\ W' "Ä'ri ^m. :«Ei'i mi m ORBIS PICTUS/THE UNIVERSAL LIBRARY OF ART EDITED BY PAUL WESTHEIM VOL. VIII THE .HISTORY OF ANCIENT MEXICAN ART AN ESSAY IN OUTLINE BY WALTER LEHMANN, M. D., PH.D., ETC. DIRECTOR OF THE ETHNOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF THE BERLIN ETHNOGRAPHICAL MUSEUM 19 2 2 NEW-YORK BRENTANO'S PUBLISHERS PRINTED BY SPAMER, LEIPSIC F ISZalB. TO MY PARENTS'IN-LAW Introduction. It is incumbent on the history of art to work upon fixed basic principles applicable to the manifestations of many peoples. Culture is creative. Civilization is exhausted. The former is productive. The latter paramountly reproductive. Thus civilization tends both to syncretism and archaism. The creative part of culture is inherent in that which is artistic. The essence of art raises both the question of generalities and particularities. All art should be judged, examined and comprehended simultaneously from the point of view of humanity, as well as of a people and its representative, the creative artist. No matter the art of which people be examined, it will always be found on closer investigation of phenomena, either similar or dissimilar, that the path leads to something common and superior to both: the enigma of art manifestation per se. The final approach must be the task of philosophy beyond historical and ethnographical investigation. The enigma is rooted in the soul. Indeed, every form of art is the expression of either the individual soul, or that of a generality. And here we discover a very peculiar reciprocity between both. The individual artist is able to move the masses. On the other hand the indistinct sentient life of a nation crystalizes in the artist. Though It is not necessary that his name be handed down to posterity. Nor is this the case with folk-songs for instance. Personal art is always imbued with the Impersonal. For the genius of the artist and that of a people, if united, always finds its ultimate human expression In creations which, as something etemeJ, outlasts the mutation of time. What Is eternal? — The Ideas which are the foundation of all universal phenomena, and therefore evolve the form problems of art. Art Is the power to embody ideas In a creative form, and to erect something permanent, though perishable In Its exterior In the ever-flowing course of time. A general view of man's multifarious art expression shows. In spite of all the peculiarities of peoples, that there are certain characteristics which permit us to speak of art styles, and great periods In the history of art. It Is perhaps a moot question as to how far it Is permissible to speak here of a history of development, although an Irrefutable sequence Is recognizable, showing an historical course In a given movement which we term time. The History of Ancient Mexican Art. A succession of styles is observable, both with the individual artist, peoples, and groups of peoples. It is important to remark, that pure and applied art, now travelling different roads throughout nearly the whole of Europe, are, with other peoples, more or less distinctly connected. High art in the European sense of the word is the expression of the spiritual experience of the individual in which the work of art is both created and enjoyed for its own sake. Applied art is in the same sense of the word pronouncedly utilitarian. In both cases the aim is that of the embodiment of ideas. For the Greek "Charioteer", as well as an axe, cu^ both, in their way, embodied ideas. Style is, so to say, the handwriting of a cultured epoch in which recognizable or unrecognizable individuals produce works of art. Personal style is the master 9 handwriting. The transference of art subjects to handicrafts is nearly always styleless, and a particular evil of our new age of machinery, which, by its highly developed technical ability facilitates any reproduction and nonsensical transference to the most varied material. Style is the peculiar form of a work of art. On the other hand, con\'entionalizing of forms is the intentional or unintentional artistic changing of nature's forms and expressions. All art is in so far impressionistic as it has its origin in exterior impressions; no one can evade these. The work of art thus created is a connecting-link inserted in an uninterrupted sequence between the external world and man. Expressionism however — whether naive or designing — holds that it can create straight from the soul a work of art devested of any intervening medium by disregarding all possible exterior impressions. Such a production finally appears to be in no connection whatsoever with the palpable world. Pure expressionism might be regarded as the art of metaphysics. As absolute space is dealt \rith by metaphysics, such a phenomenon, as for instance cubism, becomes psychologically comprehensible. And, as further, absolute space forms a synchronic continuity, we can also approach nearer to the intention of modern artists who attempt to represent a sequence of events confined in space, as may be sometimes observed in the case of the simple mediaevel legend painters. As however the works of high creative art, plastic and graphic, are really not time-bound in only retaining one moment, the amalgamation of time and space in plastic and graphic art in one and the same work is a characteristic of the primitive, or a voluntary harking