J /fff k AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN ITS FOUNDATION AND EARLY FORTUNES 1591-1660 BY THE SAME AUTHOR (With the Collaboration of ARTHUR OILMAN, M.A.) ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE Sixth Edition. With Maps and Numerous Illustrations. Large crown 8vo, cloth, 51. ("The Story of the Nations" Series.) LONDON : T. FISHER UNWIN. AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN ITS FOUNDATION AND EARLY FORTUNES, 15911660 : BY JOHN PENTLAND MAHAFFY, D.D., KNIGHT COMMANDER OF THE ORDER OF THE REDEEMER ; Mus.Doc., DUBLIN ; HON. D.C.L., OXON ; SOMETIME PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN ; Author of " Social Life in Greece from Homer to Menander," " A History of Greek Classical Literature," "Alexander's Empire," Editor of the Petrie Papyri, etc., etc. LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN PATERNOSTER SQUARE. 1 903 LF }* The laudable fashion had begun of presenting a "silver pott " or a " boll," or a great piece of plate with the donor's arms upon it. Either fellow commoners' parents or fellows, or public men of literary taste, led this fashion. There was a subscription for the bedell's staff, chiefly from fellows and masters, of 11 195. 6d., then a considerable sum. 1 Three sums of 505., received from students, were devoted to buying silver spoons, which cost ^4 6s. 3d. per dozen. Two salt-cellars cost ^3 45. 4d. The summary of college plate at the end of Alvey's rule amounts to eight pots or cups, nine bowls, and three salt-cellars, one of them a trencher salt, and eighteen silver spoons. These gifts, and the names 1 This mace was in the College, and in use, within the memory of the late Provost Lloyd, therefore till at least 1824. A larger and handsomer mace, dating from Queen Anne's time, then came into common use. This latter is shown in the Book of Trinity College, and has been carefully described in "Irish State and Civic Maces," &c., by J. R. Garstin (1898). The older and more precious staff was left in the bedell's possession, was forgotten, and disappeared. Possibly it may still be in the collection of some lover of old Irish plate. ALVEY (1601-9) 141 of distinguished men who made them, show that the College was rising in estimation, and that at the fellows' table at least there were the beginnings of refined living. J Perhaps the most interesting of the donors is Richard Latwar (Latewar), D.D., who gave not only a faire silver pott but a few books and MSS. to the library. This man, an eminent scholar and composer of Latin verses, and a former fellow of S. John's, Oxford, was taken by Lord Mountjoy from his living at Finchley to be his chaplain of the forces in Ireland. He seems to have been but too fit for this post ; for, advancing eagerly into a skirmish near Benburb, in Co. Tyrone, in order to see the engagement, he was struck by a bullet (July 17, 1601) and died next day. This we have on the authority ot Fynes Moryson, who was present in the campaign as Mount- joy's secretary. 2 1 Another excellent form of benevolence was the supporting of an additional scholar, whom the donor nominated. 2 I tin., Part II. p. 114. His pater lugens erected a memorial slab to him in the chapel of S. John's College, which is still extant, on the west wall, beside the door ; but in his grief he has misstated both the year, the day, and the circumstances of his son's death ! He dates it A.D. 1603, July 27, and triduum after his wound. But the epitaph, not erected till Mounjoy had been created Earl of Devonshire, is less trustworthy than Moryson's contemporary journal. The epitaph further states that Latewar was buried "in ecclesia aramathensi" (i.e., Ardmachensi), which leads us to suspect that the stone-cutter had before him a text which he did not read accurately. Still the graving both 2 and 3 where i should have been before him seems hard to explain by any vagary of handwriting. Yet I know texts of the period where i and 2 are very similar. The epitaph is so little known that I will trespass on my space and save it from oblivion : RICHARDO LATEWAR LONDINENSIS HUJUS COLLEGII OLIM socio ET ACADEMIC PROCURATOR! OMNB S HUMANIORIS LITERATURE (PR^ESERTIM POETICS) DOTIBUS INSTRUCTISS IN SACRA THEOLOGIA D KI (DUM ILLUS- TRISS, HEROA D M MOUNTJOY NUNC DEVONI^E COMITEM IN HlBERNICA EXPEDITIONS AD RES SACRAS PERAGENDAS SECUTUS EST) ICTU GLOBULI SAUCIO, ET POST TRIDUUM IMMATURE SED PIISSIME DEFUCTO IN ECCLESIA ARAMATHENSI SEPULTO THOMAS LATEWAR PATER LUGENS ORBUSQ. FILIO CHARISSIMO HOC MONUMENTUM POSUIT. OBIIT JULII 27 mo 1003 ^ETATIS SU^S 41. 142 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY The fact that this remarkable man, during his few months of active service in Ireland, should have been a benefactor to Trinity College not only shows a friendship, either old or new, to have existed with some of the leading men, but that the attention of Mountjoy, a very bookish man, must have been turned to the College. The oration prepared for his visit, already referred to, suggests the same conclusion. Latwar's gift to the little library of the College leads us to consider, in concluding the history of Alvey's time, the growth of that department, which was indeed very notable. The money secured by Sir James Carroll from the bills due to the officers who had given them to the College in 1592 only began to be realised in 1601. To judge from the extant College accounts, it was not received from Carroll till some years later, and then in small sums. Provost Alvey's receipts up to June, 1605, show ^244 from Carroll, and in 1607 350, one sum of 300 paid in England "by Mr. Treasurer's appointment." Carroll had so many intricate money trans- actions with the College and the State that we cannot be sure of our ground. But it seems more than likely that these constant payments were from the soldiers' bills, and intended for the Library. So far as the accounts can inform us there was no outlay for the Library in 1605 beyond paying for a catalogue. There is indeed one solitary document (M. R., A ii.) written in 1632, and containing financial matters about the repayment of old loans in copper, which states that the declarant (whose name is not given) lent jioo in silver for the buying of books for the Library in 1603. That this loan had some relation to the benefaction secured by Carroll is probable, and the mention of silver suggests that it was to be carried to England where the Irish cop- per was not current. But I can find no further account of the employment of this sum. The further fact that the first considerable catalogue of books is entitled (though inaccurately) the Catalogue of 1604 shows that there were then enough ALVEY (1601-9) 143 books to make a new catalogue necessary. In 1608, at all events, the buying of books was proceeding actively, for this was the year in which Challoner, Ussher, and the Provost were in England, and negotiating with booksellers and printers. Hence it was during Alvey's time that the future greatness of the Library was secured. In the many papers of his successors there is little or nothing about it, so that it is not too much to say that this noble feature in the College was the result of individual zeal on the part of three men at the right moment, and not of a general policy carried on during the early decades of the life of the College. Of the books gathered by these early collectors many still remain, and will remain, upon the shelves as long as the Library lasts. But of all literature which has become anti- quated, none is more completely so than the fifteenth or sixteenth century Commentaries upon the Scriptures or upon the Fathers. From a modern point of view these books are now absolutely worthless. The early collectors for our Library did not purchase any incunabula, any single specimen of the splendid printing of the fifteenth century. There are now many specimens of such books in the Library, as it were an ancient aristocracy, from the time that scholars printed for kings. But the first collectors neither valued these things nor would they have thought it right to purchase them for artistic and antiquarian reasons. The books of that time are bound coarsely in brown calf, with black labels, the mere working tools of scholars, teachers, preachers. The earliest press marks are not on the back, but across the front of the cut edges of the closed book. The earliest catalogue in the P. B. dates from February, 1600 (our 1599), and contains no more than forty volumes. The next has 1604 upon its front page and is doubtless the work of Ambrose Ussher, the first librarian, but there are many books in the list not printed till after that date, so that our copy must have been written up by a later hand. But here we have already a collection 144 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY of several thousand volumes. This in itself must have made Trinity College a very different home for a scholar from what it had been ten years before. Leading men were beginning to send their sons to the College; Church preferment was in immediate prospect, for the Primate and the Archbishop of Dublin had been among the founders and patrons. The first attempt to amalgamate the warring races was received with acclamation and inspired radiant hopes. The Jesuit counterplot seemed to be foiled, and excited no fears in an observer so acute and experienced as Sir John Davis. The veteran Challoner and the rising Ussher were ample guarantees for the soundness of the teaching in the College. Fullerton and Hamilton were its powerful advocates at Court. The flight of the Earls had cleared the atmosphere of any dangerous thundercloud of rebellion. The State Papers of the day speak hopefully of the spread of order, of assizes held in wild country where no English law had ever been enforced, of a general feeling of peace and of security throughout the land. Such was the state of Ireland when Temple was called to be Provost of Trinity College. CHAPTER IV TEMPLE (1609-26) IF the reasons for Alvey's resignation be obscure, the particular reasons for the selection of his successor are equally obscure. Of his general qualifications there can be no question. Born about 1555 of gentle parents, educated at Eton and at King's College, in which he was elected a fellow in 1576, an M.A. 1581, and presently incorporated at Oxford (as was then a usual practice), he gained an early and deserved fame as a teacher of the then fashionable Ramist logic, and published several open letters defending Ramus against the onslaught of the conservative Aristotelians. It is now generally confessed that the Reformation in Logic of Ramus, though but a partial revolt, was the spiritual fore- runner of the more complete revolution in philosophy due to Bacon, and constructed upon new lines by DesCartes. Ramus, and with him Temple, were still encumbered with the chains whose grip they had loosened, and so the new Provost has his place in the philosophy of the day as the acute and pugnacious supporter of a very partial, and therefore presently antiquated, Reform. Nevertheless, it was a Reform, and as such closely allied with Protestantism, and eagerly pursued by Protestant divines. In 1584 Temple had published his edition of Ramus' Dialectics with scholia the first book (it is said) of the Cambridge Press and it became a popular text-book. At that time he had gone down to Lincoln as master of the * j IdC 146 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Grammar School, from which he dedicates his book to the famous Sir Philip Sidney. In those days of student heroes there was no more effectual recommendation to a great man than learned authorship, even in the most abstract subjects. But the special boast of the Ramists was that they had made barren logic fruitful in applying it to all kinds of literature. Sidney made Temple his private secretary, took him to Flushing, and there died of his wound in Temple's arms, leaving him a pension of ^30 a year as a mark of esteem. His success in life seemed now assured. He was successively private secretary to two high officials, and in 1594 even to Essex, then the foremost man in England, who obtained for him in 1597 a Parliamentary seat for Tamworth. The biographers state that he accompanied Essex on his unfor- tunate visit to Ireland in 1599. There is no evidence of this in the now published State Papers, and a phrase in the dedication to Cecil of a subsequent work (1611) implies that he first visited Ireland when appointed Provost. 1 In any case the disgrace and treason of Essex involved all his adherents in his fall, and it was with the greatest difficulty that Temple escaped, saved, as he says in the same dedication, periditantem de caplte fortunisque omnibus, by Cecil's favour. He naturally, however, disappeared from public view, and seeing his political career blighted, did not reappear till 1605, when he published, with a dedication to the then very popular Prince Henry, a logical analysis of twenty select Psalms. This book, which has now only an antiquarian interest, was clearly intended to show that the logic of Ramus, applied to the sacred text, afforded a clear and reasoned-out vade mecum for the education and conduct of princes. It seemed also to remind the world, that if he had abandoned or lost his pro- 1 Quod mihi ob oculos proponebatn, postquam inviserc Hiberntam et Dublinicnsis Acailcmicc modcrandce provinciam suscifiere in anininm indnxcraiH. TEMPLE (1609-26) 147 fession of private secretary, he was still competent above other men for a high post in the field of education. All these reasons amply justify his appointment as Provost, though I can find no trace of his doings from 1605 to 1609, or his connection with any of the leading men of Trinity College, to explain his selection. One biographer of James Ussher says that Temple was invited and pressed to come by that weighty authority. I can find no evidence for this in Ussher's volu- minous correspondence. The same biographer says the Pro- vostship was at that time pressed upon Ussher by the fellows, and declined by him. This seems to me rather the expression of what the panegyrist thinks obvious, than any authorised tradition. Ussher, with all his learning, shows throughout his long life a singular inability for dealing with men. And of course we may be certain that practical affairs were distaste- ful to the man who lived with and loved books. Nor is it likely that it was he who selected Temple. Ussher was above all things a divine and a preacher ; he shows no taste for logic whether Aristotelian or Ramist. If he had made the selection he would certainly have chosen an Evan- gelical divine such as Mede or Sibbes, who were afterwards solicited for the post. The well-informed Mr. Urwick says it was by the " importunate solicitation " of Challoner and Ussher that Temple came ; I have not found the original of this expression. In Temple's second paper, defending himself from wearing a surplice, he says that he came over and brought his wife and children at great expense, owing to the " protesta- tion " of Dr. Challoner that the Provost was a mere civil officer. This is an opinion so unlike what we know of Challoner, that he must have had very strong reasons for encouraging Temple. But even this does not prove that Challoner selected him. At the end of his protest against the surplice in Chapel, he says, when enumerating his literary and official claims to consideration, " by particular services done to the king before his coming into England." The crowd of people 148 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY that curried favour with the king on these grounds was probably very great, and must have required some additional influence to make the suit effective. This influence came from some independent source. Cecil, according to Temple's own statement, only approved of the nomination after it was made. The men most likely to have made it seem to me to have been Fullerton and Hamilton, now risen into favour at Court on the same ground that Temple alleges, but still deeply interested in the affairs of the College for which they worked in Ireland. Both of them had been pupils of Andrew Melvill, and he was an ardent pro- moter of the new Protestant Logic in Scotland. This science has from the outset been a leading study in Dublin three of its Provosts have published text-books of Logic and it may have owed its first importance to the close association of Ramus with Protestantism. There is every probability that the two Scotchmen were anxious to promote in Ireland the science in which they had been trained in Scotland, and therefore that they pressed the appointment of the man now confessed to be the leading Ramist in England. Though not a theologian, his recent work showed that he could apply his logic to Divinity. His earlier publications exhibit a wide knowledge of ancient languages and literature. He was as eager to expound the poetry of Homer as the piety of David through the medium of his universal method. So, perhaps by the influence of all the men suggested, rather than by any one of them, he attained to a post which was now growing in emolument and importance. All the biographers have stated that he was made a Master in Chancery, which would have supplemented his income by ^26 1 35. 4d. per annum. The Liber Munerum Hiberni* gives his appointment and patent under date January 13 and 31, 1609, an ^ his successor's appointment in January, 1626.! 1 In the State Papers of 1611 (p. 112), where there is a comparison of the salaries, &c., of the Law officers at the king's accession and his ninth TEMPLE (1609-26) 149 In all the Provosts' correspondence there is no allusion what- ever to his holding the office. Being, however, a layman (and the first lay Provost) he could not hold the theological lecture at Christ Church, which then formed a considerable part of the Provost's salary, viz., 4.0. We may presume that he undertook the care of pupils. The Provost's right to apportion pupils to what tutors he chose a right which led to bitter conflicts between Tutors and subse- quent Provosts implies that he could assign them to himself, and this the Matriculation book confirms. And this source of income may have been considerable even in these early days. It seems likely that when the sons of great lords were sent to the College the Provost was expected to take charge of them. His statement that he brought over his wife and children creates, however, some difficulty. For we do not hear of his having any extern residence. The fact that several of Challoner's children were buried in the College 1 seems to show that even he was allowed to live as a married man within the walls, and if so Temple may have kept his family in the Provost's lodgings. Perhaps the allowance made for his Commons means that he did not dine in Hall. But alas ! on all these interesting details we are reduced to mere conjecture. Still it is worth raising these questions, as they will suggest to some future inquirer, with fuller evidence, to find their answers. From this time onward Temple's life was filled with administrative duties, and his latest publication, though dated 1611, may here be mentioned as the dying echo of his literary work. It is an exposition in Latin of the first thirty Psalms, dedicated in a somewhat fulsome language to his Chancellor, Robert Cecil, whereof the title-page names the author as Provost. It is the same application of Ramist logic to theology, as in his former " twenty select Psalms," and gives us a clear year, there occurs among the Masters in Chancery, William Temple, in office 1602. This, of course, must be wrong. 1 Concerning a birth in the College cf. below, p. 298, ISO AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY insight into the character of his teaching, if he did still teach, in Dublin. Public lectures he probably did not give as Provost, but if he had pupils in his chamber he must have taught them daily, and he must further have stimulated Ramist teaching in the public classes of the College. This, his last book, was printed, and daintily printed, in London, for though there was printing in Dublin, we find from Mr. Dix's Catalogue that, except the Prayer Book and the New Testament of William Daniell, nothing but official proclamations, and the like, were as yet produced from the local press. Otherwise we should have expected a cheap reprint of his edition of Ramus for the use of the students. However, there is not a copy of this book even in our great Library, where early editions and commen- taries on the Dialectic abound. Many of his other publications are also wanting, so that we may infer the absence in him of any ambition to leave the literary outcome of his life on record in the College. His wide classical knowledge, shown by the wealth of references and allusions in his early writings, suggests that he possessed many books, but this was quite general among the men of that bookish age. From henceforth this chapter of his history is finished, and we have to do with him merely as a shrewd man of business. The Particular Book preserves Sir J. Ware's brief of the financial state of the College when the new Provost took the reins in December, 1609. Imprimis there was in the College trunk ^137 135. i id. in ready money, no inconsiderable sum if we consider the scarcity of coin at that time. There were also due various sums from the Crown, from middlemen like Ware and Carroll, and arrears from local tenants, bringing the " sperata" assets up to ^1,209 195. 4d. The College was there- fore now a solvent concern, and, moreover, there was every prospect of " increased entertainment from His Majesty," for the plantation of Ulster was in the air, and the learned king was sure to provide for the Established Church and the University. TEMPLE (1609-26) 151 He was already securing an increase of students to the College by the above-mentioned clause introduced into his sales of Wardships, and if the boy of twelve came up unfit to follow College lectures, there was a College schoolmaster (at that time one Woodward) provided, who took the place of the private coach or grinder nowadays, preparing backward boys for matriculation. 1 For higher education the provisions were now ample. By the labours of Challoner and James Ussher an adequate library had been provided ; it had been catalogued and set in order by Ambrose Ussher and Sir Egerton (afterwards a fellow) ; the accounts of 1608-9 snow constant items for additional tables, benches, and partitions to secure the safety of the books, and the convenience of readers. The same pages tell us that the statutes, by which the fellows then governed the College, which were resolutions of their own, were written out in a faire copy. This, and the stately bed and bedding bought for the new Provost, seem to be the only preparations announcing that his advent was expected. The teaching staff, whether fellows or lecturers, seems to have amounted to at least ten, for so many dined in 1609 at the fellows' table ; the scholars' table had risen to twenty- seven, and there are items in the accounts (p. 36) for new tables, additional table-cloths, new forms, which show that the numbers at commons had considerably increased. We know that there was now a fellows' table, a bachelors' table, a scholars' table, and a pensioners' table. The lower tables were served with trenchers, leathern jacks, and pewter cups. The fellows had already silver plate. At the same time the teaching staff had been increased by the importation, at Ussher's instance, of Thomas Lydiat, a very learned but not very successful chronographer, who came with the prospect of 1 There is a note in the P. B. (215 b) specifying the date from which the matriculation of some of these boys was to be determined. 152 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY promotion to the school now rising at Armagh, but who was disappointed, and returned in a couple of years to England. His controversies with the great Scaliger, from which he emerged not without credit, show that he was a very con- siderable scholar. He was one of the earliest commentators on the famous Arundel Marbles. Notwithstanding all this enlargement, the diet of the members of the Society seems to us worked on a modest scale. The allowance for this Provost's commons upon his arrival was about 4^d. per diem. The very first page he has written in the Particular Book^ after his mere acknowledgment of responsibility for the ready money in the chest, is a note of the daily cost of diet for the fellows and scholars. It is worth adding that from this point the book, in which Temple for years made careful entries, is very comfortable to read owing to his clear and elegant Italic hand. It was the moment when the new handwriting was wrestling for supremacy with the old in consequence of the victory of the new Italic type over the old black-letter in printing. Travers, Alvey, Sir James Ware write the old difficult hand, which the Germans have perpetuated to their loss till the present day. Ussher, except in his early College notes, writes like Temple, a beautiful and clear modern hand. Challoner hesitates between the two. But Temple and Ussher are consistent, and write far better than even most of their successors, such as Bedell, who uses a sort of compromise. It is easy to see that there was then just such a conflict as has been going on recently in Germany between the advocates of the national and the European alphabets. Shakspere, for example, signs in the old script, which is regarded by those who are not versed in this question as evidence that he wrote with difficulty. If a document of any length is ever found in his hand, it will probably show an easy use of the modern script. This digression is therefore not without interest as regards the culture of the period. TEMPLE (1609-26) 153 The document referred to is as follows [ob = Jd.] : WHAT is ALLOWED FOR DIET TO EACH FELLOW AND SCHOLLER. Each Fellow is allowed for his diet weekly out of the kitchin i6d. ob Each Fellow is allowed in bread every meale an ob, and so for every day a id., and so } 35. 3d. for every weeke jd. Each Fellow is allowed to zize every weeke ... 8d. ob Each Fellow is allowed for beere every weeke yd. Each scholler is allowed for his diet weekly out \ of the kitchin lod. ob Each scholler is allowed in bread every meale an ob, every day a penny, and so every weeke yd. } 25d. Each scholler is allowed in beere every meale a quart, for every day an ob, and so for every weeke 3d. ob Each scholler allowed to zize every week ... 4d. Each Fellow cofhoner payeth weekly for detrimets 4d. ob since 6d. Each Pensioner payeth weekly for detrimets ad. ob since [blank] The Butler payeth weekly out of his gaynes as. 6d. The new Provost here omits the gains from the kitchen paid in by the cook, which appear regularly in the older and in his own subsequent accounts, and amount to from four to seven shillings per week. One cause of this profit was cer- tainly the habit of punishing students by excluding them from their dinner. From his allusion to two stated meals daily, it would appear that the sizings were additional food (for supper) which the student obtained at the cheap College rate to supplement the bread and beer in the above description. There is in one of Challoner's notebooks * a specification of what food was thought reasonable to provide for this 1 I cannot find the original. Stubbs refers to MS,D, I, 9 in the Library, but it is not there. 154 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY tariff. 1 The prices set down by Temple agree perfectly with the quarterly accounts of Alvey already often cited. Nor does the new Provost seem to have proposed any alteration till the king's munificence had produced, in 1613, a considerable and certain increase in the College income. 2 The number and nature of the gifts to the College from the Icing Jacobo ejuidem munificentissimo auctore, as the grace after meat still proclaims have never yet been set down in order, though his letters patent and grants are all in the Patent Rolls long since catalogued. The first grant is in no way connected with Ulster, but is a grant to James Ware, as trustee for the Provost, fellows, and scholars of various town- ands (named) in Tipperary, Waterford, Kerry and Desmond, and Longford, either the estates of attainted men or of sup- pressed religious houses, such as Connall (in Kildare) and 1 Stubbs, p. 41 : " The Colledge revenew of 400 st. per ann. will mayntayne yearly : A Provost havinge a good diet dayley as after apeares 6 and 44 yearly. " Ten Fellowes havinge a good diet dayley and 10 yearly ; forty Scolers having a good diet and 203. yearly. The diet must be 133 6s. 8d. for which wee are to receive victuals at prices : " A mutton alive with the wool at 26Jd. the pece, 320 a-year. " A befe large and fatt alive at i6s. the pece, . 54. " Corne at 53. the peck, market mesure . . 200 pecks. " half whete and bear malt ; half ote malt " A Fellowes diet shall be 6 ounces of Manchet a mele, a pint and halfe of good bear the pece, three quarts in the mess [of four], and a sholder of mutton, and at night a good pece of beath and porage, more than they can cte, cnowe for ech, the bread [beare] a farthyng, of mutton 2d., befe 2d., and the heth [they had] a Second . . . they have 4 a-year a mess bestd, for the former make but ^4. "The Scolers diet is 6 ounces of good cheet [i.e., second sort of wheaten] bread for ech, pint of ber the pece, pottell a mess, a joynt of mutton at supper a mess and a good pece of befe at dinner at 12 peces in the quarter." " The numbers dining at the fellows' and scholars' tables are higher in his first quarter (9 and 30) than they are for two years to come ; in 1612 they sometimes reach 9 and (but rarely) 34. Stubbs adds a note from Hallewell's Dictionary on this word, which is probably here misread for bcafc. TEMPLE (1609-26) 155 S. Peter de Rabio (in Longford), at a total Crown rent ot j 175. 8d., "to hold for ever as of the Castle of Dublin, in common soccage." It is dated March 8th, in the king's eighth year, and is confirmed (secondly) by letters patent in his ninth year, also making a new grant of "such lands as the said Provost, fellows, and scholars now hold," thus confirming the gift of Queen Elizabeth in 1599.* It is easy to see in this grant the influence of Fullerton. We have already noted (p. 125) that he had investigated lands in Munster. This grant has never, so far as I know, been noticed, though it shows that the king was intent upon enriching the College before his Ulster plantation. The third grant is dated August 29th, year eight, and gives to the College the three great estates of Toaghy in Armagh, Slutmulrooney in Fermanagh, and Kilmacrenan in Donegal, together with the advowsons of nineteen livings in Fermanagh, Tyrone, Derry, and Donegal. 2 A letter from Fullerton 3 shows that he had been working in the interest of the College, and had secured for it about 20,000 acres of the best land in the north. The peculiar advantage permitted in the case of this and the Bishops' estates was that they are not required to disturb the native population already there settled, but allowed to give them leases, if they would pay a moderate head rent an admirable security for these poor people, when their neighbours were being " expulsed " and transported to other and worse lands. If the College, as was usually the case, leased a large portion to a middleman, it was on the condition of his not disturbing the existing husbandmen. The fourth 4 is the large grant of chantry lands in Dublin, loth of April, in his tenth year, which was the last great effort made by 1 Cf. Patent Rolls, pp. 173 (bis) and 200, and S. P., 1610, p. 19, for details. 2 It is noteworthy that no text of this great patent was ever enrolled in Ireland, nor was there any in the College M. R. till I recently procured a certified copy from the Record Office in London. 3 Given by Anon., p. 149. * Ibid., p. 222 156 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Challoner for his beloved College. He made out a list of fifty-one holdings, small and great, in and about the city, which were escheated to the Crown by an Irish replica of the act of Edward VI., resuming these lands, bequeathed by dying Roman Catholics (as they now constantly bequeath money) to have masses said for their souls. 1 The fifth is a small supplementary grant (2ist of May, tenth year) of lands in Limerick and Kerry, the former property of Connor O'Connor, John Wolfe, and Devin McMorough, of Ballyknockane, attainted, with a head rent of 195. 4d. The sixth and seventh are the making perpetual ot the yearly subsidy from the Crown of ^388 155., for which Temple went to England, and was long a suitor at Court, and for which he received liberal grants and rewards from the grateful College. 2 They are dated I2th February in the ninth and 22nd August in the king's tenth year.3 The eighth, dated 1 2th May, in his eleventh year, is the patent giving the College power to elect burgesses and send them to Parliament. The ninth (year 13) is a letter empowering the College to plant the Ulster estates with the privileges granted to bishops.4 The remaining two, which are not new grants 1 This great and valuable gift (one item was 80 acres at Kilmainham), for which the College paid a rent of -2-2 i6s. 7d., was surrendered in 1629. Entries about it in P. B. are on pp. 63 b, 101 ; a petition to be quit of arrears was made in 1628. This entry (171 a) shows an honest effort on the part of the College to realise the chantry lands, for it offers to pay to Mr. Garret Dillon a sixth part and three tenements of his choice out of whatever chantry lands the College shall recover by his direction. The text of the letter resigning (on April I5th, 1629) is given by Anon., p. 174, and is there said to be among the College records. * This grant in perpetuity, known as the Concordatum Fund, was enjoyed by the College till the reign of Queen Victoria, when Govern- ment, by very undue pressure, compelled the College to relinquish it in return for some electoral privileges. This injury, and the abolition of the celibacy clause in the fellowship oath, are the two items of " diminished entertainment " for which that reign is marked in the history of the College. 3 Patent Rolls, p. 229. Cf. above, p. 155. TEMPLE (1609-26) 157 but modifications or changes of tenure in these estates, do not concern us at present. 1 Thus we see that during three years, roughly 1610-13, the king was showering favours on the College, and changing it from the poor and struggling foun- dation of Elizabeth into a wealthy corporation. This large endowment was no isolated act of policy, no mere hobby of a pedant king, but part of a large measure which marks James I. as the sovran who has left the greatest impress upon Ireland of all English kings, from Henry II. to the present day. However severe may be the judgment of historians upon his policy in Scotland or towards Spain, there can be no doubt that almost all the real prosperity of Ireland dates from his plantation of Ulster, from his introducing on a larger scale that mixture of English and Scotch with Irish blood which has proved itself, from James Ussher and George Berkeley down to Arthur Wellesley and John Nicholson, the very elixir of the Empire's life. Earlier plantations in Leinster and Munster, not to speak of the old settlers in the sea-coast cities, had already produced some of this admirable blend ; the wild stock of the mere Irish had been grafted, here and there, with nobler wood, but all these sporadic attempts are as nothing compared with the transformation produced by King James. The reader will remember that twenty years earlier Elizabeth had taken similar advantage of the attainder of Desmond (who was in Munster what Tyrone was in Ulster) to plant undertakers and groups of English farmers and mechanics across the south from Youghal to Tralee. But this plantation was only ten years old when it was swept out by the appearance of Tyrone in the south, and though a certain number of the undertakers recovered their estates, and their descendants hold them to this day, the great body of the English middle and working classes disappeared from Munster for ever. Indeed there is ample evidence in the State Papers 1 Cf. ibid., pp. 410-11. i$8 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY of the time (1588-98) that even without the rebellion the enterprise was sickening for want of earnestness in the under- takers, and from the pressure of the surrounding natives upon a small population of settlers. The correspondence of men like Sir William Herbert, quoted in a previous chapter, shows clearly that the problem of planting Ireland with civilised English was not solved by Elizabeth and her statesmen. Her sporadic attempts to settle the north by means of adventurers the elder Essex, Chatterton, Sir Thomas Smith, and others had failed even more disastrously. The great queen's failure is brought into clear light by the success of King James. No doubt the contrast arose mainly from peculiar historic causes, which had come into play in the north. But these causes would have produced little effect but for the enlightened policy of the king. We need but recapitulate the altered situation. 