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Fundamental Conditions 
 
 of the 
 
 Economic Independence 
 of Poland 
 
 BY JOSEPH FREILICH. PH. D. 
 
 f Tranalated from the Frenchj 
 
 
 CHICAGO 
 
 POUSH NATIONAL DEFENSE COMMITTEE 
 
 1918 
 
PRES£«V«TION sC ^^ 
 
 COPY AODED \\^ ^ <^ 
 
 ORIGiNALTOBE O A ^ 
 
 RETAINED \ 
 
 GIFT 
 
 Copyright 1918 
 by Polish National Defense Committee. 
 
 • •• •• •'«' •«•••• • •' 
 
 ISO 
 Polish Peoples Publishing Co., Chicago, HI. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The problem of the economic independence of 
 Poland, as the question of economic independence 
 of state organisms, in general, is one of the most 
 complicated problems of political economy. 
 
 For it is certain that now, in this economic 
 period of the twentieth century, characterized by 
 a world-wide exchange of merchandise, there does 
 not exist a single state organism which is econo- 
 mically independent in the strict sen'se of the word. 
 Even the most powerful contemporary states, from 
 an economic point of view, that possess enormous 
 forces of production and consumption, are not self- 
 sufficient and can barely carry on an isolated econo- 
 mic life. They are obliged to depend to a great extent 
 on the politico-economics of other organisms, either 
 as consumers or as producers but generally as con- 
 sumers and producers at the same time. Only the 
 earth, considered as a whole, constitutes a complete 
 economic organism which is sufficient unto itself^ 
 since naturally, it is forced to be so. 
 
.•4 \* 
 
 But, the different parts of this organism, the 
 'States and countries that make up its constituent 
 parts, cannot possess absolute, economic independ- 
 ence : they are political organisms endowed only 
 with relative economic independence. 
 
 So examining, in our study, the conditions and 
 factors of economic independence in Poland, we can 
 have in view only those elements that, deciding the 
 degree of her independence, result chiefly from the 
 favorable situation of the elementary factors that, 
 in the largest sense of the word, determine modern 
 production, that is : natural resources, human work 
 and capital. In addition to these principal factors 
 there are still other important elements that must 
 be considered, namely: the geographical situation 
 of the country, access to the sea, and general means 
 of communication with the world at large, that is to 
 say, with all the other economic organizations of 
 our globe. 
 
 The Polish lands, at the present divided 
 between the three partitioning States, Prussia, Rus- 
 sia and Austria, condemned for more than one hund- 
 red and forty years to vegetate in political and eco- 
 nomical conditions entirely different, often opposed, 
 considered as a whole, as one political and 
 economical unit, undoubtedly respond to the 
 conditions required by theory and practice, for 
 the existence and development of independent, eco- 
 nomic organisms. All of these conditions and factors, 
 especially the natural wealth of Poland, and her 
 geographical situation, by virtue of which her natu- 
 ral and artificial ways of communication connect 
 western Europe with the Orient, the Baltic Sea with 
 the Black Sea, all these essential and secondary 
 
factors show that the Polish lands, as a whole, con- 
 solidated into a state organization, will form a great 
 economic organism, in the center of Europe end- 
 owed with a serious force of expansion, possessing 
 a degree of independence equal, at least, to tliat of 
 the other countries of Europe which have been 
 looked upon as economic organisms eminently in- 
 dependent. 
 
 The aim of this work is to retrace and to deter- 
 mine the conditions and factors which constitute 
 the basis of the economic independence of Poland. 
 It is proposed to show the industrial evolution of 
 Poland and to place in evidence the principal condi- 
 tions that would considerably accelerate and facilit- 
 ate this evolution. 
 
 The degree of economic development of every 
 politico-economic organism depends essentially upon 
 its industrial development in quantity as well as in 
 quality. The more a state possesses the character 
 of an industrial organism, the more apt will its in- 
 dustrial production be to meet the competition of 
 the world markets with success ; the more will such 
 an organism be considered as developed, firmly 
 established and as possessing in itself the elements 
 of its future expansion. 
 
 Although before the European war, Poland did 
 not have a distinctive industrial character, although 
 much of her territory was agricultural, still taken as 
 a whole, she possesses the fundamental conditions 
 necessary to become an immense European in- 
 dustrial workshop. But, in order that this may come 
 to pass, the political and economic causes that have 
 hindered the normal development of industry must 
 be eliminated. The principal cause was the dismem- 
 
G 
 
 berment of the Polish economic organism by the 
 three sharing States. 
 
 The formation of an independent Polfsh state, 
 including all Polish territories, is a necessary con- 
 dition of the future economic development of Po- 
 land, and therefore, of the political and cultural 
 development of that part of the European continent 
 comprised between the Baltic Sea and the Car- 
 pathians, between the Odra and the Polesie. 
 
I. 
 
 THE INDUSTRIAL POLICY OF THE PO- 
 LAND - SHARING STATES AND THE 
 ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF POLAND 
 
 The economic life of the country of the Poles, 
 especially the industrial production, has developed 
 under the unequal, and generally unfavorable con- 
 ditions brought about by the economic policies of 
 the three sharing States. These policies are essen- 
 tially different for each part of Poland and take into 
 very little or no account whatever Polish interests 
 and requirements. 
 
 In the Kingdom of Poland, (the part held by 
 Russia) Which is the part of Poland most developed 
 economically, the foundations of the national in- 
 dustry were established by the local government of 
 the Kingdom formed at the Congress of Vienna in 
 1815. A wide and methodical movement to im- 
 prove and increas-e the industry of the country was 
 undertaken by the government. All the merit 
 of having brought the manufacturing industry to 
 life and of having assured its progress should go to 
 Prince Xavier Francois Lubecki, Treasurer of the 
 young Kingdom and in charge of the direction of 
 its finances toward the end of the year 1821. 
 
8 
 
 Conducted systematically and with great energy 
 by Lubecki, the industrial movement of the King- 
 dom developed in two different directions. First, 
 new industrial centers were protected and others 
 created for the benefit of the Treasury. Then profit- 
 able foreign markets were secured for the national 
 products. The question of opening up outside mar- 
 kets in Russia and the Extreme Orient, for the 
 products of the Kingdom ; in other words, the ques- 
 tions of transit and customs relations between the 
 Kingdom of (Poland and Russia, were regulated 
 through Lubecki in a most satisfactory manner. 
 
 In fact, after this settlement of the custom 
 relations on the basis of the tariff of 1822-24, the 
 exchange of merchandise between the Kingdom and 
 Russia could be carried on almost without import 
 duty. The commercial policy of Russia at that time 
 was highly prohibitive toward the western States, 
 while the Kingdom of Poland possessed an auto- 
 nomous Polish-Prussian and Polish-Austrian tariff 
 (decisions of the trilateral commission; treaty of 
 1818 with Prussia, and of 1819 with Austria). This 
 situation had a very favorable influence upon the 
 development of the young and rising industry of 
 Poland. 
 
 The Kingdom of Poland became in part the 
 finishing shop of foreign half-made products, espe- 
 cially Prussian, which finally reached Russia as 
 Polish products and, because of the Polish-Russian 
 customs conventions, almost without import duty. 
 Besides this system of custom relations, outlined 
 above, between the Kingdom of Poland and the 
 Western countries on the one hand, and Russia on 
 
the other, was favorable to a brilliant expansion of 
 Polish industry, especially the woolen cloth industry. 
 
 The .unfortunate result of the Polish insurrec- 
 tion of 1830-31 was felt not only in the political and 
 cultural life of the Kingdom but in its economical 
 life as well. The Russian government, as soon as the 
 ilames of the revolutionary fires were smothered, 
 made haste to modify the Polish-Russian custom 
 and commercial conventions, which as has been 
 stated, had such a very favorable influence upon the 
 development of the economic life of Poland. 
 
 At the beginning of the month of November, 
 1831, new custom tariffs for transit goods were 
 worked out and introduced, that were to regulate 
 the exchange of merchandise between the Kingdom 
 and Russia. These new rates were manifestly dis- 
 advantageous to Polish industry and commerce and 
 were made purposely as reprisals. The result 
 was an important emigration of Polish manufac- 
 turers. Some moved their manufactories into Russia, 
 while others built new factories on the other side of 
 the customs frontiers but still near the Kingdom. 
 Thus, the growth of industry in and about Bialy- 
 stok began. 
 
 However, notwithstanding the severe Russian 
 custom tariff reprisals, that lasted nearly twenty 
 years, Polish industry did not die out. Only those 
 enterprises that were financially weak and without 
 ■economic vitality were ruined. Instead, the industry 
 of the Kingdom spread out into new lines of produc- 
 tion and began, in larger measure, to take into ac- 
 count the needs of the home markets, and, though 
 less rapidly than in the time of the constitutional 
 Kingdom of the Congress, continued to develop. 
 
10 
 
 The year 1850 was a turning-point in the history 
 of the politico-economics of Russian-Poland. Under 
 the influence of different important factors, the 
 Russian government decided, towards the end of the 
 forties of the last century, to break off from the 
 prohibitive system and to replace it by a more lib- 
 eral tariff. At the same time, in St. Petersburg, (for 
 purely political reasons), the question of the unifica- 
 tion of the Polish-Russian customs and of extending 
 the new Russian tariff to the western frontiers of 
 the Kingdom of Poland was brought up. After long 
 deliberations and preparatory work, the project of 
 the unification was realized in April, 1850. It was 
 then towards the end of 1850 that the independent 
 position of the Kingdom of Poland (in its commer- 
 cial policies) was suppressed. Since then this part 
 of Poland has remained incorporated in the econo- 
 mic organism of Russia, and as a result of this, the 
 industry of the Kingdom has developed within the 
 limits of conditions created by the Russian tariff 
 policy and, in general, by the Russian economic po- 
 licy. 
 
 The suppression of the Polish-Russian custom 
 frontier was of great importance to Polish industry. 
 The Russian markets opened to Polish industrial 
 products, and transit commerce with the markets of 
 Oriental Asia again sprang into life. Moreover, the 
 new Russian customs tariffs, without giving com- 
 mercial liberty, allowed a certain liberalism. They 
 were favorable to the interests of the Kingdom of 
 Poland by their relatively low import duties on raw 
 materials and textile half-products. Then too, they 
 hindered the foreign importation of certain productvS 
 (sugar, alcohol, beer) and favored the development 
 
11 
 
 of the principal agricultural branches of industry of 
 the country. 
 
 The utter change brought about in 1850 in Po- 
 lish-Russian tariff and commercial relations, and in 
 the tariff policy of Russia itself, contributed to the 
 progressive transformation of industry. A series of 
 secondary causes (the blockade of Russian ports 
 during the Crimean War, construction of railroads 
 in Poland and Russia and the economic conse- 
 quences of the next to the last Russian-Turkish 
 war) also helped to change the small industries and 
 manufacturing establishments that existed before 
 1850 into a great capitalistic industry. The strong 
 protectionist tariff of Russia, begun in the seventies 
 of the last century, although originally brought out 
 for fiscal motives, accelerated industrial concentra- 
 tion in the Kingdom and favored the growth of new 
 establishments and new centers of production. So^ 
 during this period of rigorous protectionism, that 
 lasted from 1887 up to the beginning of the Europe- 
 an war, Polish industry gained strength, acquired 
 all the attributes of a great capitalistic production 
 and showed a marked tendency toward concentra- 
 tion. Poland lost, during this period, the character 
 of an agricultural country and (became, side by side 
 with Upper Silesia, a fundamentally industrial re- 
 gion. 
 
 Although Polish industry has expanded prin- 
 cipally during the last forty or fifty years, that is to 
 say, during the period of the protectionist policies 
 in Russia, it would be wrong to conclude that it was 
 only because of state protection that it developed, or 
 that the Russian customs policies had only a favor- 
 able influence upon it. 
 
12 
 
 In fact the aim of the protectionist customs po- 
 licy, as well as of all the industrial policies of Russia, 
 was above all, for the protection of the industries in 
 the Russian Empire properly speaking, in those 
 provinces only, which were actually Russian. 
 
 Likewise in transports, tariffs and in the whole 
 fiscal question generally, the needs of the Russians 
 were first taken into consideration and these very 
 often clashed with the needs and interests of Polish 
 industry. 
 
 This partial attitude has become signally 
 obvious during the last twenty or twenty-five years. 
 The Russian customs policy, that for forty years 
 had been extremely protectionist, first from purely 
 fiscal motives, reached its culminating point in 1894, 
 after the conclusion of the treaty with Germany. 
 Until then the Russian government had protected, 
 by an adapted system of customs tariffs, the manu- 
 facture of finished products ; after that they under- 
 took to protect the half-products and raw material. 
 The principal object that led the government to take 
 this course was to accelerate or even to create Rus- 
 sian production of raw materials or half-products 
 such as metal ores, coal and coke, and especially 
 cotton, pig-iron, etc. 
 
 (Polish industry suffered from this extension 
 of the Russian protectionist customs tariffs be- 
 cause it was based in large measure on the im- 
 portation of raw materials from abroad. In fact, 
 there are no cotton (plantations in Poland or in 
 Europe and the coal mined in the district of 
 Dombrowa (that part of the Silesian-Polish coal 
 district that is in Russian Poland) is unfit for the 
 production of metallurgical coke which is indis- 
 
13 
 
 pensable in modern iron industry; the Polish 
 iron-ore which contains only 30 or 40% of metal, 
 is only used together with richer ores that must 
 be imported. Then too, the relatively high import 
 duties on foreign cotton (from America and 
 Egypt), on coke (from Upper Silesia and Karwi- 
 na-Ostrowa) and on the ores (from Sweden and 
 France), established by the Russian government 
 to protect the cotton production in the Caucasus 
 and Turkestan and the coal and coke industry, as 
 well as the metallurgical products of South Russia, 
 have burdened considerably the industrial pro- 
 duction of the Kingdom. 
 
 The very high import duties on cotton and 
 the different kinds of thread had a most unfavor- 
 able effect on the cotton industry of Russian Po- 
 land. For although the increase in the cost of pro-^ 
 duction has not hindered the powerful develop- 
 ment of the Polish textile industry, still it has had 
 a harmful influence by making competition with 
 the Russian textile industries on the Russian home 
 markets still more difficult. Moreover, it is only 
 because of this high import duty on foreign cotton 
 that the use of cotton from Turkestan, and the 
 Caucasus has grown so extensively during the last 
 twenty-five years. In 1890, 135,000 tons of raw cot- 
 ton were used in the Kingdom of Poland, of which 
 about 32,000 tons were Russian. In 1900, 270,000 
 tons, of which 100,000 were Russian, and in 19110, 
 355,000 tons, of which about 180,000 were Russian. 
 Thus, Russian cotton of an inferior quality and more 
 expensive, is being used more and more because 
 of the protective tariff on imported cotton. During 
 the years preceding the war the amount of Russian 
 
14 
 
 cotton reached at least 55% off the entire quantity 
 used. 
 
 The import duties on coal and coke, as well 
 as on iron, imported from western and northwest- 
 ern countries of Europe, have also been the cause 
 of much loss to Polish industry. Because of the 
 lack of coke production in the Kingdom of Poland, 
 the Polish metallurgical industry has been ob- 
 liged to import coke from Upper Silesia, Siksia of 
 Cieszyn and Opawa. But the Russian government, 
 to protect the coke production and the metal- 
 lurgical industry of southern Russia, fixed high 
 import duties on coke ($0.50 a ton). Considering 
 the relatively large quantities of coke imported 
 (55 to 60 thousand car loads a year) for the metal- 
 lurgical factories and the other industrial establish- 
 ments, these import duties have burdened, without 
 any compensation, the Polish metallurgical pro- 
 duction, and in consequence, increased the price 
 of pig iron and of all metal products, machines, 
 utensils, etc. Thus, the Russian tariff policy, 
 guided exclusively by the interests and needs 
 of Russian industry, systematically caused great 
 losses to the metallurgical industry of Russian Po- 
 land. The same thing may be said of many other 
 branches of Polish industry. The high duties on coal, 
 pig-iron and other raw materials have been directly 
 prejudicial to many other branches of Polish in- 
 dustry, as well. 
 
 The Russian transportation system, especially 
 in its tariffs, also shows the indifference and even 
 the ill-will of the Russian government toward the 
 needs and interests of Polish industry. 
 