back to the same. I understand by impressionism a preponderating influence in the artist's work from without, and by expressionism that from within. The History of Ancient Mexican Art. The fundamental form of impressionism is naturalism, for nature was, and remains, the eternal teacher of mankind. Small wonder then that just the most primitive drawings, as for instance the ancient Altamira cave paintings, are possessed of an extraordinary vividness of impression. They are pictures of nature based upon the most acute power of observation emanatmg from the close connection of primitive man with nature. The naive grasping of the essential in vivid momentar>' movements (closely - akin to caricature) is characteristic. It is clear that we have here, as is the case with bushmen's and other drawings, a certain psychic mood and form of human thought reacting to momentary phenomena in nature with complete psychic devotion. I term, the art of this attitude to the universe (W eltanscliauung) primary naturalism. Sharply contrasted to this are the restricted and limited patterns enforced by the technique of plaiting and weavmg at a period when man was possessed of a developed handicraft. As, ethnologically, the pot developed from the basket, woven patterns were transferred to ceramic, and were thus changed in variouls v^^manners. I call this style primary plectogene geometrical. Since the introduction of plaiting, weaving, and pottery, both styles begin to influence each other, and in doing so, it is probable that originally different and distinct cultural spheres reacted mutually on one another through amalgamation, trade relations, migration and other causes. It is possible, for instance, in the case of ancient Peruvian art to distinctly * = recognize the two above-mentioned styles, as well as their mutual exchange of influence. Plectogene geometrical patterns undergo a secondary naturalistic change on adoption, as human imagination easily conceives e. g. a square having another little one within it, to be an eye. This secondary plectogene style is geometncal- naturalistic. On the other hzmd, naturalistic motives are conventionalized owing to a i^ more reflective and more recent observation of nature. This is a form of observing nature, as conceived and reproduced by means of memory, rather than an observation of what appears actually and at first hand. Associative modifications of the pattern result. And finally, that mode of viewing the universe, which is pondered and mythological, creates an art more or less richly vested with symbols and — ^attributes (mostly of the gods). This conventionalized naturalism as met with, for instance, in ancient Mexico, may be designated as a priestly or hierarchical art. *- If the secondary naturalistic plectogene patterns are tranferred to ceramic, the rigid form becomes less rigid, and naturalistic geometncal productions result. Again, another form of naturalism developing to a conscious return to the nature of primitive man, is the mature and supermature naturalism of the most cultured peoples. It alone really knows the emotional landscapes and the spiritualized The History of Ancient Mexican Art. portrait. It is rational (one in many) in its classical or classicizing form, irrational in its romantic form (many in one). The exhaustion of impressionism leads to expressionism, which, in a way, is suppressed naturalism, and may perhaps pave the way for a new romanticism. Mexico. It is only possible within the disposable space to attempt an essay in outline of the historj' of Mexican art in view of the difficult archaeological conditions in this extensive country, and because of the very complicated historical statements made in old sources which are hardly yet even sifted. In order to obtain a more or less comprehensive survey of the various styles and time-epochs on Mexican soil, it is necessar}' to unroll the variegated scroll of the many peoples, among whom the Mexican-speaking inhabitants of the plateau, and the Maya tribes have left important historical traditions and monuments. We shall not go amiss in presuming that the differentiation from Mexican style amongst the neighbouring peoples is based on special peculiarities which they were originally possessed of. In doing so we must further consider that the 'Mexicans themselves have passed through various style-periods during which they influenced the peoples surrounding them. It seems more stimulating in deahng with this obscure field of art to offer a comprehensive view of the peoples in question, as well as of their history, rather than a detailed appreciation of the artistic value of each picture reproduced m this little volume; pictures of works of art. be it said, that were rigidly selected, and which certainly speak very distinctly for themselves. Questions of style dealt with from the view-point of the history of art are now for the first time chronologically arranged in the appended table. The writer trusts that this volume, together with its bibliography, may facilitate an introduction into ancient American art. General View. L Non^Mexicans, The ancient inhabitants of Mexico are divided into two main groups: Mexicans and Non-Mexicans. The former can be arranged in two strata which are linguisti- cally, archaeologically, ethnographically, and chronologically quite distinct from one another. The