1 Long before either plantation the Scots had begun to filter into the north of Ireland as mercenaries, workmen, settlers. These people (unless when hired as mercenaries) had sided with Tyrone against Queen Elizabeth, but when King James succeeded, and Tyrone had submitted, they hailed with satisfaction the Scottish king on the English throne. When he came to invite settlers for his new plantation, he in the first place passed by Down and Antrim, where the principal Scots dwelt, though he might have included most of that land in his attainders. In the second place he invited not only English but many lowland Scotch to settle in the five adjoining counties. The settlers therefore did not come, as they did in Munster, to dwell among a wholly alien population ; they had near them many old and established homesteads of kindred race. If any of the first grantees hastened to sell his land it was bought or leased not surreptitiously by an Irish native, but openly by an earlier Scotch settler. These and other favourable causes also induced a much larger 1 Above, Chap. I. TEMPLE (1609-26) 159 immigration than Elizabeth had been able to promote, and so the new population got a hold upon the five counties, which changed the aspect of them in a few years. Our evidence on this is full and conclusive. For the first time towns arose in the province of Ulster. For the first time mills and looms spread the sounds of industry through the country. 1 In thirty years Ulster was civilised, and how thoroughly appears from the following consideration. At the end of this period of prosperity the same calamity befel this plantation which had befallen Elizabeth's when it was only ten years old. As the Munster undertakers had been driven out with fire and sword by the Roman Catholic natives of Cork and Kerry, so the Ulster planters were set upon by the Roman Catholic natives of the north. There was horrible massacre and devastation. Never- theless the towns held out ; many single forts resisted, and when the rebels were defeated the remaining members of the fugitive families returned and resumed their civilised life. Many families in the north now trace their descent from the solitary survivor of a household in the massacre of 1641. But that survivor would not have persisted, unless he had felt that Ireland, not England or Scotland, was his home. One more vital point must be urged to show the greater enlightenment of King James's Irish policy. He has been accused of giving the native Irish but a scanty allowance in his division 2 of their lands. That was the fault of his adminis- trators, as Chichester earnestly complained. But it can be urged on the other side that he made more allowance for them, 1 It is a mistake to give Strafford credit for having created the linen industry of the north. The country was known even before the planta- tion as very favourable for the growth of flax and as producing excellent yarn. This was pointed out as early as 1609 (S. P., sub auiio, p. 208) to the London merchants as one of the " commodities " which made a settle- ment in Derry promising. And these merchants secured at the outset the monopoly of exporting yarn and linen from their ports. 2 The figures given for the whole plantation (S. P., 1610, p. 581) are : Scotch and English undertakers 123 (and with far the largest individual grants), servitors 41, natives 63. 160 AN EPOCH fN IRISH HISTORY and gave them better terms, than any predecessor had dreamt of conceding them. And these details are as nothing com- pared to the new principle asserted by him, that he took the whole Irish race under his royal protection as his subjects. The effect of this great act in civilising the Irish, in raising their self-respect, and in protecting them from outrage, can hardly be over-estimated. It was part of this great scheme to give the College a share in the plantation, to endow it together with the Church as the agent of higher civilisation, and to make it known to both natives and planters not only as a school of science and letters, but as the patron of livings, which sent learned ministers to live and preach among the people. The Puritan education of these divines made them from the beginning acceptable to the Scotch settlers in Ulster, and it is more than likely that the majority of the English planters were of the same theo- logical temper. Thus the traditions of the College agreed with the spiritual wants of the people to whom it ministered. From these large considerations we now return to the details of our history. The first matter to which Temple turned his attention was the establishing of definite College statutes. It is, of course, a mistake to say that there were none before his day. The extant rules were copied out for him before his arrival. In the March following there is a new item : " to Mr. But for writing out the statutes," and that this was a code amended or altered in some respects appears from the declaration made and signed as below: 1 The Provost's salary was not increased by this act 1 " It is agreed, March 9, 1610 [O. S.] by the Provost and fellows whose names are hereto subscribed, that they all shall firmly join together in the maintenance of the Charter of the College, the Statutes of the same, the election of the new Provost, and all other things concerning the good of the said College. It is agreed also, the day and year above remembered, by the Provost and fellows aforesaid, that the new Provost shall from the time of his admission to the Provostship have and receive the yearly allowance of 100 st. of current money in England entirely for his TEMPLE (1609-26) 161 unless it be by specifying sterling money, and by making it the first charge on the College property, for Alvey had received nominally the same sum. But the statutes were doubtless modified, and the clause about maintaining the Charter shows that the policy of granting a new Charter, with separation of the College from the University, must already have been in the air. It will interest those to whom old College statutes are a curiosity, that the book (or rather loose sheets sewed together) of Temple's Statutes existed among the College documents till comparatively recent times. Now we have only the chapters from v. onward, which relate not to the College but to the University, each decree of which is signed in the margin by the Provost and four Senior Fellows. These ordinances are practically the Regulte Universitatis ever since in force, for the University of Dublin as such has never obtained a Charter. But Hely Hutchinson had an earlier part before him, though he does not feel certain that it was the final redaction of it, because these earlier chapters were not numbered. He also notes that in Temple's own recital of the laws he had passed for the good of the College there was a statute respecting elections and one on the reformation ot manners, which every recent search had failed to find. These he supposes to have been the first chapter (though they probably were quite distinct). The second in point of order concerned the use of the surplice, and is highly interesting, even in his second-hand report. This statute recited the use of the surplice to be ancient, but that it was perverted for many ages by the Papists and pretended Catholics to many superstitious purposes. The fellows express their aversion to this supersti- tious use ; but cheerfully admit the use of it as received in the English church, especially as it has been enjoined by the authority of their most excellent prince ; but its use is con- fee, to be first paid out of such receipts as do come into the College out of any grants, rents, lands, or otherwise. Signed, William Temple, Ambrose Ussher, Anth. Martin, John Egerton, Th. Pillin, W. Byrd " (M. R, C 16, c). M 162 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY fined to such Masters and Bachelors of Arts as are admitted or to be admitted into Holy Orders, and to others supported at the expense of the College. It is to be used on holy days at Morning Prayer, and the observance is enforced by the usual small pecuniary fines, increased on repetition of the offence. Hutchinson justly comments on the equivocal character of this statute as showing but an unwilling submission to the king and the Chancellor. The third chapter provided that all Masters of Arts not occupied with law or medicine shall preach constantly in Christ Church or some parish church in Dublin, under heavy penalties. 1 Thus the residence of clerical Masters in the College is taken for granted. Then followed a chapter on the number, salaries, &c., of scholars and fellows, and also concerning the expenses of the Society. All this we know from other contemporary documents. Then came two statutes whose loss is grievous to us ; one against the use of tobacco ; the other concerning the servants to be allowed in the College. On these Hutchinson gives us no detail. 2 I cannot but think that the College authorities stole a march upon the advocates of a new Charter by obtaining in May, 1613, letters patent empowering the College, quum sit atque habeatur Univenitas y to send two representatives to Parliament. Thus the University powers of Trinity College were formally acknowledged, though the sheriffs of the city claimed the right of acting as returning officers, against which the College formally protested. But seeing that the members selected were the Provost and the V ice-Chancellor (Dr. Charles Dun) it is difficult to understand what returning officer they proposed to have for their elections. But this set of rules is no Charter ; and the University, having no incorporation or seal, can only be considered as a par- ticular aspect of Trinity College. The seal of the College was then, and is now, affixed to all University documents such as 1 This provision appears in both Bedell's and Laud's Statutes. " Hely Hutchinson's MS., p. 170. TEMPLE (1609-26) 163 the Testimoniums for degrees ; these documents are not signed by the Vice-Chancellor and Proctors, but by the Provost and Senior Fellows, and the University seal, granted in 1851, is a mere curiosity. The Caput of the Congregation of Doctors and Masters consisted in those days of the Vice-Chancellor and the Provost, for all candidates were required to visit and supplicate the Masters in their Regent House before the con- ferring of a degree. This is the preliminary which seems to have been transformed into the present practice of giving the Senior Master Non-Regent a place and veto in the Caput. The moment and reason for this change are mentioned in no document known to me. The printed statutes of 1728 already mention this Caput of three. Turning to the proper College statutes, we find Temple's influence not less dominant. The increase of fellows and scholars from the old four and twenty-eight to sixteen and seventy was no sign of better management, as Dr. Stubbs and others have said ; it was the direct effect of the large endow- ments of King James. But within each body Temple in- troduced momentous distinctions. He first separated Senior from Junior fellows, and took from the latter, as mere probationers, the right of legislating for the College. He made the distinction of natives, with special privileges, from the other scholars, thus carrying out the policy of the king, who was determined that the Irish should have the principal benefit of the foundation. We shall come presently to a most remarkable open letter of King James to the Church and University, 1 censuring their neglect of the mere Irish, and showing that the royal protection had been extended to the natives in all sincerity. The distinction of fellows into Senior and Junior, regarding the latter as mere probationers, the former as the Governors of the College, has dominated its history from that day till now. The principle was adopted, Temple tells us, from some of the 1 Below p. 181. 164 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Cambridge Colleges, and was natural enough, when youths were elected to fellowships not only before their A.M., but even their A.B. degree. With the celibacy statute enforced, and the many avenues of promotion then open, Senior Fellows were men of only seven or eight years' standing, and it was surely desirable that the Governors of the House should have some experience. It might further be urged that when the number of fellows was increased to sixteen, nay even in later times to twenty-eight, such a body of Governors would be unwieldy, and unfit to act with promptness and consistency. But the course of history has disclosed the unsoundness of the statute. The increasing wealth and com- fort inside the College, and the competition in the learned professions, not to speak of the recent relaxation regarding celibacy, have naturally made the tenure of fellowships in most cases a life-tenure, so that the governing body consists generally of very old men. Had Temple been told that his innovation would result in men of thirty years' standing having no determining voice or vote in the government of the College, he would have recoiled from it with amazement. It would have been easy at the outset to make the Governors a committee of the fellows, elected for their efficiency rather than their seniority, seeing that seniority could hardly lose its due importance in a body of educated men. But all these difficulties were still in the womb of futurity, and Temple seems even to have established a second election for proper fellowship, after the first election of a probationer, for we have the very curious pair of entries in the P. B., p. 189, that Edmund Donellan being first elected on June 2, 1611, had according to an oath he then made, resigned on August 1 8th, in the following year, when he was re-elected, August i gth. But Hely Hutchinson tells us, I know not on what evidence, that Donellan obtained a Church living, when he was bound to resign, according to the statutes which he had sworn to obey ; and that he was forthwith re-elected by an TEMPLE (1609-26) 165 evasion which was not against the letter, though against the spirit, of the statute. Bedell, in his Statutes, has a probation of two months, and then a confirmatory election. Possibly the Charters caused some difficulty in making a second election of an elected person, and hence he was required to stipulate that he would formally resign, so as to leave the electors free to confirm their choice. This is the only explanation I can offer for this curious formality, unless it be that the preparation of new statutes was in progress, and it was thought unwise to have a permanent new fellow until the changes were complete. Unfortunately the dry facts of the P. B. are rarely supplemented by any explanation. Conflicts about the powers of the Provost, and of the self chosen Senior Fellows, as against the whole body, were frequent, and fill the pages of the College histories to the exclusion of more important topics. The general lines of Temple's theory were ultimately adopted by Laud and Strafford, and were the basis, through Bedell's version, of the Caroline Statutes which still rule the College. Next to the question of this government of the College, came that of the indefinite relations of College and University. Let us recapitulate the facts already mentioned. Queen Elizabeth had founded the College as the mother of an University, and given to the former the right to make all arrangements necessary for giving degrees, &c., in fact to act as an University, pending the future developments of education in Ireland. The foundation of other Colleges must have been regarded as quite probable, for in this age of learning and piety there had been frequent new foundations of the kind at Oxford and Cambridge, and the queen must have fully ex- pected this good example to be followed in Ireland. But meanwhile the College acted as an University, appointed its own Vice-Chancellor and Proctors, held its Congregation of Doctors and Masters, and used the seal of the College for all University purposes. King James, in his letters patent of 1613, 1 66 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY acknowledged these rights by giving to the College the privilege of sending two burgesses to Parliament, while he mentions the possible founding of other houses, as a reason why the present Society should have its interests protected in the legislature. But there is evidence that everything in the College was disturbed by the shifting ot the religious question in England, and the increased wealth and importance of the Corporation. King James was now setting his face against Puritanism, which had already shown its sturdy independence in Scotland. He does not seem to have paid attention to the appointment ot Temple, a layman and a Puritan, who despised the ceremonies of the Church, and appeared in Chapel without a surplice. But it is more than likely that Ussher saw the danger, and began quietly, as was his wont, to take precautions against an excess of anti-clericalism in the College. For Ussher, though a strict Evangelical, was a stout defender of Episco- pacy. His counter move to Temple may be found in the nomination of Archbishop Abbot of Canterbury to be Chancellor, in the room of the deceased Earl of Salisbury (1612). Hitherto Dublin had always followed suit to Cambridge, and as they had copied Cambridge Statutes, so they adopted the Cambridge Chancellor. Now, for the first time, while the latter chose another layman (Northampton), Dublin began the fashion of Archiepiscopal Chancellors, which led to such momentous consequences in the reign of Laud. Archbishop Abbot promptly took action regarding the alleged neglect of decency in the Chapel services. He sent a very severe, almost violent, rebuke to Dublin, representing the king's indignation at the disuse of the surplice and neglect of the Book of Common Prayer in the Dublin College and the Cathedral services. Temple's defence of him- self as a layman, acting in analogy with the lay prece- dents of puritan Cambridge, has been printed in abstract by Stubbs. 1 But in spite of Temple's arguments, and some ' p. 28. TEMPLE (1609-26) 167 threats of resignation, he promises obedience to the Chancellor. We cannot tell whether the proposal to separate University and College came from Temple or from the new Chan- cellor. But it is clear that though they both favoured it, they were actuated by widely different motives. Temple was probably led by the precedent of Cambridge, and the anomaly of a College appointing its own Vice-Chancellor, and conferring degrees without any external sanction or revision of its standards. It is indeed most remarkable, and was hardly to be expected, that with this absolute inde- pendence Trinity College should maintain for centuries the high quality of its degrees. The Chancellor evidently (from the arguments urged against him by the fellows) had other schemes in view. He wished to encroach upon the fellows' right of choosing their Provost, to diminish or change the Visitors, and to curtail the fellows' privilege of making statutes for themselves. These were the very changes made by Laud. It was therefore made a sine qua non by the Chancellor, that before granting a new Charter for an University, the fellows should surrender the Charter of Queen Elizabeth. Logically he was perfectly right. It would have been absurd to found a new corporation with the right to give degrees, while the College retained this privilege in its original Charter. Supposing that the new University refused a degree, the College could confer it on the same person at their own Commencements, and seal it with their own seal. But when the fellows were approached upon this point, and asked to surrender their Charter as the preliminary step to the change of constitution, they objected that their property might be lost, their former legal acts questioned, in any case their oath violated, and they maintained their point. Several documents, containing their arguments, their concessions, their excuses, are still extant, and are given at great length by Hely Hutchinson, by Anon.^ and by Stubbs. The fellows are perfectly ready 168 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY to acquiesce in the king's desire to have his name men- tioned in the title of the College as fellow-founder with 'Queen Elizabeth, and we wonder the new seal did not express that concession. They are quite ready, if any omis- sions or any improvements in their statutes can be pointed out by competent persons, to make changes or additions under their existing powers. They point out that as in the proposed University the Doctors and Masters were to have the power of legislation, there was no reason why the College, which contained all the leading members of the University, should not likewise legislate for itself. Hidden behind all these arguments lay the pregnant hint from Ussher (in London) to Challoner J that statutes sent from London would be dangerous. It may fairly be inferred that he felt little confidence in the new Chancellor (though of his own choosing), who, like so many other Englishmen wholly ignorant of Ireland, was hastening to legislate as soon as he was appointed. The fellows seem to have been particularly apprehensive of a change in the Visitors, such as that carried out by Laud, whereby seven high Irish officials, one of them the Mayor of Dublin, were replaced by the Chancellor and the Archbishop of Dublin, a close oligarchy consisting usually of two Englishmen, whose policy might run counter to the wishes of all the fellows. Nevertheless the separate establishment of an University was clearly regarded as inevitable one of the many inevitable things which have never happened in Ireland. There seems to be a curious piece of evidence in the making of a new College seal. We have remains of two older seals, one the broad seal on wax, 2 and the other a small one for letters (above, p. 124). But it is certain that a new seal was ordered, for we still have the payment 1 Usshcr's Life and Works, xv. 55, " But I pray you, be not too forward to have Statutes sent from hence dictum Snpicnti." 3 Attached to the appointment of George Raw as attorney of the College to take over the site from the Corporation of Dublin, Aug. 16, 1592. TEMPLE (1609-26) 169 of it noted in the accounts of December 27, 1611.* Aprill 1612 is on this seal. The only possible reason for this date on the permanent seal of the College would be the beginning of a new life, the original foundation of 1592 being regarded as that of the University. But when we consider the dates of the controversy, which seems to have followed upon the original proposal of Abbot in 1612, it is hard to maintain that any definite conclusion had been attained so early. It is barely possible that at the outset all appeared quite easy, and that a separate seal was ordered for the University, but that when details came to be considered unforeseen diffi- culties arose. Here again we are left to mere conjectures. Contemporaneous with the earlier moments of this con- troversy were the successful efforts of Temple, Fullerton and Hamilton, and the unsuccessful one of Challoner, to secure the financial prosperity of the College. Temple went to Court (1611-12) and negotiated the changing of the yearly subsidy into a permanent one. Fullerton secured the increased endowments in Munster, and the grant of large estates in Ulster ; Challoner made out the long catalogue of chantry lands, which was never realised. 2 All these enterprises were appreciated by the College ; Temple was paid large sums of money (in all no) for his energy; Fullerton was con- sulted as a sort of patron ; Hamilton was granted a lease of the northern estate, which would have been disastrous to the College, had it not been broken, but even so he benefited largely by lesser money transactions with the College. But before these larger endownments were realised, rival 1 " Payd to Mr. Greene of Foster Lane in London Goldsmith for y e College seale weighing in silver 4 ounces and half and one peny weight at 5s. the ounce and 40* for the fashion ... 3" 2 s 9 d . 2 It appears from the State Papers of 1614, and from the heads of the Bill proposed in the Irish Parliament in that year, that the chantry lands in Ireland were not yet formally the king's property, though Edward VI. had resumed them all in England. Challoner must therefore have made them out in anticipation of the law. i;o AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY plans were made for the larger usefulness of the College, and of these the most important were those of Challoner and of Temple. We know the former chiefly from the criticisms of Temple and of Archbishop Abbot, and are therefore not to be misled by the apparently obvious financial defects attributed to it by its adversaries. The point of interest in Challoner's plan is its likeness to that of Archbishop Browne already mentioned (p. 99). In the first place the conversion of all the chantry lands and holdings in Dublin, which Challoner actually obtained from the king, had there been distinctly pointed out as the natural endowment of the new University. In the second place the idea of having a very small number of fellows or lectors Browne proposes four, Challoner six and a very large number of students or masters, all supported by the funds (Browne 200, Challoner 160) is wholly at variance with Temple's plan of having a larger number of fellows, and a moderate number (seventy) of scholars, these forming the corporation, and monopolising the endowment, with fellow commoners and pensioners paying fees and decrements besides. The whole history of the College shows that this latter plan was feasible and practical, but we may well hesitate to con- demn that of Challoner, whose experience of the College, and of Ireland, was far longer and more thorough than that of Temple. He probably saw that offering a free education to a large number would fill the College far more rapidly, and attract many whose parents were unwilling or unable to pay for them. Temple tells us in his criticism that to expect twenty new students yearly was altogether against their experience. During the ensuing years we find the want of popularity, and consequently small results attained with a large endowment, attributed by the Government to a faulty manage- ment of the College. In all probability the rejected plan was intended to meet this rising objection. 1 But most unfor- 1 The details of the two schemes are well stated, with some details, by Stubbs, pp. 39-42, and are thus easily accessible to the curious reader. TEMPLE (1609-26) 171 tunately Challoner died in 1613, just at the time when his experience and authority would have been most useful, and Temple, with his Senior Fellows, his probationers, his native scholars, and open scholars, moulded the subsequent history of the College. These are questions of large policy, and would be of high interest, if we knew all the details of Challoner's plan. Far less interesting are the various chicaneries and squabbles which took place regarding the setting of the new estates in Ulster. It was an obvious policy of the College to favour friendly middlemen accustomed to country life and ready to undertake the trouble of managing a large native tenantry, though with a considerable profit ; but it was clearly unsafe and unwise to make the Provost a College tenant, or to make large leases to a man of many speculations, such as Sir James Carroll. The proposal of Sir James Hamilton to have the whole of the Ulster estates on a lease for ever at ^500 rent must have seemed at the time reasonable, for such men as Challoner and Ussher, who actually signed this lease, together with Temple, though they would doubtless favour an old colleague and benefactor of the College, 1 would certainly not have sacrificed to such considerations the welfare of their society. But the fact remains that the Junior Fellows, with Robert Ussher, whom they elected Vice-Provost, at their head, repudiated the bargain ; they saved the permanent lease from being carried out, though Hamilton was ready to increase There are also in that passage the current prices of provisions, and this was worth quoting again, as the estimate of a practical farmer, and one who knew the proper diet for the Collegians of his day. See note I, p. 154. 1 The names of the College tenants in subsequent years show that it was a regular policy of the College to give profitable leases to ex-fellows on livings or in Sees in the North. Thus we find Dr. Robert Maxwell, Bishop John Richardson, and Temples and Bedells for some generations middle- men of the College. Thera is in the M. R. (E, 63) a complaint from Basil Brooke of Donegal, that Dr. Richardson is oppressing the natives on the College estate in the barony of Tirhugh adjacent to his own grant. 172 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY his bid to 650, and the estates were very soon found worth more than double his original offer. Archbishop Ussher, in a subsequent letter, acknowledges his mistake, in giving his cousin special credit for stout resistance to the Seniors on this occasion. The Junior Fellows maintained that, with the possible increase in the value of land, no lease should be made by the Society for more than twenty-one years, and they actually obtained an injunction from the Privy Council forbidding the Provost and Senior Fellows from making longer leases and from anticipating the renewal for the purpose ot securing fines for themselves. 1 In the course they pursued they showed openly their suspicions of Temple's honesty, and they charge him with various other crimes, besides that of enriching himself from the College estates. They allege that he violated the Statutes of his own making by favouritism in the election of fellows, by laxity in his discipline, &c., &c. His long and angry reply to these charges is still extant. 2 It does not seem to me the defence of a man with his hands perfectly clean. That a section of the fellows should hold meetings without the knowledge of the Provost, and forward resolutions accusing him to the Government behind his back, was certainly a grave violation of all College discipline ; but the facts that he 1 Temple's reply to their arguments is preserved in the M. R, and it is amusing to note that the arguments of the Junior Fellows are stated in syllogistic form, and the objections framed in the same form. Here we see the old Kamist reappearing. It is notable that a sudden rise (or fall) in the price of provisions is urged as a dangerous disturbing element, which might diminish or increase greatly the value of a fixed rent. Archbishop Abbot, in com- menting on this matter to Ussher (Works, xv. 55) thinks that the College should take care to have some of the rents paid in kind to avoid this difficulty. It has been clearly shown by Mr. Bass Mullinger (Hist, of Cambridge,vol. ii.) that this form of rent turned out a real source of wealth to the Cambridge Colleges, when the price of provisions rose. Sizings could be kept at a low figure in such circumstances, and so the student could live with great economy. * M. R., C 34, and Stubbs, App. xvii. TEMPLE (1609-26) 173 was unable to punish them, and that they even made good their case, 1 prove that appearances at least were strongly against him. There was a Visitation at Easter, 1615, in which inquiry was made into the alleged Puri- tanism of the College. All our books are silent about it. But Temple states triumphantly that this charge was then wholly disproved. It seems strange that the others should not have been discussed at the same time. The Junior Fellows' statement of . their case and of the evidence is not preserved ; it is therefore not worth while going more minutely into Temple's long and ill-composed defence. The whole affair was a discreditable squabble, and Temple's reputation, though he obtained the honour of knighthood from Lord Deputy St. John in May, 1622, never recovered. Hely Hutchinson, who had himself been subject to like charges from cabals among his fellows, and who had spent years in these angry controversies, speaks with bitter personal feeling concerning the persecutions of Temple, and spends much labour in his vindication. In the details of government, there seems no doubt that Temple was careful and diligent. Of this the P. B. gives us ample evidence. But these virtues may not make a man proof against the ambition of being a landed proprietor, and of providing for his family by favour- able leases of the Corporation lands. Immediately after his election in November, 1609, he enters the quarterly accounts in his own hand. 2 He notes the admissions of fellows, and puts down some of the exeats. It was in this year that the king made his great grants of three estates and of ten advowsons. But the formalities of the lawyers naturally occupied a couple of years before these increments were realised. In 1611 the Provost went to England to prosecute the suit of the College. During this time "Mr. Dr. Challoner and the rest of the fellows" manage the College, and Challoner is mentioned in private 1 Cf. M. R, F 38. 3 P. B., pp. 435 and sq. 174 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY bonds as chief or master. In March, 1612, Temple returned, and this year is full of important events for the College. The new Chancellor was appointed. Temple tells us all the law costs of getting the patent for the State pension, in which the lawyers* fees seem most exorbitant (77). Anth. Martin gives an account of the College money, and Temple resumes his careful entries. But now for the first time a Bursar is appointed, and both he and the Senior Dean, as well as the Provost, have keys of the chest. Historically the most inte- resting note is that on August 7th, Dr. [Wm.j Chapell of Christ's College, Cambridge, is invited to come over at a salary of j2O per annum and his diet, as Dean and Catechist. 1 There are items in the accounts for the fitting up of his chamber. This was the tutor of Milton, the old Damoetas of Lycidas y who in course of time became Provost and Bishop of Cork. His fame as a logician was great at Cambridge. As Anthony Martin was appointed Dean the following December, and Catechist, with a specification of the work he was to do, and as ChappelPs name does not reappear in any entry of the following years, I take it that he returned to England in 1613, and resumed his Cambridge work. But if we see in this choice the influence of Temple, it was only in harmony with the constant efforts of Ussher, and indeed of Alvey, to obtain good teachers and learned men to help the rising Colleges. Sam. Ward, a learned correspondent in Emanuel College, writes to Ussher in 1608 about the invi- tation to himself, and mentions Mr. Eyre and Mr. Pearson as suitable young men. 2 Ussher in a remarkable letter to Challoner mentions others. In this way the provincialism that has often in our day injured Irish Colleges was avoided, and that solidarity established which secured for the fellows of the Dublin College a high position in the learned world, and a hospitable retreat in their days of adversity. We further learn that in this year the Ulster estates were ' P. B., p. 205. a Ussher's Works, xv. 56, and xv. 74. TEMPLE (1609-26) 175 actually leased to Sir James Hamilton at ^632, in spite of the bond of the Vice-Provost and Junior Fellows to Sir H. Folliott and Sir A. Gore, that they would not agree to any lease under ^700, and were then to give these gentlemen the preference. 