 The lack of lines of communication on land and 
 
15 
 
 water, especially the inadequate railroad system, 
 together with the absolute subordination of the most 
 vital economic interests of the country to strategical 
 considerations, has had a very harmful influence on 
 industrial production by holding up the transporta- 
 tion of raw materials and fuel to factories, by hin- 
 dering the transportation of manufactured mer- 
 chandise and by decreasing the extent of the home 
 market. Besides which, in certain parts of the count-- 
 ry, near the borders, for example, the national pro- 
 ducts could not withstand the competition of foreign 
 products because of the irrational configuration of 
 the system of railroads that had been built for mili- 
 tary purposes. A striking example of this abnormal 
 situation was the increase in the use of coal from 
 Upi>er Silesia (that is to say, according to the fron- 
 tiers existing before the war, foreign coal) in those 
 parts of the country that could not be reached except 
 in a roundabout and therefore more expensive way 
 from the mines of Dombrowa. The Russian railroad 
 tariff policy favored chiefly the importation of Rus- 
 sian grain, raw material and textile products into 
 the Kingdom and abroad and at the same time 
 limited the exportation from the Kingdom toward 
 the interior of Russia or .abroad. 
 
 The Russian industrial tax policy was also 
 unfavorable to the development of Polish industry, 
 as, in a general way, all the tax policies of Russia 
 were. Competition was made easy for industries that 
 were really Russian and they showed great force of 
 expansion. 
 
 In a word, the industrial as well a*s the economic 
 policy of Russia, taken in a general sense, was 
 marked by indifference and ill-will towards the real 
 
16 
 
 economic needs of Polish industry and towards the 
 entire economic life of Poland. In the old conflict 
 between the industries of the Kingdom of Poland 
 and those of Russia proper, that reached its height 
 in the competition between the textile industries of 
 the two countries — in the struggle between Lodz 
 and Moscow, the Russian government openly took 
 the part of Moscow. This government protection 
 given to Russian industries made competition, on 
 the markets of Russia and the Extreme Orient, much 
 more difficult for Polish industries. Still more sig- 
 nificant, the consequence of this was an increase 
 during recent years in the importation of Russian 
 merchandise, onto the markets of the Kingdom. 
 This importation included not only raw material 
 such as iron ore, pig-iron and cotton, but more 
 especially the manufactured textile products. The 
 Oriental markets that served as bases for these false 
 and erroneous political notions, showed, as Russian 
 industry favored by the government developed, an 
 unexpected instability. The isituation of Polish in- 
 dustry on the markets of the Orient, not only became 
 from year to year more difficult and disadvanta- 
 geous, but further, Russian industry began to win 
 over the western markets, that is, Polish markets, 
 to the evident detriment of the industrial interests 
 of the Kingdom. 
 
 * * * 
 
 The general development of industrial produc- 
 tion in the Polish provinces forming Prussian Po- 
 l(tand, (the Grand Duchy of Posnania, Western or 
 Royal Prussia, Eastern or Ducal Prussia, and Upper 
 Silesia or Silesia of Opole), taken as a territorial 
 and economic whole, has been, up to the present 
 
17 
 
 time, comparatively small. This vast territory, hav- 
 ing an area of about 10.000 square kilometers with 
 a population of 8}^ millions, is pre-eminently an 
 agricultural country, with the exception of the 
 south-eastern part situated between the Odra and 
 its tributary, the Malapane, that forms the rich and 
 very extensive coal fields of Upper Silesia. 
 
 The absence of well developed industry in the 
 Prussian part of the Polish lands (except in Upper 
 Silesia) is explained by several important causes 
 and factors. First, all of this western and north- 
 western part of Poland is lacking in minerals. In the 
 Grand Duchy of Posen, in Western Prussia and in 
 Eastern Prussia, there are no coal fields or metal 
 ores of any value. It is well-known that such de- 
 posits form one of the principal factors of industrial 
 development. The great extent of this fertile land 
 and the agricultural and protectionist policies of 
 Germany which are favorable to agriculture, have 
 directed • the efforts of almost all the population of 
 these provinces to the tillage and cultivation of the 
 soil. Other secondary causes were: the German 
 transportation policy that was largely governed by 
 strategical motives and concerned with the Interests 
 of German industrial production ; insufficient canal- 
 ization of the Vistula and Niemen rivers inside the 
 Russian boundaries that was unfavorable to the speed 
 and cost of transportation and importation of raw 
 materials from the Kingdom of Poland and Lithua- 
 nia to factories and industrial establishments situat- 
 ed in Prussian Poland ; and lastly the constant 
 emigration of competent workingmen to the western 
 provinces of Germany, where, for different reasons, 
 conditions were more favorable for the working 
 
18 
 
 clasis. The result of all this was a very small indus- 
 trial development in the Grand Duchy of Posen and 
 in Western and Eastern Prussia. 
 
 But on the contrary, the fourth province of 
 Prussian Poland — Upper Silesia — possessing im- 
 mense mineral wealth in coal, zinc-ore, iron and 
 lead, has become, in the last forty or fifty years, 
 a powerful center of production, one of the largest 
 in Poland and one of the most important m Europe. 
 In the southern and isouth-eastern parts of Upper 
 Silesia (in the centers of Katowice, of Bytom, of 
 Zabrze, of Huta-Krolewska, of Tarnowskie Gory, 
 of Gliwice, of Pszczyn, of Rybnik and of Opole) 
 other industries besides the mining of coal and mine- 
 rals have developed, such as metallurgical coke, 
 steel, chemical, cement and mechanical industries. 
 Thus, of all the provinces of Prussian Poland Upper 
 Silesia alone, has developed into a great center of 
 industry and is the most industrial region itn all Po- 
 liand. 
 
 Industrial production is new in the other pro- 
 vinces of Prussian Poland, especially in the Grand 
 Duchy of Posen and in Western and Eastern Prus- 
 sia and has no rich or instructive past. But the min- 
 ing and metallurgical industries of Upper Silesia 
 with its immense coal basin are already old and have 
 a history full of interest. It is sufficient to call to 
 mind that it was here, in Upper Silesia, in the lead 
 mine Frederick, that the first steam engine ever 
 built on German territory was erected in 1788; 
 it was here also in 1795, in the metallurgical factory 
 of Gliwice, that the first blast furnace was built. 
 
 Quite as interesting as the history of the techni- 
 cal development of this industry in Upper Silesia is 
 
1^ 
 
 its politico-economic history, comprising all the 
 transient periods that led from a production, inisign- 
 ificant and purely local, to the present powerful 
 one, of European importance ; comprising all the 
 tragic episodes for Polonism, and above all, the con- 
 fiscation of Polish domains in the reign of Frederick 
 The Great, that were then delivered up, soil and sub- 
 soil, to foreigners, enemies of Poland. 
 
 In general, as far as the ownership of industry 
 was concerned, the situation in Prussian Poland 
 developed unfavorably for the Poles. Industrial 
 production was neglected by the Polish nation, 
 chiefly because of the peculiar social economic or- 
 ganization of the population in this region of the 
 ancient Republic. Be/sides, working conditions were 
 exceptionally difficult, brought about not only by 
 the natural difficulties but also by the hostile atti- 
 tude of the Prussian government in regard to Polish 
 industry. These obstacles, until quite recently, have 
 hindered the development of Polish industrial labor 
 organizations, they have weakened the development 
 of concentration and hindered the creation of new 
 industrial establishments, directed and worked by 
 Poles. 
 
 On the other hand, the Prussian government 
 hais spared neither energy nor money to accelerate, 
 facilitate, and support the foundation and develop- 
 ment of German industrial enterprises. In doing 
 this, the government and its representatives have 
 been guided exclusively by anti-Polish political 
 motives. In its determination to Germanize Prussian 
 Poland, the Prussian government has attached great 
 importance to this economic struggle against the 
 Polish population. Thus, they tried systematically 
 
20 
 
 to create a well-to-do German middle class in the 
 cities of Prussian Poland by protecting German 
 tradesmen and by favoring the development of small 
 German industries. But in this economic struggle, 
 the artificially protected German middle class could 
 not hold out against the energetic competition of 
 the young Polish bourgeois, tradesmen, merchants 
 and small manufacturers and were obliged, little by 
 little, to yield their places to the Poles. Thus, those 
 in Prussian governmental circles were led to the 
 conviction that in the field of small production the 
 German immigrants, who had been encouraged to 
 settle in the towns and villiages of Prussian Poland, 
 could never assert themselves; that only a capital- 
 istic production would do away with Polish com- 
 petition. 
 
 Among the partisans of this ^system for the 
 Germanization of Prussian Poland, was Dr. Gosler 
 who for many years occupied the position of Super- 
 President of Western Prussia. In 1898, after having 
 made a study of the western and central industrial 
 centers of Germany, Gosler began to establish new 
 German industrial enterprises in Prussian Poland. 
 
 At Danzig in 1890, with the co-operation of the 
 German banks and the Super-Presidents of the 
 Grand Duchy of Posen and of West Prussia, Dr. 
 Gosler established a special institution for the pro- 
 tection of German industrial enterprises in the 
 eastern provinces, (Centralstelle zur Foerderung 
 industrieller Unternehmungen in den oestlichen 
 Provinzen). This institution took part in the creation 
 of several large German industrial enterprises in 
 Prussian Poland, especially in East and West Prus- 
 sia. But many of these enterprises that had been 
 
21 
 
 founded to fill political rather than economic needs 
 lacked vitality and soon failed. However, the Gosler 
 movement, supported by the great German bankers 
 and profiting by state protection, certainly strength- 
 ened German industry, especially capitalistic in- 
 dustry in Prussian Poland. 
 
 The highly protectionist system applied by the 
 German government to German industry in Prus- 
 sian Poland, was clearly shown by the personal and 
 official actions of the highest government officials 
 in the different Polish provinces. Besides this, the 
 hostility of the Prussian government towards Polish 
 industry was shown in a striking manner by the 
 government boycott of Polish enterprises. In 
 fact no Polish industrial establishment and no fac- 
 tory or manufactory, belonging to Poles ever receiv- 
 ed a State order, though it is a well kmown fact that 
 the Ministers of the Army and Navy, of Railroads 
 and Government Mines are the chief clients of Ger- 
 man industry. In Prussian Poland, German enter- 
 prises received all government orders while Polish 
 enterprises were, on principle, set aside. 
 
 Thus, the policy of absolute boycott against 
 Polish industrial enterprises that has been rigor- 
 ously practiced for many years by the Prussian go- 
 vernment and the state organizatians of the German 
 Empire, has hindered the expansion of industry in 
 Prussian Poland. Especially .so, since only a rational 
 protective attitude taken by the State, as a con- 
 sumer, could have contributed to the development of 
 Polish industry, because of the small capacity of the 
 local markets and the total impossibility of with- 
 standing the competition of the (powerful west aind 
 central markets of the great German industries. It 
 
22 
 
 must be added that this absolute boycott of Polish 
 industrial enterprises, practised by all the central 
 and local organizations of the German and Prussian 
 governments, was continued by the autonomous 
 authoritie's and public institutions such as the Provi- 
 sional government, County Supervisors, Councils 
 and City Administrations. The latter, by a selective, 
 electoral form of government, are mostly in German 
 hainds although in many of the towns of Prussian 
 Poland the majority of the population is Polish. 
 
 German banks in the cities of the Grand Duch) 
 of Posen, of Western and Eastern Prussia and 
 Upper Silesia have also been of great service to 
 German industry. These banks have always consi- 
 dered their principal task to be the protection of 
 German commerce and industry in Prussian Poland 
 and as they were cloisely connected with the great- 
 est banking industries of Germany, the advantages 
 thus gained were considerable. The Polish in- 
 dustrial enterprises in the meanwhile were obliged 
 to rely almost entirely on the Polish credit organi- 
 zations, fortunately well developed, though of 
 course much less powerful than the German organi- 
 zations supported by the great Berlin banks. 
 
 It was then, the anti-Polish policy of the Prus- 
 sian government that retarded the development of 
 industry in Prussian Poland by the boycott of Polish 
 enterprises and also by dispossessing Polish land- 
 owners and establishing German colonies on the 
 land taken forcibly, for themselves, from the Poles. 
 All this Prussian policy hindered the expansion of 
 the productive forces of the country and weighed 
 down the production with too heavy burdens. The 
 productive forces of the country, mainly agricul- 
 
23 
 
 tural, suffered from the high prices of land caused 
 for one thing by the colonization policy of the Prus- 
 sian government, that lowered the rates of income 
 and thus brought about a decrease in the capacity of 
 the home markets in Prussian Poland. This situation 
 was beneficial to a small number of German manu- 
 facturers and Prussian bankers. By threatening to 
 sell their property, involved in debt, to the Poles, 
 they always succeeded having it bought, very 
 advantag-eously for themselves, by the Prussian co- 
 lonization committee. 
 
 In Austrian Poland, in Galicia and In Silesia of 
 Cieszyn, conditions have also been very unfavorable 
 to economic life and industrial production. 
 
 Aside from Silesia of Cieszyn (that includes a 
 part of the coal district of Karwina-Ostrawa where, 
 near the town of Bielsk, the coal and textile indus- 
 tries developed) in the rest of Austrian Poland, that 
 is to say, in Galicia, which makes up the greater part 
 of it, industrial production has developed very little. 
 Yet Galicia has immense natural wealth, — magni- 
 ficent coal beds in the district of Cracow ; petroleum 
 fields, perhaps the largest aind richest in Europe ; 
 the celebrated salt mines ; besides beds of all kinds 
 of clay, which are the raw products used in the 
 manufacture of pottery. Still, in spite of all this 
 wealth, until recent years, Galicia has been from the 
 industrial point of view the moist backward region 
 of Poland and the part having the least industrial 
 development. 
 
24 
 
 This unfavorable situation in Galicia has been 
 caused chiefly by the retrograde industrial and eco- 
 nomic policy of Austria. "The concepts of industry 
 and those of Austria", isaid Mr. M. P. Morawitz, 
 Director General of the Anglo - Austrian Bank 
 of Vienna, in March, 1908, at a meeting of 
 Austrian economists, "are not the same. Industry is 
 the expression for the highest progress while Au- 
 stria in many respects, still lives on in the epoch be- 
 fore 1848. This is why the juxtaposition of these two 
 terms is in a way a contradiction. It is as if one 
 spoke of the sunny skies of London". This true 
 characteristic has been confirmed in the backward 
 industrial and harmful custom policies of Austria; 
 a policy that has delivered Galicia up to the power- 
 ful Austrian industrial trusts and to the Austrian 
 government that have treated this part of Poland as 
 a colony to be exploited to the utmost. 
 
 The import duties on industrial products are 
 such that the trusts of western Austria, that is to 
 . say, the manufacturers of Vienna, Bohemia, Mora- 
 via and of Styria can force high prices in the Gali- 
 cian markets on the most necessary industrial artic- 
 les. Supported by the central authorities at Vienna, 
 their influence is such that no industrial establish- 
 ment can be founded in Galicia without the consent 
 of the trusts of that branch of industry. Needless to 
 say, the trusts have obstinately opposed the estab- 
 lishment of new centers of production in Galicia. 
 Long yeai^s of experience and observation of the 
 policies of the trusts have proven that Galicia has 
 been treated as a market and not as a center of pro- 
 duction. 
 
 The government is entirely indifferent to this 
 
policy of the trusts that is so harmful to the in- 
 terests of Galicia. But what is worse, they often in- 
 directly uphold the hostile actions of the trusts of 
 W«stern and Central Austria, and it is only in ex- 
 ceptional cases that the government will give way 
 to the Polish representatives in the Viemma Parlia- 
 ment. The Austrian policy has acted as a check to 
 the industrial development of Galicia through taxes 
 levied on industry. The comparison that has been 
 made so many times between the rates of the pro- 
 fessional taxes of Austria and those of other states 
 shows a difference prejudicial to Galician industry. 
 This state of things was made worse by a system of 
 supplementary taxes in autonomous lands ; provin- 
 cial, district and township taxes. In Galicia these 
 supplementary taxes that were most harmful to the 
 expansion of industry greatly exceeded the taxes in 
 other parts of Austria. This was the consequence of 
 certain peculiarities of the Austrian fiscal legislation 
 and also because of the precarious situation of the 
 Galician finances. 
 
 Austria's indifference to the industrial and eco- 
 nomic interests of Galicia is shown also In a striking 
 manner by her transportation policy. This policy 
 was distinguished from the first by the two follow- 
 ing characteristics : first, the Austrian government 
 estimated each new line of railroad in Galicia from 
 a strategical point of view and then, methodically 
 neglected the economic needs of the country and, as 
 has already been said, this neglect was the result of 
 the fact that Galicia was considered merely as a near 
 by and convenient market for the industry of the 
 western provinces of Austria. The system of Gali- 
 cian railroads, like those in Russian and Prussian 
 
26 
 
 Poland, were not only insufficient but irrational and 
 responded in no way to the economic interests of the 
 country. 
 