History of Ancient Mexican Art. The Toltecs or Nahuas (Chichimeca Mochanecatoca in Sahagun's Hist, de la Cosas de la Nueva Espana) form the older stratum of the Mexicans with dialects distinguished by the T sound in place of the Tl. Their language was, or is Nahuat. The latter stratum is formed by the Nahuatlacs, to whom the Aztecs belong. They have the mute Tl sound, and speak Nahuatl. The Sonoras and the Shoshonees are elder relations of both. As the Mexicans of both strata immigrated to the Mexican highlands, we shall first deal with the Non-Mexican peoples. They either also immigrated in archaic times, or are there so long that they may be regarded as autochthonous. To these belong chiefly the peoples of the great Otomi group, further the Mixteco-Tzapotecs, Mixe- Zoques, Huaves and Mayas, as well as the Totonacs and Tarascs (whose linguistic position remains undecided), although these two latter are also sometimes mentioned in the migration myths as "arrivals". Of the northern frontier tribes mention should be made of the representatives of the great families of Athabascans or Tinne stretching far to the south. The chief body of these tribes is settled in the north-west of the continent. The best- known of the southernmost Athabascans are the Apachees between the Rio Grande del Norte and the Upper Rio Gila. In the remote west — in the south-west of the United States on the Lower Colorado, on the Rio Gila, and in the neigh- bouring territories — we find the Yumas as a particular stock, including the Mohaves, Cocopas, Cochimis (of Lower Cahfornia) besides the Sen on the Tiburon island and enclaved on part of the opposite Mexican mainland (in the Pima district). This neglected group is particularly important owing to its relationship on the one hand with the Chontals of Oaxaca in the south, and on the other with the Californian Hokan group in the north. Perhaps we may regard the Californian elements in Mexico as very ancient. It is not possible to discern clearly now-a-days whether in remote antiquity Californians once held a major part of Mexico, or whether only single shoots had penetrated into a still older original population (the Otoml group). But, at any rate it is remarkable that the residue of the Seris, Cuitlatecs, Tlappanec-Subtiabas (Maribios), Chontals of Oaxaca, Xincas (south-east Guatemala), who appear as Californians, cling very closely to the Pacific coast following the direction of California to the south. Among the tribes of northern Mexico, attention should be drawn to the Sonoras and Chichemecas. They will be discussed when dealing with the Mexicans, as well as the Shoshonees, as all three belong to one large group. There are still to-day numbers of long-settled peoples in central Mexico. The most important arc the Otomisof the southern Mesa Central and the neighbouring countries of the Tierra caliente. They include the Otomis -proper, Mazahuas and Matlatzincas or Toloques (Pirindas in Tarascan) south of them in the neigh- bourhood of the high valley of Toluca. as well as the Ocuiltecas (MaHnalcas;). 10 The History of Ancient Mexican Art. Mexicans found their way in various migratory waves into the ranks of these Otomi p>eoples. Adjoining these autochthonous peoples, as primordial relations, are the Chocho- Popolocas now only existing as a fragment of a people south of Puebla, and in northern Oaxaca. Once they were very extensive and coincide, according to my last investigations, mainly with the ancient Olmecs (Olmeca-Uixtotin). They were the inhabitants of the fertile tropical coastal countries of the Gulf shore south of Verra Cruz. Sahagun, who collected old Mexican traditions up to his old age from the most learned Indians, emphasizes the fact that the Olmecs were - not Chichimecas, but Olmeca-Uixtotin-NonouaJcas. This means that they did not immigrate from the north, but were long-settled barbarians, speaking originally a foreign language, and being a foreign race, even though later Toltecicized. They were already influenced at an early period by Toltec culture and language. And it was just their district — the inner angle of the Gulf — that also remained a centre of especially high intellectual culture till well into Aztec times, as is above all proven by the magnificent Codex Borgia originating frQim this district. The extensive Toltec influence among this "rich" border people is partially explained by the trade route passing through their territory leading from the central plateau to Tabasco and the Maya countries. Hence these Olmec tribes were considered in a later era <^from ihc Aztec point of view) as being the children of Quetzalcouatl (the God of the Toltecs and the travelling merchants). Olmecs were settled in ancient times in Tlaxcala, where later they had, as Pinome, a quarter of the town to themselves. It is apparent that the early Toltecicized Olmecs had also possessed themselves of the political hegemony in Cholula the Rome of the New World. We may presume that the Toltecs were exercised of <-' the intellectual supremacy at all times, or at least passed it on to their successors. Bishop Lorenzana gives us tidings of the Toltec language which had been adopted, and which was a Nahuat idiom. He calls the dialect of the Puebla district uncom- ►-promisingly "Olmeco-Mexicano". We have an historical foundation for the whole of ancient American