1 But the lease to Hamilton was only for twenty-one years, which shows that a peaceable compromise was effected. Though we should not judge without better knowledge, it gives us an unpleasant impression of Hamilton that he forthwith (1613) sublet the whole estate to Sir James Carroll, a man with many irons in the fire, and even then showing signs of financial failure. Moreover, in 1618, the College had to accept a mortgage from him for the money he owed in rent to the College. 2 Luckily this Carroll, probably to pay some debt to the College,3 surrendered to it his lease five years later (1618). Hamilton's rent began first to be paid in 1613,50 that from this time forward the Ulster estate affected the College income. Hence it was in 1614, the year that Ussher was made Vice-Chancellor,4 that Temple formulated his elaborate scheme for disposing of the enlarged College income of over ^1,100 per annum by appointing more fellows and scholars, and by raising slightly the allowances for commons and sizings.S But these reforms do not seem to have been completed till 1617, when we have the following entry 6 : " It was agreed upon by the Provost and Senior Fellows that the Scholar's Corhons at ech supper sh d for evry sevall mess receyve the addicon of 2d. over and above their ordinary 1 Anon., p. 133. a P. B., 171. 3 It is, however, equally probable that this surrender was connected with the surrender (pro forma) of the whole estate to the king in that year, that he might re-grant it in three separate manors, one for each county (Fermanagh, Armagh, Donegal), instead of having it all comprised under the manor of Kilmacrenan in Donegal. This second grant of 1618 is still among the College records, with a magnificent impression (on wax) of the king's great seal. * He was re-elected 1617, and apparently remained Vice-Chancellor till his death. s Stubbs, p. 39. 6 P. B., 171. i;6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY allowance out of y e kitchin. So as now the allowance for ech mess at supper out of y kitchin wilbe 4<1. This to begin July 26, 1617, and so to continew." It might appear from an interesting discussion in July of the following year x that the increased outlay in the numbers and the entertainment of the Society was hardly warranted, if we could be sure that the plea of the College was one of reasonable caution and not of meanness. Let it be remembered that the College had already presented various of its students to fifteen livings in six years, and that two of them are asserted to be converts from Popery. 2 The new deputy (St. John) reports that in accordance with direc- tions from England, he had proposed " the stay of the pension of ^40 per annum for the College near Dublin for the main- tenance of a weekly lecture in Christ Church, and to require the College to undertake the continuance of that lecture here- after. I caused the Provost and fellows to come before me at the Council table, and acquainted them with His Majesty's pleasure. Those of the fellows that came with the Provost, being the best of their society, we found to be young men, and none of them able, as was said, to undertake that lecture, unless it were one or two that were beneficed, and had cures of souls within this city ; so that it appeared to them that albeit they should receive His Majesty's former bounty, yet of themselves they were not able to continue the lecture without employing some other. The Deputy then " moved them, as a part of thankfulness for His Majesty's extraordinary bounty and liberal grants of great scopes of lands and a large pension, 1 S. P., 1618, p. 201. P. B., p. i85b : Phelim O'Dogherty converted from Popery presented May 16, 1615, to vicarage of Tullaferny. Bernard Odenony (same date and circumstances) to Agbenis. As Tullyfern and Aughnish were in the old O'Dogherty country, and the College estate of Kilmacrenan was close by, the former convert may have been a local priest never educated in the College, and appointed to keep the new owners safe by his local influence. The two parishes have long been united as Tullyaughnish (Ramelton) fn Co. Donegal. TEMPLE (1609-26) 177 It that they should out of their own means entertain one or more able preachers to discharge that service, whereunto they pre- tended want of means to furnish such an extraordinary charge without the lessening of their Society, so that upon their fail- ing, the lecture has since ceased, and will henceforth, unless they be quickened with an absolute commandment." We have not the king's answer to this very discreditable report, but we know from entries in the P. B. that the lecture was resumed, for in 1621 (p. iQ3b) the famous Sam. Ward (now of Ipswich) was appointed Professor of Theological Con- troversies, and also to deliver the lecture, receiving a fee for each lecture, and in 1626 four Fellows were appointed to take the Friday lecture in Christ Church (p. I75b). The facts here given are not so interesting as the re- flections on the condition of the College which they suggest. They afford a curious commentary upon Temple's elaborate replies to the strictures of the Government that not only was the Irish Church neglecting its duty, but that the College had failed in its purpose, which was mainly to train up mere Irish and Anglo-Irish students to teach the people the reformed religion in their native tongue. Temple replies in one un- dated paper that already from its foundation Trinity had sent out ninety-three men fit for Church and State, and that all but five of them (who were dead) were still active. In another document, dated 1620, and therefore probably in answer to the king's great manifesto of 1620,* he states the number of Irish 1 S, P., p. 277, and in the Patent Rolls, 17 Jas. xxxiv., printed p. 470 in the volume, from which I take the following passage (abridged) : And because the College of Dublin founded by Queen Elizabeth has since been plentifully endowed by him principally for breeding up the natives of Ireland in civility, learning and religion, and he thinks that by this time good numbers of the natives should have been trained up and employed as teachers of the ignorant among the Irish, if the governors of that house had not neglected their trust, and employed the revenues otherwise, he requires the visitors of that University to take care of that part, and directs that some competent number of towardly young men already fitted with the knowledge of the Irish tongue be placed in the N 1 78 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY students at seventy-eight, of which fifty-four are Irish by birth, the rest Irish by indenising and habitation. 1 But all this fails to explain why he had no theologian ready to lecture in Christ Church, or why the College was compelled to invite Englishmen, one after another, to fill the chair of theological controversies after James Ussher. The impression produced upon us is that Temple was not only a layman, but a worldly person, and that he neglected the interests of the Irish Church, which he probably regarded as little better than the old Papal creed. When we consider the list of fellows he appointed, we fail to find among them names in any way so remarkable as the students at the foundation. If the names of Ussher and Temple recur, it is with feeble sons of strong fathers. Perhaps Anthony Martin, who was at enmity with his Provost in later years, was the best man among them. But the general University, and maintained there for two or three years till they have learned the grounds of religion, and be able to catechise the simple natives, and deliver unto them as much as they themselves have learned. These men are to be thought of for small livings, and are to be provided for by ministers possessed of many livings, and partly from the fines of recusants. 1 Anon., p. 136. I am unable to reconcile Temple's figures, whose varia- tions probably represent the variations of succeeding years. Stubbs (p. 42) quotes him as saying in 1613 that there were then twenty native Irish out of sixty-five students supported by the College. Temple writes on December I, 1618, to Denis Bryen, the Munster agent, to apply to Lord Cork for 8 1 8s. 6d. of arrears, and adds : "The College has been at great cost for building [this, if meant to apply to recent years, was false] and is every year at a great and ordinary expense for the maintenance of eighty-six students with their sundry readers and officers." (Lismore Papers, ii. 2, p. 156). Stubbs (ibid.) quotes from another " undated paper " : Irish by birth, 44 ; Irish by habitation, 16 ; Irish Fellow Commoners and Pen- sioners, 18 ; strangers of Derbyshire, &c., 12 ; strangers of Cheshire, 8. This brings the total to 98. Temple says in the paper quoted in the text, that " no native of any towardness is refused, many though incapable of academical learning and instruction, admitted." I have not yet found all the papers to which Dr. Stubbs alludes, as he gives but few references. Those I have found are: M. R., A II. e, List of natives in the College, and remonstrance that the sons of preachers and undertakers are not treated as such; All. f, List of students according to nationality; C22 a and b, State of the College in 1617. TEMPLE (1609-26) 179 character of the College in Temple's declining years was decidedly second-rate. When the Deputy came in 1617 to be entertained with a theological lecture a very solemn amusement J James Ussher is still put forward as the chief disputant when the College should surely have shown its rising men. The pettiness of the individual complaints against the Provost is noteworthy, but the number of them, coupled with charges of grave malversation in the management of the estates, proves to demonstration that he had lost the confidence of his staff, and was no longer in spiritual touch with them. No intellectual ability on his part could compensate for that fatal weakness. And yet then, if ever, there was need of a strong man with a whole heart to stem the tide that was turning against the College and the reformed faith in Ireland. We are very well informed of the drift of opinion during these years, especially during the rule of Chichester (1604-16), whose long, accurate, and "painful" correspondence fully justifies the great confidence placed in him by the king. It is quite remarkable how colourless and merely objective the letters of St. John are in comparison with them. Moreover, Chichester had beside him his Attorney-General, Sir John Davis, whose letters are the very best and most lively of the period. The whole Irish policy of King James, and its execution, come before us with great clearness. No ruler of Ireland before him had ever understood the problem so distinctly, and none had ever devised better remedies. Plantations were, indeed, an old device of English statecraft, but they were confessedly plantations among " the Irish enemy." King James was clearly informed that there was ample land for both planters and natives as soon as the nomadic pasturing of the natives 1 Messrs. Martin, Egerton, and Donnellan were the subsequent dis- putants ; the questions were these : Spiritus Sanctus in Scriptura loquens cst solus tnfallibilis judex controversiarum. Jejunium pontificum neque Scripturcv neqnc rationi est consciitanaim. The Protestant flavour is here very strong. I So AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY could be replaced by decent agriculture. 1 Thus the American settler in the Far West could produce food for a population enormously greater than the Red Indians, who lived upon herds of roaming buffaloes. But it need hardly be added that the displacing of even a part of the natives from the lands which they occupied, how- ever much they neglected them, was an operation sure to excite strong resentment, and to be accompanied with many real hardships. What the king had to offer as a counter- balance to these griefs was relief from the "cuttings and cosherings" of the old chieftains, a secure freehold of the lands re-granted to the remaining occupiers, and a strictly just and gentle administration of the English laws. Lastly, the bulk of the escheated lands should have been re-granted to natives, whose interest would then have led them to dread the return of Tyrone, and the resumption of the old dues and exactions. Perhaps the only restriction to be put upon these large re-grants would have been to make conformity to the religion of the State a condition of remaining with a fixed tenure. No Roman Catholic State in Europe would have hesitated to enforce such a restriction on their side. But then the Reformed faith should also have been assiduously and zealously taught by a clergy conversant with the native tongue. All these ideas were quite familiar to the mind of King James. Mountjoy, during the too brief time that he survived after his victorious career in Ireland, was undoubtedly the king's chief adviser upon Irish affairs, and Chichester, his lieutenant, had been brought up in the same school. But with the death of Mountjoy the master hand, which could have controlled errors and abuses, was gone, and both the king and his subordinates made mistakes of detail, which marred a large and philosophic policy. In this policy the " college near Dublin " was to play a 1 Cf., for example, what Sir Thomas Phillip says, S. P., 1632, p. 412. TEMPLE (1609-26) 181 leading part. While bishoprics and parishes were endowed with lands and glebes, the college was to educate an Irish Church clergy to do duty not only in the English and Scotch plantations, but among the natives. Here, however, as well as elsewhere, the plan failed in its details. Temple was evidently unequal to the task, and we cannot but regret that such a man as Daniell, now Archbishop of Tuam, was not kept in the College, and promoted to rule it at this crisis. It is evident from a letter of Ussher that pressure was being brought on Temple to resign during the last years of his life, and his case is but one of the many failures which King James had to endure. Neither Chichester, St. John, nor Falkland seem strong enough to subdue the greed of undertakers and servitors, the neglect and misconduct of Churchmen, or, on the other hand, to combat the vigour and persistency of Jesuits, seminaries, and priests, who utilised the grievances of the plantation to feed hopes of the return of Tyrone with a new expedition from the King of Spain. The king was on the one hand urged by all those who hoped for grants of land to extend his plantations and make similar confiscations and settlements in the wild parts ot Wexford and Carlow Mounts Leinster and Blackstairs were haunts of Kavanaghs and other wild septs and in Ros- common and Leitrim, where O'Rourke had always been a proud and obstinate opponent of England. On the other hand, the special Commission he appointed to report upon the alleged failure of the existing settlements, and to recommend remedies, point out the danger of such a course. " Though plantations made upon just grounds were very necessary for the securing of many disordered territories in that country, yet considering that works of that nature had been much perverted by the private aims of many particular persons to get only large scopes of land into their hands for their own profit, with- out any care of settling them for the strength and safety of the country ; and withal remembering that they are causes of 182 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY much discontent and exasperation to the people whom they concern, and that these late plantations are yet in their infancy and far from being well settled, they deem it unreasonable to think effectually of any more plantations for the present ; yet the Lord Deputy's care, &c., should be acknowledged, and he might be let know that he will do good service if he can settle any disordered Irish country by breaking up the dependencies of the people from their chief lords, and disposing the lands in orderly manner upon the natives and possessors to their good content at profitable rents and tenures." 1 Among the new landlords created by the Ulster plantation we do not hear a word of special complaint against the College, beyond the preferring of natives for the best scholarships. For in the first place neither here nor in Munster had the fellows displaced the actual occupiers ; and in the second the rents they required were always exceedingly moderate, so much so that great estates were acquired by the middlemen who held leases under them, without oppression of the natives. But the greed of speculators, and the king's evil habit of stopping the mouth of claimants for favour by grants of land in Ireland, became so great a terror to all previous holders that we have 2 a formal complaint from the undertakers to say that the whole enterprise in the north, which had begun most favourably, was now languishing through want of confidence in the king's gifts, which might any day be revoked on the ground that difficult or impossible conditions imposed upon the first grantees had not been fulfilled. Under these cir- cumstances the fear arose that newer and stronger favourites would prove the lands to be again forfeited, and displace the first planters. Hence many were already selling their holdings at mean prices, and returning to England, while the natives were resuming occupation, and threatening the remaining English that they too would soon be driven out by the return of Tyrone. 1 S. P., July, 1623, p. 427. ibid., 1625, p. 518. TEMPLE (1609-26) 183 The State Papers of the day, especially under the rule of Falkland, who is ever complaining that he is shackled and th varied, and unable to carry out his duty to the king, show clea-ly that with the partial blue sky of peace there were the lowering clouds and muttering thunder of the coming storm public assemblies of priests and friars, missions of Jesuits, flying rumoun of a great Spanish invasion, scattered occurrences of murders to resist the law all caused, say the correspondents, by the vacillation of the king between his desire to uphold the reformed religion, and at the same time to temporise with Spain am the Pope. The news of Prince Charles's escapade to Spain set the minds of all the recusants in Ireland in a flutter, "f the Prince married a Spanish princess it was surely impossible that her creed should be persecuted in Ireland. King Jarres too often did retract his frequent orders regard- ing the exjulsion of the Jesuits, owing to the pressure of the Spanish anbassador, so that the puzzled Viceroy never knew whether to tighten or to relax his rule. 1 These m.tters are not a digression ; they must be under- stood and kot in mind when we try to appreciate the religious and political atmosphere of the College in these early days. It is idle to s# that the life of the students and their teachers stood apart frm the great world, and had no concern with it. Such isolation in those critical times was quite impossible. We have aleady suggested, regarding the wards ordered to be educated inthe College, that but a small proportion of them was actually seit there. But we have lost the old Matricula- 1 Cf. S. P., i6r, p. 246. The king does not wish to enjoin on Chichester the posecution of recusants without exception, but leaves the whole questio to his discretion, reminding him of the king's desire " that he should foward religion so far forth as it gave not any occasion to make any distunance among the people." To this Chichester replies (Ibid., pp. 268, 446 that if the Jesuits and recusant lawyers were per- sistently prosecutet " the rest of the people would soon banish the Pope out of their hearts. Accordingly some prominent people about Dublin were capriciously fied, while the masses of the people were left undis- turbed. AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY tion book, which would tell us the facts, and therefore, beyond scholars, who were of the poorer class, we have only chance allusions to the fellow commoners and pensioners, of whm there seem to have been not more than fifteen or twent' on the books at any one time up to Temple's death. Never- theless we know of some youths of importance, wh were not wards, being in residence. An O'Donnell (son of Sir Neale), a Fitzmaurice (Lord Lixnaw's son), Lord Rirke of Castleconnell, Captain Falkland, son of the Lord Deputy, and a son of Sir Turlough O'Brien are mentiond. The last occurs in a connection showing how respectfvlly these young aristocrats were treated. A student named Coyne was to be punished for going into the city without leave, when Sir Turlough's son went to the Provost and explained that Coyne had done so on urgent business for himself, whereupon the punishment is mitigated into a meely formal confession of the offence. 1 The other names appear in the State Papers of the reign. 2 Even in the time o' Alvey the number of silver cups belonging to the College, evidently the gift of the parents or guardians of fellow commoners, show that the small number of paying students wire people of quality. The number of degrees conferred in the year 1614-25, of which an account is preserved to us by Temjte,3 shows an average of over twenty, which is very high, seeiig that almost one-half of them, 112, compared with 119, .re M.A. and higher degrees, implying a residence of sevei years at the 1 P. B., 215. 2 Lord Burke of Castleconnell : " We have great hpe of him, being Protestant, and bred in the College " (S. P., 1620, p. 2fe). "The Lords are glad to hear of the good education the Lord Dcnaw's son, and others of quality, are receiving in the College of Dublir which they pray may be continued accordingly " (S. P., 1615, p. 66). 'He is brought up with the Earl of Thomond, a Protestant, at the allege of Dublin " (S. P., 1613, 459, also 1615, 102). I need not multipl analogous cases. 3 P. B., pp. 176, 184-5. ^quotations for the TEMPLE (1609-26) 185 least. It is true that they came to College very raw, but they were not matriculated till they knew something, 1 being handed over to the College schoolmaster, one of the fellows, who taught them in the Chapel daily. The master in Temple's time was Ed. Donnellan, who was paid the large sum of ,10 per annum, with an addition if the fees of his pupils did not bring him ^10 more. 2 Stubbs has given in his book (pp. 43-5) the details of the four years' course, with the important omission of all mention of the training in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. Yet Bedell, from whose Statutes these details are taken, is quite express on the point. All the classes together were to be exercised in Greek and in Hebrew by a special lecturer, si commode fieri potest. This proviso is not explained. I presume that in the absence of a special lecturer, each tutor undertook this indis- pensable work with his pupils. But a Latin theme and a Latin description of the work of the week, as well as a weekly declamation, were also an universal requirement. What proficiency was expected of students appears from the Degree Examination, in which they were expected to trans- late any part of the Greek Testament and the first two Psalms from Hebrew into Latin. The latter might be merely an exercise in memory, but the former is an ordeal that nowadays hardly any of our ordinary candidates for the A.B. degree would care to face. Omitting the details which may be read in the book referred to, or indeed in the Caroline Statutes, we think a general review of the education of that day and a com- parison with our own will reveal many obstinate survivals of details, while the whole spirit and temper of University 1 Cf.the P. B.,2i5b, the note beginning, "These are counted unmatricu- lated though in the College." The names follow with various dates, some of them a year back, fixed as those of their formal matriculation. This was in August, 1611, after the Midsummer Examination to test progress. There were then at least five fellow commoners in the House. 2 P. B., 2o6b. 186 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY training has been modified by the fatal influx of text-books, which submerges much honest teaching and learning. The four classes of undergraduates remain to this day, and that the passage from Freshman to Sophister now known as the Little Go was an important step even then appears from the isolated note, 1 post exam habitas in grad. juni. Sophistaru ordin cooptati sunt, and eleven names follow. Had the failures been appended, we should have had an account of the Little Go of 161 1, and of the size of the Senior Freshmen class in that year. The Professor of Theological Controversies, too, lectured then as he now does, on the Romish Controversy, but we do not find that the exposition now given by him of the Ritual of the reformed Church was required in this Puritan atmosphere. The main Commencements of the year were fixed at the end of Trinity term, and so they have remained till now, though that term has been shortened by a week. A summer term, in July and August, was then kept now an approved innovation at Oxford and Cambridge, which some of us have in vain endeavoured to re-introduce into Trinity College. But if in these points old traditions still survive, a great change has come over us since the time when the business of the teacher was to expound a subject and not a book, and that of the student was so to assimilate his lesson that he could reproduce it in a Latin essay, and defend his views in public disputation. If there was less to be known then than now, there was on the other hand an insistence upon that know- ledge being ready for use, and defensible by argument. As a mental training our present University courses have nothing of the same value, and so far we have distinctly deteriorated. Most of us have endeavoured to mend the fault (very inadequately) by those debating societies which are so prominent in modern University life. But there long remained in Trinity College another valuable representative of the old spirit that habit of requiring viva voce answering at Fellowship examination and 1 P. B., 213. TEMPLE (1609-26) 187 for all the higher honours, which has only given way of recent years to the influence of the sister societies of Oxford and Cambridge and of the State competitions. There are men still living in Dublin who obtained their Fellowship by an exclusively viva voce examination, and not a little of the readiness of the Irish scholar is directly due to this excellent practice. It is known that Chatham trained his great son to fluency by making him read out Latin and Greek texts in English. Every scholar of Trinity College (from the founda- tion till late in the nineteenth century) underwent that very training. In the philosophy course for fellowship, viva voce still counts for half the examination. The opening of the first year's studies with Dialectic points in its very title to a Ramist course. Though the pupils pro- bably had no text-books, we may be sure that the lecturers used Temple's edition of Ramus, and the other commentaries upon this popular author. In the second year followed Logic ; then in the third Physiology, or what we should call Natural Philosophy, such as it was before DesCartes, or even Bacon ; in the fourth year this Physiology was combined with Ethic and Rhetoric. Even to this day, the insisting upon Ethics and Astronomy for the A.B. examination is a distinctive and valuable feature in the education of the College ; and this astronomy is only a part of the physiology of the ancients, which corresponds to the mathematical physics still taught in our fourth year. These details can hardly interest the general reader, nor is it very important to examine what was taught in the College, provided we know how it was taught, and that it was taught honestly. By the constant habit of inviting men of eminence from Cambridge to be Provosts or Professors, they secured that their standard should be that of England, not of the Ireland of that day, and James Ussher's influence, though he was now engaged in a wider sphere of work, must always have been used to promote real and serious learning. i88 AN EPOCH fN IRISH HISTORY Externally, the surroundings of the College were undergoing considerable change. At the first foundation Hoggen Green was really an open space, whereon the cattle and swine of the citizens used to graze. But in Speed's map (1610) it is already enclosed by a wall, and there are signs of buildings encroach- ing upon it. Let it be remembered, however, that, as Roque's map shows, the College of that day did not reach within fifty yards so far west or north as it now does. The old steeple, at the north-west corner of the original square, stood about half- way between the present gate and the belfry, and on that line. Hence there was considerable room between the College and the piece of ground acquired from the city by Sir G. Carey, Treasurer at War (in 1602), which skirted the water side of the green, and was afterwards acquired by Lord Chichester, whose residence there became famous as Chichester House. Sir Toby Caulfeild got another grant of the rising ground over against it between the Green, Grafton Street, and Suffolk Street, and built there a house afterwards (1632) occupied by Archbishop Ussher. These and other gifts began to encroach so much upon the public green, that there is a resolution passed x that no more shall be granted a resolution, of course, presently violated. But the rise of fashionable residences about the Green must have been considerably affected by the Bridewell, situated about the foot of Trinity Street, which had been granted to Challoner and his associates in 1604.2 The references to it in the City Records, which are few, are wholly distinct from those preserved by Anon, from the College papers, though not inconsistent with them. From both together we learn that the city, on petition from the lessees in 1604, consented to introduce words into the lease, widening the powers of the lessees. And in 1609 the city passed a resolution that as there was no longer any intention ot having a Bridewell, the lessees might apply it to the other uses allowed by the original gift, notably for a free school. 1 Dublin Records, Hi. p. 303. a Cf. above, p. 130. TEMPLE (1609-26) 189 Meanwhile Sir George Carey's house and holding had taken the fancy of Chichester, and at the close of his rule at the Castle, when he was about to remove to the north, he petitioned the Corporation to give him Sir G. Carey's lease with a long extension of years, that he might build himself a city residence. Very naturally he did not wish to have the derelict Bridewell facing his property, and so he proposed to the city to remit the fine of ^50 imposed upon the citizens for the escape of a prisoner from the Castle, if they would make it over to Trinity College. This the city was willing to grant, but an unforeseen difficulty arose from the occupying tenant, George Breddam, who had evidently got a lease from Challoner and his fellows, and who refused to leave without compensation. Copies of the inquiries made by the city into his claims are preserved in Anon., pp. 71-3, whence it appears that the Committee of inquiry conceded his claim for necessary repairs and glazing of the house to be ^30. The case was decided by a court of law, and the Corporation was ordered to satisfy Mr. Breddam, and this is enforced by an order of Council in October, 1616, when St. John had already succeeded as Deputy. It was obvious that as the College was to get the house and ground, this charge might fairly be defrayed by them, and so we have from William Ussher, an official at the Castle, the following note, December u, 1616, " Cossen Dr. Ussher. My Lord Deputy desires to know the resolution of the College whether they will pay ^30 Eng. and take this Bridewell house or no wherein you shall do well to repair to my Lord and that with some speed." Not one word of all this appears in the P. B., nor does the result appear any- where in that book, but it is stated in Anon, that the city settled the house and plot on certain persons, who for the sum of ^30 conveyed it to the College, and that it remained until the Rebellion of 1641 a place of residence for students under the name of Trinity Hall. These tedious details are here given, because they were unknown to Gilbert, the historian of Dublin. If the Green 190 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY had been somewhat invaded and curtailed the College had at least secured aristocratic neighbours, and a further house of residence. It remains, in conclusion of this long chapter on Temple's rule, to estimate the discipline of the students from the notes of censures and punishments inflicted. But I protest against these being taken by themselves, and not in relation to the conditions under which the students lived. What scope or outlet had they for their energies, and what care was taken to given them innocent amusements as well as interesting studies ? If human nature were not in some respects the same in every age, if youth were not gay and robust in every healthy race, we might well imagine that the educators of that day were absolutely ignorant of what we call innocent and wholesome recreation. The parks were not, as now, devoted to the use of the students for their games all games in the courts or gardens being formally forbidden both in Bedell's and Laud's Statutes, but divided by walls and fences into several com- pounds, and either let to the Lord Deputy for his horses, the Dean of Christ Church (Wheeler) for his orchard, or reserved for the fellows. Even these complain that the Provost had collected a heap of manure in the garden to which they were granted keys. The only legitimate reason a student could allege for visiting the city was to go to service at Christ Church, and yet there the seats reserved for him and his com- panions were exposed to cold and draught, and were so situated that to them the sermon was inaudible. There were indeed tennis courts in Thomas Street open to young blades like Lord Howth and Sir Roger Jones, even during Church-time on Sunday, where a famous affray between these gentlemen and their followers took place, but such pastimes were not provided for the College boys. The parades of the city, the bull- and bear-baiting, the processions round the circuit of the walls all such distractions were forbidden and punished by severe measures exclusion from commons for a week or two, the confession of the crime upon their knees, lasting all dinner TEMPLE (1609-26) 191 time, and often the sharp correction of the rod. When the Junior Dean holds his " corrections " now every Saturday, he little dreams that his predecessors in Temple's days applied the birch to the younger offenders, and even to those who had lost the privilege of adultage by frequent transgressions. 1 Is it any wonder then that we hear of some making free with the cherries that hung out temptingly over the Dean's orchard wall, that others escaped early from Sunday Chapel to roam in the country, that others " transcended the College wall " to visit the town, and even effected their return by night through a window in the ground floor of the steeple ? To any one fond of boys there seems little harm in any of these escapades save that of going to alehouses in the city, where the women who served were, according to the city records, of more than doubtful character. Playing cards with the porter in the steeple, and carrying off bacon and fowl from the College larder, was no heinous offence for those who had been excluded from commons for some trifling transgression. I see no more serious flaw in their conduct than the habit of breaking windows and getting over walls, which a little reasonable laxity would easily have cured. We close our chapter with the fact that Temple, whose health was long failing, and whose vacancy was being eagerly watched by many prospective Provosts, died on January 15, 1626 (O. S.) and was buried under the Provost's seat in the old College Chapel. 