 The government has been just as inactive in 
 the conistruction of highways. It was only through 
 the energetic efforts of the autonomous govern- 
 mental bodies that, during the last fifteen years, 
 roads have finally been constructed, and again the 
 Vierwia government brought pressure to bear to 
 have strategical highways built. The State policy in 
 regard to the interior waterways of Galicia, showed 
 the same neglect, the canal question became almost 
 a scandal. Work was held up for nearly eight years 
 on the canal from the Vistula to the Odra. This 
 work that had been prescribed by law, voted and 
 sanctioned by the Parliament, was hindered by the 
 malicious policies of the government. It was only in 
 3911, under pressure of the Polish representatives 
 in Parliament, that the government decided to un- 
 dertake this work and that finally construction was 
 begun. 
 
 In a word, in Austrian Poland as well as in the 
 other parts of Poland, although perhaps in another 
 form, economic life, especially the development of 
 industrial production, was hindered by the peculiar 
 and unfriendly policies of the government, that were 
 manifest in all branches of economic activity. So, 
 the economic policy of Austria, together with her 
 organic and social defects, was the cause of 
 the lack of industrial development in Galicia and 
 thus, in spite of her enormouis wealth and great 
 reserve of man-power, Galicia became the country 
 that, unable to export her industrial products, was 
 compelled to export human beings. Galicia of all the 
 
27 
 
 Polish provinces had the gireatest emigration — to 
 her inational and material detriment. 
 
 In the foregoing pages we have retraced the 
 principal factors that have combined in the three 
 parts of Poland to hinder the development and 
 growth of economic and industrial life. Neither in- 
 dustry nor commerce and to a certain degree, not 
 even the agricultural production, has had the real 
 protection of the state. In the western countries of 
 Europe, experience has shown the great importance 
 of the protection of the state as a factor in develop- 
 ment, when rationally and sincerely applied. With- 
 out this friendly protection, industry, commerce and 
 rural economy have been unable to make full use, 
 for production and exchange, of all the natural 
 wealth that abounds in the Polish countries ; have 
 been uiniable to benefit fully by the favorable 
 geographical situation, and have been unable to use 
 the immense reserve of man-power of which Poland 
 disposes. The attitude of the sharing governments 
 in regard to the economic needs of the different 
 parts of Poland has been the typical attitude taken 
 by foreigm conquerors towards the country con- 
 quered. 
 
II. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF 
 
 THE INDUSTRIAL PRODUCTIVE FORCE 
 
 OF THE POLISH COUNTRIES. 
 
 Industrial life in the Polish countries has deve- 
 loped under generally unfavorable conditions. There 
 has never been a loyal state protection of industrial 
 production, on the contrary, the economic policies of 
 the sharing States adapted to their own fiscal needs, 
 taking into account first of all the industrial inte- 
 rests of Rusisia, Germany or Austria, often hindered 
 the industrial development of Poland. Yet in spite 
 of all these unfavorable conditions, industrial pro- 
 duction in Poland — because of the great natural 
 wealth of the country, its geographical situation, 
 and great reserve of manual labor — developed con- 
 siderably. 
 
 From the point of view of industrial develop- 
 ment, Poland, taken as a territorial and economic 
 whole, certainly occupies an important place among 
 the European states. 
 
 In fact, in the Kingdom of Poland, in Prussian 
 Poland (Upper Silesia, the Grand Duchy of Posen 
 and Western Prussia) and in Galicia there were 
 according to the statistics of 1907-1910, from twenty- 
 two to twenty-five thousand industrial establish- 
 ments (not including the small artisan shops) em- 
 ploying more than nine hundred thousand men, and 
 liaving an annual production of 5 billion francs. 
 
'2'.} 
 
 Table I. gives the detailed distribution of work- 
 ingmen according to different branches of industry 
 in different parts of Poland. 
 
 Table I. — Number of workingmen employ-ed. 
 
 Kingdom Prussian 
 Industry of Poland Poland Galicia Totals 
 
 Textile 150,000 8,000 5,000 163,000 
 
 Food industry 43,000 60.000 21,000 124,000 
 
 Metals 62,000 60,000 11,000 133,000 
 
 Mines & metallurgy 46.000 150.000 18,000 214,000 
 
 Garments 25,000 20,000 1,000 46,000 
 
 Mineral 23,000 40,000 20,000 83,000 
 
 Chemical 9,000 9,000 5,000 23,000 
 
 Animal products ... 7,000 3,000 1,000 11,000 
 
 Paper & printing... 15,000 10,000 6,000 31,000 
 
 Wood 17,000 40,000 12,000 69,000 
 
 Various 3,000 3,000 
 
 Totals: 400,000 400,000 100,000 900,000 
 
 There were in round numbers, nine hundred 
 thousand workingmen engaged in industrial enter- 
 prises in all parts of Poland, four-ninths in the 
 Kingdom of Poland, four-ninths in Prussian Poland 
 and only one-ninth in Galicia together with the 
 Grand Duchy of Cracow. To this important figure 
 must be added the one hundred thousand laborers 
 working in the mining and industrial establishments 
 of Silesia of Cieszyn, and in the manufactories of 
 the district of Bielsk. This gives a positive figure of 
 at least one million industrial workingmen employed 
 in the Polish countries just before the outbreak of 
 the war. This is a minimum figure because the five 
 years preceding the war were a period of great in- 
 dustrial activity in the Kingdom of Poland and in 
 Upper Silesia. During this period a large number of 
 important industrial establishments were founded 
 in the Kingdom of Poland, which increased the 
 
30 
 
 number of factory laborers. During this same period 
 also the mining and metallurgical industries of 
 Upper Silesia developed rapidly. 
 
 Table II. brings out bettter the intensity of in- 
 dustrial production. This table shows in francs the 
 value of the production of different branches of in- 
 dustry in the three parts of Poland. 
 
 The total value of industrial production in the 
 Polish countries, included in this table according to 
 calculations for 1910, are about 4,900,000,000 francs. 
 Considering that the value of production in Silesia 
 of Cieszyn and in the district of Bialystok was at 
 least 300,000,000 francs, it can be approximately 
 estimated that the total value of the industrial pro- 
 duction in the Polish countries was b% billion 
 francs, since during the last five years preceding the 
 war, industrial production in Upper Silesia and in 
 the Kingdom of Pola)nd had a very vigorous and 
 rapid growth. 
 
 The statistical data in these two tables, giving 
 the number of workingmen occupied in industrial 
 establishments and the value of the production of 
 different branches of industry, show likewise the 
 interior structure of Polish industry. 
 
 Thus Polish industry is characterized in general 
 by two principal features: first, by a great develop- 
 ment in mining and metallurgical production, 
 amounting to a billion francs a year, (including the 
 production of Silesia of Cieszyn) then, an important 
 development in manufacturing industries, such as 
 the textile, garment and metal industries. During 
 the years 1907-10, the total value of the production 
 of the different branches of these manufacturing 
 industries amounted to 1 billion 800 million francs 
 
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32 
 
 a year, surely an important figure, if one considers 
 the unfavorable and difficult conditionis under which 
 industry was carried on in the Polish countries. 
 
 The great development of the Polish mining 
 and metallurgical industries that occupy one of the 
 first places on the balance sheet of industrial pro- 
 duction in the Polish countries was based on the 
 great mineral wealth, particularly the rich coal fields 
 of the mining district of Silesia, and also on the 
 abundance of other mineral products such as: oil, 
 salt, zinc-ore and in lesser quantity, iron-ore. The 
 mineral wealth of the country is also one of the 
 decisive factors in the development of the manufac- 
 turing branches of Polish industry. Without the coal 
 and metallurgical industries, neither the develop- 
 ment of textile or the growth of metal production 
 wliich reached such a high level of technical perfec- 
 tion in the Kingdom of Poland and in Prussian Po- 
 land (Upper Silesia) could have been possible. The 
 low cost and abundance of labor that played isuch 
 a very important role in the economic development 
 of Poland, especially in industry, developed the 
 garment industry. This included not only the raw 
 material and half-product textiles but animal matter, 
 as well. Thus it was* that before the war there were 
 not only boot and shoe but leather goods factories 
 as well, both of them very important. 
 
 Food products was another important branch 
 of Polish industrial production. One hundred and 
 twenty-four thousand workingmen were empfoyed 
 with an annual output of 1 billion 200 million francs 
 in these industries that are so closely connected 
 with the agricultural production and which have 
 acquired great value. 
 
33 
 
 The great importance of this branch of industry 
 resulted in the development of sugar refineries. Be- 
 fore the war there were about one hundred and ten 
 sugar factories in the Polish countries with an an- 
 nual output of nearly 1 million tons of raw sugar. 
 Thus Poland occupied one of the first places in the 
 sugar production of Europe, being surpassed only 
 by Germany, Russia and Austria. In a word, up to 
 the present time, the Polish countries have been one 
 of the principal centers of sugar production in 
 Europe. They surely would have been able to hold 
 that place and might, even, have reached the first 
 rank. 
 
 The distillation of alcohol from potatoes was 
 another well developed branch of the food products 
 industry. There were many large refineries in the 
 country, generally agricultural, and the annual pro- 
 duction of alcohol reached two million hectoliters, 
 about half of which came from Prussian Poland, 
 two-sixths from Austria, and one^ixth from the 
 Kingdom of Poland. 
 
 The sugar and alcohol industries have grown 
 to such an extent that they now occupy the most 
 important place in Polish production. The agricul- 
 tural character of a great part of Poland, especially 
 Prussian Poland (not including Upper Silesia) and 
 Galicia has been the cause of the great growth of 
 these two branches of the food industry. 
 
 The other branches of industrial production in 
 the Polish countries of which more than one became 
 important, as can be seen from the above figures, 
 were founded on the natural wealth of the country, 
 which was easily exploited because of cheap and 
 plentiful labor; as example, we may cite the well 
 
34 
 
 developed wood industry in Prussian Poland — in 
 West and East Prussia especially. This industry is 
 even more developed in the Kingdom of Poland. 
 
 The wood industry enterprises in West and 
 East Prussia worked mostly with the raw material 
 from local forests and wood imported, by the 
 Vistula, the Niemen and their tributaries, from the 
 forests of the Kingdom of Poland, from Lithuania, 
 Galicia and also from Russia. Principally half- 
 products were manufactured there, such as lumber, 
 beams, rafters, boards and mining timbers. The 
 manufacture of finished wood products, especially 
 furniture, was little developed. 
 
 But in the Kingdom of Poland, the wood in- 
 dustry though not so extensive as in Prussian Po- 
 land, was greatly superior in workmanship ; chiefly 
 the manufacture of furniture. At Warsaw, at Nowo- 
 Radomsk, at Lodz, at Czenstochowa and at Radom, 
 there were large furniture factories, some of them 
 being powerful capitalistic enterprises. 
 
 In Galicia, notwithstanding the great wealth of 
 forests, the wood industry, much less developed, 
 was limited to the manufacture of cut-wood, lumber 
 and half-products to be exported into the western 
 provinces of Germany and Austria. 
 
 The mineral industry was also extended in the 
 Polish contries because of the natural wealth. 
 
 Numerous pottery factories of all sorts: of 
 cement, glass, terra-cotta, crockery, lime-kilns, etc., 
 employed nearly 83,000 workingmen during the 
 years 1907-10. The annual output amounted to near- 
 ly 270 million francs. Among the different branches 
 of Polish mineral industry, the most important was 
 
the cement industry that had become one of the 
 great capitalistic industries. 
 
 Before the war there were twenty-five cement 
 factories in operation in the Kingdom of Poland, 
 Prussian Poland, Galicia and in Silesia of Cieszyn, 
 having an annual output of nearly 120,000 tons of 
 Portland cement and with a capital stock amounting 
 to nearly 60 million francs. The principal centers of 
 this industry were in the neighborhood of Opole 
 in Upper Silesia, around Czenstochowa and Za- 
 wiercie, in the Kingdom of Poland. The trusts of 
 western Austria systematically opposed the founda- 
 tioln of new factories in Galicia and so before the 
 war, notwithstanding the great amount of raw ma- 
 terial to be had in Galicia, there were only two ce- 
 ment factories, both of them in the neighborhood of 
 Cracow. 
 
 Among other branches of mineral industry that 
 developed was the lime industry in and around Opo- 
 le, Czenstochowa, Kielce, and Opoczno ; the pottery 
 industry occupied a notable place in the Kingdom 
 of Poland where there were many large earthen- 
 ware, majolica and terra-cotta factories working 
 almost exclusively for export. 
 
 Chemical industries, mostly adapted to the 
 agricultural needs of the country, were also import- 
 ant, manufacturing chiefly artificial fertilizers. The 
 annual production of this industry amounted to two 
 hundred million francs. However, this industry could 
 have reached a far greater degree of development if 
 all the resources of the region could have been 
 utilized; the coal beds in the mining district of 
 Upper Silesia and Karwina-Orawa, and the salt 
 
36 
 
 beds, especially the potasium salts that are found in 
 such great abundance in Galicia. 
 
 Great chemical industries were connected, as 
 auxiliary enterprises, with the coke and metallurgical 
 factories of Upper Silesia. The production of these 
 factories is included in the above table. Besides 
 these, there were also thriving chemical industries 
 in the Kingdom of Poland (in the neighborhood of 
 Czenstochowa, Warsaw and of Lowicz, and in the 
 mining districts of Dombrowa, and also in the Grand 
 Duchy of Posen, (near Inowroclaw, Posen and Byd- 
 goszcz). 
 
 In general, Polish industry was concentrated in 
 several large industrial districts. The greatest of 
 these was the Silesian-Polish district that included 
 all of the Silesian-Polish coal basin, that is ; parts of 
 Upper Silesia, Cieszyn, Dombrowa and Cracow. 
 Almost the entire mining and metallurgical produc- 
 tion of the Polish countries developed in this dist- 
 rict, as well as the mineral production of cement 
 and lime. The textile production also developed 
 here in the district of Dombrowa, at Sosnowiec, at 
 Zawiercie, and at Siedlec and, before the war the 
 metal industry was also important in this district. 
 
 The best proof of the wealth and great product- 
 ive force of this industrial district is the 400,000 
 workingmen employed in the mining and metallur- 
 gical factories and in the manufactories. The value 
 of the production may be approximately estimated 
 at 2 billion frames a year. 
 
 The district of Lodz was the second in im- 
 portance for industrial production and was the cen- 
 ter of the great textile manufactories. 
 
 The district of Lodz, before the war, included 
 
37 
 
 the town of Lodz and the neighboring towns and 
 villages of Pabianice, Zgierz, Ozorkow, Tomaszow- 
 Rawski, Belchatow, Zdunska-Wola, Opatowek, Ale- 
 ksandrow and even Kalisz. In this district there 
 were industrial establishments for spinning, weav- 
 ing and dyeing all kinds of textile products, prin- 
 cipally cotton and wool, and to a lesser degree, 
 linen, hemp and jute. Two hundred thousand work- 
 ingmen were employed in these establishments and 
 the annual production amounted to one billion 
 francs. 
 
 Third in importance was the district of Warsaw, 
 which included, besides Warsaw, the capital of Po- 
 land, a series of industrial centers, attached to it 
 (Zyrardow and Marki, industrial villages near by 
 Warsaw, and also the sugar refineries in the neigh- 
 borhood of Kutno and Wloclawek). This district is 
 of great importance to the economic life of Poland. 
 There were sugar refineries and metal manufac- 
 tories, garment and tannery industries concentrated 
 at Warsaw. In this district also the textile industry 
 was flourishing at Warsaw where there were at least 
 a dozen textile factories. There was a great factory 
 at Zyrardow for linen, cotton and wool products. 
 This factory, by the way, was founded ninety years 
 ago by the Polish Bank with the co-operation of the 
 celebrated Philippe de Girard and, before the war, 
 was the largest hosiery factory on the continent. 
 There were also textile works at Marki. 
 
 Before the war the industrial district of War- 
 saw without counting the well developed dwelling- 
 house indtistries employed about 200,000 working- 
 men with an annual production of a billion francs. 
 
 The district of the Baltic is the last one of the 
 
38 
 
 important industrial centers of the Polish countries 
 and includes the towns of Gdansk (Danzig), Kro- 
 lewiec (Koenigsberg), Elbling and Pilawa. This 
 district was especially a metal-manufacturing cen- 
 ter. Before the war there were great workshops for 
 the construction of ships, locomotives, railroad cars 
 and stearn engines, employing 50,000 workingmen 
 having an annual production of 500 million francs. 
 
 Besides the principal industrial districts, there 
 were also secondary centeirs such as : 1. the sub- 
 Carpathian district, the oil-fields of Tustanowice- 
 Boryslaw; 2. the district of Lublin where agricul- 
 tural products are manufactured, (sugar refineries, 
 flour mills) and where there are auxiliary agricul- 
 tural industries such as the manufacture of farming 
 implements ; 3. the district of Bialystok with im- 
 portant textile and metallurgical manufactories, 
 and finally 4. the district of Great Poland, (the 
 Grand Duchy of Posen and West Prussia) of great 
 extemt and having chiefly agricultural industries: 
 sugar refineries, alcohol distilleries, flour mills and 
 tobacco factories. 
 