history in the Aztec text of the Historia Tolteca Chichimeca^) deposited in the National Library in Paris. The expulsion of the Toltecicized Olmecs from Cholula was effected with the help of the wariike Nahuatlacs in 1168 A.D. As we read in Torquemada that *-^the sovereignty of the Olmecs lasted 500 years, we arrive at the date of 600 A. D. for the commencement of the Olmec Tyranny, that is to say: exactly the time in which, according to Sahagun, the Empire of Tollan declined. ') The Ms is bilingual on the ist page, Aztec and Chocho, as I have been able to prove. This circumstance may also serve as another proof that the language of the Olmeca-Uixtotin was a Chocho dialect. The History of Ancient Mexican Art. 11 The Olmec question is therefore of the greatest importance for the early history of the Toltecs. We are further aware from Oviedo and Torquemada that it was the Olmecs who had caused the emigration of Nahuat-speaidng Nicaraos from the surroundings of Cholula to Nicaragua {circa 1000 A.D.). Chorotega- Mangues had already arrived in Nicaragua before these Nicaraos. They must have gone there before 1000 A. D. from the district of the Chiapanecs of the Mexican isthmus, for Mangues were found by the Nicaraos as "Masters" of the country. Perhaps forebears of the Tlappanecs had come with these Mangues to Subtiaba (near Leon). These are foundations for a chronology hitherto wrapped in darkness, and which now permit of an exacter fixation of the periods of the history of art in Mexico and Central America {vide Table). The Mazatecs are the nearest relations and neighbours of the Chocho-Popolocas. To these also belong the Triques, Ixcatecs and Chiapanecs. It is as well to connect here the peoples of the Mexican isthmus: the Mixteco- Tzapotecs and the Chinantecs who are connected with the Othomi group, cilthough this fact is not fully cleared up in detail. The rough tribes of the Mixe-Zoques form a group of their own who show through the Tapachultecan I connection with the Xincan II in the south-east of Guatemala, perhaps via the mysterious Aguateco II of Guatemala. And finally may be the Huaves of the Tehuantepec lagoons also belong to this group. The linguistic connection of these fragments of peoples with the Maya family are not yet investigated enough to be conclusively judged of. At any rate, the original Mayas, ^ when spreading, had to deal with the ancestors of the Mixe-Zoques in the north- west. These latter had been driven out by the Chiapanecs. In the south and south- east the original Mayas had to deal with Xinca peoples. The relationship of the Mayas with certain tribes in Honduras discloses new historical points of view. We must insert here the Tarascs (Quaochpanme, "People with shaven heads").— They inhabit an extensive country (that was never subjugated by the Mexicans) in the west of the high valley of Toluca on the Pacific slope. They speak a very singular agglutinating language, and are remarkable, because — like the Toltecs — they - v^n^**^ did not sacrifice human beings. Archaeologically the style of their ceramic shows '- connections with the primitive Otomi stratum. The Totonacs of the Gulf coast between Huaxtecs in the north, and Olmecs in the south, were a people who had attained to a considerable height of culture *- of which their stone sculptury is an eloquent witness. i- Linguistically they are conspicuously isolated. Their history goes back centuries anterior to the Spanish conquest. But it has only been handed down in its main lines in a few statements, chiefly by Torquemada. Certainly they were imbued at an early period with Toltec culture. It is possible that for this reason the Totonacs — were considered by the Aztecs of a later epigonal period to be the builders of 12 The History of Ancient Mexican Art. . the TeotiKuacan pyramids which are decidedly Toltec. The magnificent twin manuscripts, the Vienna Codex and the Codex Zouche Nutall (Cod. Jovius) sent by ^Cortes to the Emperor Charles V. originate from Totonac districts. The Maya peoples of the Mexican isthmus and the neighbouring northern Central America are still a homogeneous mass to-day, which has in course of time extended from the mountainous country between Chiapas and Guatemala to the west, north, east, and south-east without having reached the isthmus of Tehuantepec, nor passing to any considerable extent the Bahia de Fonseca in the south. Only the Huaxtecs, who must have separated from the original Mayas (Chicomuceloltecs) in very early times, are to be found at a great distance from the rest of the Mayas in the state of Vera Cruz from Tuxpan to beyond Tampico where they are neighbours of the Pamis and Otomis in the hinterland. The Huaxtecs, in ill- repute with the Aztecs, as being barbaric drunkards, barbaric, because they wore no lom-cloth (but perhaps a sort of penis-glove), were possessed of neither hiero- glyphs nor stone edifices : at best small modest earth pyramids with rough awkward stone human figures on them, and sometimes faced with stone slabs. On the other hand -their coloured striped woollen textiles were celebrated, and drawings of Huaxtec stuffs in Mexican picture-writings give a weak conception of their magnificence. The lack of hieroglyphs with the Huaxtecs proves that they must have been sepa- rated from the original Mayas at latest in the 8th century after Christ, becauset