2 1 We are told in Bedell's Statutes (Cap. n) that students were freed from the rod at the age of eighteen, but as the normal period of education was from the twelfth to the eighteenth year, the use of the rod is parallel to that in the English public schools of our day. 2 I remember, when a boy, that the opening of foundations for the pre- sent belfry disclosed the ancient burial of some person of importance. A paper was read in the medical school upon his skull, which was of a singularly low type. We have no authentic portrait of Temple to help us in this respect, but it seems likely that he was the person exhumed, and if so, this spot gives us the site of the west door of the chapel, where the Provost would sit. This indication moves the original quadrangle far into the present court, as already suggested. CHAPTER V BEDELL ROBERT USSHER x (1626-34) TEMPLE, in spite of his leases of College lands, and the appoint- ment of his son as seneschal, died considerably and discreditably indebted to the College. The money claimed against him amounts to ^450, and we know that there was great difficulty in recovering it from Lady Temple and his sons. But though the Provost's salary was still only jiOO, the indirect profits must have been considerable, for Ussher is full of fears 2 that some adventurer will obtain the post for the sake of lucre. We have still the letter of one of the aspirants, Edward Clark, who had succeeded another plunderer, Sir William Ryves, as Commissary of Prerogatives, &c., a lay post which much troubled the bishops and clergy, and in which great injustices 1 With the entry of Temple's death commences the earliest official Register of the College, it being enacted in the following, August 19 (Reg., p. 15) : " The Register's place and the custody of the Library is devolved to one of y e Senior ffellowes in perpetuu ; his stipend is six pound per annum." There are some later resolutions and some lists thrust into the first few pages. But from henceforth we have something like a continuous record of public events in the College. The entries in the P. B. overlap this book up to the great Rebellion, and are often identical with it, but both are independent, and each of them often supplies what is missing in the other. The remaining authority is the Bursar's book. Cf. his letter of February 9, 1626-7, quoted by Stubbs, p. 51, and the king's mandate, M. R., F 46. 191 BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 193 to ecclesiastical property were common. This man suggests z that the fellows may favour him, as his official post gives him so much control over their benefices and glebes in the country. Such were the people whom Primate Ussher dreaded. He had also made up his mind that a lay Provost was inexpedient. Temple's rule, so far as the College was intended to provide an efficient clergy, was distinctly a failure. He bethought him of two pious men, Joseph Mede, a fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, and Rich. Sibbes, a well-known preacher at Gray's Inn. The Senior Fellows actually elected Mede, and sent over two of their number to fetch him. But meanwhile the juniors, who claimed by the Charter a voice in the election (a claim admitted by the Visitors), chose Robert Ussher, for years back Vice-Provost (if that office was permanent), and actually swore him in. This proceeding, followed by many similar quarrels, shows what good reason there was for a complete reform in the government of the College. Primate Ussher's attempts to secure a proper man had not been successful. Mede sent over his resignation, which is in the Registry ; Sibbes refused to come over. 2 The two archbishops then bethought them of William Bedell, probably far better than either of the others, and he was specially recommended to the fellows in an extant letter from Abbot, wherein he mentions that Bedell had been abroad, and ' S. P., 1625, p. 39. " The provost is very aged and sickly. Pray secure my nomination if you can. Perhaps the fellows will favour me as I have power by the prerogative to examine the dispensations and titles of the clergy of their benefices." Letter to William Boswell. a The facts are not quite clear. There is a letter from Abbot to Ussher (Life, xv. p. 375) written when he was sending over Sibbes. Hely Hutchinson says that he was proposed for election in the College, but that the fellows voted in equal numbers for and against him. This state- ment I have not been able to verify, and I do not believe it, as all the records are silent about it. Another contemporary letter says that Sibbes was appointed Master of S. Katherine's Hall in Cambridge, which he no doubt preferred to the Irish College. O 194 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY had large experience of men, as well as College learning. 1 We have also 2 a recommendation of him from Sir H. Wotton, whose chaplain he had been, at the embassy in Venice. This is not the place to speak of the highly interesting condition of Venice when Bedell resided there. The republic was tainted with the principles of the Reformation, and openly refused to submit to the dictates of the Pope. Their theological leader was Fra. Paolo Sarpi, who would have undoubtedly carried through a revolt to Protestantism, had he possessed the temper of a Luther together with his own profound learning. Bedell was this man's constant adviser in theology, especially in the meaning of the Greek and Hebrew originals of the Bible, and was so zealous in his endeavours to spread the light, that he learned to speak and write Italian fluently, and even translated for Sarpi and his brethren in revolt the English Book of Common Prayer, which they were ready to adopt, if their State had maintained its opposition to Rome. The experience of a great struggle against the Papacy in Venice was a very suitable prelude to a commission in the campaign against Popery undertaken by the English Govern- ment, and its Protestant College, in Ireland. But this Venetian experience was not Bedell's only qualification. He was the younger son of a squire of old family in Essex, and had been educated at Emanuel College, Cambridge, where he was elected a fellow in 1593. About 1602 he went out on a living at Edmondsbury, from which he went in 1604 to Venice. After a stay of a few years there (I cannot find how long) he returned to his country living, where he remained in comparative obscurity till called to Ireland. This delay in his promotion is said to have been due to his Calvinistic opinions, though he was distinctly a Churchman, and not a Puritan ; a 1 This eminent man has found many biographers. Apart from articles in Dictionaries there are two sketches by his son and son-in-law, recently republished by Mr. Shuckburgh (Cambridge, 1902), and lives by Bishop Burnet, Monck Mason, and others. " Bedell's Life (Mason), p. 89. BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 195 more serious obstacle was his modest and retiring character in an age when most appointments were given to men who brought themselves into public notice. At all events, the king, the Chancellor Abbot, and the Lord Deputy directed the Senior Fellows to elect him, which they did, not without protest from the juniors. Abbot in his letter says that having examined the College statutes, he finds that the election belongs to the ancients or seniors. 1 The answer of the juniors was of course that no College statutes could override the original Charter wherein this right was given to the fellows generally, and before any distinction between senior and junior existed, and this was the opinion of the Visitors to whom they appealed, " but because the Prime Visitor, their Vice-Chancellor Ussher, was absent, nothing was done." 2 Robert Ussher indeed stood upon his election, even when Bedell came over, and refused to accompany him and the other fellows to see the Primate at his Palace of Termonfechan near Drogheda. But Robert Ussher was no man to hold out in opposition, and so Bedell was formally sworn in as Provost on August 16, 1627. Bedell's diary gives us the exact dates of this part of his life.3 He took care to secure himself in case the place did not suit him : " Item, that the place here being litigious, and my family untrans- ported, I meant not presently to give up my living, but when with the convenience of my affairs I might so do. Then I took the oath, and had the keys delivered to me. After, I exhorted every man to do his duty, and to live according to the statutes, by which I was strictly bound by oath to govern. After began the Divinity Lecture. After dinner I viewed the hall, Provost's lodging, library, gardens, &c. At 2 of the clock was a meeting of the Senior Fellows. It was 1 Unfortunately this is one of the chapters of Temple's Statutes which has been lost. Very possibly it was torn off from the rest to be sent over for Abbot's perusal. At all events we have lost the particular wording of all that related to elections. a M. R., F 56, dated June 2, 1627. 3 Now accessible in P. B., p. 97 sq. 196 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY resolved the next Lord's day to have a Communion ; and to that end to provide a Communion table, carpet, cloth, napkin, &c., and an amnesty of all former quarrels." These details show how completely Puritanism had eaten into the habits of the College. Not only when Temple became old, but for eleven years back, there had been no Holy Communion in the Chapel. Well might Ussher see the necessity of appointing a clerical Provost to maintain the doctrine and discipline of the Church. Bedell seems merely to have had a look into the College and its disorders, and to have drawn up and passed a copy of the statutes, 1 when he departed again for England, leaving the College in charge of the Welsh Vice- Provost, John Floyd, without even waiting for the election of new fellows and scholars. This is what Bedell tells us in the highly interesting letter to Sir N. Riche on the disorders of the College. 2 The finances he could not attack in this short visit, seeing that there was debts and looseness of business habits amounting to dishonesty. The reason of his departure was to bring over his family, but as he stayed away eight months, and made many efforts to resign, we may suppose that his wife and family refused to come, though that reason, beyond the six weeks' illness of a son with ague, has not been stated. His conduct in staying away seems to us reprehensible. He heard presently that the College was in disorder. The Vice-Provost, who then seems (as acting Provost) to have had a veto, refused to elect any further fellows, because his own cousin, William Floyd, was not chosen. Randal Ince was the only fellow elected. 1 P. B., 98b, September 6th : " Mr. Temple's case, and the statute dc Ecclesiastico Bcneficio was treated about, and after much deliberating differred till the Provost's return. 7th. The statutes which in all this time had been degested and brought into order in a new booke were finished, consented unto, and agreed they should be read. 8th. The statutes read in the Chapell," and so on for some days, till the Provost, after waiting at Ringsend five days for favourable weather, put to sea September 18, 1627. Stubbs, Appendix, xxviii. 3 ibid., p. 395. BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 197 Several candidates then petitioned Lord Falkland to admit them as fellows on the ground that a lapse of time had occurred, which gave the election to the Crown. Falkland accordingly issued an order to admit three of them, Cottingham, Vesey, and Floyd, but the fellows called a Visitation and showed clearly that they had not lost the right of election by lapse. The Visitors even deposed the Vice-Provost, and declared him no fellow, though allowing him to remain a tutor and have commons. Falkland thereupon retracted his order. 1 The fellows were so busy quarrelling that they even forgot to inform the Provost of current events. Of this he complains in his letters, and bemoans his own incapacity. The one thing obvious a speedy return, was the course he did not take. At last, in answer to a most respectful and affectionate, but pressing Latin missive from the fellows, 2 and the command of the king and Chancellor, he made up his mind to return to Ireland. He was only Provost for about two years, when he was promoted to the combined Sees of Kilmore and Ardagh, but in these two years he had more influence upon the College than 1 These three men, charged in the Visitation with making false repre- sentations to the Lord Deputy were therefore not fellows, and should be erased from the list which appears in the College Calendar. Neither H.H. nor Anon, seem to know Falkland's formal retractation of his mandate, preserved in the M.R., F 53. The terms in which the major part of the fellows complain (Anon., 161) show us clearly one feature in the form of election, which had already disappeared from Bedell's Statutes, adopted a few months before, but which was evidently acknowledged as still dominating the election of 1627. Bedell notes that these new statutes were subscribed and appointed to be read formally the following July (P. B., QQb), though it had been done the previous September. " The fellows took objection to the Vice-Provost for propounding whom he pleased, and that he denied to propound natives, who were candidates, because his relative was denied." It was therefore the privilege of the Provost (or Vice-Provost) to propound a list, on which the Senior Fellows voted. But if they rejected the list they had no power to nominate others. Vesey and Cottingham had been candidates at a former examination, and not apparently at the recent one. " Given by Stubbs, p. 397. 1 98 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Temple in his eighteen. He has left in the Particular Book entries in the form of a diary, which are most instructive regarding the life of the place. On the other hand, he neglects to tell us (what Temple does) the names of the scholars elected each year, so leaving a serious gap in this part of the College Register. He also re-handled and reduced to literary and connected form the College statutes, "which being part Latin, part English, and in sheets of paper some stitched together, some loose, and a heape wout order, with long pambles, and sometimes unnecessary, and in many places defective, digested into a new form, and published in the Chapell." * Of these at least two copies in his handwriting are extant. They not only give us the general outline of the older book, for he made no unnecessary innovations either in matter or style, but also the model upon which the Caroline Charter, which ever since has governed the College, was drawn up. A comparison of the work of Bedell with that of Laud will show how conservative the latter was, and how closely he followed his predecessor in all points which did not call loudly for reform. 2 There can be little doubt that as Bedell was a friend of Laud, and as Ussher was so also, the changes intro- duced by Laud and by Strafford were suggested, or at least approved of, by the Bishop of Kilmore. The one salient fact in the history of the College was the disorder of its government, and the fact that fellows, engaged in wrangling, neglected their proper work. A letter of Ussher (xv. 575) has indeed been quoted from that day to this, to the effect that these statutes were copied from those of Emanuel College, Cambridge. No one seems hitherto to have verified this statement, for a comparison of the two codes shows it to 1 Note from a letter to Sir Nath. Riche, quoted in Stubbs, p. 395. a The copy of Bedell's Statutes which I use for my review of his work is one in his own hand which I bought at a book auction some years ago for a few shillings. There is another in the College Library, another copy is in the Muniment Room. From these I have printed them in Appendix I. to this volume, and for the first time. BEDELLROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 199 be quite wrong. It is indeed clear from the history of the College that Bedell's Statutes were in the main those of Temple, and they bear no more likeness to those of Emanuel College than they do to the statutes of any other College in Cambridge, with the one exception of the standing required from candidates for fellowship at least seven terms from their B.A. degree. This is, of course, the point to which Ussher refers, "hough he speaks generally. The somewhat rhetorical preamb^, and the first chapter de Cultu divino are probably composed by Bedell, for the statutes of other Cambridge Collegesshow that the composition of this preface was a thing of display, wherein the author showed not only his Latin prose, but his historical and literary conceits. Laud repeats it verbatim, but to copy such a thing from another book of statutes would be regarded as we now regard copying another man's sermon. The duration of a fellowship seems to have been but s^ven years from the M.A. degree, for we find at this time senior fellowships frequently declared vacant, or claimed on the ground that they ought to be vacant, 1 but in Bedell's book the question is deliberately left open, and there is a distinct allusion to a new Charter on this point about to issue from the king. The care of Divine service is marked by making it the subject of the first chapter, and here no doubt there were many particulars introduced. In Laud's book this matter is postponed till the ninth chapter. A further examination of these statutes may be postponed to the sequel, in which Laud's rehandling of them will be considered. There are two significant explications set in the forefront of the book and dated September 23 and 24, 1628, that is to say after Bedell's return. The first defines the " Ecclesiastical Benefice " which a fellow was sworn not to hold save within three miles of the city. It receives its widest meaning, whether with or without a cure of souls. At this very time a fellow, Parry, was accused of holding such a 1 P, B., 97-8, 200 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY benefice, and removed. The second defines whether the disqualification of marriage (si uxorem duxisse compertum sit) was to be retrospective, or only to apply to cases after the date of the statute. The latter interpretation was adopted, whch suggests that during the reign of disorder this licence also had crept into the College. As a matter of fact there vas a Senior Fellowship claimed by Mr. Price on the ground that Mr. Thomas was married, and had so forfeited it according to the statute, but the official interpretation, as he had been married long before the promulgation, was held to s*ve him from the forfeiture. 1 There were also accusations ot malversation against both Vice-Provost and Bursar, or neglect of duty, and disregard of natives by the fellows ; moreover, not one of the staff at this period appears as an author 01 eminent teacher. The chapter on the choice of a Provost says that extern paribus an alumnus is to be preferred to a stranger. There was little chance of this suggestion beira; adopted honestly, when we compare the eminence of Bedell with the obscurity of his staff. The popular man in the College who was again elected when Bedell resigned was Robert Ussher, but his great cousin in recommending him has little to say of his learning or his eloquence. Ambrose Ussher was stll alive, but evidently no longer employed in the College. He died suddenly in 1629, the last of the old Society of better days. I have found indirect evidence that James Ussher felt this decadence, for he no longer entrusted lads of importance to his old College. There are letters to him from Exeter College, whither he had sent James Dillon, his relat ve, and whom the rector, evidently proud of such an honour, proposes to take into his own chamber. He is to associate wi:h three sons of earls, and with the son of Lord Caulfield, an Lish peer and a member with Ussher of the Privy Council in Dublin. 2 There was evidently no tutor in Trinity College to whom Ussher would now entrust the education of a youth under his 1 Reg., 18. a Ussher, Works, xv. pp. 41;, 419. BEDELL ROBERT US S HER (1626-34) 201 care. He was a timid man, who would not face the odium of mending things by a trenchant visitation, but he must often have suggested to Abbot and to Laud, now Bishop of London, and rapidly rising in power, the reform of the Irish University. The disorders of the students, so far as we know them from Bedell's diary of punishments, were trivial in comparison with those of the fellows, but there was one fraught with such consequences to the city that it is well worth studying in some detail. We find in Gilbert's Records of Dublin^- an entry of a lease by the Corporation to Alderman Arthur of a strip of land running along the west wall of the College, for the purpose of building. Such a grant was one step towards turning the common ot Hoggen Green into streets, producing ground-rent to the city, and there is evidence in resolutions of the citizens 2 that it was against the feelings of those who desired to keep open places of recreation to the inhabitants of the city. S. Stephen's Green, and the broad expanse of Blackball Place (Oxmantown Green), show how far this jealousy of old rights produced its effect. But Hoggen Green, now already sometimes called College Green, was in more imminent danger. Great people had obtained plots on each side of it, and men of influence in the city like Arthur were making further encroachments with the consent of those who wished to raise the revenues of the city. But no sooner did Arthur, in the spring of 1629, set U P hoardings to begin his building, than the College protested to the Lord Deputy that the proposed houses would interfere with the light and comfort of the College, and stop a gate westward which they had intended to make towards the city. They also petitioned the Corpora- tion in a curious document printed in the appendix to this chapter. The dispute was referred to a Commission of the Privy Council, who recommended that Arthur should sell his lease to the College. But upon his refusal the students sallied out, and carried off" the boards of the enclosure into the College. 1 Vol. iii. p. 207. * Above, p. 188, 202 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY The Provost reprimanded them after Evening Chapel for this violence, and ordered them to bring the woodwork out of their rooms into the court, where it was piled up in a great heap, and a message sent to Arthur that he might take it away if he chose. This he did after some hesitation. Nor did he feel strong enough to take legal action against the College, whose turbulent act must have had many sympathisers in the city. But as he persisted in his refusal to sell, the ground remained vacant. The memory too of this successful resistance to encroachment was fresh for many long years, for in 1683 x we find allusion to the adjoining ground remaining vacant owing to certain " turbulent scholars." It was not till that date that the College petitioned the Corporation to break the lease, now held by Arthur's descendants, on the ground of neglect of conditions therein, and grant it to the College, which promised to keep the thoroughfare from S. Stephen's Green to Lazy Hill open, and the road in repair. Thus this piece of ground, under condition of being planted and kept open westward for the benefit of the citizens, became part of the College, and it appears as the garden along the west front in the picture annexed to Brooking's map (dated 1728). 2 These consequences are, however, long subsequent to the days of this history. Suffice it here to say that if the College owes the Corporation a great debt of gratitude for the gift of its present site, the Corporation also owes the students ot the College some consideration for saving it from its momentary lapse in public spirit, and keeping open that central spot in the present city, without which the great west front of the College, and the splendid Parliament House, now the glory of archi- tectural Dublin, would never have been undertaken. 3 We can perceive Bedell's earnestness by the prompt way in which he introduced improvements in the education of the 1 Gilbert, Records, v. 274. a Cf. Stubbs, 189. 3 The papers on this controversy (A iii. a, i, 2, 3, in the M. R.) are given in the appendix to this chapter. BEDELL ROBERT US S HER (1626-34) 203 House. He not only instituted at once the speaking of Latin at commons, which we may compare with the speaking of French at girls' schools at meal-times nowadays, but he was the first to give reality to the Royal desire regarding the training of a clergy able to teach the natives in the Irish tongue. Immediately upon his return (June, 1628) he directed " an Irish lecture to be read publickly in the hall, when all the natives that have the ^3 a year are enjoined to be present ; as also at Irish prayers in the chapell, upon holy days." * On the following 1 5th August it is ordered "that the natives lose their weekly allowance, if they be absent from their Irish prayers upon the Sunday," and in September, 1627, "an Irish chapter to be read in the Testament, by one of the natives at dinner in hall ; and so to continue between twelve of the most proficientest, until the rest be able to perform it ; which we enjoin them all within half a yeare, or, in default thereof,to be deprived of their natives' stipend." These entries make it plain that the better-paid place of native scholar, who received a salary of ^3 instead of the IDS. of the rest, had not been honestly given away, 2 and the study ot the native language no more practised than it was at Maynooth College, till the present century. The names of the native scholars do not appear to be Irish (Kerdiffe, Conway, Baker, Davis, Burton are some of them), and the scholarship exam, does not seem to have included any test in that language, occasionally only does an unmistakable name occur, such as Teig O'Heyne. Being in earnest and a good linguist, Bedell gave the example 1 Reg., pp. 15, 17, 24. a The following note (P. B., 99 : " Je 26, 1628, the same day, the natives' exercise was appointed for the first month to learne and write ye Ld : Prayer " seems to show that the natives were either wholly illiterate, or perfectly ignorant of Irish. A month at the Lord's Prayer seems otherwise absurd. Twelve Testaments for the Irish were presented a few months later by Sir William Ussher (P. B., ggb). Then service books are bought and bound for the natives (ib., 100). 204 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY by learning Irish himself, had advanced as early as March, 1628, to Psalm 88 in his translation of the Psalms, which had not been included in the Irish Book of Common Prayer, already printed some years before. All these facts are fully set forth in the lives of Bedell ; but when the biographers add that he was warmly encouraged by Archbishop Ussher, they seem to me not to understand the evi- dence. The earlier history of the College shows plainly that the greatest of the Anglo-Irish looked upon the native language even still as a great obstacle to true religion and civility. Their policy was to make English necessary, and spread the knowledge of it through their benighted country. The great founders, and Ussher with them, never thought of establishing an Irish lecture, till urged to it by repeated messages and orders from England. Both at this period, and after the Restoration, it was from English, and not from Anglo- Irish Provosts, that the impulse towards Irish studies arose. Among all the languages which James Ussher knew, I cannot find Irish enumerated, though we hear that his uncle, Henry Ussher, could preach in the language. We hear of sporadic cases of the favouring of Irish-speaking converts, and of aspirants to orders, by James Ussher, but of any continued efforts, like those of Bedell, there is no trace in his well-known life or in his voluminous correspondence. We turn, in concluding our account of Bedell's brief but effective rule, to his Diary regarding the daily events in the College. Signs of laxity in the teaching and discipline were everywhere apparent. Here is a significant entry, July 16-18 (1627): * At Examinations each forme censured. Agreed that none shall ascend out of one forme to another, however absent, till he be examined.' The annual summer exami- nation test for moving up a class had therefore been evaded, and the teaching neglected. Various boys not students were being fed in the kitchen, but were now " interdicted fire and water, bread and beere " (ib., 100). Despite the ample income BEDELLROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 205 of the College, the chest was in debt, rents were unpaid, and sundry economies became necessary. The native places were reduced to twenty. The Provost, with characteristic honesty, set an example by undertaking to pay for his own commons. An entrance fee in the form of argent was estab- lished, or enforced. For an examination of the chest showed that apart from arrears, and money which " was perhaps never put in," there was ^495 actually short of the money known to have been received. It was apparently the alarm at this excess of expenditure over apparent receipts that produced the disas- trous petition (April 18, 1629) to be quit of arrears for the Patent of the Chantry Lands, which ended in the loss of that Patent (above, p. 118). The constant breaches of discipline, fighting, haunting the town, &c., which are noted from day to day are best explained by the following melancholy entry (July n, 1629), "The fellow commoners complaint of Mr. Price (Dean) for the forbidding them to play at bowles in the orchards. They were blamed, and it was shown that by Statute they might not play there." Here are the terms of this fatuous prohibition repeated in the Caroline Charter : Nulli lusus discipulis in area vel hortis Collegii permittantur* and this in the midst of a chapter threatening penalties for trans- cending the walls, breaking the windows, robbing the orchards, playing dice or cards, keeping sporting dogs, singing birds or hawks, and pursuing field sports ; the boys were not even to talk in the halls or court, except when they were drinking their beer at merenda (breakfast). The following outrage is peculiarly interesting, because the student acted strictly accord- ing to a proclamation of the City Fathers : " Booth, for taking up a pig of Sir Samuel Smith's and that openly in the day tyme before many, and causing it to be dressed in town, 1 The one exception was a theatrical representation by the students, to which there are a few enigmatical allusions in the Registers, e.g., December 23(1629) : "The Senior Sophisters exercise dominion over the junior sort this Christmas, a comedy acted by them, and a play by y e bachelors." But even this was banished out of College by the next Provost (Stubbs, p. 63) 206 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY inciting Mr. Rollo and Sir Conway, who knew not of it, con- demned to be whipped openly in the Hall, and pay for the pig." 1 There is not a word preserved of the lad's defence, but we can supply it from the order quoted below, one of many similar in the old Records of the Corporation. 8 There was some debate between the Provost and the Chancellor, whether students should be required always to wear their gowns when they went, by permission of their tutors, into Dublin. Bedell thought not, " because the streets were very foul," the Archbishop suggested the undignified alternative of " taking them under their arms." I presume, from these gowns costing so much, that they were ampler than they now are, and that he meant tucking them up under their arm. But Bedell's educational policy went farther and higher. He felt that it was a narrow thing to confine the House to be " a poor College of Divines," and promoted the study of both Law and Medicine. There is even a proposal mentioned 3 to found a College of Physicians in Dublin an anticipation of the idea carried out by John Stearne a few years later. No precise statement is extant concerning any rapid increase of students, owing to Bedell's excellent and enlightened reforms, but we may infer it from many distinct signs. He approaches the Chancellor on this point, whether it were not well to admit to lectures students who are matriculated, even though they live with their parents in Dublin^ thus opening the door to a far-reaching change in the education of the college. This points to an excess of students in residence, which was relieved, or the relief at least attempted, by the founding of halls, to which 1 P. B., 104-6. 3 Gilbert, ii. 377 (1601) : " yf eny sowe, hogge, or pigge shalbe found or sene, either by daye or nyght, in the streetes within the cittie walles, it shalbe lawfull for everye man to kill the same sowe, hogge, or pigge, and after to dispose the same at his or their disposition, without making recompence to such as owneth the same." 3 S. P., 1626, p. 148. BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 207 we shall return presently. Trinity Hall, to judge from a single stray notice, 1 still existed, but we have no mention of students living in it. The increase of students must also depend to a great extent on the prosperity of the Protestant plantation in the north, and of this prosperity there is the most convincing proof in the offers made to Bedell by the middlemen, such as Lord Claneboy (Hamilton), Dr. Richardson, and others, whose twenty-one year leases were drawing near to their close (1629 or 3o). 2 All these people were now seeking renewals, and most of them offering, when the College made difficulties, to double their rents.3 Such offers speak for themselves, and must have made Bedell feel that whatever his difficulties had been, owing to the neglect or dishonesty of the previous management, the College would presently not only be solvent, but rich. Yet all these healthy symptoms were accompanied by the growth of a counter-influence likely to destroy not only the College but the whole plantation, if not stayed. This was the increasing power and pretensions of the Popish priests, Jesuits, and friars, whom the weak policy of Charles, and still more his marriage with a Roman Catholic princess, were encouraging with the prospect of State connivance, if not toleration. These missionaries, whose zeal deserves our admiration, had hitherto been content to deter the youth of Ireland from going to the dangerous College, and in this they had to a great extent succeeded. Now we hear for the second time 4 of an offensive movement, and an attempt to seduce young men from Trinity College to escape to Spain for their education. On April 2, 1629, Bedell notices that "the proclamation against Priests and Jesuits came out ; " it seems not to have been too soon, so far the College was concerned, for in the July of the same year 5 we have the interesting inquiry 1 P. B., 104 b. 2 Cf. especially Reg., p. 23, for these offers. 3 Cf. P. B., pp. 102-3. I think the older evidence (above, p. 32) doubtful and at all events from a hostile source. s p. B., 104. 208 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY into the conduct of three students Trafford, Walworth and Smith whose irregularities in going into the city and " frequenting suspected houses " seemed to arise from some more serious cause than mere idle amusement. These students, and one Camber Griffiths, were examined by the Dean (Bedell had appointed but one Dean in his statutes), and the Provost, and confessed that they had been at the house or Bodkin, a broken merchant, and a Galway man, where they had met two friars named Birmingham and Plunkett both names of old gentry of the Pale and one Nugent, who plied them with arguments in favour of Popery, and offered to convey them secretly and safely to Galway, and thence to Spain. The depositions of the young men (August 7, 1629) are preserved * and are highly interesting in their details. I print that of Smith, which is the fullest, in the appendix to this chapter. We can still identify the house of Plunkett in Lower Bridge Street, and can stand in the little court within, now paved, but in those days an arbour, of which more anon (p. 215). The lads did not know that Nugent was an active Capuchin, working with Plunkett for the transportation and education of students abroad. 