 Together these secondary districts employed 
 more than one hundred thousand workingmen and 
 had an annual production of about 500 million 
 francs. 
 
 Such is a brief description of the development 
 of industry in the Polish countries ; a description 
 tracing the evolution of the principal branches of 
 industrial production in the different provinces of 
 Poland, the distribution of the principal centers of 
 industry and the internal structure of the industry. 
 This description places in evidence the great pro- 
 ductive capacity of Polish industry, proves its great 
 
39 
 
 force of expansion and shows that in spite of all 
 unfavorable conditions, in spite of the hostile eco- 
 nomic and industrial policies of the sharing States 
 that took into no account the economic needs of the 
 Polish countries, in spite of existing defects in the 
 different domains of social life, and above all, in 
 spite of the non-existence of a national state organi- 
 zation, that before the outbreak of the war, there 
 was a great and important development in Polish 
 industrial organisms. All this proves conclusively 
 that Poland, politically independent and having her 
 own state organization, could fill an honorable place 
 among the economic organisms of Europe. 
 
 Because the capacity of the industrial produc- 
 tion in the Polish countries restsi on a durable 
 economic basis namely: the natural wealth of the 
 country, and the great reserve of man-power. More- 
 over these countries have a powerful backbone : the 
 Polish coal fields of Silesia. 
 
III. 
 
 THE POLISH-SILESIAN COAL FIELDS. 
 
 The backbone of the entire industrial organism 
 of the Polish countries is the great Silesian coal 
 basin. 
 
 These coal fields are situated in the southern 
 and south-western part of Poland, almost entirely 
 on Polish territory. B-efore the war this whole 
 territory, amounting to about 6,000 square kilo- 
 meters (3,750 sq. miles), was divided among the 
 sharing States. Of this territory, 3,200 square kilo- 
 meters or 50% belonged to t^he Prussian part (so- 
 called district of Upper Silesia) ; about 2,300 
 square kilometers or 40% to the Austrian part (so- 
 called districts of Karwina-Ostrawa and Cracow) 
 and 500 square kilometers only or less than 10% 
 to the Russian part (district of Dombrowa) in the 
 Kingdom of Poland. The Austrian part of this 
 coal basin is made up of two unequal districts ; the 
 newer mining district of Cracow or Galicia takes 
 in 1,300 square kilometers, while the older district 
 of Karwina-Ostrawa, situated in Austrian Sile- 
 sia, and the zone bordering upon Moravia, takes 
 in 1,000 square kilometers. It should be noticed 
 here, that the southern and eastern boundaries of 
 the SilesiannPolish coal fields have not yet been 
 d<*termined and different indications show that 
 
41 
 
 they are of great extent. Their real size and wealth 
 could only be ascertained by a thorough survey. 
 
 The Silesian-Polish coal field belongs to the 
 richest of the world, according to the calculations 
 of Polish and German geologists. These Polish coal 
 beds, to the depth of 1,000 meters, contain ap- 
 proximately 100 billion tons of coal of which 55 
 billions are in Upper Silesia, 24 billions in the 
 district of Cracow, 16 billions in the district of 
 Karwina-Ostrawa, and 5 billions in the district 
 of Dombrowa. So, if the annual production of re- 
 cent years (62 millions in 1913) is taken as a basis, 
 this reserve can last for fifteen hundred years, and, 
 even in the case of increased exploitation, for one 
 thousand years at least. It will be recalled that 
 according to estimates made by the geologist, Wro- 
 claw Fr. Freeh, the reserve of coal in England is 
 suffici-ent for 250 or 300 years, in Germany (Polish 
 basin) for 700 or 800 years, in Belgium for 800 
 years and in the other less important coal fields 
 of Europe for 200 or 300 years at most. 
 
 The Silesian-Polish coal fields compare favor- 
 aibly with the other European coal fields by the 
 simplicity of tiheir geological structure, by the 
 wealth of the exploitable seams, and also by the 
 exceptional thickness of the seams, that makes the 
 output so much easier than in other coal fields of 
 western Europe where the seams are thinner. 
 Moreover, the Silesian-Polish coal fields contain 
 great quantities of soft coal, suitable for the pro- 
 duction of metallurgical coke. Thus, the Silesian- 
 Polish coal fields make a powerful foundation for the 
 development of industry, not only of the metallur- 
 gical but of the chemical industry which could also 
 
42 
 
 be fed by the secondary products obtained from coal 
 distillation. 
 
 There was a very rapid development in the 
 output of coal in the Silesian-Polish basin until the 
 beginning of the war. During the last tw^enty-five 
 years, especially the fourteen just preceding the 
 war, 1900-13 inclusive, the output was so great 
 that it placed Polish coal production in one of the 
 first places among the coal producing countries 
 of Europe. Table III gives the Polish coal pro- 
 duction during this period of years. 
 
 Table III. - 
 
 - Output of the Polish coal fields, 
 
 
 
 (metric tons). 
 
 
 
 
 District 
 
 District 
 
 District 
 
 District 
 
 
 
 of 
 
 of 
 
 of 
 
 of 
 
 
 Year 
 
 Upper- 
 Silesia 
 
 Karwina- 
 Ostrawa 
 
 Dombrowa 
 
 Cracow 
 
 Totals 
 
 1890 
 
 16,862,876 
 
 4,229,600 
 
 2.584.612 
 
 609.647 
 
 24,286,735 
 
 1895 
 
 18,063,906 
 
 4,717,264 
 
 3,681,663 
 
 753.320 
 
 27,216,143 
 
 1900 
 
 24,815,041 
 
 5,772,601 
 
 4,014,079 
 
 1,166,633 
 
 35.768,354 
 
 1901 
 
 25,251,625 
 
 6,344,395 
 
 4,140,439 
 
 987,854 
 
 36.724,313 
 
 1902 
 
 24,470,788 
 
 5,940,535 
 
 4,232,287 
 
 864,853 
 
 35,508.463 
 
 1903 
 
 25,235,649 
 
 6,097,275 
 
 4.747.812 
 
 815,532 
 
 36.896,268 
 
 1904 
 
 25,426,493 
 
 6,135,682 
 
 4.619.563 
 
 988,438 
 
 37,170,176 
 
 1905 
 
 27,003,420 
 
 6,440,300 
 
 3,507,936 
 
 1.118,201 
 
 38,069.857 
 
 1906 
 
 29,658,528 
 
 6,886,969 
 
 4,550,946 
 
 8,303.686 
 
 49,395,129 
 
 1907 
 
 32,221,971 
 
 7,057,621 
 
 5,318,707 
 
 1,366,896 
 
 45,965,195 
 
 1908 
 
 32,958,356 
 
 7,344,349 
 
 5,520,971 
 
 1,276,259 
 
 47.099,935 
 
 1909 
 
 34,656,638 
 
 7,636,574 
 
 5,584,183 
 
 1,162,434 
 
 49,039,829 
 
 1910 
 
 34,446,094 
 
 7,675,949 
 
 5,468.763 
 
 8,357,513 
 
 55,948,319 
 
 1911 
 
 36,622,969 
 
 8.073,713 
 
 5,769,928 
 
 1,653,724 
 
 52.120,334 
 
 1912 
 
 41,543,442 
 
 8,769,782 
 
 6,315,430 
 
 1,922,210 
 
 58,550,864 
 
 1913 
 
 43.801,056 
 
 9.376.513 
 
 6,833.587 
 
 1,970,705 
 
 61,981,861 
 
 As this table shows, during twenty-five years, 
 from 1890 do 1913 inclusive, the output of coal in 
 the Silesian Polish basin increased from 24 mill- 
 ion to nearly 62 million tons, an augmentation 
 
43 
 
 of 150%. The lowest relative increase occurred in 
 the district of Karwina-Ostrawa where it was 
 only 126%. The greatest increase was in the 
 district of Cracow where it reached 217%. But, in 
 the actual output of coal, the large district of Cra- 
 cow, so rich in coal, came last because of the 
 harmful Austrian mining policy, that favored giv- 
 ing the mining concessions to foreign con- 
 tractors and speculators, who found it to their 
 advantage not to begin working the mines in their 
 possessions. The development in the output of coal 
 in the districts of Upper Silesia and Dorrtbrowa 
 progressed uniformly, being 170% for the last 
 twenty-five years. 
 
 Tatole III which gives the output of coal in the 
 Silesian-Polish basin and its distribution according 
 to the several centers of the district, shows con- 
 clusively the predominance of the Upper Silesian 
 district which alone produced two-thirds of the 
 entire coal output of the basin. Because that part 
 of the Silesian-Polish coal basin which is within the 
 Prussian boundaries is not only the richest and larg- 
 est, but is also the be^t developed. 
 
 The output of coal in the entire Silesian-Polish 
 basin increased steadly from year to year, until in 
 1913 it reached nearly 62 million tons. Thus the 
 Silesian-Polish coal basin occupied a very import- 
 ant place in the world's production and was also one 
 of the greatest centers of coal production. 
 
 Table IV shows Poland's place in the coal out- 
 put of Europe. 
 
 This table shows that, in the output of coal in 
 Europe before the war, the Polish countries were 
 surpassed only by England and Germany. 
 
44 
 
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45 
 
 A more significant fact is that, during the per- 
 iod from 1900 up to the war, the production of the 
 Silesian-Polish coal fields showed the greatest 
 acceleration of productivity in Europe, excepting 
 only Russia. In fact, the output of coal in Poland 
 during this period increased about 70% ; in England 
 only from 16 to 20% ; in Germa^Ky 50 to 60% ; in 
 France 22 to 25% ; in Austria only 15% ; while in 
 Belgium it remained about stationary. Only in Rus- 
 sia was the increase greater, being 81%. Besides, 
 the Silesian-Polish coal fields are still far from 
 having ireached their culminating point and can, un- 
 der economic and political conditions favorable to 
 Poland, accelerate even more the already remark- 
 able rapidity of their development. These coal fields 
 then, from the unmistakable evidence of the figures 
 in table IV, make a powerful foundation for the 
 whole organism of Polish industrial production. 
 
 The Silesian-Polish coal basin that contains 
 in the districts of Upper Silesia and Karwina-Ostra- 
 wa much valuable soft coal is one of the most im- 
 portant centers of coke production in Europe. Soft 
 coal is found in Upper Silesia (district of Upper Sil- 
 esia) and in Silesia of Cieszyn (district of Karwina- 
 Ostrawa). In Russian Poland beds of soft coal, fit 
 for coke distillation, have not yet been found, but 
 in Galicia (district of Cracow) there are beds of 
 soft coal that have not yet been worked. This is one 
 of the reasons for the small development in the 
 output of fuel in this large and rich part of the 
 Polish-Silesian basin, and yet, although the rich 
 deposits of soft coal are insufficiently exploited, 
 still coke production in the Polish countries, that 
 is to say, in the Silesian-Polish basin, has become 
 
46 
 
 most important. During the last twenty-five years, 
 especially during the last fourteen years from 1900- 
 1913 inclusive, the coke production in the Silesian- 
 Polish coal fields was as follows. 
 
 Table V. 
 
 , — Production of coke 
 
 (metric tons). 
 
 
 District 
 
 District 
 
 
 Year 
 
 of 
 
 of 
 
 Totals 
 
 
 Upper Silesia 
 
 Karwina-Ostrawa 
 
 1890 
 
 987,950 
 
 587,313 
 
 1,575,263 
 
 1895 
 
 1,029,485 
 
 650,873 
 
 1,680,368 
 
 1900 
 
 1,306,557 
 
 1,145,222 
 
 2,451,779 
 
 1901 
 
 1,168,472 
 
 1,208,768 
 
 2,377.240 
 
 1902 
 
 1.095,468 
 
 1.100,320 
 
 2,195,788 
 
 1903 
 
 1,139,160 
 
 1,108,544 
 
 2,247,704 
 
 1904 
 
 1,270,793 
 
 1,219,435 
 
 2,490,228 
 
 1905 
 
 1,327,335 
 
 1,331,807 
 
 2,659,142 
 
 1906 
 
 1,471,530 
 
 1,605,832 
 
 3,077,362 
 
 1907 
 
 1,514,062 
 
 1,772,736 
 
 3,286,798 
 
 1908 
 
 1,564,798 
 
 1,780,576 
 
 3,345,374 
 
 1909 
 
 1,493,170 
 
 1,896,924 
 
 3,390.094 
 
 1910 
 
 1,523,966 
 
 1,913,285 
 
 3,437,251 
 
 1911 
 
 1,723,226 
 
 1,975,243 
 
 3,698,469 
 
 1912 
 
 1,939,619 
 
 2.225,335 
 
 4,164,954 
 
 1913 
 
 2,055,582 
 
 2,500,000 
 
 4,555,582 
 
 This table shows that during the last twenty- 
 five years, (especially 1900-13) the coke production 
 of the Silesian-Polish coal fields increased greatly. 
 The most rapid increase was in the district of Kar- 
 wina-Ostrawa, where, during this given period, the 
 output of the coke furnaces increased 32i5%. 
 During the same period the increase in the output 
 of the Upper Silesian furnaces was only 108%, 
 while for the same period the total coke production 
 of the entire Silesian-Polish basin increased 190%. 
 
 The development of the coke production in the 
 Silesian-Polish basin has been retarded partly by 
 
47 
 
 the prohilbitive Russian tariffs, that hindered by 
 high custom duties, the importation of coke into the 
 Kingdom of Poland, and partly by the policies 
 (protected by the government) of the Austrian 
 trusts that prevented the establishment of iron and 
 steel works in Galicia. There is no doubt, however, 
 that the reserve of soft coal in the Polis'h-Silesian 
 basin, as well as the producing capacity of the coke 
 factories there, will not only be enough for the 
 needs of the iron and steel works already existing in 
 the country but that there will also be enough to 
 meet the demands of Polish manufacturers even in 
 the remote future. Thus the steel and iron production 
 which plays such a role in all producing and in- 
 dustrial organisms is not only assured in Poland 
 but disposes of a very important factor of develop- 
 ment. 
 
 To sum up, the Silesian-Polish coal basin, being 
 one of the richest in all Europe, constitutes a reserve 
 of heat energy from which the economic and in- 
 dustrial organisms of Poland and of all the adjacent 
 countries will draw their strength. It constitutes one 
 of the principal conditions of existence for the 
 progressing industry of the country. It is also one 
 of the principal factors of the future growth of 
 Polish industrial production and one of the most 
 important guarantees that Poland as a state, politi- 
 cally independent, will also be economically in- 
 dependent, at least to the same degree as the States 
 of western Europe which have reached a high level 
 of economic development. 
 
IV. 
 THE NATURAL WEALTH OF POLAND. 
 
 Beside the immensely rich Silesian-Polish coal 
 fields, there is other important mineral wealth in 
 Poland that will add to the development of her 
 future industries and to her economic independence. 
 
 The second place in the mineral wealth of Po- 
 land is occupied by lead and zinc, also very impor- 
 tant in economic life, that are not only connected by 
 their origin but very often appear together. The 
 richest beds of lead and zinc are found in Upper 
 Silesia (the carbonate of zinc and the sulfide of 
 zinc) where the output is 90% of the whole produc- 
 tion of Poland. Other mines of these metals are 
 found in the Kingdom of Poland near Olkusz, and 
 also in Galicia near Cracow. In Austrian Silesia 
 the output of lead and zinc, up to the present time, 
 has been insignificant. It must be noted here that 
 a more exact valuation of the zinc and lead ore is 
 impossible but it is certain that there is a consider- 
 able amoumt. 
 
 Table VI gives the output of zinc and lead in 
 the Polish countries for the period of twenty-five 
 years from 1890 until the outbreak of the war, 
 (especially for the period 1910-13). 
 
 This table shows that the output of zinc and 
 lead during this period fluctuated between 650 and 
 700 thousand tons. Thus in the production of lead 
 
49 
 
 Table VI. — Oi 
 
 res of zinc and of lead extracted 
 
 
 
 (metric tons). 
 