the oldest known dated Maya monument — the Birdgod of San Andres de Tuxtla — originates at the latest from this period. Accordingly, to all appearances, they must have been separated from the original Mayas in much earlier times. In order to understand Maya culture, chiefly distinguished by wonderful archi- '■ tecture, it is necessary to go back to the Mexicans. II. Mexicans. Historical, archaeological, and hnguistic facts show that it is possible, if we divide the Mexicans into two main groups, to satisfactorily connect the variety of apparently contradictory statements of the old sources about the earliest Mexican times. These two groups are the Nahuas and Nahuatlacas mentioned above, and by whom I mean the older Nahuat-speaking Toltecs, and younger Nahuatl-speaking tribes of the Aztec type. It is a law that compact groups of peoples change, or "develop". On the other hand, segregated parts maintain themselves carefully at that point at which they stood when leaving the greater mother-nation, being a minority struggling to maintain its peculiarities as an enclave in a foreign majority. This applies par- ticularly to the languages and dialects in the diaspora; they are therefore, in connection The History of Ancient Mexican Art. 13 with other investigatory auxiliaries, especially adapted to answer chronological questions which are also indispensable for questions dealing with the history of art. The oldest Nahuat known to me is the Izalco of Salvador. It is partly on the same level as Sonora and Shoshonee. This can only be explained by extremely ancient Toltecs having penetrated as far as Salvador. Beyond the real Shoshonees, the following also belong to them: the Hopis (Moquis) of Arizona, the Yutes of Utah and Colorado, the Paiutes of Nevada, the Chemehuevis of the Rio Colorado, and the Comanches of Texas and New Mexico. The Sonoras include briefly the Pimas, Opatas, Cahitas, Tarahumaras, Tepehuanos, Acaxees, Coras (Nayarits) and Huichols, all settled in north-west Mexico. We had best make mention here of the Chichimecs, who, according to Sahagun, are divided into Tamimes ("Archers" in ancient Nahuat) and Teochichimecas ("steppe Chichimecs"), and to whom the Zacachichimecas ("grassland Chichimices") also belong. The namd Chichimecs is a collective one for a number of tribes on the plains, and in the mountain countries of northern and north-western Mexico. It is difficult to decide as to their linguistic position. It is certain on the one hand that a part of the Chichimecs belong to the Otomi group, on the other we may think of the Teules Chichimecas in connection with the Teochichimecas and Zacachichimecas who led their restless lives between the southern Sonora and Otomi . The Cazcans, Cocas and Tecuexes may be placed next to the Teules Chichimecas. As a matter of fact, all these ancient Mexicans who had migrated into the country from the northern districts were called Chichimecs. For this reason Sahagun calls the Olmeca-Uixtotin : Nonoualca ("Speakers of a foreign language"), and not Chichimeca. It is highly important that in the district of Teul (source of the Rio Bolanos) as well as in the valley of Juchipila and the side valleys of the Rio Verde magni- ficent earthenware vessels are found encrusted with splendid colours which are recognizable as being connected with the district of Tepic, La Quemada and Chalchihuites, as well as with the discoveries in the middle stratum of Teotihuacan. And further north of the ruins of Chalchihuites and the discoveries of Teul and of Estanzuela (near Tepic) we find La Quemada, the old Tuitlan, with relics of Tarascan style and the Sivano-ki. These "Sivano Houses" consist of numerous clay buildings in the Pima district which are very reminiscent of the old buildings of Casas Grandes in Chihuahua and Arizona. It is probable that the ancestors of the Pimas not only built the Casas Grandes, but also occupied several buildings of the Pueblos. As among the multi-lingual tribes of the Pueblos (Kera, Tehua, Zuni, etc.) the Hopis (Moquis) of the first Mesa are the only present represen- tatives of the Shoshonees in the north of Arizona we are justified in presuming there 14 The History of Ancient Mexican Art. has been, as far as extension, time, language and archaeology are concerned an older Shoshonian period before the Sonoran. P. Perez de Ribera gives us information about the emigration of the Sonoras from the north in his Historia de los Triumphos de Nuestra Santa Fe (Madrid 1645, Kb. I, cap. 19). I consider the Casas Grandes as still belonging to the proto-Shoshonic period which ceases linguistically in about 1000 B.C.; the Sivano-ki to the first proto- Sonoran, the Chalchihuites with Teuls, Totoates, La Quemada and Estanzuela (Tepic) to the old-Sonorcm period. Both of which reach from 1000 — 500 B. C. having intimate connection with proto-Toltec culture of the 1 st cent. B. C. From this area sprung the proto-Toltec culture which depended on the ancient Toltec culture flourishing before 600 A. D. The stages of these cultures are marked by rums and characteristic antiquities, by linguistic studies in connection with chronological statements as established especially by Sahagun, in the Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacän y dei Mexico, and Torquemada. I do not mean that all ruins and discoveries need originate from such dates