2 Neither did they know that round about the arbour was a College of Capuchins and a Mass House, which was seized by the Government a few months later, perhaps owing to this very evidence. In these latter days, when we read the Roman Catholic bishops' fulminations against proselytising as a crime,3 it is well for the historian to remind his readers that so long as men believe that their own creed is the only way of salvation, they will move heaven and earth to make one proselyte. Nor will they admit that the means they employ can be reprehensible, provided the grand object of saving souls is attained. There 1 M. R., Box A Hi., c. I and 2. This appears from a curious paper which got into Wentworth's pos- session, described in the S. P. for 1634, p. 37. 3 E.g., the daily papers in Dublin of December 22, 1902, contain a document of this kind from Archbishop Walsh. BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 209 follows even naturally the absurd consequence, that what each side does zealously as a religious duty is imputed to its opponents as a crime. But while the Papist side were now strenuously pursuing this course at the risk of persecution and death, we do not hear any self-congratulations from the heads of Trinity College that they have reclaimed many of the recusant youth and brought them within the pale of the State Church. A few cases of priests converted outside, and obtaining on that ground support in the College, or promotion to a living, are recorded. Controversial lectures were constantly given, as they are now, to the Divinity students, but the saving of souls by " practising " does not seem to have been in fashion in the College. Meanwhile the feeble and spasmodic action of the Irish Government towards the recusants and the Romish clergy was doing its natural work, in spite of the protests of Falkland and other experienced men ; the Irish officials were for strong and thorough measures, but were restrained by the king and his Privy Council. "The things we wish to suppress," says Falkland, 1 "are the extension of the Papal jurisdiction, the erection of Colleges and the unlaw- ful [monster] meetings, for which purpose we have issued the accompanying proclamation : . . . IVe will meantime not touch the secular priests^ or the abused laity^ except by the pro- clamation ; but we hope to reform them. We look to your Lordship for help in correcting the contagion of Popery, which is always more apt to grow in peace than in war time, for during war, the military and Protestant party has a free hand to weaken and spoil the Papists " a naive and interesting admission of injustice. The accompanying proclamation com- mands all colleges and monasteries of the Roman Catholic orders to dissolve and separate upon pain of seizure and expropriation. The practical results were of some importance to the College. From this letter, and from many others of the period, it appears that while the friars and seminaries were beguiling or 1 S. P., April, 1629, p. 446. P 210 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY exciting the populace with continual promises of Spanish invasion, they saw (as they now do) that a quiet but zealous propaganda, under the connivance of a weak Government, was a far more successful policy. Bishop Bedell, when resisting the impudent demand for a plurality of livings from Dean Bernard (Ussher's chaplain), tells us that in his diocese there were sixty-three Romish ecclesiastics for thirty-three of his Church ; letters in the S. P. for 1630 (pp. 512-3) show that even the Protestant plantation was not safe, for several Scotch noblemen in Tyrone, notably the Earl of Abercorn, were Papists, held great meetings of priests, and attended mass. The whole desire of the king and his advisers was not to suppress these things, but to obtain money from Ireland. It was believed to be a rich country, yet did not pay its own expenses of government ; if this could be remedied by indulging the Papists to a certain point, well and good ; if subsidies could be obtained from them without calling a Parliament, still better ; but at any price, money must be raised. So the country was in apparent peace, with the fires of rebellion suppositos cineri doloso. But this peace was sufficient to encourage men to send their sons to Trinity College. Here are the judgments of two men, the one a veteran politician, an astute man of the world, with a great fortune consisting of Irish land and Irish manufactures. Lord Cork, writing to Lord Dorchester, 1 adds to an official letter these reflections : " I cannot say and no statesman in this age can say it that I know Ireland well. Bad communications and the Papist influence keep the body of it estranged from us. But I have known Ireland for forty- three years, and never saw it so quiet. What may be the intentions of our never-sleeping enemy (Spain) I know not. . . The only present danger is the priests, who communicate much with their brethren abroad. The great lords of the Irish, who formerly had a great fol- lowing, are all gone. The rebellious spirits have grown old and the S. P., 1630, p. 589. BEDELL-ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 211 kcarne and horsemen arc not to be seen, and have no arms. There is no more barbarism and plunder. The Irish gentry have got titles from the king, or by currency of law, and no longer depend upon their great lords. If we have a few more years of peace I think the king ought to be able to command a levy of English and Irish, reformed in manners and religion, more powerful than any force which the disloyal party could raise. There is a marvellous change from the state of things which old inhabitants can remember. Buildings and farming are improving, each man striving to excel the other in fair building and furniture, and in husbanding, enclosing and improving their lands. I wish there were foreign employment to keep the well-born Irish youth busy, and trades to occupy the young men of meaner sort. 1 The walled towns are almost altogether inhabited by the ancient English, and these old colonists are, I think, more loyal than otherwise, and they like peace, which is good for their trade and estates. Contentment is, in fact, general." Lord Cork, then Lord Justice for Ireland with Lord Loftus, had means of knowing all that official people knew in every part of Ireland, together with his own intimate experience of the south. Here is a contemporary expression from a gay young noble- man, Lord Con way, settled in the north near Lisburn (Lisna- garvy). The letter is written to the same Lord Dorchester 2 : " This is a curious place, you will think me best in it. Two faces are never alike. Greater stormes are not in any place, nor greater serenities foul ways, boggy ground, pleasant fields, waters, brooks, rivers full of fish, full of game ; the people in their attire, fashion, language, barbarous ; in their entertainment free and noble. I end with the snatch of an old song Pone sub curru nimium propinqui Solis in terra domibus negata." Such was the general state of Ireland, and of the College, when Bedell was promoted to the Sees of Kilmore and Ardagh, and resigned his Provostship on September 18, 1629. The 1 The professions and Collegiate education were therefore no large factor in the problem as he understood it. S.P., 1630, p. 521. 2f2 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Lord Deputy had already informed the College of the king's intention in the previous May, 1 and had warned them, as usual, on no account to proceed to the election of his successor till the king's pleasure be known. To this the fellows de- murred so strongly that a deputation of them went to England to move their friends at Court (among whom Sir James Fullerton is mentioned perhaps for the last time), to assert the sanctity of the Charter with its right of election vested in the fellows. The effort was only partly successful ; the king assured them that it was only from a sincere regard for the good of the College that he insisted upon interfering, yet so far yielded, that if their nomination received the approbation of Primate Ussher, he would sanction it. The second nomination of Robert Ussher proves his continued popularity, but also perhaps the desire of the meaner section of the fellows to be ruled by an easy-going man. For such the new Provost is said to be even by his cousin, the Primate who recommended him. In the entry of the Register (October 3, 1629) mentioning his election by the fellows, two of them record their refusal to subscribe to it. But we do not know whether this was owing to the dictation of the Crown, which they desired to protest against, or to their objections to the new Provost. 2 He certainly carried on zealously the policy of Bedell regarding the Irish lecture, and regarding the general discipline of the College 3 ; 1 Reg., p. 21. The fact that in the following February letters about the election are sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and Sir James Fullerton, points to the former alternative. Freedom of election in future was evidently the grave question of the moment. 3 The best evidence of this is to quote a page (27) of the Register, which exhibits some very quaint items : Jan. 30. The Batchellors absent from yesterday's Sermon are to make a theame and ten disthicks of vses to y Provost twice this forthnight. So y fellowe-comoners for y same reason are alike punished. The Sophisters who are adulti are to loose their adultiship. The juniors who are not adulti are to be whipt. Mr. Th. Andrews is to gett Perkins Catechisme w th out booke, and is BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 213 in some respects we even see a Puritanical flavour in him, when he objects to theatrical amusements inside College. Another point in Bedell's policy, that students should be allowed to live with their parents in the city while attending lectures, was evidently not approved of by Robert Ussher, for just after Bedell's resignation we find the order x " that all schollers and ffellowes commoners that lyeth abroad in towne are to come into comons by Satturday next, or to loose the benefitt of their chambers and studdyes in y e College." This was probably a measure to prevent rooms from being held by non- residents when there was increasing pressure for accommoda- tion in the College. The obvious way of supplying the want, by new buildings in the College, seems not to have been mooted, 2 for at this moment another very interesting solution seemed possible, which belongs to the public history of the time. Falkland's proclamation against the religious orders having been quietly disregarded and he himself recalled, the Lords Justices (Cork and Loftus) determined to take active to repeate a principle evy 2 d day to y e end of y e catechisme. The Bible clearke shall examyn him openly at dinner tyme after grace ; Jan. 31. The Butler admonisht for bad beare. Feb. I. The manciple admonisht for bad meate. Given by consent to a poore man for an almes us. Feb. 3. Geo. Berne, a late convert, a forward good scholar, and altogether destitute of any friends, being recofnended unto us by the Lo. Primate, hath his Comons allowed him untill the next election of schollers w th this caveat that it be noe president for any others for the time to come. Feb. 17. The Fellows and Schollers are to make vses for the Countess of Corke's funerall. Sir Conway Tho. Andrews, and Charles and Adam Loftus are to stand in y 6 hall tomorrow w th potts of water before y m - Sir Conway is to gett Eccles. in hebrew and y e I book of Homer's Odysses. Bolton and Andrews to declayme ag st drunknes, and Loftus after dinner to get Pkins' Catechisme, and withall none of them must keep company together for a year's space. 1 Reg., 25. a What use was now made of Trinity Hall we do not know. I can find only one allusion to it at this time, Reg., August 3, 1629, " Dermoitt y e Sadler denyed to build on Trinity Hall Wall." 214 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY measures, and on S. Stephen's Day, 1629, directed the Arch- bishop and mayor and some officers to seize one of the mass houses and lay hand upon the friars. They tried the experi- ment on a house of Carmelites in Cook street. They were at once resisted. The priests were saved by a mob which gathered 3,000 strong, and stoned the mayor and Primate, so that they had to take refuge in any house they could. 1 They were only saved from greater violence by the Lords Jus- tices, who were returning from church with their retinue. " Seventeen public houses of massing priests have been set up in the four months which have elapsed since the proclamation, four of several orders, collegiated in distinct houses, and one of them Jesuits." 2 The outrage led to further acts of repression. The house in question was razed to the ground by the Lords Justices,3 and a very prompt petition of the College (February nth, Reg. 28) was entertained for one of the mass houses which had been cleared of its clergy. On March 2nd Lord Cork writes that two of these houses have been handed over " to the Provost and Colledgioners of the College neere Dublin, their own Colledge being grown incapable to receive the number of students resorting thither." 4 The Register says that "the possession and custodium of two mass houses in Bridge Street, and soon after one in y e Back Lane, was granted us." The two Bridge Street houses, knocked into one house of residence, were entitled S. Stephen's Hall no one tells us why, but possibly on account of the assertion of the law on that saint's day which obtained it for the College the second in Back 1 The fullest account is in the curious book of J. Nalson, Foxes and Fire- brands (1685). * Wilmot to Dorchester, S. P., 1629 (O.S.), January 6th. 3 The order was given by the English Council at the request of the Lords Justices. This house in Cook Street, of which the site is still quite clear, communicated at its back with the house in Bridge Street given to the College. The document F 64 in the M. R. recites the grant of the house in Bridge Street on the previous I5th of March, and grants (May I9th) the Jesuit house in Back Lane. * S. P., 1629, p. 522. BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 215 Lane, being the property of the Earl of Kildare, was named Kildare Hall. The sites are easily determinable. A small iron gate in Lower Bridge Street (east side) leads into a little court, now surrounded with old houses and in tenements. Another similar gate leads in from Cook Street, the old Carmelite house just mentioned, over which is now a large inscription of Roman Catholic Schools, founded in 1758, showing that the property long remained in Recusant hands. The other is the very similarly situated Tailors' Hall in Back Lane, to which an iron gate through the houses leads, so that it is hidden from the thoroughfare. That these houses were not intended as new Colleges, but mere halls in connection with, and controlled by, Trinity College, appears from the following important letter J : " JULY 27, TRINITY COLLEGE. " Provost Ussher of Trinity College, Dublin, to the Bishop of London. " The Lords Justices have been pleased as we have so little room here to answer the great resort of scholars coming hither out of England and all the parts of this kingdom, to give us two of the superstitious houses lately seized by the King. We have settled several scholars in them according to the enclosed scheme. We should be very glad if in the event of a new plantation, the King would grant some lands for maintaining this house, and would ease us of charge for some arrears of rent due upon some Chantry lands which we got from King James, but of which we have not ever yet made any profit or indeed got possession, in spite of a lawsuit and other means adopted to get it. We hope the King will carry out the undoubted intentions of his father by enabling us to continue solvent and comply with these requests. Wherein I, in the name of this society, do humbly beg your noble favour unto this poor house, as heretofore we have continually tasted, and in all humility shall remain Your honour's most obliged servant, ROBERT USSHER." Here is the scheme : JULY 17. i . Project for settling scholars in the House of Back Lane, granted to the College by the Lords Justices and Council. S. P., 1630, p. 560. 216 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY (1) The undersigned think lhat the best course is that the first class which is in Trinity College be sent thither yearly, wherein ///< ;v arc to continue for the space of two yean to be instructed in the Greek and Hebrew tongues, in Rcthoricke and Logicke, and after they are to retufti to ye College to learn other sciences, and leave it indifferent for the Fellow Commoners to go or stay. (2) We hold it Jilting that any of the scholars sent thither should be allowed to sit for scholarship in the College at the times of elections. (3) The tutor should have E. 2 per annum from every Fellow Commoner for tuition and E.ifrom every scholar or pensioner. (4) Every Fellow Commoner should, we think, pay 2/., and every pensioner or scholar E. i per annum towards "reparations, utensils and officers." (5) A Rector should be set over this house and should be respon- sible to the Provost of the College and the Vice-Chancellor for its Government and expense. His salary should be paid out of the money subscribed by the Fellow Commoners and Pensioners towards the maintenance of officers. (6) There should be a steward to provide bread, beer, victual, utensils, and necessaries for reparations of the house. His wages should arise from the stipend of the Fellow Commoners and Pensioners. (7) All the lecturers and the steward of the house should be chosen by the Provost as is the use in the College. (8) We conceive it is most necessary that all the students should be kept diligently to their books in the public place appointed for lectures from 7 of the clock in the morning, and from i till 5 in the afternoon by their several lectures. Robert Usher, pro. Rich. Jordan. ~\ - ; . Joseph Travers. Fdlows - David Thomas. Will. Fitzgerald. " Ye Lord Primates approba- tion is on ye next side of ye leaf." Thad. Lishag(f). On back. 17 July 1639. This order for disposing scholars in the New House, I hold to be very convenient, and if any Fellows object to it as drawing their pupils from them and diminishing their fees, I hope that the Lords Justices will interpose to take order that the private profit of a few shall not give impediment to the public good, -whereof many, by God's blessing, are like to be partakers. Ja. Ardmachanus. An entry in the Register of July ist shows that the matter had been under discussion in the College. The Provost and fellows BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 217 have lent 20 for the furnishing of the new hall. It is further agreed that the two last classes (i.e., juniors) shall "remayne there for two yeres( except fellow comoners) the Rector is to be their Tutor and out of the stipend of y e schollars and fellow- comoners the steward is to have 20 per an. as he is manciple cooke butler and porter." The rest to be given to the Rector. There follow on August 8th, " the Rector's place in the New Colledge is elective yearly, and Mr. Boswell is elected this year." And on September I4th the (to me) enigmatical entry : " Sir Gun and Sir Brererton appointed M rs in Bridge Street are allowed 12 artists [sic] to reade to y m and their place is elective yearly." Further on in the Reg. 1 we find : "Sir Harrison by consent of the Board and major part of the Senior Fellows was appointed lecturer of all the schollers (under- graduates) in the house in Bridge Street, and is to receive quar- teridge from them accordingly. And it was for this consented and agreed upon that he should have from each ffellow-comoner and pentioner there studyinge such rent quarterly for their Chambers and studyes as is payd by ffellow-comoners and pentioners out of their Chambers and studyes here in this Colledge, viz., 35. 4d. per quarter for a ffellow-comoner, and is. 8d. per quarter for a pentioner." Thus, by a side wind, we learn what no other entry of the time tells us, that the students in College had not only cham- bers (for sleeping, probably holding several lads), but studies, and that for these they paid the rent above named. But it is also evident from James Ussher's endorsement that there was opposition to this extension into halls, and that there were tutors who then made considerable profit by the overcrowding of the College. Sir William Brereton 2 found about eighteen scholars in Bridge Street in July, 1635. Other details are given from the accounts of 1630 by Dr. Stubbs.3 1 p. 43, Ap. 18, 1634. * op cit., p. 142. 3 Hist., p. 63. 218 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY The evidence at this moment points to Kildare Hall as being the more important of these halls. It had a Rector, and Lord Cork endowed a theological lecture there on Tuesdays, which he and the Court used to attend. We have in the S. P. of the year 1630 (p. 509) a remarkable letter from Lord Cork (to Dorchester), wherein he says, in explaining his own vigorous action, that the respectable Roman Catholics or the country are hostile to the Friars, and think they should be put down, adding : " They have Dublin in their hands at present, are masters of the walls, and have found a secret way by which at full tide or low tide they can bring what men they like into the city. There are two posterns by which such men can be introduced, and their houses can contain 5,000 of them. The Jesuits' house owned and claimed by the Dowager Countess of Kildare (being one of the ten seized into His Majesty's hands), is a new-erected and goodly fabric, the chapel whereof, which her ladyship calls her hall (though neither chimney, table, nor window that any may look out of) is 75 feet long by 27 broad. It is seated round about, with an altar with ascents, a curious pulpit and organs, and four places for confession neatly contrived, galleried above round about with rails and turned ballasters, coloured, a compass roof, a cloister above with many other chambers, all things most fair and graceful, like the ban- quetting house at Whitehall, and ways out of their house to the town walls, turrets and flankers at their command." Brereton, visiting this house, after he had seen that in Bridge Street, gives a briefer but perfectly consistent account. The annals of the College are in other respects very meagre under Robert Ussher's government. Here is an entry perhaps characteristic of it (1632) : " It is agreed that every one under the degree of Master of Arts (Noblemen's sonnes and Privie Counsellors' heyrs excepted) shall in token of his respect to the Provost bare his head when he shall see him in the inner quadrangle." There was a quarrel over the appointment of a new auditor in place of Sir James Ware, who had proved unsatisfactory, and so the Provost's desire to appoint Ware's BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 219 son failed, and the fellows audited for themselves. There was an agitation about the election to fellowship of William Newman, a person of influence, who, being once rejected, thought it beneath his dignity to compete again, but obtained a mandate from the Lords Justices, countersigned by the Primate. This last signature, which surprises us, was coupled with the threatening letter from the King 1 : "And for whose (Newman's) election you the Provost and some others con- sented, only some that combine themselves to oppose govern- ment opposed : We therefore, resolving hereafter to have the proceedings of such opposers examined, and censured as it shall deserve, do require and corhand you so to elect the sayd William Newman." So he was elected, and seems to have been accepted quietly, being an alumnus and M.A., and not a stranger imposed on the Society. However, when such interferences were tolerated, we are not surprised to find the Primate, upon the death of Abbot, procuring the appointment of Laud, already Chancellor of Oxford and undertaking great reforms there, as Chancellor of Trinity College. He had Robert Ussher on his side ; also the Professor of Divinity, Joshua Hoyle, one of Alvey's im- portations from Oxford long ago, and now holding a high place both in the College and as a preacher in S. Werburgh's. But the Primate adds that some of the Fellows are so factious that nothing could please them that came from their superiors. 2 So Laud was elected by the Provost and Senior Fellows, according to their Charter, on September 4, 1633. More- over, the appointment of Wentworth as Lord Deputy had already been decided upon the two strongest men in England, bound together by ties not only of public policy but of private friendship, were now to control both the Church and the University in Ireland. The removal of Robert Ussher was effected by a modest promotion to the Archdeaconry of Meath, and afterwards to the See of Kildare. 1 Reg., 39. " Works, xv. 398. 220 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY His actual resignation was dated August n, 1634; but his influence upon the history of the College was already effaced by the advent of greater forces. The only personal trait I can quote to give the reader an image of the man is his curiously bombastic letter and verses to his cousin James Ussher. APPENDIX I. LETTER OF R USSHER TO JAS. USSHER (Works, xv. 95). Duas fulgentes et insignes stellas, vir ornatissime, firmamcnto nostne ecclesiae nupcr decessisse, Cimmeriae, et horrendae, quibus miserrima base insula, et in occasum vergens Academia involvuntur tenebrae promulgant : ad quas dispellendas te fulgenti scientiarum splendore omnibus praelucentem, admirabili morum candore corrus- cantem, summoque honore coronatum, Deus elegit, ut studiorum tuorum habenas, ad emolumentum nostrae Ecclesiae Babylonica superstitione infectae, ad salutem patriae mentis caecitate laborantis, et ad dignitatem Academiae in praecipitem ruinam irruentis, expedite flectes. Miseris succurrere te didicisse, ter nobilis ilia pugna nun- quam satis laudanda nuper cum superba, et septemplici Romanae gentis hydra, sub Christ! vexillo inita, pro maturata aetate, ac illibata despectae Ecclesiae castitate, palam testatur ; quam paene oblivio, vel potius cruenta tyrannorum rabies etiam spirantem absorbuit et sepelivit. Perpetuas hujus peregrationes, duraque exilia, terribilem Draconis faciem fugientis, ab ultima antiquitate, qua incunabulis f uerat, ad nostra fere tempora vivis coloribus depinxisti. Nunc igitur facessant nostris finibus mendaces Romanae synagogae Cretenses, quos olim abyssus turmatim evomuit, facessant (inquam) non sine hac novitate, qua perfidam, et obscaenam Babyloniae meretricem salutent : ferreo tui ingenii ariete Antichristiani regni fundamenta concussa, vel potius convulsa, nova restauratione indigere ; veram Christi sponsam demum tenebrosis umbris extulisse caput ; teque istius gravissimae controversiae et contentionis palmam reportasse. Hinc omnes, quos liber tuus, varia sane lectione et doctrina per- politus, vel saltern ejus fama a limine salutavit, uno ore te solum in hac materia Apollinis lyram attigisse, constanter perhibent ; hoc idem insignis tua fama stipulatur, quae nullam Europae partem insalutatam reliquit, idem industriae et ingenii tui foetus, quern omnes avide BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 221 arripiunt, summoque prosequuntur amore. Filium equidem parentis causa omnes fovent, parentem filii gratia omnes admirantur ; sic cunctos te cum admiratione amare, cunctosque te cum amore ad- mirari facile percipias. Immortales Deo grates, propterea quod te per devios antiquorum campos vagantem in penetralia suae veritatis deduxit, benignitatis suae thesauros tibi aperuit, teque patriae in- columem, patriamque tibi restituit : tibique, amantissime sobrine, justissimas habeo gratias, quas me tibi diu debuisse immensa tua erga me gratia comprobat : cujus cubiculum tuum mihi creditum minimam non esse tesseram ingenue fateor. Sed ne chartacea haec salutatio te gravissimorum negotiorum mole obrutum, molestia afficiat, vela contrahem ; hoc interim ab te flagitarem, et hoc audaciae meae symbolum, pariterque amoris, serena humanitatis fronte accipias. tuae salutis, et felicitatis studiosissimus, ROB. USSERUS. [The letter unfortunately has no date, but is put by the Editor among those of 1616.] Then follows : ad obscaenam meretricem septem insidentem montibus, de tuo libro carmen. Frigore cur pavido trepidas, Babylonica Thais, Cur trepidae praebes turpia terga f ugaa ? Fluctibus Hesperiis emergit lucida stella Qua veniente fugis, quaque oriente cadis. Purpuream lucem vitat caligo profunda Dagon sic arcam concidit ante Dei Hac radiante patent cunctis genitura nefanda Gorgoneusque tuus partus, uterque parens, Mordaces anni, violataque faedera lecti Et Stygio suboles carcere spurca fluens Fulgenti nuper cecidit tua gloria caelo Nunc eadem terris in loca nigra cadit. [We may well wonder how James Ussher preserved this, we hope undergraduate, effusion among his serious correspondence.] 222 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY APPENDIX II. 1 To the Right Worshipful our good Benefactors the Major, Sheriffes, Aldermen and Cotnon Council of yf Citty of Dublin. We, the Provost, ffcllows and schollers of Trinity Colledge nere to this Cittie, humbly show to y r Wo r : That wheras a certayne en- closure is begu to be made upon a peece of ground, nere to v* gate of y* said Colledge w h an intencon to build thereupon (as is already signified to y* right Hon ble the lord Deputy of this king- dome) which is like to be verie pjudiciall to the sayd Colledge, as well in stopping up the ordnary way wherby they doe now bring all their provision of coales, sand and other like carriages from y* water's syde ; and water for their brueing ; as also in taking in the passage where aunciently there was a gate and way leading into the scite of the house where the Colledge is built ; which they have resolved to renew to avoyd the coming in of horses and hoggs from y" grecne into the Court of y 6 Colledge upon the ordinary opening of their great gate. And further by stopping or straighten- ing the water course which runeth along by the wall of the Colledge, whereby upon any outrageous fflood the walls wilbe borne downe as happened in the same place which is now inclosed about eight years since, although the same was not then soe straight as it is like to be by building upon it and inclosing it. And lastly inasmuch as the building being in all likelihood for mean people, wilbe too neere a receipt for y e scholars of y e said house, and pjudiciall to y 8 manners of y e students ; as genally of y e whole kingdome ; soe among others which arc y e youth of this Citty brought up in y 6 said Colledge, of which number there are at this pnt above XX the most whereof doe also receive maintenance from y* said House. The Peticoners soe humbly desyre that the said inclosure may not be pmitted to proceed, and doe offer to levele y 6 said ground at their own charge, and to enlarge y c Causey which is sett w h stone fro the Colledge gate to y" citty w h out inconvenience to any, and to y* ornament of y said citty and Colledge. And they shall daily pray for y peace and welfare of y e said citty, and y 6 blessing of God upon y c governmnt and inhabitants of y same. 1 M. R., A. III. a, and cf. Gilbert, Dublin Records, III. 207, and Reg., p. 15. (Summer 1628, exact date uncertain.) BEDELL ROBERT US S HER (1626-34) 223 To the Right Hon 6le Lord Deputy and the High Council of this Kingdom. The humble Petition of the Provost Fellows and Scholars of Trinity College near Dublin, 1 Humbly sheweth, that whereas of late an inclosure near to the gate of the said College hath been set up with purpose to build there- upon concerning w ch your suppliants petitioned to the Citty (that it might not proceede) showing the wrong and great inconveniences which would grow thereby to the said College. Which petition was referred to be considered by certain persons named by the Citty and the (worke) for a time left off. Till now within these 3 days the sayd inclosure is afresh set up and in part upon the ground of the sayd College to the great nuisance of the same. It may please your Honors : Inasmuch as the protection of the said College is by their charter in special manner recommended to your honors and that some disorder (which your petitioners shall not be able to prevent) may (otherwise) happen if the sayde inclosure should be thrown down by the unruly multitude of the scholars of the said College, to inhibit the said inclosure and building until the inconveniences thereof shall by your wisdomes be considered. And they shall ever pray for the peace of this Kingdom and your Honors' prosperity. Ulto January 1628. We pray and require the Lord Primate the Lord Archbishop of Dublin the Lord Dillon and the Lord Docwra or any three of them that view the place where the inclosure within mentioned is intended to be sett up and having considered of the inconveniences ptended to arise thereby to your Petitioners to certifie unto us their opinions concerning the same. And in the mean tyme the sayd worke is to be stayd whereof we require all persons whom it may concern to take notice and to forbear proceeding therein accordingly. H. FALKLAND T. LOFTUS, Chan r . Hon. VALENTIA MORE DOM KILMALLOCK R. RANELAGH BALFOUR ARTH. MIDENSIS W. CAULFIELD E. BLAYNEY SHURLEY LAUR. ESMONDE. 