 
 
 Upper 
 
 Kingdom 
 
 
 Year 
 
 Silesia 
 
 of Galicia 
 Poland 
 
 Totals 
 
 1890 
 
 676,150 
 
 " " 17,658 
 
 693,808 
 
 1895 
 
 582.987 
 
 56,160 10,494 
 
 649,631 
 
 1900 
 
 576,305 
 
 49.441 10,070 
 
 635,816 
 
 1901 
 
 573,240 
 
 57,315 8,130 
 
 638,685 
 
 1902 
 
 629,927 
 
 67,261 7,548 
 
 704,736 
 
 1903 
 
 614,966 
 
 74,969 12,073 
 
 702.008 
 
 1904 
 
 653,159 
 
 101,588 10,325 
 
 765,072 
 
 1905 
 
 666.144 
 
 99,437 9,381 
 
 774,962 
 
 1906 
 
 633,593 
 
 68,919 5,863 
 
 708.375 
 
 1907 
 
 633,610 
 
 62.040 9,032 
 
 704,682 
 
 1908 
 
 646,524 
 
 63,532 7,951 
 
 718,007 
 
 1909 
 
 664,202 
 
 52,165 7,386 
 
 723,702*) 
 
 1910 
 
 591,475 
 
 58,980 8,161 
 
 658,616*) 
 
 1911 
 
 552.449 
 
 55,051 6,811 
 
 614,311*) 
 
 1912 
 
 583,503 
 
 59,568 8,873 
 
 651,944*) 
 
 and zinc, the Polish countries occupied the first 
 place in Europe, being only surpassed in the whole 
 world by the United States of America. The rel- 
 ation of the output of zinc to that of lead was as 
 eight to two; in other words, for this given period, 
 520 to 560 thousand tons of zinc ore and 1^0 to 140 
 thousand tons of lead ore per year. 
 
 As a result of the 'relatively important produc- 
 tion of zinc and lead iin the Polish countries, the 
 metallurgical industry has been greatly developed ; 
 before the war there were factories in Upper Silesia, 
 in the Kingdom of Poland near Olkusiz and Ben- 
 dzin and also in Galicia near Cracow. The output of 
 lead ore from Olkusz and the mines near Cracow 
 
 *) In the Silesian district of Cieszyn the numbers of tons of 
 «lnc and lead ores extracted during the years 1909 to 1912 were 
 respectively: 50, 15, 60 and 70. 
 
$0 
 
 was sefnt as raw material to the factories in Upper 
 Silesia where it was melted into lead. 
 
 Thus the production of raw zinc and lead, espec- 
 ially zinc, in the Polish countries, equaled that of 
 Belgium which, before the war, occupied the first 
 place in Europe and the second place in the world 
 after the United States. In table VII and VIII the 
 figures show the development of the production of 
 zinc and lead in Poland during the last twenty-five 
 years. 
 
 Table VII. — Production of 
 
 zinc (metric 
 
 tons). 
 
 
 Upper 
 
 Kingdom 
 
 
 
 Year 
 
 Silesia 
 
 of 
 Poland 
 
 Galicia 
 
 Totals 
 
 1890 
 
 88,699 
 
 3,776 
 
 2,173 
 
 99,648 
 
 1895 
 
 95,430 
 
 5,034 
 
 2.526 
 
 102,990 
 
 1900 
 
 102,213 
 
 5,967 
 
 3.365 
 
 111,545 
 
 1901 
 
 107,967 
 
 6,109 
 
 3,683 
 
 117,759 
 
 1902 
 
 116,979 
 
 8,271 
 
 4,898 
 
 130,148 
 
 1903 
 
 118,522 
 
 9,902 
 
 5,518 
 
 133,942 
 
 1904 
 
 126,493 
 
 10.612 
 
 5,770 
 
 142.875 
 
 1905 
 
 129,013 
 
 7,638 
 
 6.550 
 
 143.201 
 
 1906 
 
 135,970 
 
 9,380 
 
 7.526 
 
 152.876 
 
 1907 
 
 137,736 
 
 9,392 
 
 8,302 
 
 155.430 
 
 1908 
 
 141,461 
 
 8,841 
 
 9.721 
 
 160,023 
 
 1909 
 
 139,255 
 
 7,947 
 
 8,358 
 
 155,560 
 
 1910 
 
 139,733 
 
 8.638 
 
 8,866 
 
 157,237 
 
 1911 
 
 155.628 
 
 9,937 
 
 11,878 
 
 177,443 
 
 1912 
 
 168,496 
 
 8.764 
 
 13,222 
 
 190,482 
 
 1913 
 
 169,439 
 
 7.608 
 
 13.850 
 
 190,897 
 
 These figures show that there was an immense 
 development in the production of zinc ore in Poland. 
 After the Belgian production, that of Poland is the 
 most important in Europe and third in importance 
 in the world, furnishing more than 21% of the 
 entire production of the world. From the point of 
 view of lead production, the Polish countries also 
 occupied an important though not predominant 
 
51 
 
 place among the world producers of lead. The 
 position of the Polish lead metallurgical industry 
 is prominent. In the production of lead in Europe 
 before the war, Poland was only surpassed by 
 Spain, Germany and Belgium. Thus, the wealth of 
 zinc and lead in Poland is yet another important 
 factor in the economic independence and industrial 
 development of Poland. 
 
 In economic value, iron-ore is known to occupy 
 the second place after coal. Iron-ore is found in dif- 
 ferent parts of the Polish countries and over large 
 areas. A valuation of the reserve of iron-ore, even 
 approximate, is difficult, because of the lack of suf- 
 
 Table VIII. - 
 
 — Production of lead 
 
 (metric tons). 
 
 Year 
 
 Totals 
 
 Year 
 
 Totals 
 
 1890 
 
 19,622 
 
 1906 
 
 38,372 
 
 1895 
 
 20.017 
 
 1907 
 
 32,937 
 
 1900 
 
 24,925 
 
 1908 
 
 38,381 
 
 1901 
 
 22,733 
 
 1909 
 
 37,360 
 
 1902 
 
 30,209 
 
 1910 
 
 41,261 
 
 1903 
 
 42,191 
 
 1911 
 
 41,811 
 
 1904 
 
 39,795 
 
 1912 
 
 41,313 
 
 1905 
 
 50,973 
 
 1913 
 
 39,922 
 
 ficient data, but it is estimated that the reserve of 
 iron-ore in the Kingdom of Poland is from 300 to 350 
 million tons, containing from 120 to 140 million 
 tons of iron metal. There is about the same quantity 
 of iron-ore in Upper Silesia. There is none at all in 
 Silesia of Cieszyn and very little in Galicia, but as 
 there has never been a thorough geological survey 
 made of the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia, it is 
 probable that the approximate estimation of be- 
 tween 700 and 800 million tons is far too low. 
 
52 
 
 There are four principal centers where iron-ore 
 is found in Poland: 1st in Upper Silesia, in the Si- 
 ksian-Polish coal basin ; 2nd to the south and north- 
 west of Czenstochowa, 3rd in the government of 
 Radom, in the neighborhood of the Holy Cross 
 Mountains, 4th south of Kalisz where, during recent 
 years, important beds have been found. 
 
 Table 
 
 IX. — Iron 
 
 ores extracted (metric 
 
 tons). 
 
 Year 
 
 Upper 
 Silesia 
 
 Kingdom 
 
 of Gallcia 
 Poland 
 
 Totals 
 
 1890 
 1900 
 1905 
 1910 
 1912 
 
 758,000 
 407,000 
 315,000 
 234,000 
 165.000 
 
 229,000 9,500 
 
 484,000 
 
 300,000 8,100 
 
 173,000 4.200 
 
 120,000 16,000 
 
 996,500 
 891,000 
 623,100 
 411,200 
 S01,000 
 
 Table IX gives the relative figures of the out- 
 put of iron-ore in Poland. 
 
 This table shows that during the course of the 
 last twenty-five years, before the war, the output 
 of iron-ore steadly diminished. There were several 
 reasons for this. 
 
 In Upper Silesia, the decrease in the output was 
 caused by the exhaustion of the seams. In the King- 
 dom of Poland, by the growing competition of the 
 rich metallic ore from southern Russia, while in 
 Kalisz and other districts the exploitation of the 
 mines was hindered by the inadequate system of 
 railroads. 
 
 In spite of the decrease in the output of the 
 iron-ore mines; in spite of the fact that Polish ore 
 only contains, (on an average 15 to 30%), at most 
 
53 
 
 40% of pure metal, the production of pig-iron in 
 Poland developed considerably during the last 
 twenty-five years because Poland possessed the soft 
 coal so important in the manufacture of iron. 
 
 As there was not enough native ore to supply 
 the demands of the iron and steel manufacturers 
 established in Poland, great quantities were import- 
 ed from Sweden, Hungary and Central Russia. 
 During the last twelve years the metallurgical in- 
 dustry of Poland was based on the importation of 
 rich foreign ore. But, before the war, Germany, 
 Belgium and England also, used great quantities of 
 rich imported ore in their metallurgical industries. 
 Thus the situation of the iron industry in Poland 
 was no worse than in the States of Western Europe 
 having the greatest industrial development. 
 
 The production of pig-iron in the Polish 
 countries developed greatly, especially in Upper 
 Silesia and in the Kingdom of Poland. But this in- 
 dustry is not yet established in Galicia, principally 
 because of the strong opposition of the powerful 
 Austrian iron trusts. In Silesia of Cieszyn there is 
 only one factory, near the town of Cieszyn, which 
 has an unimportant yearly output. 
 
 Table X. shows the development of the pro- 
 duction of pig-iron during the last twenty-five years. 
 
 During this given period the production of pig- 
 iron in the Polish countries increased from 100 to 
 125%. 
 
 In the Kingdom of Poland there was a remark- 
 able increase in the number of blast furnaces, and 
 for this given period the increase in iron production 
 was 230%. The increase in Upper Silesia for this 
 period was less — 100 to 110%. 
 
54 
 
 The development of the Polish production of 
 pig-iron was subject to a series of harmful, economic 
 and political influences; protection by the Russian 
 government of the importation of iron-ores from 
 southern Russia to the market of the Kingdom of 
 Poland, duties levied on coke imported to the metal- 
 lurgical factories of Russian Poland from Upper 
 Silesia of Cieszym ; government boycott of the 
 products of Polish iron and steel works ; the opposi- 
 
 Table X. 
 
 — Production of iron 
 
 (metric tons). 
 
 
 
 Kingdom 
 
 
 Tear 
 
 Upper 
 
 of 
 
 Totals 
 
 
 Silesia 
 
 Poland 
 
 
 1890 
 
 507,000 
 
 127,000 
 
 634,000 
 
 1895 
 
 532,000 
 
 190,000 
 
 722,000 
 
 1900 
 
 744,000 
 
 301,000 
 
 1,045,000 
 
 1901 
 
 641,000 
 
 324,000 
 
 965,000 
 
 1902 
 
 685.000 
 
 283,000 
 
 968.000 
 
 1903 
 
 748,000 
 
 306.000 
 
 1,054,000 
 
 1904 
 
 826,000 
 
 374,000 
 
 1,200,000 
 
 1906 
 
 861,000 
 
 252,000 
 
 1.113,000 
 
 1906 
 
 901,000 
 
 303,000 
 
 1,204,000 
 
 1907 
 
 939,000 
 
 283,CO0 
 
 1,222.000 
 
 1908 
 
 928,000 
 
 210,000 
 
 1,138.000 
 
 1909 
 
 850,000 
 
 216,000 
 
 1,066,000 
 
 1910 
 
 901,000 
 
 251,000 
 
 1,152.000 
 
 1911 
 
 963,000 
 
 347,000 
 
 1.310.000 
 
 1912 
 
 1,048,000 
 
 393,000 
 
 1,441,000 
 
 1913 
 
 995,000 
 
 419.000 
 
 1,414,000 
 
 tion of the powerful iron and steel trusts of Austria 
 to the establishment of manufactories in Galicia; 
 the absolute closing of this important market to the 
 products of the steel and iron works of the other 
 parts of Poland; lastly, the small consumption of 
 pig-iron in the Polish home market, which is one of 
 the results of the economic policy of the sharing 
 States that do not take into account the economic 
 
55 
 
 needs or interests of the Polish countries. However, 
 notwithstanding all these unfavorable influences, 
 the development in the production of pig-iron in the 
 Polish countries has been serious. Before the war, 
 Poland occupied an average place among the Euro- 
 pean producers of this metal, so necessary to econ- 
 omic life. 
 
 If a fundamental change in the political and 
 economical conditions of Poland could take place, 
 the metallurgical industry based upon a larger home 
 market would certainly develop greatly. This has 
 had up to the present time a relatively small capa- 
 city (the annual use of iron per head in the Polish 
 countries has been unimportant, only about 20 
 kilograms). A modification in the general situation 
 would surely accelerate the consumption of iron, 
 while the capacity of the home market would be 
 increased and would contribute to the intense 
 development of the production. Iron, it must be 
 remembered is found in Poland under conditions 
 quite as favorable for development, (especially that, 
 which concerns the elements of the production it- 
 self) as in the most favored countries of Western 
 Europe. 
 
 Petroleum occupies an important place in 
 the mineral wealth of the Polish countries. It is 
 found only in Galicia, and up to the present time 
 has been the principal mineral utilized there. The 
 Galician oil-wells extend almost the whole length 
 of the northern Sub-Carpathian Zone, from Gorlice 
 (Western Galicia) to the Bukowina boundary. 
 
 The principal centre of the production of petro- 
 leum in Galicia was in the neighborhood of Bory- 
 elaw (Eastern Galicia) where there is am enormous 
 
56 
 
 reserve of oil and where, before the war, the produc- 
 tion was 95% of the whole Galician crude-oil output. 
 Another big centre, though far less important, is at 
 Krosno where the output has recently been about 
 5% of the total production in Galicia. 
 
 The production of petroleum in Galicia is com- 
 paratively -a new branch of the mining industry. Its 
 origin goes back to the fifties of the last century. It 
 was then that small quantities of petroleum began 
 to be Qibtained in the neighborhood of Gorlice, (in 
 the west) and around Kolomea (in the east). The 
 industry did not develop to any extent until the 
 rich fields around Boryslaw were discovered and 
 the Canadian system of sinking wells was adopted 
 (1884). Later the system was perfected (called the 
 Galician system) and it became possible to sink 
 wells to the depth of 1,500 and even 2,000 meters. 
 Galicia has become one of the greatest and most 
 important producers of petroleum in the world. Al- 
 though less important than the great American and 
 Russian (Caucasus) productions, still her role is 
 considerable, especially in Europe as Table XI 
 shows. 
 
 These figures show that the Polish petroleum 
 productioin concentrated in Galicia occupies an hon- 
 orable place in the European market. The import- 
 ance of the Polish oil industry is increased by the 
 close proximity of Galicia (in the very center of 
 Europe we may say) to the great economically 
 developed continental States that consume such 
 quantities of refined petroleum and other hydrocar- 
 bons mixed with petroleum such as benzine, heavy 
 oils, naphtha and the heavy oil by-products. 
 
57 
 
 It is difficult to estimate the reserve of the 
 Galician oil-wells but there is no doubt that it is 
 very important, as the petroleum zone is several 
 hundred kilometers in length, and, before the war, 
 new springs were continually discovered. Upon 
 
 Table XI. — 
 
 Production of petroleum (metric tons). 
 
 
 United 
 
 
 Dutch 
 
 
 
 
 Year 
 
 States 
 
 Russia 
 
 Indies 
 
 Poland 
 
 Roumania India 
 
 1890 
 
 6.003,000 
 
 3.631,000 
 
 
 92,000 
 
 42,000 
 
 15.000 
 
 1895 
 
 6,929,000 
 
 6,509,000 
 
 133,000 
 
 215,000 
 
 76,000 
 
 49,000 
 
 1900 
 
 8,334,000 
 
 9,927,000 
 
 425.000 
 
 326,000 
 
 250,000 
 
 141,000 
 
 1901 
 
 9,090,000 
 
 11,157,000 
 
 652.000 
 
 452,000 
 
 270,000 
 
 187,000 
 
 1902 
 
 11,629.000 
 
 10.551.000 
 
 800.000 
 
 576,000 
 
 310,000 
 
 212,000 
 
 1903 
 
 13,160,000 
 
 9.902,000 
 
 870.000 
 
 727.000 
 
 384,000 
 
 829.000 
 
 1904 
 
 16,085.000 
 
 10,742,000 
 
 1.036.000 
 
 827.000 
 
 504,000 
 
 473,000 
 
 1905 
 
 18,647,000 
 
 7,499.000 
 
 1.158,000 
 
 801,000 
 
 639,000 
 
 579,000 
 
 1906 
 
 17,416,000 
 
 8.036.000 
 
 1,188,000 
 
 760,000 
 
 890,000 
 
 562,000 
 
 1907 
 
 22,845,000 
 
 8.443,000 
 
 1.178,000 
 
 1,170,000 
 
 1,151,000 
 
 608.000 
 
 1908 
 
 24,575,000 
 
 8,582,000 
 
 1,143,000 
 
 1,718,000 
 
 1,150,000 
 
 706,000 
 
 1909 
 
 25,093,000 
 
 9.112,000 
 
 1,736,000 
 
 2,086.000 
 
 1,293,000 
 
 934,000 
 
 1910 
 
 28,969.000 
 
 9.367,000 
 
 1,881,000 
 
 1.761,000 
 
 1.345,000 
 
 859,000 
 
 1911 
 
 28.977.000 
 
 9,147,000 
 
 1,670,000 
 
 1,462,000 
 
 1.545,000 
 
 902,000 
 
 1912 
 
 29.664.000 
 
 9.263.000 
 
 1.520,000 
 
 1,187,000 
 
 1,806,000 
 
 900.000 
 
 the authority of the Polish geologist Szajnocha, 
 professor at the University of Cracow, a very 
 conservative estimate would allow a reserve of 300 
 million tons of crude-oil. It is also estimated that the 
 Polish petroleum production will not only remain 
 for many years to come at the present high level, 
 but that it will become even greater, reaching a 
 higher place on the world market and increasing its 
 value as a powerful factor, in the independent eco- 
 nomic development of Poland. 
 