as 1000 B. C, 500 B. C, etc. {vide Table). Such dates merely serve to outline the epochs that created these styles, of which ruins and objects also belonging to later centuries, are examples due to rentention on the part of the inhabitants remaining behind, and their cUnging to ancient traditions. It is here that early American history focuses. Rays of light are always only thrown from complete historical centres back to distant antiquity, and onwards to centuries lying ahead. In America, it is only possible to find fixed points for the chronology and the dates of excavations important in the history of art where historical traditions, or the monuments themselves, have left reliable dates. This applies especially hitherto only to Mexico and Central America, far less to South America, and the least to North America. Mexico herself was in possession of the most important auxiharies to historical preservation of her great part by means of highly developed picture-writing and hieroglyphics, together with an admirably planned calender system. It is true that mythological conceptions play an important role, as is the case with all peoples whose minds tend to mythology, and the corresponding uncritical treatment of history. Myths are connected with events, heroes of cul- ture and historical personalities, and vest distant geographical districts with con- ceptions inseparably connected with the cardinal points. Originally chronology and calenders could not to be distinguished from cosmological studies. For this reason the starting points (zero points) of chronology are closely connected with the establishing of eras. This is particularly the case to a great extent with Mexicans and Mayas. Dim prehistoric periods are summed up into epochs synchronizing with a well- regulated and rounded-off universal conception. Thus the traditions in the Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacän y de Mexico count with 2028 years, which are distributed over 4 world eras of 676, 312, 364 and 676 years, and with The History of Ancient Mexican Art. 15 2513 years which expired on 22nd May 1558 A. D.. leaving 2513— 2028 -485 years of complete (Aztecan) time. The traditions of this document, the original writing of which is in the handwriting of Ixthlxochitl, and which I was lucky enough to re-discover in Mexico in 1909, only goes back in its first part to 1073 A. D., a date that clearly points to 1064—1074, the 2"^^ dispersal of the Toltecs. These 485 years only include a newer Mexican, Nahuatlacan tradition, and deal with the age of the world, creation, and Toltec history fromi a newer, /. e. Aztec point of view. The starting point of the whole calculation would reach back to 955 B. C. We may perhaps interpret this "zero point" of Mexican-Aztec chronology as having a deeper significance, in as far as here the early period was accepted with 13 + 6 + 7+13 cycles — each of 52 years — (= 39.52 years). There ist a dim consciousness of a very ancient past doubtlessly mirrored in these years, as well as in the different zero- point of the Maya chronology. The much higher periods including more than ten thousand years of the Codex Vaticanus are purely cosmological epochs which may be connected with Praecession — like the serpent numbers in the Codex Dresdensis. If Sahagun informs us that the Mexicans had stayed about 2000 years in the country, and if Azcapotzalco, which passed through an archaeological Teotihuacan culture — as can be proved — and could (according to Torquemada) look back about 1571 years, these statements are by no means to be scornfully dismissed. These best of the old authors, perfectly credible in their statements, did not simply invent them. What we need do is to discover how to interpret such figures. The days of such phantastic views as expressed by Brasseur de Bourbourg (who however should not be disregarded owing to his valuable sources) have, we trust, gone for ever since Eduard Seler's epochal studies. W© are possessed of considerable information from Mexico both old and ancient, but it is very difficult to unravel the apparent entanglement of statements, and to render them uncontradictory. This difficulty is partly owing to the fact that various local traditions and chrono- logies were extant which had been cast into different systems by certain priest schools. Beyond this, there is a break between the younger Mexican-Aztec and the older Toltec traditions. We must recollect that Aztec history was grafted on to the Toltec, which was thus either moved to a more recent time, or vanished, and was hidden in a universal chronology. The end of more recent Toltecdom in 1064 A. D. (according to the Historia de los Reynos de Colhuacän y de Mexico) leads us — with but a break of tradition of only a few years — to the above- mentioned year 1073, the end of Toltec renaissance, and the beginning of Aztec times. The question is: how far can pre-Aztecan times be historically illuminated? This requires a short treatment of the Toltec problem. Since Seler's archaeological discoveries on the fresco strata of Palenque, it is quite certain that the Toltecs are by no means mythical. Beyond this, there is so much reliable old information about 16 The History of Ancient Mexican Art. them that there can no longer be any dispute as to their being the protagonists of an early Mexican period of