1 The words in brackets are inserted above the line. 224 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY 19 Feb. 1628. May it please your Lordships : Upon view of the inclosures in the petition mentioned and examination of the Nuisances arising to the Petitioners by the going forward of the work, we are of opinion it would proove very inconvenient and prejudicial to the College and for ought yet appearing a wrong and incroachment uppon their rights that the intended building should be raised in that place, it being proved before us in [presence] of the several pties interested that by the said building a passage would be taken in where anciently there was a gate or way leading into the site of the said College ; and although for the present stopped up the Petitioners allege they intend to renew and open again for divers necessary uses. Wherefore after we had in obedience to your Lordships' commands informed ourselves the best that we could of the true state of the difference, we propounded diverse meanes of a friendly accord for preventing all further contestations between your Petitioners and the Defendant Robert Arthur merchant who hath gotten the lease from the City of the said inclosed piece of ground at y e rent of 3* 4 d per annum. But for the time we could not prevaile with the s d Defendant to listen to any composition. Yet at a second meeting between them before two of us the Referees, at which the Mayor with divers Aldermen and citizens were present, the said Arthur and Petitioners by mutual consent submitted themselves to an agreement then moved, viz., that the said Arthur should sell and make over unto the Petitioners all his whole interest in the said inclosed ground, for such a price as should be awarded him by two to be chosen of either side for that purpose and in case the said orderers did not agree thereon, that then the Right Hon 1 . the Lord Chancellor should as umpire lay down the same and thereby con- clude all parties. Which agreement notwithstanding it was so solemnly assented to on both sides your Petitioners complain that the said Arthur doth fly from and now standeth upon terms as at first. All which we humbly leave to your Lordships' honorable consideration. Jas. ARMACHANUS J. S. DILLON Henry DOCWRA. This refference was retourned to my L. Primate and at his lodging here April 2 delivered. Memorandum upon the 24 th of Feb r . at night bctweene supper and prayers tyme the schollers of the Colledge pulled downe the poles BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 22$ and railes which were standing upon the ground, and there being 2 pistolls shot of, the noise whereof was heard into the Provost's Lodging. The Provost going to chappell met a litle boy of the City with 2 pales in his hands (going out of the Coll.) who sayd a scholler had given them to him. Whereupon the Provost after prayer blamed the disord' and wished that whosoever had any of the pales or timber they should lay it in the quadrangle in the Court that the owner might have his own. The next morning there was a pile set up in the midst of the quadrangle besides divers posts and pieces here and there. The next morning word was sent to Mr. Arthur by Sir Kerdiff, one of the City, that there was much of his tymber layd in the College Court and if it pleased him he might send for it away. Which same thing was given notice of by the Provost meeting his brother in the way to St. Patrick's Church the same day. At evening he sent for the timber away. Jan. 31. (Endorsed) The humble Petition of the Provost and Scholars of Trinity College of Queen Elizabeth near Dublin. APPENDIX III. THE EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM SMITH, AUGUST 7, 1629. [The variants of Walworth's evidence are given in notes.] He saith he and Wallworth first met with Mr. Bodkin at Mr. Cullen his house in Castle street about the last of July, whom they considering to be a man of good parts and very fair carriage and perceiving him to be a traveller fell into discourse with him. Mr. Bodkin perceiving them to be scholars of this College, entered into a high commendation of Spain of Civill ty especially of the Colleges therein, commending their lives, their strict form of government and the books which they use, which discourse continued long till they parted that night. Upon Saturday the first of August, they met again ith' evening when their discourse was much to the same purpose ; that night they lay there. Upon Monday the 3rd of Aug. they met again and then both of them made their desires known and their grievances unto Bodkin, affirming that they were troubled in conscience about their religion, whereupon Bodkin offered them his best endeavours for their satisfaction in any scruple that arose unto them, whereupon he procured them an access to a friar, one Plunkett, who labored to encourage them in their intended resolu- Q 226 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY tion of being Roman Catholics, but resolved them in their doubts (according to his ability) very slenderly. The same afternoon they met again, and [he brought them to friar Nugent, who W.] demanded whether they were constant in their resolution and what was the cause of their revolt, they to indeare themselves unto him, tould him that they were fully resolved in their course, and the causes them moving were some errors maintained in the religion of the Protes- tants and the great disagreement between them ; Nugent replied upon this answer very discreetly and with reasons which seem unto him very weighty. The same afternoon by the help of the said Bodkin they were brought to one Friar Barnewell, a Capucine, who discoursed (as he conceives) very learnedly of the non erra- bilyty of the Church, producing arguments against the Lord Primate very sollidly, and thus having promised them a pardon fro the greatest censures of the Church and having promised them a form of confession for a reconcilement to their church they parted. Upon the 4th of August Bodkin brought them to Plunkett and father Browne, the Provincial of the Carmelites, as he takes, with whom they had some discourse to little purpose, but fair encourage- ment, and thus they parted. The same afternoon as they were going to Father Bath (?) they met with Nugent, who brought them to one Mr. Plunkett's house in Bridg Street, where he used the con- veniency of an arboure in the garden for their better privacy ; being thus accommodated he fell into dispute of certain points contro- verted between the Protestants and Papists, viz., of the Sacrament of the Altar ; of the Supremacy of the Pope ; of the mariage of Priests ; of the translation of the Bible, of which and many others he discoursed very largely, commending him in his objections, as if the hope were the greater which he conceived of his conversion. Then commending unto him Spain and the College there together with their exquisite government and form of discipline and having intreated him very courteously, he wished him to address himself often unto him, who (as he saith) was exceedingly tender of his case and exceedingly solicitous to lay downe a safe course for the accom- plishing of his intended journey for Spaine. And as for Bodkin in all these passages he behaved himself with all love and courtesy,' offering them the command of his horse for their conveyance to Galloway, 2 whither if need were he promised to accompany them and to make them acquainted with the friars there, 1 Labouring to have the plott compassed with all secrecy for their sakes (W.). From whence there went shipping daily to Spaine (Walworth). BEDELL ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 227 and that he would furnish them with horses to ride up and downe the country for their pleasure, and for their procuring of the benevo- lence of well disposed Catholicks, bearing them in hand that they should not want for anything and that when they should be resolved for their intended voyage, that he would procure them the con- veniency of a ship in which they should be transported for Spain or France as they should desire. This I do affirm, as witness my hand, WILLIAM SMITH. CHAPTER VI CHAPPELL AND THE CAROLINE STATUTES (1634-40) THE promotion of Laud to the English Primacy and or Wentworth to be Lord Deputy were of mighty import to the history of Ireland, and in the history of Ireland Trinity College played no insignificant part. The whole country was in great need of social and religious amelioration, and in this the College must co-operate. Critics alleged that hitherto it had failed to supply the country with a learned and zealous clergy, and that so it had missed its main purpose. But in the many complaints brought against individual bishops and clergy for simony, for neglect, for malversation of Church property, I cannot find the Fellows presented to College livings or promoted to bishoprics among the culprits. They were no doubt inefficient in preaching to the Irish in the native tongue ; they were most probably infected by the abuses which they saw around them, but the great culprits, the men who ruined the influence of the reformed Church in Ireland, were either the Irish priests, whose conformity was dishonest, and who made away with the property of their sees or livings for the purpose of endowing the Romish faith, or else the numerous English adventurers, not students of Trinity College, who came to Ireland for the purpose of plunder, and were not ashamed of holding a number of benefices, without residing in, or caring for, any of them. 22* CHAP PELL (1634-40) 229 How deep-rooted these malpractices were appears from the honest efforts of Bedell to reform them in Kilmore, and the resistance offered by men like Bernard, Ussher's chaplain, without censure from the Primate. But there is no reason to think that many respectable and resident rectors had not been sent out from the College to its livings in the north. As far as the gentry of the country were concerned, they had begun to send their sons freely to Dublin for education. Lord Falkland (as we said above, p. 84) had a son there j Lord Cork (in 1630) sent two sons; Lord Docwra had sent two sons long before, and among less known names, the number of donations of plate, with the name and arms of the donor, shows that fellow commoners, of families with the privilege of escutcheons, were coming up in increasing numbers. Even from Cheshire and from Wales students came over, and the list of fellows and scholars shows many unmistakably Welsh names. So far the College was distinctly prosperous, and increasing in popularity, yet observers as competent as Primate Ussher, and even under the Provostship of his cousin, complain that the discipline among the fellows was bad, and that factious opposition was constantly made to any enforcing of strict rules. This was his reason for proposing Laud as the new Chancellor, a move he must afterwards have bitterly regretted. The Provost had no power to punish except with the consent of four Senior Fellows ; this majority could not elect without the consent of the Provost ; thus a deadlock in the constitu- tion was constantly impending, and was only avoided by avoiding the enforcement of unpopular duties. Ussher, there- fore, was clearly in favour of a strong Provost, with greater powers than the statutes allowed. But Laud and Wentworth had an additional policy to promote, for which such reforms were merely a convenient lever, and this policy they concealed from Ussher. Both Laud and Wentworth were clear-sighted enough to see that 230 AN EPOCH fN IRISH HISTORY the real obstacle to the assertion of absolute royalty lay not in the Roman Catholic but in the Puritan opposition. The assertion of the right of private judgment against the dictates of authority, in faith, naturally suggested a similar assertion in politics, and as this revolt against the Stuart notions of the Royal Prerogative was rife in Scotland, its proximity to Ireland, and to the many Scotch settlers, not only in the Plantation but even more in Antrim and Down, might lead to a dangerous increase of the Puritan opposition. Even the Church of Ireland had been trained, so far as Trinity College could do it, in the creed of Puritanism, and had already assumed that strictly Evangelical complexion which it has retained to the present day. In order to stay this danger, Bramhall was brought over by Wentworth and made Bishop of Derry, from which he could supervise and report on the north, and insist upon that distinction between Churchman and Dissenter which Ussher would willingly and wisely have overlooked. The policy of Laud and Wentworth in matters ecclesiastical, carried out now for a short while by Bramhall, interrupted by rebellion and war, but resumed again by him as Primate at the Restoration, was the policy which created the deep chasm between the Protestant communions of the north, subsisting to this day, and working incalculable mischief. The strong man was sent to the north, as the seat of the principal danger, but for the south some other High Churchman must be provided, and for this purpose Dr. William Chappell, of Christ Church, Cambridge, was promoted, against his will and inclination, to the Deanery of Cashel. It is likely that even now his appointment was not intended to be permanent, for in Cashel, though there were many ecclesiastical abuses, there was no Protestant dissent. Chappell's long residence in Cam- bridge as a fellow and tutor pointed him out as qualified to succeed to the Provostship of the Puritan College, and there stop the efflux of Evangelical principles into the parishes of the north. For it is certain that he was known to Laud as CHAP PELL (1634-40) 231 a High Churchman, and as such sent to Trinity College. But (as usual) when we come to explain the situation in detail, many difficult problems offer themselves for solution. Chappell has left us a Latin iambic autobiography, 1 wherein we read that he was born in 1582, obtained a scholarship and the degrees of A.B. and A.M. at Christ's College, Cambridge, and (when he was at a loss whither to turn for a profession) a fellowship in 1607, which he speaks of as the goal of his ambition. The text then passes into religious effusions and reflections, and begins its narrative of facts again with his appointment as Dean of Cashel in 1633. There is thus a great gap of twenty-five years in the autobiography, only to be accounted for by the loss, or the suppression, of a page of two of the original manuscript, for we can show that the missing period was by no means devoid of passages, which the author could not fairly omit from the confessions of his life. He was invited on August 8, i6i2, 2 as already told (above p. 74), by Temple and his fellows, to teach theology and act as Dean and Catechist ; and various entries in the P. B. during 1613 prove that he was actually in residence. In 1614 he is gone, without leaving a trace behind him in Dublin, except that Anthony Martin is appointed in his place as Catechist, November 16, 1613.3 But in 1615 he is reported to have exhibited his acute intellect in so brilliant a disputation at Cambridge, in presence of the king, that his adversary fainted, and the king paid him the highest compliments. Of all this there is not one word in the autobiography ! Nor is there any account of his making the acquaintance or obtaining the confidence of Laud, who says, indeed, that he did not know him personally before his promotion. And yet all this was worthy of explanation, for Temple and Ussher had surely invited him to Dublin, not only as an acute Ramist logician, but as a theologian of their type. In the subsequent years he was a well-known tutor at his Cambridge College, and has saved 1 Printed in Iceland's Collectanea, vol. v, 3 P. B., p. 205, 3 ibid., p. 306, 232 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY his name from the oblivion even of the English public by having chastised the boy John Milton, his College pupil. As I said already, he gives us at the close of the period a supplication to God to pardon his faults, and this must have come at the end of the missing narration. When appointed Dean of Cashel he says that God knows, and the world knows, what he had to endure ; but when he conies to the offer of the Provostship he bursts out into such violent language about the College that I cannot think it intelligible, if he had not already given us (in the lost portion) some account of his experiences of 1613. If this middle portion of his life was suppressed by himself, which is also possible, we must look for some serious cause. It is certain that he was regarded in early life as a Puritan, and as such he must have been acceptable to Temple in 1612. Ussher must then have known him well. He came back to Ireland a High Churchman and an Arminian in doctrine. This conversion, which accorded with his worldly interest, and obtained him promotion, certainly earned him the deter- mined hostility of Ussher, and may have been to Chappell a disagreeable passage in his former life. However, Wentworth, having got rid of Robert Ussher with an archdeaconry, a cheap bribe as compared with the bishopric he expected Ussher to claim, brought Chappell, who had endured some months' residence at Cashel, to Dublin, and had him elected Provost by going down in person to the College, and telling them they must elect him, otherwise he would inhibit their choice, and refer the matter to the king. The Lord Deputy's cynical contempt of charters and privi- leges as against the royal will appears in many of his letters. He purchased the favour and admiration of his miserable king by promising to make him as absolute a sovereign as any in Europe. And so long as he remained in power in Ireland, he was as good as his word. He violated over and over again, not only the old statutes of the College, but those he had pro- CHAPPELL (1634-40) 233 cured from Laud, to compass a personal object. The former disorders of the country enabled him to find flaws in the title for every property, or dishonesty in acquiring it, and so to extort large sums by way of composition to avoid confiscation. There was but one personage whom he feels compelled to treat with consideration, and whom he is unable to depose. That was Primate Ussher. Yet even upon him he contrived to force in Convocation the acceptance of the English articles in place of those drawn up by Ussher for the Irish Church. But the Primate, though personally unassailable, was a weak leader, and not on good terms with his bishops. His closest friend and adviser, who was supposed by Wentworth to lead him, was Anthony Martin, Bishop of Meath, a very able and determined man. But Bedell, his most pious and learned colleague, was often at variance with him, and for the most serious cause. 1 Bramhall of Derry represented the policy of Wentworth. The rest seem mere cyphers, and not even of one mind in public affairs. Under these circumstances the appointment of a High Church and an English Provost was a great move in the game against the Evangelical and national cause in Ireland. For I need hardly say again that the Anglo-Irish sympathies were then as decidedly opposed to the English as they have been to this day. These were the reasons why Ussher, as Vice-Chancellor, took no pains to admit Chappell formally as Provost, not because he was offended that the new Provost had not waited on him at Drogheda. 2 Both Hely Hutchinson and Anon, speak of Chappell as a first-rate man in learning, piety, and character. Wentworth always praises him, and thinks him the best man to promote in Ireland, probably owing to the punctuality of his obedience. Yet his many blunders in the management of the 1 All the Lives of Bedell are very full regarding these disputes of Bedell with grasping clergy and officials, and the very lukewarm conduct of Ussher, or even his screening of the offenders. 3 This is what Chappell says in his autobiography. 234 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY College, which he was wholly unable to keep at peace without obtaining absolute powers, his conversion to Laud's views, his own querulous complainings in his autobiography, and the catalogue of complaints against him when his protector Straf- ford was disgraced all this is strong evidence that Laud made a bad choice, and without sufficient knowledge of his man. 1 He only published one insignificant logical book, the An Con- cionandi) at the very end of his life. There is not one note of contentment in all his confessions, save at the moment he got his fellowship, and again when he had carried the new Charter, and was Provost, with almost absolute power, and an income of ^500 a year. Yet even then he was required by his Master to take a bishopric, and hold the Provostship in commendam, in violation of his solemn oath. But he was no mere pawn in the great game which Went- worth was playing for King Charles. And Trinity College became an important corner of the chessboard. Not only did Wentworth force upon the College a Provost of his own choosing ; he did not scruple to impose on them Fellows, and even Senior Fellows, to carry out his policy. And he tells Laud that it were well to send over a few suitable Englishmen every 1 When mentioning his resignation of the Provostship to Laud (S. P., 1640, August 7th, p. 244), Chappell speaks with satisfaction of his reformation of the College, and that having found it ^200 in debt he had left it .2,000 in credit. He adds that he would willingly have ended his days there, but for the objections of his being an absentee from his see. There is nothing like this in his autobiography. Amid the conflict of opinion concerning Chappell's character, the following passage from a letter of Bedell to Samuel Ward (Lives of Bedell, ed. Shuckburgh, p. 362) is well worth citing. Touching my lord of Corke, I never changed a word with him about your difference [probably his variance with Ussher], but, as I wrote in my last, he hath preferred, nay, performed much kindness to me. I do much approve his reformation of the manners of the College, improving the rents, enlarging and beautifying the buildings. In the service of God many account he hath brought in too much ceremony ; others esteem the condition of this country and tyme do require it ; and I think it may do more good here than in England." This evidence, from a man of unim- peachable honesty, who had himself been Provost, is the best defence of Chappell known to me. CHAP PELL (1634-40) 235 year, and make them scholars and fellows, promising to pro- mote them in the Church of Ireland next after his own chaplains. All this policy had one clear object, to defeat and discredit the Protestant party in Ireland, who would naturally take the part of the Puritan Opposition in England and Scotland, and to create a High Church party by means of imported Englishmen, who would submit to the Divine Right of Charles, and who would not carry on any extreme con- troversy with the Roman Catholics, who were now to be conciliated. For the first need of the king was money ; there must be subsidies obtained, either by voluntary offers from the gentry or from an obsequious Parliament, and for this purpose the Roman Catholic gentry of the Pale and the remaining Irish lords must be humoured. It was even part of Wentworth's policy to play the loyalty of one against the other, and make them bid at his auction of the king's favour. These are the general considerations which explain the tedious history of the petty squabbles in the College, which now assume such strange official importance. The great struggle to impose the new Church views upon the Protestant party was by no means confined to carrying through the English articles in Convocation. The heads of that party must be discredited. The opening move was the attack upon the great monument which the Earl of Cork had set up at the east end of the chancel in S. Patrick's to his wife, her father, Sir Geoffrey Fenton, and her grandfather, Chancellor Weston. It was the lady's dying wish to be laid near them, and the Earl carried it out with splendid loyalty. He purchased the site from the Dean and Chapter, sent for the best workmen from England, and set up a great monument at the cost ot i,OOO in what is known as the Jacobean style, in the place reserved by Churchmen for the reredos. All this was done with the knowledge and approval of not only the Dean and Chapter, but of the two Archbishops, and suggests clearly enough that there was no altar or communion table at the east 236 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY end, and that the service was of a very Puritan sort. This was all reported by some one whose name is withheld probably by Chappell to Laud, who set Wentworth to work to abate the scandal, and he took it up so eagerly that Lord Cork at once attributed his action to personal hostility. He appealed to the Dean and Archbishops, and a committee of inquiry sat to consider the matter. But Laud was firm, and insisted upon the removal of the tomb, to Lord Cork's intense mortification. But so much was ultimately conceded, that its new place was as near as possible to the old, at the east end of the south wall of the chancel, still overlooking the communion table. In that place the older among us all remember it, before a restorer who had probably never heard of the controversy removed it to the far end of the nave, beyond the south entrance. All this debate, which occupies large room in the corre- spondence of both Wentworth and of Laud, was intended, along with the assertion of greater decency and ceremony in the keeping of churches, to discredit not only Cork, but Ussher, who had tolerated such violations of decency. Presently a much greater Accusation was brought against Cork regard- ing his fraudulent appropriation of the old abbey of Youghal and its revenues. But Ussher was not so easy to upset, even though Wentworth reports that when entertained by the Primate at his fine palace in Drogheda he found the private chapel without even a communion table. 1 For however 1 Sir William Brereton (Travels, p. 135, Cheet. Soc. Ed.), visiting Drogheda about the same time, and visiting this " pretty little plain and convenient chapel," also finds the great parish church, where the Primate preaches every Sunday when resident, " with the communion table placed lengthways in the aisle, over against the pulpit ; the body of the Church in good repair ; the chancel, as no use is made of it, wholly neglected." Such, then, were Ussher's notions of ritual. It is also stated (S. P., 1636, p. 142) that the King received news that the bishops only wore their rochets and episcopal robes when they went to church in the Lord Deputy's presence, or to preach before him ; but that when they went to any other church they wore no robes at all, as if they were ashamed of their calling, and that this was an old practice in Dublin. The King and Laud ordered that all ministers shall say prayers in their surplices, CHAPPELL (1634-40) 237 learnedly Ussher might defend episcopacy, the influence of Travers and his college days was still upon him. Meanwhile Chappell was labouring to reform the life and discipline of the College in his own way. The Irish lecture was at once abandoned, and all care to promote natives, according to the intention of the second founder, ceased. On the other hand, daily chapels, with surplice on Sundays and holy days, were imposed on the students, but tacitly resisted by the fellows, who had been accustomed to laxer discipline. The favour of Wentworth, who sent (in 1637) his own son (a mere child of eleven) there under the charge of Harding, a tutor imported from Cambridge, brought the College into greater fashion. For, of course, students were not alarmed by the impending change of statutes, on which Laud and Went- worth had determined. A clear indication was the refusal of the new Provost to take the oath to obey the existing laws a refusal causing much debate and dissatisfaction in the College, but justified by Laud and permitted by Wentworth. The bowing of the Provost whenever he passed the chapel door was noted and taken, as Irish Protestants now take it, for a sign of Popish superstition. In Ware's Bishops we read that " in order to give the juniors a taste of government, he established a Roman Commonwealth among them, to con- tinue during the Christmas vacation, in which they had their Dictator, Consuls, Censors, and other officers of the Roman State in great splendour." If this account be accurate, Chappell was so ignorant of the Roman Commonwealth as not to know that the Dictator superseded all the other officers, and suspended the constitution at the moment of a crisis. Meanwhile, it seems plain that Wentworth had no liking for the College Halls in the city, and that the Government did not offer any serious opposition to the legal action taken by the former owners of these Halls before the Council, that their property should be restored to them. The seizure by Lords 238 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Cork and Loftus was represented either as wholly illegal, or as only applying to the priests or friars who occupied these premises. Very probably some middleman had leased them, and they had been turned into monastic houses without the formal knowledge of the owners. At all events it was made an accusation against Strafford at his trial, that he had allowed the Papists to reoccupy these houses to the injury of Trinity College. His reply may be formally true, but is disingenuous. He says that they were recovered from the College by suits at law, and that he had objected to the decisions. It takes small knowledge of the man and of his Government to know that if his objection had been serious, the actions at law would have failed. He was absolute despot at his Council, and could have quashed all such proceedings by a mere appeal to the royal prerogative. But it was another way of humiliating Cork, whose action was made to appear hasty and illegal. We know from two dockets requiring the Provost and fellows to give evidence, that the Dowager Countess of Kildare was the plaintiff in the one case ; the prosecutor in the other case we cannot tell. The middleman was probably the Plunkett before mentioned, but a man called Edward Jans gives a receipt 1 to the College for ^5 rent for the part in the hands of the College, the other half being payable by Richard White, to whom it was formerly let. 2 On the other hand, Wentworth, while allowing these houses to go, was by no means lacking in zeal to promote the College. It is probable that they were alleged to be causes of lax discipline ; in any case the Provost could not watch them as he did his own Society. Wentworth in- augurated afresh the proper policy of enlarging the College buildings by private subscription, and his donation of ^100 was followed up by many other gifts on the part of those who sought his favour. Two Fitzgeralds, an Archdeacon and Dean, built a whole bay of buildings. Sir Chas. Coote 1 April 20, 1637. J Reg., 100. CHAPPELL (1634-40) 239 gave $0 ; I Sir Geo. RadclifFe, 20 ; Sir George Scott, 20 ; George Baker (by bequest), 500 in all at least ^2,000. This was the real and practical answer to Went- worth's indifference about the Halls, but it was not urged in his defence. Yet it was the moment when the College first began to expand beyond the two small quadrangles towards the north, and occupy the ground nearer the river with new chambers. None of these additions are now standing, but they can be clearly seen on Rocque's map. 2 An interesting brass (now in the Library) with an inscription in very loose iambics by the Provost, records Baker's gift as follows : MDCXXXIX. D M S. "Georgius Bakerus, Cantabrigian incola Dublin! vixit hospes quoque diu Moriturus urbi praetulit Academiam Ubi vivet hospes eminens et excipiet Tuos, Apollo, filios chara capita. -^Edibus quas sumptu suo paravit splendidas Vivet et amplo fruetur laudis prasmio Alii dum sua perierint pecunia Qui satis magnum haud putet Bakerum Majore magnus esto beneficentia. Gul. Chappell Cork, et Ross Episcop. Hujus Coll. Praepositus." But all these external aids, of which the accurate dates are not known, but which probably extended from 1634 to 1639, were of little use while the College was being wrecked by the internal dissensions of the fellows. The dislike to Chappell and his new regime broke into flame upon the first election to 1 There is a stray note out of its place in the Bursar's Book, written upside down to the receipts of 1676 (the book is not paged), which gives us information somewhat different : " 1636 : Money 3 collected for y building Jan. 6 Receaved of S' Charles Coote 95 o o Keceaved from S r James Ware 10 o o Keceaved from Archdeacfl Maxwell 100 o o ; " cf. Stubbs, p. 79, who had not seen this, for other items. 2 Stubbs, p. 191. 240 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Senior Fellowships after his appointment. There was notice of one impending vacancy, for a Fellow called Boswell (a Cheshire man) had been appointed to a distant living. Mean- while another Senior Fellow (Ince) died, so that there were at least two vacancies to be filled up within the space of two months, according to the existing statutes. This gave time for discussions and cabals. There had been seven junior Fellows elected in 1631, of whom the senior had gone out, the next two (Kerdiff and Con way) were already Senior Fellows, and the choice lay among the remaining four in order of seniority, unless some grave cause of complaint authorised the electors to pass over the senior men. Assuming that the order of admission is observed in the entry of these fellows' simultaneous election, Arthur Ware, a young man of important and influential family, was the junior. Never- theless, he formally claimed the seniority against the other three, on grounds which none of the many papers about this matter have condescended to mention. The Provost showed his first weakness in not determining this question at once. The late Provost Ussher, who had admitted these fellows, was within reach ; similar cases must often have occurred to serve as precedents. Nevertheless Chappell asks all the candidates to state their claims in writing, and when they all (except Ware) declined or refused to do so, kept postponing the election in the hope of some settlement. But ultimately he was pressed for time, and proposed the candidates, disregarding Ware's petition, in the order given in the Registry, viz., Hoyle, Pheasant, Cullen, Ware. Hereupon the second point was raised, not by the Provost formally, but surely at his suggestion : were these men free of all serious blame in their College life ? Now the conflict between High and Low Church views at once came out It was notorious that the senior three had been utterly neglectful of daily chapels. Hoyle even refused to wear a surplice. This being a grav'n causa to Chappell, the CHAPPELL (1634-40) 241 case was presently put to the Visitors in a very different form : x " whether a fellow of the College, living in the town the far greater part of a year and a quarter (e.g., since Chappell's arrival), for which no cause is rendered but want of sheets, and in all that time not once reading prayers, dis- puting, commonplacing, nor procuring any to do duty for him, do not vacate his fellowship." But the Visitors had not been appealed to by Chappell for a remedy against this disorder for over a year, and not till this election quarrel had begun. At all events, some of the electors judged the surplice ques- tion a gravis causa, while others did not, and did not reject Hoyle till another Sunday had passed, upon which his con- tinued refusal to wear the surplice set three of the electors against him on the ground of contumacy, and against the others for similar causes, and none were elected that day. Before the adjourned election took place, the three rejected fellows had appealed to the Visitors to inhibit it. The only ground they state is the false assertion of precedence by Ware as against the act of the late Provost in admitting them, and many subsequent recognitions of it. 2 The Visitors, in this case the two archbishops, Bishop of Meath, the Mayor, and Lord Loftus promptly acceded (February 13, 1635), and ordered a Visitation, which was held on the following May i8th. The Provost's contention was twofold : (i) The three junior Fellows, in appealing to the Visitors without the consent or knowledge of the Provost, had been guilty of a graver breach of discipline, for which they should be expelled, and not promoted. (2) The Visitors had no power to interfere with the election, seeing that the only duties assigned them by the Charter were to settle differences which the Provost and fellows could not settle (a point not admitted in this case), and to punish grave crimes. But the Provost was worsted. After much heated altercation, in which the Primate, who was Vice-Chancellor, showed a violence quite foreign to his 1 S. P., 1637, p. 146. ' Anon., p. 210. R 242 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY mild and quiet nature, the petition of Hoyle, Pheasant, and Cullen was justified, and the Provost and Senior Fellows ordered to elect them in that order at the next election for senior Fellows, the last election having led to no result, owing to the inhibition. Meanwhile other vacancies upon the governing Board had taken place, and in June, 1636, there were only three Senior Fellows remaining : Newman, Conway, and Kerdiff. It was during this interval that the Provost took the more than doubtful step of abrogating a clause in the chapter con- cerning elections. To elect Senior Fellows was necessary for the conduct of the House, which must have been in great difficulties with only three Senior Fellows to hold the College offices restricted to them. On the other hand Bedell's statute, then in force, mentioned the majority that could elect as at least four (out of seven, the normal number of Senior Fellows). Chappell's expedient was to abrogate the words nempe quatuor from the statute, which was done by an undated act written in at the close of the official book of statutes, signed by the Provost, Newman, and Conway. It is more than likely that this act was sprung upon the remaining senior Kerdiff, just before the election. For when the day came, and he found what was intended, he left the Provost's lodging, in spite of the Provost's threats, and informed the candidates who were waiting outside. Meanwhile the electors within had decided to pass the three senior men over on the ground of contumacy, and to elect Ware. But before he could be admitted formally, by kneeling before the Provost, the rest rushed in a disorderly and insolent manner into the room, and claimed their right according to the recent decree of the Visitors. The Provost, however, stood firm, conceding only that if they signed a paper confessing their fault, there would be another election held for the remaining places. They refused and appealed at once, not this time to the Visitors, but to the Privy Council. All this happened on the i8th of June, and the case was CHAPPELL (1634-40) 243 heard at once on the zoth, and then at an adjourned meeting. On the first day the Council, seeing that the order of the Visitors on May i8th had been openly disregarded by the Board, asked the Provost to comply with it. The Provost urged that the Visitors had exceeded their powers, but that if the complainants, who deserved expulsion for their insubordi- nation, would confess their fault, he would admit them junior to Ware. When the Council met again this had not been done, and the Provost still defended his position. His action in electing without four Senior Fellows, by changing the statute, he apparently excused on the ground of necessity. The Provost and fellows protested against the interference of the Council, complained that all discipline would have sub- verted, and appealed to the Chancellor. Nevertheless, the Council (among whom were several of the Visitors) authorised a second visitation, held on July 20 by the two archbishops, the Bishop of Meath, and the Lord Mayor. On this occasion there was no uncertain sound. The Provost was censured in severe terms by the Primate ; the two Senior Fellows who had conspired with him to alter the statute were deprived ot their fellowships. Messrs. Pheasant and Cullen were made Senior Fellows, senior to Ware, and the punishment of the Provost referred to the king. This sentence, with the defence of the Provost, was sent to the king, who naturally referred it to Laud to decide. Most unfortunately Wentworth had been absent during these months from Dublin. Had he been at the Council he would have made a prompt decision and seen it enforced. But now he is very glad to submit to his friend Laud, though Laud is equally anxious to refer it back to the Lord Deputy. There is no dis- pute mentioned in Laud's correspondence, on which he hesi- tated so long, and prayed so eagerly for a peaceable compromise. Apart from questions of etiquette, or discipline, or the interpre- tation of statutes, there was on the one side his nominee the Provost, sent to Ireland to reform College and State, and a 244 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY devoted instrument of his and Wentworth's policy. On the other the great Primate and the Council had decided the case in solemn judgment, and to reverse their acts would be a matter of jeering to the many Roman Catholics who were watching the conflict. Laud writes out the whole case, thirty-three folio pages, x and sends it to the disputants to agree upon the facts before he will decide, but urges Went- worth to arbitrate, and writes a most serious letter to Ussher which seems to imply that his sentence will probably be against the Visitors and for the Provost. This was evidently Went- worth's view also, to whom justice was nothing, the supporting of his creatures everything. We have no formal account of the result. But Laud's anxious pleading for a settlement, and his hints of the result of a formal decision had their effect. The acts of the Visitors were mostly ignored. Pheasant, the ringleader, who had even gone over to see Laud, but had produced on him a bad impres- sion, was expelled ; Newman and Conway were restored to their fellowships. But Hoyle and Cullen were made Senior Fellows, senior to Ware, though Cullen was so long absent from College that the Primate interceded to have him retained. 