58 
 
 Another source of mineral wealth in Poland 
 is Salt. 
 
 The great salt mines of Poland have been 
 celebrated for centuries. 
 
 Beds of rock salt are found in western Galicia, 
 in the neighborhood of Wieliczka and Bochnia and 
 in the Grand Duchy of Posen near Inowroclaw. In 
 recent years extensive new beds of rock salt have 
 been discovered in the southern part of Upper 
 Silesia near Pszczyna. Besides these rich beds of 
 kitchen salt there are many salt springs in the 
 Polish countries from which the salt is extracted in 
 factories. Before the war, there were nine of these 
 salt factories in Galicia, mostly in the eastern part. 
 At Ciechocinek in the Kingdom of Poland, there 
 was one medium-sized salt factory. In Prussian 
 Poland at Inowroclaw there was a factory and a 
 mine, but of little importance. Potasium salts, so im- 
 portant to agriculture as artificial fertilizers, were 
 also exploited to a small extent, before the war. 
 
 Table XII gives the relative figures of the prod- 
 uction of rock and factory salt ini Poland during the 
 last twenty-four years. 
 
 Table XII. — Production of salt (metric tons). 
 
 Grand Duchy Kingdom 
 Year Galicia of Posen of Poland Totals 
 
 1890 
 
 128,000 
 
 40,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 171,000 
 
 1900 
 
 135,000 
 
 53,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 191,000 
 
 1905 
 
 176,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 3,500 
 
 209,500 
 
 1910 
 
 156,000 
 
 33,000 
 
 3,000 
 
 192,000 
 
 1912 
 
 170,000 
 
 32,000 
 
 4.000 
 
 206,000 
 
 Thus, during recent years, the production of 
 salt only amoufnted to about 200,000 tons a year. 
 
^ 
 
 This small output, considering the great amount of 
 salt in Poland, was due to the fact that from Galicia 
 the salt could not be sent into the Kingdom of Pol- 
 and because of the prohibitive tariffs. Thus chemical 
 industry could not develop in the Kingdom of Pol- 
 and because of the lack of salt which is one of the 
 important raw materials, while in Galicia the 
 chemical industry was checked by the same causes 
 that hindered the general industrial development of 
 that province. 
 
 The great salt wealth of Galicia, Upper Silesia 
 and Posnania (it must be remembered that from 
 the point of view of their mineral wealth the Polish 
 countries have not yet been sufficiently studied) can 
 become one of the foundations for a 'brilliant devel- 
 opment of the chemical industry and must be con- 
 sidered as one of the important factors of the inde- 
 pendent economic existence of Poland. 
 
 There are also somewhat important beds of 
 raw-material minerals of secondary order that have 
 great value, either for the pottery industry (differ- 
 ent clays, refractory and common) ; for the chemical 
 industry (phosphorite, sulphur and mineral wax) 
 or for building stone, without speaking of the great 
 wealth of turf and lignite that also have an economic 
 value. 
 
 Besides the great mineral wealth, the Polish 
 countries have other natural wealth of immense 
 importance for industrial development; the im- 
 mense forests that already before the war served as 
 a basis for the wood industry and provided for its 
 future ; great tracts of land adapted to the cultiv- 
 ation of beets favored the development of the Pol- 
 ish sugar industry, which as has been remarked. 
 
60 
 
 occupied one of the principal places in Europe 
 before the war ; also great tracts of land suitable for 
 the cultivation of flax and hemp constituted an im- 
 portant factor in the future development of the tex- 
 tile industry, based on these raw materials. 
 
 To sum up, the great natural wealth with 
 which the Polish countries have been so generously 
 endowed, both in quantity and quality, constitute 
 one of the decisive factors of the economic independ- 
 ence of Poland. The economic territory of Poland 
 equals, in this regard, the countries of Europe 
 that, before the war, were considered economically 
 independent and that really were independent, with- 
 in the limits assigned by the world standard of 
 economic life in the states and countries of Europe. 
 
61 
 
 THE POLISH COUNTRIES AS A RESERVOIR 
 OF LABOR. 
 
 The Polish countries, before the war, were a 
 huge reservoir of human energy. The reserve and 
 constant growth of this energy considerably ex- 
 ceeded the demand for labor. The result was that 
 each year great numbers of Poles emigrated from 
 their native land. Some of them going for short per- 
 iods into western Europe, especially Germany, for- 
 med the great Polish seasonal emigration. Others 
 going for a longer time, often forever when they 
 crossed the seas. During the last twelve years the 
 Polish emigration to America reached the ener- 
 mous figure of almost four million. These Poles 
 are employed chiefly in industry in North America 
 and in agriculture in South America. 
 
 This one fact, that Polaind occupies one of the 
 first places among the countries of great peasant 
 and labor emigration, proves that the economic 
 development of the country is insufficient. Economic 
 industry could not prosper, notwithstanding the 
 great natural wealth and the favorable geographical 
 situation of the country in the center of Europe, 
 because of the unfavorable conditions caused by the 
 economic and political policies of the sharing States. 
 It also proves indisputably that the Polish count- 
 ries have a great reserve of human force, wtiich un- 
 der favorable conditions — to be explicit — in a 
 Poland politically and economically independent, 
 
62 
 
 could be utilized at home, and would contribute to 
 the growth of industry, commerce and agriculture, 
 in a word, to the entire producing organism of the 
 country. 
 
 The Polish countries are among the most dense- 
 ly populated countries of Europe. In certain 
 districts of Poland, the population is perhaps as 
 dense as anywhere in Europe. 
 
 Figures derived from the Austrian and Ger- 
 man census for 1910 and from calculations made 
 to reduce to the same date the older Russian data, 
 of the population of ethnographical Poland and of 
 the territories belonging economically to it, are 
 given in Table XIIP). 
 
 Table XIII. — Area and population. 
 
 Area Inhabitants 
 
 Provinces sq. kilom. Population p. sq. kilom. 
 
 Russian Poland: 
 
 Kingdom of Poland 123,326 12,476,000 101 
 
 Lithuania & White Russia 304,356 12,709,000 42 
 
 Ukraina 165,000 12,337,000 75 
 
 Austrian Poland: 
 
 Galicia 78,497 8,026,000 102 
 
 Silesia of Cieszyn 2,222 435,000 196 
 
 Prussian Poland: 
 
 Upper Silesia 13,230 2,208,000 167 
 
 •Grand Duchy of Posen... 28,989 2,100,000 72 
 
 West Prussia 25,553 1,703,000 67 
 
 East Prussia 38,724 2,064,000 53 
 
 1) Of the provinces included in table Xin, that were parts 
 of the ancient Polish Republic, the parts that are ethnographic- 
 ally Polish, are made up of the Kingdom of Poland. Western 
 Galicia and the greater part of Central Galicia, Silesia of Cie- 
 szyn and by almost all of Prussian Poland, except the narrow 
 districts near to Pomerania, Prussian Silesia and the north- 
 eastern part of East Prussia. 
 
 But that which is decisive here is the fact that with the 
 exception of a part of Whlta Russia and Ruthenia, all the terri- 
 tory included in this table is economically Polish. The bound- 
 aries though ethnographically weak, are solidly joined to the 
 central mass and form with It economic Poland. 
 
According to this table the economic territory 
 of Poland includes, grosso-modo, besides all of 
 Prussian Poland, Austrian Poland, and the King- 
 dom of Poland, the provinces of Wilno, Kowno, 
 Volhynia and almost all of Podolia, that is to say, 
 a territory covering an area of 545,00 square kilo- 
 meters, peopled by 42 million- inhabitants — being 
 77 people to a square kilometer. 
 
 So, by the extent of territory within her econ- 
 omic boundaries, Poland is larger than the German 
 Empire before the war, larger than France and 
 only exceeded by European Russia and Austria- 
 Hungary. The population was exceeded only by 
 that of Russia, the German Empire, Austria-Hun- 
 gary and England. For density of population she 
 follows after Belgium, England, Italy and Germany. 
 
 The place of the Polish countrieij, taken within 
 their economic boundaries, among the principal 
 European States for area, number and density of 
 population is shown in table XIV. 
 
 Table XIV. Area and population. 
 
 Area Inhabitants 
 
 Countries sq. kilom. Population p. sq. kilom. 
 
 European Russia 4,816,000 93,400,000 20 
 
 Germany 540,000 65,000,000 120 
 
 Austria-Hungary 676,000 51,000,000 78 
 
 Great Britain .. 314,000 45,000,000 144 
 
 Poland 545,000 42,000,000 77 
 
 France 536,000 40,000,000 73 
 
 Italy 287,000 35,000,000 121 
 
 Belgium 29,455 3,700,000 252 
 
 The density of the population in the Polish 
 countries (77 inhabitants per square kilometer) is 
 high, because a great part of Poland is agricultural. 
 
64 
 
 having great landed estates which, as is well known, 
 always have an unfavorable influence on the pro- 
 gress of the density of population. 
 
 This relatively high density of population is 
 due chiefly to the extraordinary density of the 
 population in the industrially developed parts of 
 Poland. Thus, the average population of the King- 
 dom of Poland, during recent years, was more than 
 101 inhabitants per square kilometer. In Piotr- 
 kow, the most industrial government, there were 
 171, in the governnuent of Warsaw 151, in Kalisz 
 113, in Kielce 103, in Silesia of Cieszyn 196 and in 
 Upper Silesia 167 inhabitants per square kilometer. 
 Thus the density of population in the industrial dis- 
 tricts of Poland compares favorably with the most 
 developed industrial countries of Europe. 
 
 The great strength of Poland, as a reservoir of 
 human force, is shown by the fact that up to the 
 present, she has had the highest natural increase in 
 population (higher birth than death rate). Accord- 
 ing to Dr. Josef Busek, Professor at the University 
 of Lwow, the annual excess of births per 10,000 in- 
 habitants during the period 1900 — 1911, in the 
 government of Volhynia was 199, in the Grand 
 Duchy of Posen and in Upper Silesia 197, in West 
 Prussia 181, in Silesia of Cieszyn 149, in the govern- 
 ment of Podolia 180, in the Kingdom of Poland 147, 
 in Galicia 146, in East Prussia 123. In the govern- 
 ment of Kowno the figure is 73. This is the only 
 district where the figure falls below 100 — the 
 lowest figure for Europe. 
 
 Poland thus leads in the increase in population. 
 T'he average figure of the natural increase in 
 population in Europe, during the last ten years, is 
 
65 
 
 at)out 150 per 10,000 inhabitants. Researches made 
 on the influence of social, economic, cultural and 
 confessional factors that determine this great in- 
 crease in population, make it possible to state with- 
 out exaggeration that during the next ten years 
 Poland will have a greater increase than any other 
 country in Europe, excepting, perhaps, Russia. 
 
 Thus, the Polish countries, within their econ- 
 omic boundaries, constitute a powerful reservoir of 
 human energy that differs from the other labor 
 reservoirs of Europe by its much more rapid and 
 important growth. 
 
 The continued growth of the population and the 
 yearly increase of available labor, has, unfortunately 
 not been accompanied by a like expansion of produc- 
 ing enterprises. The development of industry cf 
 agricultural products, progressed much less rapidly 
 and as a result the work market was always over- 
 stocked. Offers considerably exceeding the demand 
 forced the continual emigration of the workingmen. 
 The result was that the Polish economic emigra- 
 tion into the countries of the old and new world 
 grew more and more extensively. 
 
 The economic emigration of the Polish count- 
 ries took two forms: the continental seasonal 
 emigration which was composed almost entirely of 
 farm laborers ; and the permanent overseas emigra- 
 tion composed of mechanics and industial working- 
 men together with great numbers of men without 
 special training who took with them to North or 
 South America only their health and their strength. 
 The Polish emigration, both seasonal and perman- 
 ent, increased greatly during recent years. 
 
66 
 
 The seasonal emigration included a great num- 
 ber of workingmen who went into western Europe — 
 Germany especially — for a certain period, usually 
 the farming season. During the la;st ten years this 
 emigration has grown steadily greater until in the 
 years just before the war, there were ever increas- 
 ing numbers of Polish workingmen to be found in 
 Belgium, France, Sweden, Denmark, Norway and 
 Switzerland. 
 
 However, the principal seasonal emigration 
 was always toward Germany, where each spring 
 crowds of workingmen and girls went in search of 
 work. 
 
 It is impossible to have an accurate figure con- 
 cerning this emigration but according to the figures 
 .of the central Prussian office of farm laborers^) the 
 following table gives the number of workingmen 
 having passed the frontier bureaus. 
 
 Years 
 
 Kingdom 
 of Poland 
 
 Galicia 
 
 Total 
 
 1907-8 
 
 210,045 
 
 139,953 
 
 349,998 
 
 1908-9 
 
 212,239 
 
 149,676 
 
 361,915 
 
 1909-10 
 
 239.879 
 
 165,403 
 
 405.282 
 
 1910-11 
 
 253,143 
 
 160,285 
 
 413.428 
 
 1911-12 
 
 281,813 
 
 153,762 
 
 435.575 
 
 1912-13 
 
 285,829 
 
 166.474 
 
 452.303 
 
 1) The German -Central office for farm laborers (Deutsche 
 Feldarbeiterzentralstelle) with the central office at Berlin, was 
 founded about eleven years ago by a group of German Political 
 Associations in agreement with certain German agricultural 
 circles, for the purpose of economically fighting the Poles. 
 Lrfiter this Association became an Official Institution of the 
 Prussian government and most of the other Federated States. 
 It was given control of the seasonal laborers at the frontiers 
 and authorized to deliver certificates to them, which gave then* 
 the right to look for work on German tprritory. It is impossible 
 here to give all the activities, so harmful to the Polish emigra- 
 tion, of this Central Office and its branches on the frontiers. 
 It is sufficient to note that the Prussian ministerial ordinances, 
 as well as those (of most of the other German States, gave over 
 this imm<?nse' crowd of emigrants into the hands of this Asso- 
 
67 
 
 This table shows that the number of seasonal 
 laborers from the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia 
 (tlie greatest number being from these two parts of 
 Poland) steadily increased until just before the war 
 the figure reached at least half a million. These 
 figures of the central office are always below the 
 reality. Besides this, ever increasing numbers of 
 the seasonal workingmen found work in German 
 industrial enterprises. Thus the role and value of 
 Polish emigration for German industry increased 
 from year to year. The Polish seasonal emigration 
 to other European countries was much less import- 
 ant and can be estimated at about 100,000. 
 
 According to the annual reports of the Com- 
 missioner General of Immigration for the Period 
 1902-1912, 1,030,000 Poles landed in North Ameri- 
 ca, not including the many Hebrews, natives of the 
 Polish countries and great numbers of Ruthenians. 
 Table XVI gives the figures for the Polish emigra- 
 tion for the years 1900 to 1912. 
 
 In 1900 
 
 46.900 1 
 
 In 1907 
 
 138,000 
 
 „ 1901 
 
 43,600 1 
 
 „ 1908 
 
 68,100 
 
 „ 1902 
 
 69,600 1 
 
 „ 1909 
 
 77,500 
 
 „ 1903 
 
 82,300 1 
 
 „ 1910 
 
 128,300 
 
 „ 1904 
 
 67,700 1 
 
 ,, 1911 
 
 71,488 
 
 „ 1905 
 
 102,400 1 
 
 „ 1912 
 
 85.100 
 
 „ 1906 95,800 I 
 
 Very few Poles from Prussian Poland emigrate 
 to America. They go mostly to the western provin- 
 ces of Germany. They go to the powerful industrial 
 centers of Westphalia, to the Rfhine provinces. 
 
 ciation and the German and Prussian agriculturalists. The 
 moment the Polish workman had passed the frontier and receiv- 
 ed the certificate of the Central Office, he became the slave of 
 the office and of the German farmer to whom the Office had 
 •old him, In the liberal sense of the word. 
 
68 
 
 Berlin, Hamburg and into the industrial districts of 
 the Saare. In the Westphalia-Rhinian district, 
 before the war, there was a Polish population of 
 from 450,000 to 500,000. In this region there are 
 150,000 Poles working in the coal district alone. 
 These figures show the great infuence Polish 
 emigration from Prussian Poland had on German 
 industry. This industry developed in great part 
 because of this wealth of huma>n energy from Poland 
 and again the development of this industry was the 
 magnet that drew the Polish emigration toward 
 those countries. 
 