culture. Sahagun ascribes to the entire Mexican culture a period of roughly 2000 years, and dates the destruction of Tollan (the Toltec realm) about 1000 years before his time (1571 A. D.). i- e.: about 600 A. D. Thus the most prosperous period of the ancient Toltecs was some centuries before 600 A. D., and the commencement of the reign of the Toltecs — whom I call proto-Toltecs — should, according to Sahagun, be placed at 429 B. C. Both archaeolo- gical and linguistic facts support this chronology. The newer Mexican dialects, distin- guished by their Tl-sound, represent Aztec known to us from three periods : language of the ancient hymns to the Gods in Sahagun, which we possess commentated with glossziry in classical Aztec of the period of the Spanish Conquest (16th cent.), and a finally present-day vulgar Aztec. The proto-Aztecs, old Aztecs and Tenochca-Aztecs should be distinguished historically. I call all Nahuatl-speaking tribes Nahuatlacs. One of their members who rose to special political power are the Aztecs of Mexico-Tenochtitlan. The Nahuatlac immigration seems partly to date back to some centuries before 1168 A. D. Thus it is said that the Aculhuaques of Tetzcoco immigrated in the 47th year of Xolotl's reign (= 836 A. D.) together with the house of Citin (vide Torquemada). These Citin remind us of the Mecitin ("agave hares") or Mexitin. They expressly changed their name again from Mexitin to Mexica (Cod. Aubin 1576). It appears that the Nahuatlacs immigrated in successive groups. The 11 th — 12 th century after Christ was the period of the chief migratory movement, and amongst others it also brought in 1168 A. D. the Tlatelolcas who were separated from the Tenochcas since 1337 A. D. The dynasty of the Mexico- Tenochtitlan kings {ca. 1376 A. D.) is preceded by a period of ten war-chiefs quauhtlätoque), of which the first page of the Codex Mendoza gives us pictorial tidings. The time between these chiefs of the single town-quarters and Acamapichth is occupied by Tenuch {ca. 1321 — 1373) according to Andre Thevet. The peculiar dialect of Pochutla in Oaxaca, recorded by Boas, is distinguished itself from Aztec by certain vocal changes. Here we appear to have a special dialect which may be connected with the Toltec builders of Mitla mentioned by Torquemada, and which to my thinking belongs to the middle or late Toltec period (after 1064). The style of the Xochicalco ruins, together with that of the Chalco sculptures projects into a Toltec-Aztec transitionary period. After the decline of the ancient and pacific Toltec empire in about 600 A. D. caused by Olmecs, a period of confusion set in which is mentioned as "interregnum", the historians not agreing as to the duration of the time of this period. According to Torquemada and the dynasty lists in other old sources the Toltec cultural, and certainly religious influence begins to get stronger again soon after 700 A. D. which justifies us in speaking of a kind of Toltec renaissance. Cholula The History of Ancient Mexican Art. 17 was the centre of this classical ancienne neo-Toltec culture. Older reports actually speak of a ToUan-Cholollan. Table A of Kings in Torquemada mentions names of kings from 651-1031 A. D. (Clavigero 667-1031). Table B of Kings from 726—1064 A. D. (Codex Zumarraga 799—1160). The centre of old Tollan was in Teotihuacan, Tollantzinco and Tollan. I succeeded at Teotihuacan in 1909, by excavations in the Teopannacazco, in establishing the presence of three successive cultural strata, which were later found to be correct by other explorers, and were also found in other places. Remains of Aztec culture belong to the upper stratum, those of Toltec to the middle one, and a primitive (Otomi) culture to the lowest. The remains of Toltec culture are distinguished by fine stucco paintings and brilliant emerald green colours. The figures of the Teotihuacan temple frescos conformable to the paintings of the Aljojuca vessels show an archaic style which changed to epigonal style in Aztec times based on the fundamental style of the Estanzuela (Tepic) encrusted ceramic, the art of which can be traced far to the north. The rest of the ancient Toltecs were probably mixed to a great extent with the Otomi (Chichimeca-Otomi). As the pioneers of culture came from the north, and Chichimecs however were settled in the north of the Mexican high plateau, "Chichimeca" became a title of honour, both for the ancient Toltecs, as well as especially for the Chichimeca Aculhuaque of Tetzcoco, whose beginnings reach back to 323 A. D. i); /. e. at a time when ancient Toltec influences were extending to neighbouring Otomi tribes. Nahuatlacan Aculhuas seem to appear as early as 836 A. D. The Citin clan mentioned in connection with the above reminds us of the names of ancient Toltec relics such as Ecitin {yide supra: Mecitin). The end of the earlier "young" Toltecs is completed in a second Toltec dissolution by the suicide of Uemac in Cincalco (1064 — 1070 A. D.). We hear of Cholula at the time when the migrating Toltecs begin to spread. The beginnmg of the Kingdom in Tepeyacac and Cholula is dated 1168 A. D. But this only means that since this time the predomination of foreign Olmecs, who were however already Toltecisized, was disrupted with the assistance of warlike Nahuatlacs. For Instance. Tepeyacac counts 332 years (Herrera 2. 10. 