2 The Provost therefore won most of his battle by Went- worth's " persuasion," and so far the great Ussher was dis- credited another item in the policy of lowering all prominent men, and of crushing out all independence, in Ireland. The Provost's hands were even strengthened by a violent ukase against the keepers of alehouses harbouring students and allowing them to run bills, which gave moreover to the Proctors the same power of visitation of houses, under the Provost's orders, which they possess in Oxford and Cambridge. This inroad upon the rights and liberties of the citizens of * Of this a very full abstract will be found in S. P., 1637, pp. 145-9. This is the document of which Stubbs regrets the loss. Wandesford's letter, to which Wentworth refers as going to the root of the matter, is unfortunately not in the collection. * Reg., 62. CHAP PELL (1634-40) 245 Dublin was made about a year after the great quarrel, and seems intended to magnify the importance of the Provost and his discipline. He had probably represented to the Lord Deputy that the habit of going to alehouses, and even ot spending the night there, was beyond his control, especially in the case of boys who lived with their parents in the city. Both the order and one case of the violation of it are related to us at length, in extant documents, and printed by Dr. Stubbs. * That the Privy Council should assume the duties of police magistrates to aid the discipline of the College appears sufficiently strange, but stranger still is the astounding severity of the punishments inflicted on the student Weld, who is found harboured by the widow Jones in a suspicious alehouse, and late at night. The erring widow is fined ^40, and has to stand in the market-place with an inscription on her, " For harboring a student contrary to the Act of State, also, that she shall make public acknowledgment of her offence at the College, where and when the Provost shall direct," &c., &c. Dr. Stubbs has not printed the full text of the action of the College in this matter. The Privy Council had ordered " that the said Daniel Weld shall stand fined ^40 to his Majesty a fine equivalent to ^250 in our day that he be left to the Provost of the College to inflict such further exemplary punish- ment on his person, whether by expulsion or otherwise, as the Provost shall think fit." A fortnight after this sentence (June n, 1638), the Registry (p. 66) gives us the following entry : We may not conceive the fault light, which our most honoured Governors have deemed so heavy. And therefore whereas Mr. Weld (for so he may yet be called) hath ( contemned the Act of State , student in it < ( College as a -I I scandalised this < ( member of it ( University as an Inceptor this year, I, William Chappell, Provost of this College, do by order of the Right Hon. the Lord Deputy and Council, censure him as followeth : 1 App., xxxii. 246 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY ( as a student to be ( his stud y therein In regard of 1 deprived of j all testimonium of good carriage, the College | ( to be deprived of his scholarship ^as a scholar to \ to have his name erased in the ( College books {to be suspended from his degree of Master of Arts not to be restored till he bring sufficient testimony from the place where he shall live one ( honest conversation year at the least of hisj con formity to the orders ( of the Church. All this is very neat and logical, and quite in the style of the Provost's art of preaching, which is full of these logical paradigms. We must also remember that punishments in those days were far severer than our modern humanity would tolerate. But when all reservations, explanations, and pallia- tions have been made, who can justify such a sentence as any- thing better than a piece of pedantic absurdity ? Such judicial violences were sure to deter young men, not only from this crime, but from the College. Wentworth must have consulted with the Provost about it, and the pedant agreed with the despot, who was becoming more and more truculent, as he felt his enemies' power waxing, and the protec- tion of the false and feeble king waning. By this time he and Laud had secured for the Provost all the powers necessary to rule his College and the University at his ease with despotic power. Such a sentence as that just noticed would have been impossible under Bedell's Statutes without the consent of four Senior Fellows. But now there was a new order of things, which almost deserves a separate chapter. The practical prelude to the introduction of the new Charter was the insolent imposing on the College of two Masters of Arts from Cambridge, Messrs. John Harding and Thomas Marshall, vice Newman, whose place had expired, CHAP PELL (1634-40) 247 and Pheasant expelled I not merely as fellows, but as Senior Fellows. Thus the Provost obtained two votes to aid him in forcing the acceptance of the new Charter. These orders or Went worth were issued on April 20 and on May 10, 1637 ; the Charter was accepted on the eleventh of the same month with a solemn ceremony in the chapel, at which Ussher, as Vice-Chancellor, was present, probably in no good temper. But Bedell was there also, and approved highly of the change. 2 Quite apart from these arbitrary acts, the whole policy of both Wentworth and Laud, to neglect Irish and Anglo-Irish for the benefit of imported Englishmen, appears clearly not only in the names of the fellows, but of the scholars elected in these years. Not a single O or Mac appears among them ; the natives' places are not even filled by youths of English names well known in Ireland. So far as Ireland was concerned its University was being rapidly denationalised. The passing of the Charter took place almost exactly in the middle of ChappelPs Provostship, which lasted six years. The latter three years, which offer little of note, may be despatched in this history before we proceed to analyse the new Charter. From the day that he was installed as absolute master of the College we hear ot no more insubordination among his sub- ordinates, for obvious reasons. The violations of the new statutes came from his superiors. Harding, the imported Senior Fellow, who was tutor to Wentworth's son, having accepted a living, and consequently having voided his fellow- ship, was forthwith reappointed Senior Fellow by Letters Patent from the Lord Deputy in manifest violation of his own code (Reg. 61). Dean Margetson, a friend of the Deputy, was ordered to have a D.D. degree. The Provost, being promoted (June, 1638) to the bishoprics of Cork and Ross, and offering to resign his place, was directed by Wentworth and Laud to hold it in commendam^ though even the king was known to be opposed to such a practice. In one letter from Laud 1 Reg., 56, 57. * Cf. Shuckburgh's Bedell, p. 340. 2 4 8 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY to Wentworth * he says indeed that Primate Ussher's dislike of the Provost made it desirable to remove the latter, if another fit man could be found for the College. But Wentworth would not hear of it. On this occasion Ussher, though ousted from the government of the College, as will be explained in the next chapter, thought it right to protest. Here is his letter 2 : " I was very sorry to see that clause of his Maj. letter whereby the Provostship of the College was granted to be held in commcndam with the bishopricks of Cork and Ross ; of which the party himself, whom it concerneth, is sensible enough that it can hardly stand with the solemn oath which he took upon the sending over of the new statutes, especially this clause being thereunto added, non impdrabo nee procurabo dirccte vel indirecte dispensionem contra juramenta nica pracdicta, aut contra ordinationes out statuta collegii vel ipsorum aliquod. The eluding of oaths in this manner I do conceive to be a matter of most pernicious consequence ; and the party himself, as I hear, is not unwilling to give over that place unto his brother, who now keepeth with him at the college. Whom, if your grace should not think to be so fit a man for that place, you have a very worthy man of your own there, Mr. Joseph Mede, who was heretofore nominated unto the self-same place, and that with the good approbation of the council table in England." The great Irish Primate speaks with undisguised contempt of " the party whom it concerneth." But Wentworth would not yield, and it was not till eighteen months later, when both Wentworth's and Laud's actions were being called in question, and their enemies were declaring themselves both in England and Ireland, that Chappell again sought and obtained leave to resign. When he resigned all things were still nominally subject to the tyrant of Ireland, and the following entry 3 expresses the outside appearance of the facts as Wentworth wished them to appear : 1 Strafford's Letters, ii. p. 120. Ussher's Works, xvi. p. 37. 3 Reg., 70. CHAP PELL (1634-40) 249 " July 20, 1640. The Right Revd. Father in God, William Lord Bishoppe of Corke and Ross, being chosen Provost on the 2ist of August, 1634, aj ter he had gratiously reformed the students, happily promoted new Statutes and rich amplifying of the buildings, beautifyed the Chappel, Hall, Provost's lodgings and Regent House, with the garden and other places by y e good advice and assistance of our worthy learned and pious Vice-Provost, Mr. Doctor Harding, and wonderfully increased the College Plate ' and stocke, reduced all things into a blessed order, and faithfully governed by the space of sixe yeares as a glorious pattern of sobriety, justice and godlyness, the 2oth of July, 1640, resigned up his Provostshippe in writing under his hand and Episcopall scale. [Witnessed by the Vice- Provost and Senior Fellows.] The reader of the events rehearsed in this chapter will be amused at this encomium, especially at the adverbs and qualify- ing adjectives. It is true that the buildings were increased, fine pieces of plate acquired, young men of fashion educated. But what did all that avail when the high-handed despot under whom he served goaded the country promptly into a rebellion, which within five years swept away all this order ? The Registry of these blessed years is very scanty. The pompous punishment of Weld, and the State recognition ot Harding's official perjury are the longest it contains. There is in the M. R. (F. 77) a curious petition (dated July 26, 1638) to recover books borrowed or lost from Kildare Hall, "now given up," and from the College Library. The witnesses summoned are Barry the Librarian, Mr. Boswell, rector there, and Mr. Hoile after him, and the names of the borrowers, viz. : To the Right Ron 6 ". Thomas Viscount Wentworth, Lord Deputy-General. The Humble Petition of the Provost and Fellows of Trinity College, near Dublin, Humbly showeth that whereas divers books of good worth, some from the College Library, others by the gift of persons well affected, 1 It is to be noticed that the clause in Bedell's Statutes directing that fellow commoners should at entrance contribute a piece of plate was expunged by Laud. 250 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY were for the use of the Students, while Kildare Hall was possessed by the College, there bestowed, and by the carelessness of some and rapacity of others are kept from your Petitioners, And whereas also divers books have been borrowed out of the College Library and lost or detained from your Petitioners to private use to the great diminishing of our Library, And whereas also divers persons whose names are underwritten stand indebted unto the College in divers sums of money, and most of them a long time, May it please your Lordship that such as are here undernamed may be examined upon oath for the clearing of the first, and they who shall be found to have had them in keeping caused to produce and restore them. That those who have borrowed from the College Library may be caused to make restitution. That those who stand indebted to the College may make satis- faction. And your Petitioners shall pray, &c. To be examined for Kildare Hall Mr. Barry, keeper of the Library. Mr. Boswell, Rector there. Mr. Hoile,- Rector after him. Mr. Carter. Mr. Wilkinson. The names of them that have bor- The names of those that stand rowed from the College Library. indebted to the College. Doctor Arthure. Robert Ash wood, ^19. John Binnes. Richard Bourk, 7. John Wiggett. Henry Jones, 10. Charles Johnson. John Watson, ^3. Richard Bourk. Willm. Newman, 12. Rowland Eustace. Garrett Mead, 18 135. 6d. Mr. Puttock. John Allen, 5. Mr. Baskervile. Mr. Brodeley. Chris Coburne. John Allen. William Newman. DUBLIN CASTLE, 26th July, 1638. The parties within complained on are hereby required to appear forthwith before us to Answer these several complaints, WENTWORTH. CHAPPELL (1634-40) 251 There is also a petition from the Provost and fellows dated March 24, 1639, to have their Crown pension of ^388 155. commuted for lands of equal value in the proposed plantation of Connaught, and the king's letter to Wentworth sanctioning this change. 1 There are many papers relating to suits of the College with tenants, or tenants with one another, on the College lands, especially in Co. Limerick, in which Thomas Clanchy (or Clancy) of Craiggard, who seems to have acted as an agent for the College, plays a prominent part. 2 Among all these papers are but few with personal touches. In the midst of Thomas Clancy's business letters I found two of no historic but of much social interest, for they enable us to feel sympathy with homely people across the span of three centuries. Here they are : (M. R., D 62.) " MY MOST DEARE JOYE and one Love, I knowe it is tedious to you my absence, and soe it is for mee ; but God be thanked, my business is done, and I looke everie daie to come home. I thought not to have written to you before I came my selfe, but for feare y u should thinke some accident befell mee, I have written this to be of good comfort. I sent you a good gowne, pettycoate and gorgett in Mr. F. trunke ; looke to y r home busines, tender my dutie to y r father and mother, and to all my friends my love, not forgetting y r selfe. I remaine Thine one onlie Loyall while I live to bee " M. PURDON. " DUBLIN, Junii, 1638." [There is no endorsement or address.] (M. R., D 63.) "DUBLIN, this zgth of May e, 1639. " COSSEN THOMAS, I beleeve yo r greefe and sadnesse comes of the love that you beare unto me of which I doe thinke that it is the feare of y r parentes makes you not to marrye mee, but if you had expresse your minde unto mee at the first tyme of your acquaintance I would never desire yo" to be mine, but, deere hart, seeing that it is late to repent it and that I have gott ill will for you and that yo" have drawen my love soe farre upon you, and if it bee 1 M. R., F 70, 703. ibid., C 53-68 ; D 48-53, 62-75. 252 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY your intent to marryc elsewhere I will never hinder you howbcite it is the overtrowe of my fortune. I would desire you to come to sec me, for I am not well this daye. " Soe I rest yo u r loving cosscn, "Munday morninge at Ormonds armes, " MARY BROWNE." [Address : "To my very loving cossen, Mr. Thomas Clansie, thiese be att" There is also an important document, 1 dating just after the new Charter in 1637, giving the conditions of new leases with tenants. It is plain that the material prosperity and order under Wentworth had sensibly affected the value of land, and that the College rents were now being raised. But here is an entry in the Register of which the humour has escaped previous historians. It illustrates the pedantic side of the " close Ramist," as the Provost is styled. I give it in English, though the Latin original puts it on higher stilts : " To all the faithful in Christ to whom these presents may come Know ye that we the Provost and Senior Fellows of the College of the Holy and undivided Trinity near Dublin of the foundation of the most Serene Queen Elizabeth, by our unanimous consent and assent according to the Statutes of the College have elected, co-opted, and admitted Master John Pemberton to be butler of our College, and hold and confirm him as so co-opted and admitted by these presents furnished with our seal, and the subscription of our names. Given this 28th of February, 1639. Wm. Cor et Ross, Pps. Johas Harding Alex. Hatfield Nath. Hoyle Chr. Pepper Th. Seele Chr. Beckwith GuiL Clopton At the same time William our College cook had his place confirmed to him in y e same manner, signed and sealed as above said." We hear from the historians of Oxford Colleges that the inferior officers were regarded "inferior members" of their M. R., D 73. CHAPPELL (1634-40) 253 College, and not unfrequently took degrees. This man called Maghter may have been such, but I do not think so pompous a recognition of it will be found in any of their records. In this obscure body of insignificant Dons one name only stands out in after history Thomas Seele, who had already gone out on a living, but finding it intolerable petitioned and obtained leave to resume his fellowship and College life. He lived to be an active and distinguished Provost after the Restoration. 1 The whole history of the College during these six momentous years reflects and explains the history of Ireland. There was external prosperity, an increase of the means and materials of life, many solemn thanksgivings for the righteous and merci- ful rule of the dread sovran, who was robbing the landlords of their titles and the people of their liberties. Natives and settlers, chieftains and undertakers, all alike were suffering. But all complaint was crushed out by the Dublin Star Chamber. Wentworth was sitting on the safety valve, and when recalled to England to aid his tottering king all the elements of discontent burst forth. The higher classes in their Parliament, the Anglo-Irish nobility and gentry, Pro- testant and Catholic, began the attack. But behind them lay greater and more ungovernable forces, that swept away constitutional discussions with an avalanche of rapine and murder. But we must insist upon the fact that externally Went- worth's rule was one of great prosperity. The Dublin of his day, according to the evidence of Sir William Brereton, was a brilliant city, comparing most favourably with Edinburgh, which the traveller had just visited. We find that in 1637 he travelled leisurely from Belfast to Dromore, and through the mountains to Newry and Dundalk, and presently through the 1 The formal act re-admitting him, sanctioned by six Visitors, is given in Reg., 49, and occurred in 1635, before the great disturbance. Seele was elected Senior Fellow in January, 1637 (O. S.), and therefore the first under the new Charter. 254 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY O'Byrne, O'Moore and Kavanagh country, west of the Wick- low Mountains, without ever incurring the smallest personal danger from wood kerne or outlaws. During his stay in Dublin he meets various distinguished men of Trinity College, the Primate, who entertains him twice at dinner, Richardson, now Bishop of Ardagh, who at this very time presented to his old College the stately chalice and flagon still in use in the Chapel, and Hoyle, whom he hears preaching at S. Werburgh's. Brereton's taste was for sermons, of which he heard many, and liked those of Ussher (at S. Andrew's) best. The Lord Deputy was probably away, for the chief thing admired in the Castle are the stables, of which we hear often in Wentworth's letters. The whole impression the traveller has of Dublin is that or a thriving city : "This city of Dublin is extending his bounds and limits very far, much additions of building lately, and some of these very fair, stately, and complete buildings; every commodity is grown very dear. You must pay also for an horse hire is. 6d. a day ; here I met with an excellent, judicious, and painful smith. Here are divers commodities cried in Dublin as in London, which it doth more resemble than any town I have seen in the King of England's dominions." x The extension of the city towards the College was at the moment the most important. We have already noticed the new residences on College Green (p. 201 ). It was in Sir Toby Caulfeild's house that Lady Cork died when on a visit in 1629. There is an allusion in the Register to the students having attended her funeral. The house is, however, to us of higher interest in that Ussher bought it, and petitioned the Corporation (in 1632) to have a garden round it, as he desired to settle there on account of his old affection for his native city. 2 This was the house in which Brereton dined with him, and found the study removed from the rest, perhaps in the garden, for the Primate would not be disturbed at his literary work, 1 Travels, p. 144. - Gilbert's Records, iii. p. 260. CHAPPELL (1634-40) 255 which commenced daily at 5 a.m. and lasted till 6 p.m., with the exception of two hours (n-i) for relaxation, when he saw his friends. But in spite of his assiduity, Ussher must have had time to visit the College and its Library constantly, and must have been profoundly disgusted when he saw the High Church practices of Chappell. It is remarkable that when visiting the College, Brereton merely mentions the Provost, and speaks sneeringly of the Library and its MSS. whose value he thinks greatly exaggerated. What would Ussher have said to this judgment ? These trifles are only quoted to show the ease and affluence or life in Dublin under the strong rule of Wentworth. THE CAROLINE CONSTITUTION (1637).* Nothing is more usual and more false than to state that Laud gave the College a completely new code of Statutes. They were indeed appended to a new Charter, but even that did not abrogate the old, but recited it with some modifications in its Preamble. Similarly the new Statutes were mainly, both in substance and in form, those which we have in Bedell's hand, and these again are, according to Bedell's own state- ment, put together and arranged from the older code which had been sanctioned by Temple and his fellows. There is no copy of these oldest laws of the College extant, but the rules of the University, which govern, with hardly a change, the acts and meetings of the Senate to this day, are in the Muni- ment Room, each rule signed by Temple and his fellows, and they begin (as has been said above) with Chapter V. 1 I have thought it right to give the whole of Bedell's code in an appendix to this volume. These Statutes have never yet been printed, and are highly interesting in many ways. A few notes have been here added that the general reader may mark the principal changes. The Caroline or Laudian Code is printed next after the Elizabethan Charter in the book of Statutes, published by the College in two vols. (Dublin Hodges and Foster, 1844, 1898). 256 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY But as Bedell must have added and changed a good deal, so Laud, reading Bedell's book carefully, and with a view to the recent troubles in the College and the Irish Church, and having regard to his friend Wentworth's wishes, not only introduced several new principles, but gratified several old animosities in his retouching of the code. The general intention of both Laud and Wentworth was to make the College distinctly English in tone and Anglican in creed, and in this they ran counter to the policy of Bedell, who had striven to make it Anglo-Irish, if not Irish, and of Ussher, who had made it Evangelical, if not Puritan. Both these pious men had sought to make the College life religious, Laud sought to make it ecclesiastical. But the temper of the times, and the fierce attacks which were being made on his policy, kept him very cautious to avoid offence, so that it requires a minute collation of his text with the earlier code to see the mind of the man behind apparently trivial alterations of form. The preamble opens with Bedell's words, until the new circumstances of Charles' Charter come to be stated by Laud. But in the fore- front of the regulations Bedell had naturally put the chapter de cultu DivinOy which Laud degrades to the ninth chapter, though there repeating words only suitable to its original place. 1 Where the use of the Irish Church had been ordered in the Chapel, that of the Anglican is substituted, with the special permission of a shortened Morning Service, " in order that the students may get earlier to their lectures." What the use of the Irish Church had been in Temple's time I cannot tell, but I do not believe that the Puritan fellows read the Anglican liturgy daily, and Bedell does not speak of his having made any innovation in this respect. The short chapter of the Bible read (sometimes in Irish) before commons, and the recitation of a verse or passage during meat by a 1 " Hinc igitur admoniti primo de iis praecipiendum putavimus " no the only instance of careless re-editing I have found in Laud's generally careful work. CHAP PELL (1634-40) 257 scholar, in order to suggest a religious conversation, was changed by Laud into the mere reading of a chapter during meals till stopped by the tu vero of the Senior in the hall. The Graces now said before and after meat are those of Bedell, changed only in one word by Laud. 1 Bedell (and probably Temple) had ordered that daily prayers should be conducted by the fellows and resident masters. Laud adds : provided they be ordained, and at least in Deacon's orders. The fellows and scholars are to take their oath, tactls sancrosanctis Christi EvangeHis^ an addition quite foreign to Puritan manners. Likewise the limits of the four terms were now marked by Saints' days instead of the simple dates in the older statutes, and Trinity Sunday and Monday are brought into prominence on account of the title of the College. On that Sunday there is a largely increased allowance for Commons, so that it must have been a veritable gaudy^ and on that Monday the new fellows and scholars have been elected from Laud's day till now. On the other hand there was a com- pulsory fast slipped in parenthetically by ordering "corrections" by the Deans to be held on Fridays at five o'clock ctenam enim ea nocte nolumus. Bedell had ordered these corrections to be held after supper. Another indulgence seems to us more strange in a man of Laud's temperament, and is ascribable to his dislike of Puritanical asceticism. To the clause forbidding absolutely the games of dice and cards, on pain of expulsion after the third warning, he adds, " except at the time of Christmas and in the public Hall of the College." Otherwise all sports are forbidden as strictly in the later as in the earlier code. Amid the general straitening of conditions and increased severity of punishments it is to be noted that while Bedell has ordained the same oath for the fellows and the scholars, and in both a declaration of adherence to the Protestant faith as con- 1 Oculi omnium in te rcspiciunt B. spcrant L. Even the Carolo conservative of the second Grace is already in that of Bedell, and liad there- fore no reference originally to the new Charter. S 258 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY tained in the Bible, and a repudiation of Popery, Laud makes the oaths distinct, and abstains from making the scholar declare his creed (cap. vi.), but merely puts to him the solemn acknow- ledgment of the king's supremacy, and the abjuring of the allegiance to any foreign prince or priest. It is here quite plain that the new statute provided for the admission of Roman Catholics into scholarships, though their College duties would afterwards entail going to the Anglican service in the Chapel. The use of surplices and hoods was strictly enjoined. Bedell had made the Fellow swear that the object of his studies would be theology, that he may be of use to the Church of God, unless God inclined his mindotherwise (cap. viii., sub. fin.). Laud, leaving this clause, with the further exception of the Jurist and the Medicus, inserts at the end of cap. vii. another clause requiring every fellow with these two exceptions to be in priest's orders within three years of his election, or else to lose his fellowship. The survival of Bedell's clause in cap. viii. is evidently an oversight. For the contrast between the tone of the Puritan and the Priest is here very plain. We feel in the earlier the voice of Travers or Temple, in the latter the voice of Laud. It was a direct rebuff to Bedell, that his clause ordaining the scholars who obtained Irish places to prosecute their studies in Irish, and show proficiency in the language, was expunged, though it was enacted that the sons of citizens of Dublin and of the College tenants (mostly northern planters) should be preferred. But then Bedell had since given Went- worth considerable annoyance by joining the gentlemen of Cavan in a protest against the exactions of the State, and showed a dangerous sympathy for the Irish poor and the local interests, which made him suspected and disliked by Went- worth. Accordingly care was taken to suppress Irish teaching in Trinity College. This change was noted at the time and included by Parliament in the charges against Chappell. An anti-Irish policy was manifested, not merely in the matter of studies but in the constitution of the highest CHAP PELL (1634-40) 259 authorities of the College. Strange to say, in the letters patent preceding the Statutes, the Provost and Senior Fellows are still empowered to elect a Chancellor, Proctors, and other University officers, thus showing that Laud did not differ from the original conception of the College as a corporation endowed with University powers, and not the first of a number of Colleges to be placed under a controlling University. Probably it was assumed that the Provost, who was from henceforth to be a nominee of the Crown, would always choose as Chancellor some great personage of influence at the English Court, for the importance of the Chancellor was always to mediate between the College and the Crown. And from henceforth the Chancellor was to be no mere ornamental head. Laud, in view of recent quarrels, made himself the primary Visitor, to whom all serious questions are to be referred by the resident Visitors, whom he restricts to two, instead of the previous seven. This was a change which gave great offence, and which can hardly be understood as less than a direct insult to Ussher. He had been for years the Vice-Chancellor, and as such primary Visitor and Chairman of a Board of seven, consisting (with him) of the Archbishop of Dublin, Bishop of Meath, the Vice- Treasurer, the Treasurer at Wars, the Lord Chief Justice, and the Mayor of Dublin. So long as Ussher lived he would dominate that Court, which was distinctly of an Anglo-Irish complexion. Probably Laud and Wentworth thought it too unpopular to remove him, but they gave him, as his only colleague, the Archbishop of Dublin, who would almost always be an imported Englishman, and not only if they differed but when they agreed, their decisions on all important questions were to be void, unless approved by the Chancellor. The result was that Ussher took no more interest in his old College. He came down indeed to the Chapel to hear the new Statutes read, probably with a very sore heart. He pro- tested to Laud next year * against Chappell being allowed to 1 Cf. above, p. 248. 