 Thus, before the war, there were several million 
 Polish industrial and agricultural laborers working 
 in the countries of Europe, in North and South 
 America. Poland, possessing together with Russia 
 the greatest increase of population, was unfor- 
 tuna,tely so little developed economically that it 
 could not furnish work for the mass of its people. 
 This is Why, together with Italy, she has become 
 the principal source of emigration. 
 
 The expansion of national production alone will 
 stop this abnormal phenomenon. The development 
 of industry, of commerce, of ways of communication, 
 the intensive utilizing of the country's great natural 
 wealth, has for a condition the reconstruction of the 
 Polish countries into a State organism : the estab- 
 lishment of a State, united and independent. This is 
 the condition, sine qua non, of the development of 
 the economic organism of Poland, of the enlarging 
 of her national workshops, giving work to millions 
 of her population who have until now been forced 
 to search the world over for work and bread. 
 
VI. 
 
 THE RESERVES OF CAPITAL IN THE 
 POLISH COUNTRIES. 
 
 Together with natural wealth and reserve of 
 man-power, capital constitutes one of the funda- 
 mental factors of modern production. While dis- 
 cussing the conditions and elements of the economic 
 independence of the Polish countries, the question 
 of the reserve of capital to be found in Poland must 
 not be neglected. The question of whether the in- 
 dispensable capital needed for the extension of its 
 economic organism is to be found in Poland must 
 not be passed over in silence ; of whether the work 
 of past generations is condensed into a capital 
 sufficient to utilize all of the natural wealth of the 
 country. It is an undeniable fact that the political, 
 social and economic conditions under which the 
 whole population of economic Poland, (no matter 
 what nationality they were) has lived, during the 
 whole of the nineteenth century and up to the 
 beginning of the war, has been unfavorable to the 
 accumulation of capital. 
 
 The Polish countries, since the time of the 
 partitions, have been systematically ruined, either 
 by wars or by the policies of the sharing govern- 
 ments, in regard to them. The national wealth, that 
 at the end of the eighteenth and the first half of the 
 nineteenth century, was represented alone by the 
 tillable land and by great landed estates, was ruined 
 
 K 
 
70 
 
 by the Kings of Prussia, by the Emperors of Austria 
 and Russia. Frederick the Great, Frederic-William 
 III, Joseph and Ferdinand of Austria, Catherine II, 
 Paul, but more that all the others, Nicholas I ruined, 
 although by different methods, the Polish in- 
 heritance. Each revolutionary movement, each dis- 
 covered conspiracy brought new confiscations of 
 immense wealth, most of it lost to Poland forever. 
 Although the destruction of Polish property by 
 violence has ceased during the last fifty or sixty 
 years, still the sharing Governments have hindered 
 fhe growth of capital in the Polish countries by 
 their peculiar economic policies. The principal object 
 of their policies has been to accelerate the accumul- 
 ation of capital in the thoroughly German or thor- 
 oughly Russian parts, of Germany, of Austria or of 
 Russia: Polish interests were either neglected or 
 voluntarily sacrificed. 
 
 It is clear that under such particularly unfavor- 
 able conditions the growth of capital progressed 
 slowly, that it remained far below what it would 
 have been, if the collective life of Poland had 
 developed normally, in the western and European 
 sense of the word. Thus we see that the situation of 
 Poland, regarding capital, was far less favorable 
 than that of the western countries of Europe which 
 had possessed, during long years, a well developed 
 economic life, having all the advantages of the pro- 
 tection of their States, of their own governmental 
 organizations. 
 
 Still one must not imagine that the Polish 
 countries are entirely without that capital which is 
 the result of the work of past generations. For even 
 though it is impossible to calculate the exact amount 
 
71 
 
 of the reserve of capital, -still some idea can be given 
 of tlie development and state of Polish savings be- 
 fore the war, enough at least to partially judge the 
 progress of its accumulation. 
 
 The largest and economically the most import- 
 ant result of the accumulation of savings in Poland 
 is the evolution of the co-operative credit. The first 
 distinctly co-operative societies were founded fifty 
 or sixty years ago. It is only since 1900 however, 
 that they have contributed in such a decisive way to 
 the growth of savings, that their development has 
 become important. That is to say, since they have 
 included the population of 'the country as well as 
 that of the cities^). 
 
 During the period between lOOO and the begin- 
 ning of the war, the system of co-operative credit 
 and savings societies in the Polish countries was 
 greatly extended and an important capital added to 
 their treasuries. 
 
 The figures in table XVII give a summary of 
 
 1) Before the war, the organization of savings in the Polish 
 countries had no uniform character because in each part of 
 Poland there were entirely different political, economic and 
 judicial conditions. Thus in the Kingdom Poland, in Lithuania 
 and in Ukraina there are besides the States savings bank, 
 societies of mutual credit and of small credit societies and in 
 the large industrial towns of the Kingdom of Poland manufac- 
 turers industrial credit associations. In Austrian Poland, In 
 Galicia and in Silesia of Cieszyn, there are, besides the savings 
 banks, a system of credit societies (system Schultze-Delitsch) 
 and rural savings and credit societies, banks of the Raeffeisen 
 system, patronized by the autonomous authorities. The system 
 of co-operative credit societies, based exclusively on the Schul- 
 tze-Delitsch system shows the greatest uniformity in Prussian 
 Poland. Lack of space prevents my retracing the home develop- 
 ment of the credit co-operatives in Poland. The most ample 
 details of the Polish situation are found in a pamphlet published 
 in French, in 1914, at the time of the International Agricultural 
 Exposition at Lyon: "Les Socletes co-operatives polonaises de 
 Credit, leur developpement et leur etat actual dans los trols 
 parties de la Poloqne. Leopol, 1914". 
 
72 
 
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73 
 
 the development of the co-operative credits and 
 savings societies in the Kingdom of Poland, in Gali- 
 cia and in Prussian Poland for this period. 
 
 Only the Polish co-operative organizations in 
 Galicia and Prussian Poland are included in this 
 table. In Galicia there exists besides, in the eastern 
 part especially, a system of Ruthenian co-operatives 
 centralized into two distinct groups, conforming to 
 the political differences between the Galician and 
 Ruthenian populations. The development of the 
 Ruthenian co-operative movement, before the war, 
 was much less rapid than that of Poland. Still the 
 savings brought together by the Ruthenian co-ope- 
 ratives reached a comparatively high figure and 
 increased by several million francs the total sum 
 entrusted by the Galicians to their savings institut- 
 ions. 
 
 In Prussian Poland, besides the splendidly 
 developed Polish co-operatives, there is also a Ger- 
 man system which serves the German population of 
 the country. 
 
 If the tables for Silesia of Cieszyn, Lithuania, 
 for the Ukraine, (where the movement is weaker), 
 and for the groups that operate separately because 
 of political or nationalist reasons, should be added 
 to the above tables, it could be said, with sufficient 
 probability, that at the beginning of the war the 
 total deposits entrusted to the co-operative societies 
 amounted to 2 billion francs. This is an enormous 
 sum when one takes into account the fact that this 
 movement has been entirely developed since 1900. 
 
 Besides the close network of co-operatives that 
 spread over the Polish countries and whose principal 
 mission was to bring about systematic saving among 
 
74 
 
 the population, there were many other financial 
 groups and institutions whose purpose, either direct- 
 ly or indirectly, was to accumulate capital, to draw 
 into their banks the savings of the people. 
 
 In the Kingdom of Poland, in Lithuania, in 
 White Ruthenia, in Podolia and in Volhynia, before 
 the war, there were Russian savings banks, of little 
 value to the national economy. Their principal aim 
 was to supply the Russian State Treasury. In 1910 
 there were 5681 of these Russian savings banks in 
 the Kingdom of Poland, in which more than 416,000 
 depositors had deposited about 212 million francs. 
 In the six governments of Lithuania and White 
 Ruthenia there were 688 savings banks having 
 526,000 depositors and 340 million francs, while in 
 the three governments of the Ukraine (Volhynia, 
 Podolia and Kief) there were 519 savings banks hav- 
 ing 457,000 depositors and 232 million francs. The 
 total amount of savings deposited in Russian savings 
 banks in 1910 was nearly 800 million francs of which 
 nearly 600 million went in.to banks that were inside 
 the economic territory of Poland. In the Kingdom of 
 Poland there were also 1350 township savings banks 
 whose united deposits amounted to seventy million 
 francs. These banks served chiefly the rural popula- 
 tion, independently of the provincial co-operatives 
 of savings and credit. 
 
 In Galicia and Silesia of Cieszyn there were 
 branch establishments of the Austrian postal 
 savings, which directed an important part of the 
 savings of the Galician and Silesian population to 
 Vienna, almost without profit to the economic life 
 of Poland. 
 
 In Prussian Poland, from the official figures in 
 
75 
 
 1912, there were 271 public and private savings 
 banks, having 1290 branch establishments in which 
 1,320,542 depositors had placed about 1,330,000,000 
 francs. 
 
 These different financial institutions, coHDpe- 
 ratives. Communal and State banks are spread out 
 over all the economic territory of Poland and have 
 mostly served small capital. The business of these 
 institutions came almost exclusively from the poorer 
 population. 
 
 Because of these financial institutions, that had 
 the confidence of the native population, the small 
 capital amounted to about 4 billion francs — a very 
 large sum when one bears in mind the conditions 
 under which economic life in Poland had to be de- 
 veloped. The greater part of this sum could not be 
 profitably employed for the country, nor with the 
 same intensity that it would have been if the eco- 
 nomic life of Poland had evolved under normal 
 conditions. Independent of the accumulation of 
 small capital by the above cited institutions, there 
 developed likewise, during the last twenty-four 
 years, an accumulation of medium and large capital 
 in private stock exchange banks and in private 
 banks. It is impossible to give an exact survey of 
 this activity in Poland because the statistical data 
 are either insufficient or too general. Of the 
 different parts of Poland it was in the Kingdom 
 that stock exchange banks prospered best. In 1912 
 there were seven of these banks in the Kingdom 
 with a capital stock of about 210 million francs, and 
 private deposits amounting to 280--300 million 
 francs. This sum, of course, does not include the 
 important sums deposited in the Warsaw and Lodz 
 
76 
 
 branches of the many Russian banks that drew the 
 savings of the Polish population, nor the sums de- 
 posited in private banks among which there were 
 many banking houses well-known in trie financial 
 world of Europe. 
 
 In Lithuania there are two stocK exchange 
 banks (banks of Wilno and Bialystock) having a 
 capital stock of 14 million francs, with aeposits, 
 which at the end of 1912 amounted to about 90 
 million francs. There were also, before the war, 
 many branches of the great Petrograd and Moscow 
 banks in Lithuania. These banks secured the depos- 
 its of considerable sums from the richest inhabitants 
 of the country but it is impossible to give the figures. 
 
 It can be estimated, however, that the great 
 stock exchange banks, the more important private 
 banks and the branches of the Russian banks 
 operating in Russian Poland, in Lithuania and in 
 the Ukraine had private capital amounting to more 
 than 475 million francs. 
 
 The characteristic defects of the Austrian 
 statistical publications make it impossible to give 
 the activity of the stock exchange banks or of the 
 important private banks of Galicia and Silesia. But 
 aside from the six local stock exchange banks, there 
 were, before the war, about fifteen branch establish- 
 ments of Vienna and Prague, stock exchange banks 
 whose principal aim was to draw the Galician 
 savings into their home banks. They supplied the 
 commerce and industry of western Austria and up- 
 held the policies of the Austrian trusts that were so 
 harmful to Galician interests. It can be estimated 
 that the amount of medium and small private capital 
 
77. 
 
 deposited in the banks of this part of Poland, was 
 at least two hundred million francs. 
 
 Unfortunately, we have no data for Prussian 
 Poland, worthy of confidence, from which it would 
 be possible to estimate the amount of capital de- 
 posited in the stock exchange and private banks. 
 But bringing to mind the great development of 
 small savings in Prussian Poland, it may be taken 
 for granted that the sum total of deposits in these 
 banks is also important. 
 
 So the total figure for private deposits in bank- 
 ing institutions operating within the economic 
 territory of Poland, may be estimated calculating 
 prudently, at a billion francs at least. 
 
 We have retraced, as well as the insufficient 
 and incomplete statistics will allow, the savings 
 movement in the Polish countries constituting the 
 economic territory of Poland. Because of the de- 
 veloped co-operatives, because of the vigorous or- 
 ganization of savings, there has been amassed in the 
 different financial institutions, existing in Poland, 
 an important reserve of capital amounting to at least 
 five billion francs. 
 
 But it must not be imagined that all this sum 
 could be used for the future development of the Po- 
 lish economic organism. An important part of this 
 capital is indispensable for the normal provisioning, 
 daily one might say, of the already working orga- 
 nism. Only what is left from that can be given over 
 to fhe future development of industry and com- 
 merce, ways of communication, of new work centers 
 that will make it possible to put all the natural and 
 human wealth of the country, up to Its economic 
 boundaries, to an economic use. Therefore, one of 
 
VI 
 
 78 
 
 the principal tasks of the future economic policies of 
 Poland will be the methodical and rational acquire- 
 ment of foreign capital. 
 
 Certainly, the importation of foreign capital will 
 involve a series of unfavorable consequences for the 
 country, of which the principal one will be the ne- 
 cessity of giving up to foreigners a great part of the 
 profits. But such is the fate or misfortune of eco- 
 nomically backward countries, that are notwith- 
 standing, endowed with favorable economic ele- 
 ments, that they cannot advance without the aid of 
 outside capital. 
 
 Such was before, such will still be, after the 
 war, the situation of the Polish countries. The 
 action tending to draw foreign capital discloses an 
 economic necessity. 
 
79 
 
 VII. 
 
 THE ECONOMIC BOUNDARIES OF POLAND 
 
 The economic territory of Poland extends much 
 farther east and west than the ethnographical terri- 
 tory. 
 
 Although it is very difficult to fix the bound- 
 aries of the economic area of Poland (before the 
 war, no study had been made of this question and 
 the statistics are insufficient) still it is at least 
 possible to attempt it grosso modo. In working this 
 out, one must be guided by the unmistakable ten- 
 dencies of the economic development of the Polish 
 territory, keeping in mind the geographic and eco- 
 nomic conditions and factors that still hold certain 
 neighboring regions east and west of the ethnogra- 
 phical territory of Poland to the fundamental Polish 
 body and that, taken together with it, make up the 
 economic territory of Poland. A fundamental in- 
 dication of this is furnished by the limits of the 
 principal and permanent markets of Silesian-Polish 
 coal. This coal comes ftrom the Silesian-Polish coal 
 basin that is the backbone of the whole producing 
 organism of Poland, the only source of energy 
 supplying Poland. 
 
 Of the different districts of the Silesian-Polish 
 coal basin, those of Dombrowa, (in the Kingdom of 
 Poland) and Cracow (in Galicia) arc of local im- 
 portance only. The output of the district of Dom- 
 
80 
 
 browa before the war, was used almost entirely in 
 the Kingdom of Poland, 95% of the production, that 
 increased yearly, was used by the industry and small 
 consumers. Hardly 5% reached the outskirts of eco- 
 nomic Poland ; that is to Lithuania, White Ruthenia, 
 Volhynia and Podolia. 
 
 Likewise, the output of coal in the district of 
 Cracow was used entirely on the local markets, 
 though in no wise supplying the demand, and it was 
 because of the insufficient development of this coal 
 district that Galicia was, before the war, one of the 
 principal markets for the coal coming from the 
 Upper Silesia and the Karwina-Ostrawa districts. 
 
 The extent of the market supplied by fhe 
 district of Karwina-Ostrawa (in Silesia of Cieszyn 
 and in the boundary zone of Moravia) was much 
 larger. The output of this district not only supplied 
 all the local industrial establishments but furnished 
 at least 60% of the fuel used by the metallurgical 
 industry in the Kingdom of Poland, besides sending 
 great quantities into Galicia. 
 
 As the principal coal production center of 
 Austria-Hungary, this district, as well, sent an 
 immense amount of coal to Bohemia, Moravia, 
 Hungary and Lower Austria, including the city of 
 Vienna. Nevertheless, Galicia and the Kingdom of 
 Poland were important and ever increasing markets 
 for the coal district of Karwina-Ostrawa, and in like 
 measure, this coal district has been of vast import- 
 ance to the economic life of these parts of Poland. 
 