21, p. 285/6) since the original home of Chicomoztoc ("Place of seven Caves") till the beginning of the kingdom. The year 1168 A. D. minus 332 years takes us to 836 A. D., the ') Everything that is Chichimec before circa 320 A. D. would be proto-Chichimec. The period of 469 years in Torquemada (320 — 789 A. D.) civers the ancient Chichimec period based on an old Otomi stratum. The time from 789—989 (Xolotl) may be regarded as a middle period, that from 989 — 1 1 39 A. D. (Nopaltzln Pochotl), and 1139— 1175 A. D. (Tlotzin-Pochotl) may be termed a newer period. About this time the dynasty poses to a later one of Tetzcoco in the person of TIaltecatzin Quinatzin (1175 — 1258 A. D.) whose accession to the throne Sahagun (VIII, 3) states as being in 1246 A. D. The history of ancient mexican art 2 18 The History of Ancient Mexican Art. above-menitoned 47th year of Xolotl's reign as the beginning of the Aculhuaque of Tetzcoco. There are plain signs in Xochicalco of the admixture of Toltec art activity with aboriginal. Here we should note the calculiform framing of the day symbols hieroglyphs, and employment of a line instead of dots for the number 5. as in the Codex Fejervary Mayer and the Codex Cospi on the one hand, and with the Mayas on the other. It is evident that we have here an older style which was also retained by the Tzapotecs (Monte Alban reliefs). We may presume that ancient Toltec culture rescued the younger Toltecs extended to the surrounding autochtones at an early period through pacific and religious channels, and along the trade routes. It is thus that the Toltecs, Olmecs, Tarascs, Mixteco-Tzapotecs, Chiapanecs, and Mayas were repeatedly fructified by the benefits of Toltec culture and science. The Tzap>otec calender is retentive of the particularly ancient names of the 20 day symbols. The Toltec calender with hieroglyphic characters found its way via the Tzapotecs to the aboriginal Mayas of the boundary highlands between Chiapas and Guatemala, following ancient trade routes leading from Tabasco from the Rio Usumacinta upwards to Peten, Guatemala and further to Central America. Those aboriginal Mayas developed the old Toltec picture-writing independently to peculiar hieroglyphics, which in their inward conception of ideas, betray to the connoisseur a closer relationship with the Mexican pictures than one would presume in view of the great external differences between the two systems of writing. The Leiden jade plate originating from the boimdary district of Belize and Guatemala dates at the latest from the 10th century A. D., and deals with the old end of the year of the month Xul ("end"). The "Birdgod" of Tuxtla is considerably older according to my calculations, namely 158 years and 225 days, and thus belongs to the 8 th century A. D. The date of this piece, 8 (caban) = 20 Mac, refers perhaps to the end of a year. The birdbeaked God of Tuxtla is connected with forms of Quetzalcouatl, and old Mexican mosaics in the Copenhagen and London museums support this theory. The Maya calender certainly developed under the influence of the ancient Toltecs several centuries before the 8 th after Christ. Ancient Toltec influence extended from Guatemala via Peten and Belize to Bacalar, and brought the first group of the Itza peoples to old Chich'enitzä the beginning of which dates back to about the commencement of the 2nd quarter of the 6th century A. D. according to the books of Chilam Balam. More recent Toltec influence came later from Champoton in the west to northern Yucatan. Especially Chich'enitzä and Mayapan show Toltec influence. In Chich'enitzä we recognize elements of the Toltec style of Teotlhuacan as well as also those celebrated stone snake columns which Sahagun emphasizes for Tula (Tollan). Remains of such columns The History of Ancient Mexican Art. 19 in the form of an "erect snake", which may also signify quetzacouatl, have been found in Tula, and are deposited in the Museo Nacional of the Mexican capital. The peculiar recumbent stone figures of the so-called Chac-Mol type are distributed as far as west Salvador; this should point to Toltec mfluence. The Santa Rita frescos in northern Belize also betray Toltec influence, perhaps coming from the south with a strange admixture of Maya elements. The magnificent stone figures of Santa Lucia de Cozumalhuapa in southern Guatemala are remains of ancient Pipil culture. It is probable that the oldest culture from Chich'enitza to south Belize is connected with ancient Toltec seats in the central Motagua valley from which offshoots can be traced archaeologically on the one hand to northern Honduras, and on the other to south Salvador. If Mexican culture has its roots in the Sonora and Pueblos districts, then the strange relationship between archaeological discoveries in the southern states of the North American Union and those of ancient Mexico become more comprehen- sible. We may presume that certain influences of a very ancient culture with protogonal style emanated years ago from the Pueblos district which sprea^o^<^^n^ J' f 48 b «UNIVERSITY OF C -t IFORNlM THE LIBRAirr ÖHIVEKSITY .jFOftNtÜ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles . «. iioiThis book is DUE on the last date stamped below. ^.H 3^973 «90 tM» FEB' ' fises RICO m^^Q^ IHM ^^9 i^g0 APR 18 1979 «RCTItB-UW »AR 26 1981 ,^^*'^ x^^'^^ (R\n IAN 12 1987 Form L9-Series WJ • '-'