read: 927 last line preceding Table VII, for: 931, read: 927 line 3 from end of page, lor: Xapia, read: Mapia 936, footnote 1, line 4, for: iisa, read: isa >r : and as e, read : and as i line 14, for: Ibg., read: by line 3 from end, for: Bis ialum, read: Bis! ilalum line 2 from end, parenthesize nipen 939, line 2, parenthesize epat line 16, for: keuai, read: kenai line 4 from end of text, for: tattal (Bis., read: tattal, Bis., footnote 2, line 4, read: serveza (for cervez footnote 3, line 1, for: Nap:a, read: Mapia 940, line 8, for: that Inb.. read: that of Inb. line 15, for: Togad, read: Yogad line 17. for: bagga, read: haggat line 18, for: rics, read: rice line before "U-languages," for: leg., read: Ibg. lines 4 and 2 from end, for: anon, read: 'anon last line, for: a (ka), read: 'a (ka) 941, line 1, for: a (ak), read: a' (ak) 943, second heading under "Bibliography," for: Ragobo, read: Bagobo. line 4 from end, for: Xapia, read: Mapia 944, lnu- 6, for: Languages of, read: Languages. Division of 7, for: 1008, read: 1908 7th line under heading "Bisaya (Hiligayna," etc., for: Pannyana, read: Panayana line 3 from end of page, for: insultat, read: insulat 945, kne 1, for: A. E., read: C. E., and for: (SM), read: (MS) >nd line under heading "Ibanag," for: Anronio, read: Antonio 3d line under heading "Ibanag," for: Pr. Julian Velichon, read: Fr. Julian Velinchon line 2 from end, read: Romualdo, and: 8vo 946, line 2 under heading "Linai." for: Manila 176, read: Manila 1876 under heading "Magindanau", for: SWITH, read: SMITH under heading "Sulu." for: 1IAVXES, read: HAYNES 947, line 3, insert after: in two parts: the following: "Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala," pp. 1-422, and line 7, for: 1979. read: 1879 under heading "Tagbanwa," for: MARCILLA V MARTIN, read: MARCILLA Y MARTIN for the heading: Tigurai, read: Tirurai at center of page, omit the words: Set in, before the names ADRIANI and BRANDSTETTER last two lines of page, for: Philippine of Science, read: Philippine Journal of Science. XOTE: As the manuscript of this study has been in the hands of the publisher since October, 1909, no ■ nee is made to contributions to Indonesian philology appearing since that date, with the exception he author's own articles, already prepared and awaiting publication, the proper citations having been quently communicated to the publisher. Chattanooga, Tennessee March 1, 1913 .1 OAYLORO BROS. MAKERS SYRACUSE. - NY. 4rVi,;i>frif»'' UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY Return to desk from which borrowed. This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. f *fi 24 1948 4Feh' l| DECEIVED Mo V 2249HJtlN 8 '68 -£ PM 2Kf LOAN D ^ T *. W6l 6 1955 LU AUG 17 '67 -2 PM AUG 2 1969 06 fiECD LD SEP 23 '69 -11AM \