 The coal district of Upper Silesia, which is the 
 largest and best developed part of the Silesian- 
 Polish coal fields, supplied a very large market be- 
 fore the war. This district not only furnished coal to 
 
81 
 
 the Polish economical territory where its use was 
 continually growing because of the industrial de- 
 velopment of the country, but also exported great 
 quantities to outside markets. On these supplement- 
 ary markets they competed against lignite in Austria- 
 Hungary, against English coal in the industrial 
 districts of Berlin and Brandebourg, and against the 
 coal of Westphalia and the Rhine provinces in 
 different southern and western centers of the Ger- 
 man Empire. All these markets, however, were only 
 comi)lementary. It was the economic territory of 
 Poland that made the principal market for the coal 
 of the Upper Silesian district: that part of Europe 
 comprised between the Baltic and the Carpathians, 
 the Odra, the Polesie and the Pinsk swamps. 
 
 A study of the railroad transportation statistics 
 of coal going out of the district of Upper Silesia, 
 does not show in detail the importance of the entire 
 Silesian - Polish coal fields to economic Poland, 
 nor gives us an exact outline of the economic bound- 
 aries. But such a study does show in a most strik- 
 ing manfier that all of that immense portion of the 
 European continent, enclosed between the Baltic 
 Sea and the Carpathians, between the Odra and the 
 marshes of Pinsk, makes up an economic territory 
 of one body, — of which the only coal center, almost 
 the sole origin of heat energy, are the Silesian-Polish 
 coal fields. Outside of these general boundaries are 
 the territories that make up the complementary 
 markets for the Polish coal industry. Those markets 
 do not depend wholly on the Polish coal center, but 
 constitute grounds of rivalry between the Polish 
 coal and that of Westphalia, England and Southern 
 Russia. 
 
82 
 
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83 
 
 In table XVIII we give the railroad transport- 
 ation statistics for the coal coming from Upper Sile- 
 sia, that during recent years, represented two-thirds 
 of all the Polish coal production. This table, which 
 includes the period of twenty-five years preceding 
 the war, shows the exportation of coal, to the 
 different markets belonging to the economic terri- 
 tory of Poland. 
 
 Note, that in the districts of Wroclaw (Bre- 
 slau) and Pomerania, only those parts situated on 
 the right bank of the Odra, (including the city of 
 Wroclaw and the neighboring industrial centers, 
 on the right bank of the Odra) belong to the 
 economic territory of Poland. So, also, only one 
 part of White Ruthenia and the Ukraine, that is, 
 the basins of the Wilna, of the Upper Pripec and 
 the Boh can rationally be considered as belonging 
 to the Polish economic territory. Thus the accurate 
 table of the shipments of fuel by rail from Upper 
 Silesia to districts comprised within the economic 
 boundaries of Poland, differ but slightly from 
 the preceding table. Besides, the Upper Silesian 
 collieries sent large quantities of coal by water, (by 
 the river Przemsza) into Russian Poland and Gali- 
 cia, by narrow-gauge railroads into near by 
 localities of their own district and by wagon to 
 small local business. Thus, it may be taken for 
 granted that the actual, annual consumption of 
 Upper Silesian coal by the industry and small con- 
 sumers inside the economical territory of Poland is 
 shown, with enough precision, by the figures of our 
 table. In other words, 60 or 65% of the total coal 
 production of Upper Silesia was used to fill the fuel 
 demand in the territory of economic Poland. 
 
84 
 
 The same boundary lines — the Baltic Sea on 
 the north, the Odra in the west, the Carpathians on 
 the south, and the marshes of Pinsk on the cast — 
 limit the permanent market of the Polish iron pro- 
 duction of Upper Silesia and the Kingdom of Po- 
 land. But Galicia, before the war, was obliged to get 
 her entire supply of iron products from Western 
 Austria. This abnormal condition was the result of 
 the Austrian tariff policies that took into no consi- 
 deration whatever, the needs of Galicia. Galicia con- 
 stitutes a natural market for Polish iron, and so once 
 more we repeat, the situation before the war, was 
 abnormal and caused great loss and injury to this 
 part of Poland. 
 
 We have adopted the Odra as the western 
 boundary of Polish territory. This results first of all 
 from the fact that all the right bank, also certain 
 localities on the left bank, such as the city of Wro- 
 claw and its neighborhood that are the centers of 
 highly developed industry, is connected economically 
 with the ethnographical territory of Poland. All this 
 comparatively narrow belt depends almost entirely 
 on the Silesian-Poli'sh coal fields for fuel. And besid- 
 es, the iron and steel works of Upper Silesia can 
 furnish all the iron used in this region. The industry 
 of this region, especially the mechanical industry, 
 was carried on chiefly for eastern buyers. For the 
 products of this part of Upper Silesia were sold, not 
 on the left bank of the Odra, on territory that tended 
 economically toward the powerful industrial center 
 of Berlin, but in regions to the right of the Odra: 
 Upper Silesia, the Grand Duchy of Posnania, West- 
 ern Prussia and in part Eastern Prussia. It must 
 also be borne in mind that the Odra whose source is 
 
85 
 
 near the Silesian-Polish coal field is the most natur- 
 al and shortest waterway from Upper Silesia to the 
 Baltic sea ; that its principal tributary, the Warta, 
 flows almost entirely through Polish country, ethno- 
 graprically Polish ; that, in a word, the Odra, is an 
 important channel of communication for economic 
 Poland and that it is indispensable to keep this water 
 course in the economic organism of Poland. 
 
 A glance at a geographical map shows that the 
 Baltic Sea forms the northern boundary of the 
 economic territory of Poland, notably from the 
 mouth of the Odra to that of the Niemen. The great 
 rivers, the Odra, the Vistula and the Niemen, that 
 together with their principal tributaries flow through 
 the most important territory of economic Poland, 
 form a foundation for the development of a system 
 of waterways that will embrace all the territory of 
 economic Poland and will become one of the princi- 
 pal factors of the future growth of Poland. 
 
 Because, for the life and economic development 
 of every state organism, it is of the greatest import- 
 ance to be connected by sea with the world markets. 
 And so, there is not in Europe a country that does 
 not try either to open a way to the sea or to extend 
 the coast line. In the last century, the principal 
 problems of European politics were centered on 
 questions concerning access or control of one or 
 another sea. 
 
 It is the same for economic Poland : access to 
 the sea and to maritime routes that will connect 
 her with the markets of the West, South and North 
 of Europe, as well as those beyond the sea, is a 
 supreme necessity, these countries being important 
 markets as well as reservoirs of natural wealth. 
 
86 
 
 Poland is sufficiently developed to be able, in certain 
 domains of production, (in agricultural products 
 and in agricultural industries) to operate with 
 success on the European markets. But these great 
 agricultural territories, belonging to economic Po- 
 land, have been cut off from maritime ports and 
 ocean routes and in consequence Polish agricultural 
 and industrial products have been entirely absent 
 from the markets of Western, Southern and North- 
 ern Europe or playing only a very insignificant role. 
 
 The access to the sea, so necessary for the agri- 
 cultural products, is likewise one of the principal 
 conditions of the future development of large in- 
 dustry in Poland. It is only by maritime routes that 
 the centers of textile industry will be able to get 
 sufficent supplies from Egypt and South America; 
 it is only by maritime routes reuniting the metallur- 
 gical centers of Poland with the rich iron-ore mines 
 of France and Sweden, that the development of the 
 Polish iron industry will be assured ; it is only by 
 economic maritime routes that, in the future, Polish 
 industrial products will be able to make their appear- 
 ance on the European and overseas markets and 
 successfully compete with the products of those 
 countries. 
 
 But the essential thing for the economic future 
 of Poland is her union by maritime routes, with 
 the natural wealth centers of Europe and the col- 
 onies. The future normal development of such im- 
 portant branches of Polish industry, as the metal 
 and textile industries, is dependent on the question 
 of opening for Poland a free way to the sea. 
 
 The geographical situation of the countries 
 making up economic Poland is such that their only 
 
87 
 
 maritime boundary is situated on the north: that 
 part of the Baltic coast from the mouth of the Nie- 
 men to that of the Odra. Although this coast line is 
 not very advantageous, it has several seaports which, 
 though small, are still natural outlets to the world 
 markets. Among the most important ports, are 
 Szczecin (Stettin) at the mouth of ttie Odra, 
 Gdansk (Dantzig) at the mouth of the Vistula; and 
 Krolewiec (Koenigsberg) at the mouth of the Pre- 
 gola. Among the ports of less importance are ; Klaj- 
 peda at the mouth of the Niemen, Pilawa, Elblag, 
 Use at the mouths of the Slupa, Kolobrzeg (Kol- 
 berg), and Swinoujscie (Swinemuende). 
 
 Table XIX, showing in tons the quantity of 
 merchandise that was shipped in or out of these 
 ports, gives an idea of the development of sea trade. 
 
 Harbors 
 
 1890 
 
 1900 
 
 1910 
 
 1913 
 
 Klajpeda 
 
 391,937 
 
 310,892 
 
 438,809 
 
 415,700 
 
 Pi!awa 
 
 282,483 
 
 356,754 
 
 120,120 
 
 96,081 
 
 Kr61ewiec (Koenigsberg) 695,241 
 
 523,923 
 
 1,257,187 
 
 1,075,269 
 
 Gdansk (Dantzing) 
 
 931,391 
 
 1,053,774 
 
 1,372,698 
 
 1,532,590 
 
 VS6 
 
 59,607 
 
 
 128,397 
 
 138,808 
 
 Kolobrzeg 
 
 
 
 76,372 
 
 67,326 
 
 Swinoujficfe 
 
 259,625 
 
 480,986 
 
 476,424 
 
 852,450 
 
 Szczecin (Stettin) 
 
 2,238,267 
 
 2,327,473 
 
 2,567,443 
 
 3.165,794 
 
 So, of the Baltic ports of economic Poland, 
 during recent years, Szczecin alone has shown an 
 important commercial movement. Szczecin, which 
 is the most westerly of these ports and covers the 
 commerce of the basin of the Odra, the fertile count- 
 ries of Pomerania, the Grand Duchy of Posnania, 
 Middle Silesia and in part. Lower and Upper Sile- 
 
88 
 
 sia, which was a territory belonging entirely to 
 Prussia before the war, hardly felt the terrible ef- 
 fects of the division of the country into three dis- 
 tinct political parts. The development of the other 
 ports, especially Gdansk, Krolewiec, and Klajpeda 
 that drained the commerce of the basins of the Vis- 
 tula and the Niemen, was greatly hindered by hav- 
 ing large parts of the country separated from 
 them by a customs-frontier: by the peculiar trans- 
 port policies of the Russian government that tended 
 to favor the ports of Libawa and Rewel and neglect 
 the waterways of the Polish countries in the Rus- 
 sian Empire. 
 
 The small development of the Baltic ports 
 (with the exception of Szczecin) is a direct result 
 of the division of the Polish economic orgainism into 
 three distinct economic and political parts. The 
 natural function of these ports would be to drain 
 all Polish territory. But, cut into three detached 
 fragments, this organism has become partially par- 
 alyzed and one of the most manifest symptoms is 
 precisely the slow commercial development of these 
 Baltic ports of economic Poland. 
 
 The union of economic Poland, by putting an 
 end to the abnormal situation resulting from the 
 dismemberment of its organism into three different 
 parts with different politico-economic conditions 
 would, without doubt, begin a new period of 
 development and growth for the Baltic ports. 
 
 The eastern boundary of economic Poland is 
 geographically determined by the marshes of 
 Pinsk: thus the eastern part of economic Poland in- 
 
89 
 
 dudes all of Lithuania, almost all of Volhynia and 
 Podolia and the narrow western zone of the Minsk 
 and Witebsk regions. All this part of Poland is 
 chiefly agricultural and forms an important center 
 of agricultural production. For exportation these 
 provinces are connected (to a certain degree) with 
 western industrial Europe ; for these -regions tend 
 towards the Baltic ports, that will connect them by 
 'sconomical ocean routes with the European cereal 
 markets and the markets of agricultural products 
 (sugar and alcohol). 
 
 In fact, the eastern regions of economic Poland, 
 considered as agricultural countries, can find no 
 natural market east of the Dnieper and the Dwina, 
 in central Russia,that is also an agricultural country. 
 Lithuania, White Ruthenia, Volhynia and Podolia 
 can hardly dispose of their agricultural products 
 except in the industrial regions of Poland where 
 there are many large towns and populous industrial 
 centers or on the markets of western Europe, to- 
 wards which by the Vistula, the Odra and the Nie- 
 men the Baltic ports tend. 
 
 On the other hand, these agricultural regions 
 form a natural market for Polish industrial products 
 from the central and western districts. 
 
 There are also agricultural regions in the west 
 and nothwest, (West and East Prussia, the Grand 
 Duchy of Posen), whose products supplied in part 
 the industrial regions of economic Poland, and 
 partly sought markets in western Europe. These 
 countries also provide markets for the industrial 
 products of Upper Silesia and Wroclaw. In a word, 
 as centers of agricultural production and as centers 
 
90 
 
 of consumption, these countries are closely con- 
 nected to the principal centers of industrial produc- 
 tion in economic Poland. 
 
 Thus, in a general way, may the boundaries of 
 the economic territory of Poland be outlined. 
 
91 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 The part of the European continent, bounded 
 on the west by the Odra, on the east by the marsh- 
 es of Pinsk, on the north by the Baltic Sea, and on 
 the south by the Carpathian mountains, constitut- 
 ing economic Poland, in general yields nothing, 
 in that which concerns her capacity for developing 
 economic independence, to those states of Europe 
 which, before the war, were great growing, thriving, 
 economic organisms. 
 
 In fact, we have seen that economic life in the 
 territories of economic Poland, divided among the 
 three sharing powers, Russia, Prussia and Austria, 
 could not develop, except, under very unfavorable 
 conditions, chiefly because of the economic policies 
 of these states : heterogenous policies with widely 
 different tendencies, policies that knowingly neglect- 
 ed and even expressly opposed the economic in-- 
 terests of the Polish centers of production on Polish 
 territory. However, in spite of these unfavorable 
 conditions the Polish countries reached, before the 
 war, a high level of economic development with 
 important industrial centers both for output and 
 manufacture. 
 
 This economic development, in spite of all 
 obstacles, shows that the Polish countries possess 
 the necessary factors of modern production, natural 
 wealth and an enormous reserve of man-power. The 
 reserve of capital only, is less favorable. The 
 
92 
 
 economic policies to which the country was sub- 
 jected was unfavorable to the accumulation of 
 capital and Polish industry was obliged, in great 
 measure, to import foreign capital. 
 
 Poland has the natural factors upon which 
 modern production in the larger sense of the word 
 depends, yet has had neither the rapid nor large 
 ecomomical development that she could have had 
 possessing such natural wealth and reserve of man- 
 power. 
 
 The complete expansion of economic life in 
 Poland has been blocked by political and politico- 
 economic factors that defeated the favorable natural 
 influences. The customs frontiers that have broken 
 the economic organism of Polamd into three frag- 
 ments, have prevented the full realization of the 
 value of the natural wealth and of the rational dis- 
 tribution of labor. Moreover, there could be no 
 closed home market, except in Russian Poland. The 
 other regions became markets for the industrial 
 products of Germany and Austria. 
 
 Also, great territories of economic Poland, in- 
 cluded before the war in Russia and Austria, were 
 separated by custom frontiers from their natural 
 ports on the Baltic, that is to say, from access to 
 the ocean routes. This prevented the rational pro- 
 visioning of industries using raw materials from a- 
 broad, for example, cotton. This also prevented the 
 development of industries that could have been fed 
 by (raw material coming from the north and west 
 of Europe. To be economical these importations 
 should have been transported by maritime routes, 
 by the Baltic ports and from there by waterways 
 towards the interior of the country. But, the customs 
 
93 
 
 barriers that cut Poland into three parts and incor- 
 porated them into Prussia, Russia and Austria, 
 made the use of these lines of transport almost im- 
 possible or very considerably raised the price of the 
 raw material thus imported, to the prejudice of the 
 vital economic interests of the Polish countries. In 
 a word, the political dism.emberment of Poland, the 
 division of the Polish economic territory, between 
 the three sharing states, caused a succession of ob- 
 stacles and drawbacks that taken together, preven- 
 ted the Polish coutries from economic expansion, 
 in conformity with their natural wealth, their 
 reserve of man-power, with the geographical situa- 
 tion and the economic culture of Poland. So, the 
 fundamental condition of the economic revival of 
 Poland after the war, the only condition that can 
 guarantee the normal working and development of 
 economic life, is the abolishment of the mutilating 
 frontiers, the customs barriers that isolate the 
 economic parts of Poland, one from the other ; it is 
 the constitution of its different fragments into one 
 home market, open to its industry and its com-* 
 merce; it is, in a word, the union of the Polish 
 countries inside their economic boundaries, into one 
 political and economic organism, into a state, 
 united and independent. 
 
 THE END. 
 
I 
 
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