260 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY violate the new statutes. But neither Laud nor Wentworth heeded him, and from henceforth he withdrew completely from any part in the direction of the College. Being in England at the outbreak of the rebellion of 1641, when his houses and lands were wasted, and a war of many years ensued, he never returned to Ireland again. The critics of the day seem not to have appreciated the gravity of this deliberate thrusting aside of the most learned and eminent of Irishmen from his supervision over the College wherein he had lived and worked so many years. They complain of the offensive treatment of the Mayor of Dublin, who represented the city that ranked first among the great benefactors of the College. But no doubt the Mayor and citizens spoke out, whereas Ussher kept silence, conscious that the insult had come from the man whom he had himself urged to become Chancellor and brought in by his persuasion over the unwilling or indifferent Society. The greatest innovations were, however, decidedly in the position of the Provost. We can well imagine the contempt with which Laud expunged the preamble to Bedell's fourth chapter, on the permanent Senate of the College consisting of the Provost and Senior Fellows : "quia in Academica societate bene constituta ea ratio plerumque tenetur societatis administranda qute ad Aristocratic formam proxime accedit^ existimavimus non potuisse nos huic Collegia melius consulere, quant et in eo gubernando ad modum Aristocraticum procederemus" according to which Bedell pro- ceeds to put the whole power of determining all matters in the College according to the statutes into the hands of the Provost and major part nempe quatuor of the seven Senior Fellows. But Laud was a monarchist, and determined that the shackle of the four Senior Fellows, which had hitherto often paralysed the Provost's action, should only survive in name. The chapter de cultu divino is moved away in order to allow that " on the Provost's quality and position " to stand in the fore- front. The general description a man of blameless life, a CHAP PELL ,1634-40) 261 theologian, at least a Bachelor in Divinity, at least thirty years of age, holding no more that one benefice is all adopted from Bedell ; but Laud adds that he may hold any ecclesiastical dignity short of a bishopric, consistent with his duties according to the statutes. We may remember that Chappell was Dean of Cashel when appointed Provost. Furthermore Laud adds that he must be unmarried and must resign if he marries. But the three great differences are these: (i) Though the words of the older statute remain that a son of the College is to be preferred to a stranger, the clause is rendered nugatory by the abolition of the old election by the fellows, and the reservation of the appointment to the Crown. It is quite certain that it was the intention of both Laud and Wentworth to fill the place with imported Englishmen. (2) Wherever the statutes have not laid down a fixed punishment, all the discipline is in the Provost's hands. He consults upon grave crimes with the two Deans, who are put under his control ; and can expel any member of the College on his own authority. If he chooses he may propose to the Senior Fellows what censure they think right in any case, and then may go with the majority ; but in this he is like the king in Homeric society, who generally and for appearance' sake consulted his nobles, though the power of life and death was in his hands. (3) In elections under the older statutes the Provost and major part of the Senior Fellows, if they agreed, decided the result, but if that majority after three scrutinies remained opposed to the Provost, the election for that occasion was declared abortive, and nothing was done. Laud retained the first two scrutinies in the same form, but made them idle by adding that on the third scrutiny whosoever the Provost (or in his absence the Vice-Provost) had voted for, should be elected. Thus the majority was of no consequence whatever to the Provost. He need merely vote three times for his nominee to elect him. This statute is to the present day the law of the College, and whenever a majority cannot be obtained in a fellowship 262 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY election the Provost decides. But a great change was intro- duced into the reading of the statute by the Visitation of 1791, whereby the majority of Senior Fellows can elect in spite of the Provost. To translate the words quern major pars Sociorum Seniorum una cum Praposito elegerit as " whom the major part of the Provost and Senior Fellows together shall choose " (instead of: having the Provost with them] was no doubt a most safe and excellent translation for the purpose of protect- ing the College from the acts of an arbitrary Provost ; to argue that either the history of the Society, the tenor of the statutes, or the Latin words, justify such a rendering, is to my mind a task only fit for a lawyer working for his fee ; yet this was the decision of a first-rate judge, Lord Clare, and has since governed all the elections in the College. x There was one somewhat immoral provision for assisting the Deans in their duties which was even more pronounced in the older statute than in Laud's. Bedell had ordained that some of the scholars should be appointed as observatores occulti to report to the Deans all cases of negligence or disorder they noticed among the students. Laud preserved the clause, omitting the two ugly words, and the ordinance lasted down to about 1820.2 1 This constitutional point, arising out of a quarrel of Hely Hutchinson with his Senior Fellows, excited such interest that one of the fellows, Matthew Young (afterwards a bishop) published a special treatise called The Provost's Negative (2nd Ed., Dublin, 1792), wherein all the arguments against such an absolute veto from the analogous cases of Deans and Chapters and Mayors and Corporations are admirably marshalled. There are added, as an appendix, the opinions of several learned lawyers, all in favour of Young's reading of the statute. As a matter of policy, he and Clare in his decision were undoubtedly right. But I do not believe that Laud, were he brought back from the dead, would have agreed with this interpretation. a At which time a porter whispered every week to three of the scholars, " You are Morwn, sir, this week," i.e., magister morum. It was the duty of these three to fine at least eight persons 2s. 6d. each, by way of increasing the income of the College. Hence strutting in the courts, wearing boots, &c., were made pretexts for these fines. There was no CHAP PELL (1634-40) 263 It is not desirable in this history to give further details regarding the management of the College. Without a knowledge of the statutes no reader is likely to take an interest in such matters ; and however the specialist in College lore may delight in a minute collation of these two codes, and of them with sister codes prevailing in the Colleges of Cambridge or Oxford, such researches either assume considerable special knowledge, or require a printing of long Latin texts in parallel columns. We may concede that without such researches all accurate and thorough history is impossible. But the writer who desires to bring the annals of his College into relation with the history of the country must refrain from inflicting his labours on the reader, he must be content to give the results of these labours, so far as they are strictly germane to his subject. For this reason I suppress a host of minor details, and return to the public history of the times. appeal from them. The scandal was stopped by the three scholars appointed for one week combining to fine each of them eight of the fellows. The fines were paid, but the Magistri morum dropped for the future. This item of more recent College history is nowhere in print, so far as I know. It was told me by my father, who was a scholar in 1821, and one of the actors in the farce. CHAPTER VII THE years 1639-40 show in our old Matriculation book a considerable increase in the number of entering students. Everything seemed prosperous in the College. Wentworth reports to the king that despite the constant intrigues and insinuations against him at Court, and the allegations that he was hated in Ireland, all the various sections of the population were contented and happy under his government. He does indeed mention by way of exception in the winter of 1639-40 that some wood kerne had begun again to burn down gentle- men's houses in the remote country, and that he was taking special precautions to put this kind of outrage down. He also knows that there is some excitement among the Irish exiles abroad ; but he shows no sense of any serious danger, and urges the expediency of holding a Parliament in Ireland (in March, 1639), which would give the example to England in voting liberal subsidies for the king's needs. This supremacy of Wentworth, with his known patronage of the College, must have acted powerfully upon its material prosperity. We can still see in the Matriculation book, which begins with his little son's name, how many of his friends and dependents English- men also sent their sons thither. He tells Laud that the Provost, now Bishop of Cork, but still kept in the College by his order, is passing well content. The inner annals of the 26, THE GREAT REBELLION 265 College, as we have said, are dumb. The Primate and the Bishop of Meath had been silenced, and when the Parliament came together, even without the Lord Deputy's presence to direct and intimidate them, he found them sitting on his arrival ( March 23rd ) in perfect docility to his wishes. They practically voted all the subsidies he required, they accepted with effusive thanks all the nominal graces offered by the king. They even went out of their way to assure King Charles of their extraordinary contentment with the government of Wentworth, now Earl of Strafford and the king's most trusted minister. Yet within the year this universal satisfaction had turned into an universal outcry against his tyrannies, injustices, and cruelties ; he was a prisoner in the Tower, on trial for his life. Within a year and month he ended his career upon the scaffold (May n, 1641) with the approbation of hundreds of thousands of Englishmen, and the satisfaction of almost all classes in Ireland. This astonishing peripety of fortune is not easily paralleled in history. The fall of Sejanus, Tiberius' confidant, has been celebrated by a great historian and a great satirist. But Sejanus was a poor creature in comparison with Strafford, and Sejanus belongs to a long past century. Among the contemporary men, if we may compare very small things with very great, the Provost of Trinity College affords another example of the wheel of fortune. But he was not without some warning. When the Irish Parliament re- assembled in June, 1640, after the bold resistance to arbitrary taxation made by the Short Parliament in England during the interval, any intelligent observer might perceive that the autocracy of Strafford in Ireland was a thing of the past. There is no policy upon which it is so easy to unite opposing parties and factions as on the policy of refusing to pay money. The lavish votes of March seemed madness to the stingy arguments of June. Many of the members already repented them of their effusiveness under the dreaded scowl 266 AN EPOCH TN IRISH HISTORY of the great Lord Deputy, and were becoming ashamed of this their extravagant resolution : 'And particularly in placing over us so just, wise, vigilant and profitable a Governor as the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Straff ord, who by his great care and travail of body and mind, sincere and upright administration of justice without partiality, increase of your Majesty's revenue without the least hurt or grievance to any of your well-disposed and loving subjects, and to our great comfort and security by the large and ample benefits which we have received and hope to receive by your Majesty's Commission of Grace for the remedy of defective titles procured hither by his Lordship from your sacred Majesty, his Lordship's great care and pains in restora- tion of the Church, the reinforcement of the Army within this kingdom, and ordering the same with such singular and good discipline, as that it is now become a great comfort, stay, and security to this your whole kingdom, which before had an army rather in name than in substance ; his support of your Majesty's wholesome laws here established, his encouragement and counten- ance to your Majesty's judges and other good officers, ministers and dispensors of your Laws, in the due and sincere administration of justice ; his necessary and just strictness for the execution thereof ; his due punishment of the contemners of the same, and his care to relieve the poor and oppressed. For this your tender care over us. showed by your deputing and supporting of so good a Governor, we your faithful subjects acknowledge ourselves more bound than we can with tongue and pen express. 1 This obsequious spirit lasted in the College a little longer than in the House of Commons. But when Chappell saw clearly both that his patron's power was waning, and thafrthe king's need of Wentworth would certainly prevent his constant residence in Dublin to protect his friends, this prudent Provost retired (July 20th) to his bishopric, resigning his government of the College with the laudatory resolution already quoted (above, p. 249), the Collegiate parallel to the Parliamentary effusion of the previous March. With the fall of Strafford came the fall of his minions. But for the rebellion of October, 1641, Chappell's fate might have been even a lesser tragedy of the 1 Carte's Ormonde, i. p. 93, from the House of Commons Journals. THE GREAT REBELLION 267 same kind. For the Irish Parliament, as we shall see, was determined on punishing him, and though they would hardly have taken off his head, he would certainly have suffered years of imprisonment. Meanwhile upon Chappell's resignation a new appointment was made by the Crown, no doubt at Laud's recommendation as Chancellor, but of this not a word transpires. For at this moment both Strafford and Laud were busy with far weightier matters than appointing Provosts of Trinity College. Never- theless the action of the Crown in filling up the place was exceedingly prompt. The king's letter to the Lord Lieutenant is dated June 20th. 1 Chappell's formal resignation is dated in the Registry July 20th. In the same book under August 1st, Richard Wassington, B.D., and Senior Fellow or Vice Gerent in University College, Oxford, is sworn in by the Vice-Provost upon receipt of His Majesty's letters. There is an absolute silence concerning this Provost, his character and his policy. The elections of fellows and scholars for the year had been already held on Trinity Monday by Chappell. Before the next Trinity Monday the new Provost was inhibited by the House of Commons from proceeding to any further election. And this was only the cul- mination of a long series of debates, reports and resolutions which are formally noticed in the Common's Journals from February, 1641, onward, but which were of course the common talk of men from the moment that English agents came to Ireland to seek out complaints against Strafford. When everything he did was canvassed and condemned it was impossible that his alteration of the government of the College should escape notice. What the new Provost therefore found upon his arrival in the College was the excitement of a coming counter-revolution. Thomas Pheasant, the expelled fellow, was evidently busy in fomenting it, for he ultimately (July, 1641) presented a petition to the House against the late Provost. S. P., 1640, p. 242. 268 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY The whole policy of Straffbrd regarding the College was attacked in the person of the now Bishop of Cork, the new statutes were declared a great grievance, and without doubt, had not the rebellion broken out in October, 1641, and absorbed the whole country, Chappell would have been impeached, the statutes would have been abrogated, and those of Bedell (or most of them) restored. Laud too had fallen like Straffbrd into disgrace with the Parliament, and was under impeach- ment for similar reasons. The kind of news, in the absence of newspapers, which reached Dublin must have been enough to fill Wassington's heart with dire alarms. I think it well to quote an unknown document as giving a lively picture of the gossip of the day. 1 The acts of the Irish Parliament regarding the College from February to August, 1641, are worth repeating here. "4th March, 1640-1. That the Government introduced into the College by the late Provost, now Bishop of Cork, and used there M. R., D 71. x "London, 2nd February, 1640 [O.S.j. " This weeke were published some notable treatises, the one is called the Jury or Inquisition de jure divino, whether by divine right it is law- full to inflict punishment upon the Lordly offending Bishops yea or noe. The other is penned by the judicious Lord Verulam, and was presented by [? to] King James when he came first to the Crowne, under the name of Certaine Considerations touching the better purification and edificacon of the Church of England. "We receive noe good newes out of our Northen quarters, for the English army, taking it very il that the Scotts are sooner provided with monies than they, are fallen to a great muttiny and are like to disband themselves. The Parliament sate about the busines to-day for the speedie remedieing of these orders, and for the preventing of the Inconveniences for the time to come. Satterday, Munday, tuesday was spent in the con- sideracon after what manner to pass the bill of subsidies, whether they should use the woord of Comons alone, or add alsoe that of subjects, Comprizing by it the Nobilitie. Itt was discussed with that vehemency that it was thought there would happen some difference betweene the two houses. But the matter was taken up at last by admitting of both these words. "The bill for calling of Parliament, hath in like manner bin indifferently discussed, some ptended it should be held yearely, others once in three THE GREAT REBELLION 269 since the procuring of the late Charter, 13 Charles, hath subverted the ancient and first foundation thereof, and doth wholly tend to the discouragement of the natives of this Kingdom, and is a general grievance. " It is ordered upon question, that the Committee appointed to consider the grievances of the College shall draw up a charge against the late Provost, now Lord Bishop of Cork, since his time of government in the College, and present the same to this House ; and that the Clerk of the Rolls shall deliver unto the said Committee copies of the several charters and other writings that belong to the College, gratis. And the now Provost and Fellows of the College are to deliver gratis copies to the said Committee of all such statutes, charters, and writings as the said Committee shall demand, and think fit to be copied for their better information ; and that William Newman and Robert Conway shall be forthwith sent for by the Sergeant-at-Arms, and answer here unto such matters as shall be objected against them. " It is ordered that the Committee formerly appointed to hear the grievances of the College of Dublin, shall forthwith repair to the Lords, and humbly desire that the Lord Bishop of Cork may be speedily sent for to answer such things as by this House shall be objected against him, concerning his evil government and practice yeares. Nothing is yet concluded in it. His Ma tie declared himself upon the last of November very gratiously under his hand to the Scottish Com" that they should have full power to examine all his Ministers and that hee was resolved noe waies to protect any of them or to foster them in his service, if they were found delinquents by the Parliament. Hee sent alsoe to the house of Comons a gratious message in encouraging them to goe on in examining all their grievances. " The Comittees sitt daily, in examinacon of witnesses against the Deputy and Sir George Radcliffe, though they have already matter enough to condemn them both. On Wensday a new terrible charge was made by Mr. Prynne ag' the Lord Lieut., the proffes of some of them were soe odious and filthy specified by his owne letter, that the house would not abide to heare of them, yet of late they are not soe invective as formerly, they being loth to displease his Ma tie - " Upon the same day the tobacco grievances were taken into con- sideracon. It was given out that my Lord Gorring who is said to have a principell hand in these and other monopolies, had hid himselfe or fled the country. But I am certaine there is noe such matter. Itt continues that Portugall's ambassador is on the way, and our English mchants have b" signifying that 30 saile of shipps coming from the West Indies not knowing of the result were seized upon by those of Lisbourne. The Parliament takes special notice of these great Concurances of the Ruining 270 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY used at the College, at the time of his being Provost there, and voted in this House to be grievances, (i. 349.) " zyth Feb., 1640. A statute lately made, ' that if any student or member of that Society shall offer to exhibit any complaint concern- ing the misgovernment or grievances of the said House to any other than the Provost and Fellows of the same, that he, or they, so complaining shall be forthwith suspended or expulsed ' by which means none of the said students dare exhibit any complaint of their grievances. It is therefore this day ordered that if any such statute there be, the same should be in this particular void and of no effect, and that it should be free for any of the said students, scholars, or others, to present and exhibit to the said Committee all manner of grievances concerning the misgovernment there, or any manner of rights belonging to the said College either wrongfully detained or unjustly made away. And it is further ordered that no student whatsoever shall suffer under the penalty of that, or any other statute to that effect there established, for informing, setting forth, or discovering the several evils, grievances, and misdemeanours under which the College now groaneth." (i. 332.) " Feb., 1640. (p. 353.) The state of the case of the College of Dublin, for so much as hath been reported to the House for the grievance thereof: "Queen Elizabeth by a CHARTER dated the 34th of her reign on of our wicked Ministers of State, and the King of Spaines monarchiall designes. " There is noe more talke of Amboina busines, but excessive rejoycing for the arivall of the Holland Embassador and transfactacon of the knovvne mariadg. Yesterday they had a most stately solem audience in the Banquetting house, the Queen and the royall children being there present. The Bpp. of Lincoln his sermon is put of, the Lord Primate preaching before the Kinge the last Sabath day in divers Churches in London, the people would not abide the readeing of service, but instead thereof fell to reading and expounding of whole Chapters and singing of psalmes. The Arch Bpp of Canterbury being of soe meane a parentage will scarce have the hon r to be brought into the Tower, but rather to the Gat house or to Newgat ; the Articles are ready against him, but the Chardge is not yett given up. Amongst other aggravacons of his against forraigne Churches three spetiall testimonies are alleaged against him which are yet of fresh memory. The one is for denying the prince Elector's chaplain to preach at Court. For altering the forme of the last briefe of the palatine collecons, a cause Intimateing the reformed beyond the seas to bee of another religion, and lastly for disturbing of the Dutch and French Churches in their antient and soe long continued liberties." [No endorsement or address, but clearly from an Irish correspondent in London. 271 supplication made by Henry Usher in the name of the Citizens of Dublin, did erect and found the College near Dublin to be a College and University ; and among other things gave them power, by that CHARTER, of electing their Provost when voidances should happen of that place, and also power of making laws and statutes for the better government of that College, to be made by the Provost and Fellows of that College. "And likewise appointed them thereby Visitors, viz. : the Chan- cellor or Vice-Chancellor of the University, the Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop of Meath, the Vice-Treasurer, the Treasurer at Wars, the Lord Chief Justice of His Majesty's Court of Chief Place, and the Mayor of Dublin. "Statutes were anciently made, whereby the election and the whole government were reposed in the Provost and seven senior Fellows, who were to take an oath when called to their places : and by the said statutes the natives of the Kingdom were directed to be preferred to Scholars' -places, and to Fellowships in that College, before any other the subjects of His Majesty's dominions, cacteris paribus. "About Aug., 1634, Mr. Chappell became Provost and continued Provost unsworn until Trinity, 1637. "About May, (13 Charles, 1637), a Charter was procured to the Provost, Fellows and Scholars of the said College, by which charter the ancient charter seemed to be confirmed in part ; but the nomination or donation of the Provostship thereby was reserved or resumed to His Majesty. "The statutes formerly in force by that Charter were annulled, and statutes annexed signed with his Majesty's hand, with the hand of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and thereby it was further com- manded that these new statutes and none others should be observed, unless his Majesty should be pleased to add to them or to change them as to his Majesty might seem meet. "The Chancellor, or in his absence the V ice-Chancellor, and the Archbishop of Dublin were appointed Visitors, with assent of the Provost, Fellows and Scholars ; yet there appeareth but two of the Fellows that consented to that act and deed Win. Newman and Robert Conway ; so that those two, together with the Provost, seem the only persons of the College that wrought that change, and by their consent would bind the whole College, and those two, such fellows, as by the Visitors, at a visitation held 2oth July, 1636, were deprived of their Fellowships. "By the late statutes it also appeareth that the Provost should not hold a Bishopric while he continued Provost ; and the 272 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY natives ought to be preferred, as they were to be by the former statutes. " Upon acceptance of the late Charter and Statutes, the Provost on Trinity Monday, 1637, took his oath to the new statutes, which oath, during the continuance of the former statutes he would not take. " The Provost put back the natives who ought to be preferred to Scholarships or Fellowships, and fetched strangers of his pupils in Cambridge, though less learned than the natives, and preferred them to the Fellowships and offices in the College, and Scholars' places, less worthy than the natives ; those that were preferred to Fellowships, having spent little or no time in their studies in this College, were suddenly so put into them as though they seemed to have been sent for to accept of them ; when the natives which expected them were prevented by them. "The Mathematic Lectures and the Hebrew Lectures were by the said Provost put down. "The natives of the kingdom by such practices have been infinitely grieved, discouraged, and disheartened to follow their studies. "The Mayor of Dublin, at whose instance the College was founded, and the site and lands on which the College stands by him given, was ungratefully put forth from being a Visitor. "And the two Visitors appointed are not able to redress the grievances, for by express words in the new charter, the Vice- Chancellor and Archbishop of Dublin can do nothing without the approbation of the Chancellor, who is now the Archbishop of Canterbury, and if they shall it must be void. "The Provost, after his acceptance of the Bishopricks of Cork and Ross, continued Provost of the College above two years, con- trary to those statutes to which he was sworn. "There is not among the Senior Fellows who govern with the Provost but only one native now there ; and whereas by the first Charter Fellowships were to be but for seven years, by the new Charter they are to continue their Fellowships for life, so as the averseness settled in those strangers towards the natives is not to be removed in their lifetime, if not extraordinarily redressed. JOHN DUNCAN, ADAM CUSACKE, JOHN BYSE, PAUL REYNOLDS, BRIAN O'NEALE, ARCHIBALD HAMILTON, ROBERT BYSE, WILLIAM PLUNCKETT. "That the Committee of the House now in England, with the advice and assistance of the Archbishop of Armagh, should suppli- THE GREAT REBELLION 273 cate his Majesty for speedy redress ; and that the same may be done by an Act of Parliament to be passed in this Kingdom, discharging the new Charter and Statutes, and re-establishing the first foundation and Charter. "gih June, 1641. (p. 414.) It is voted by the House, nullo contrad., that all and every the proceedings of William Chappell, late Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, and now Lord Bishop of Corke, since he assumed upon himself the office of being Provost of the said College, and during his continuance in the said office are great grievances and fit to receive redress. " That the Provost and Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin, shall this Trinity Monday next, and also hereafter, forbear the election of Students to Fellowships and Scholars' places, until this House gives further direction therein. "Aug. 2, 1641. (p. 521.) For as much as information has been given that Malachy Horgan, John Lissagh, and several other natives of this Kingdom have presented themselves to sit for Scholars' places, and by means of the said former order, the Provost and Fellows may not accept any the natives for such Scholarships, it is ordered that the Provost and Fellows should forthwith take the several natives now ready to sit into their consideration, and pre- ferring those natives bred in the schools of Dublin before other natives, they, according to their several abilities in learning, may be allowed the benefit of Scholarship from Trinity Monday last ; to the end the nation may not suffer by neglect. "Aug. 7th, 1641. (p. 535.) Whereas a complaint being made against the late Provost, that he made several leases of the College lands to the hindrance of the College and the disimprovement of their revenue ; ordered that the new Provost shall make no lease of any of the said College lands, nor confirm any such leases already made, till this House gives further order therein." Hely-Hutchinson, in his MS. (p. 159), has no difficulty in exposing the rash injustice of this attack. The statement about two fellows only having accepted the Charter is false. The protest against the tyrannical rule of preventing appeals to extern tribunals is absurd, for it is the law of every College. The holding of the Provostship with a Bishoprick was legally condoned by the special dispensation of the Crown. The general outcome of the matter is quite plain. Chappell was a creature of Strafford, and therefore everything he did was a grievance. T 274 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY What could the new Provost do, a stranger to Dublin and the College, but sit silent, and watch the current of events leading to an upheaval of the country, and with it of his authority and of the whole College discipline ? With such a prospect his nonentity during these anxious fifteen months is not surprising. There must have been also mutterings of rebellion and dis- order throughout the land, though not sufficient to alarm the easy-going Lords Justices, who had been forced upon the king's choice. The vigorous and soldierly Ormond, whom Strafford had recommended, would probably have saved the situation. People in Dublin seem to have been like the people in Pompeii, who in spite of sundry rumblings in the mountain, lived on in carelessness and ease till the day came when the eruption swallowed them up. These signs had not escaped Strafford, who had an efficient army at hand, now disbanded by the insistence of the English Parliament. The friars and priests must have been organising their followers actively all through- out the year. 1 There must have been plenty of preaching of treason, plenty of secret seditious meetings, and other prepar- ations for war. But the peace established by the great Deputy for the last seven years had spread a feeling of security through- out the country. The Scotch settlers in the north were occupied in concerting with the Recusants for a redress of the grievances inflicted on both by the bishops of the Anglican Church. Strafford had played them one against the other ; they were now disposed to combine against him as the vice gerent not only of the English king but of the Anglican policy of Laud. 1 There are two documents, dated March 31, and September 28, 1639, in the M. R. (D 60, 61), the former a licence from Joanes de Soria, Pro- vincial of the province of Castile, to brother Jacob Lacy, to go to Ireland " for his health's sake " ; the latter from Lacy asking the Provincial leave to go from Askeaton (Co. Limerick) to Cork to see his friends, and endorsed with address to Mr. John Barnewell, apparently a false name for the Provincial then in Ireland. Such documents give us very broad hints of what was going on. THE GREAT REBELLION 275 On the 23rd of October, 1641, the storm broke, and though the attempt on Dublin Castle was foiled at the last moment, the whole of Ulster was in a blaze. The army which Strafford had kept at Carrickfergus being disbanded, the larger part of it, the seven thousand Irish, were ready to join the insurgents for the sake of both patriotism and plunder. Even where massacres did not ensue (and they were frequent enough), the English of the plantation were driven naked from their homes in winter, to find their way as best they could to a place of safety. And in that crisis places of safety lay far away and far between. Like an oasis in that great desert of human crime was the respect with which Bishop Bedell, and those who sought his protection, were treated by the natives who felt that here, indeed, was an Englishman without guile who had sought to understand and benefit the people intrusted to his care. There is no passage in modern history which affords us a closer parallel to this Irish rebellion than the outbreak of the great mutiny in India, where the contrasts of religion and of race were not unlike those of Ireland in 1641, and where the half-civilised majority of subjects wreaked horrid vengeance upon the minority of masters, excusing to themselves every brutality under the cloak of devotion to religion and of ardent patriotism. Worse than all the rest were the outrages upon women and children, as the hateful brood of foreign usurpers ; and these crimes led in both cases to shocking retaliations. War, said Thucydides long ago, is a stern taskmaster, and makes men's feelings as hard as their circumstances. These miserable conditions of the country are necessary to explain to us the few facts we know about the College at this crisis. It is hard to imagine a society more helpless. Their Chancellor, Laud, was in the Tower, awaiting his trial for High Treason against the Protestantism of England. Their Vice-Chancellor, Ussher, was in England and weaned by many incivilities and rebuffs from caring for his old College. The Provost had run away, having "embarked himself for England " 276 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY with the first flight of fugitives from Dublin. The Vice- Provost, Harding, who was involved in the same persecution which had fastened upon Chappell, had also disappeared. 1 And here comes out the fatal weakness of the policy of Laud and Strafford in Anglicising the College. There was but one Anglo- Irish fellow in the College, according to the complaint of the Committee, and that was Seele. The rest were all English strangers. There was no longer a body of local Visitors, such as the Mayor of Dublin, to take an interest in the life of the College. The autocracy of Laud and the Provost had apparently reduced the fellows to mere creatures of the Anglican policy, having few connections in Dublin, and no popularity in the city. This is the real gravamen of the charge made by the House of Commons against Chappell and his policy. Moreover, it was certain that all the income of the College from its northern estates was for the present cut off. There was every chance of the rebellion spreading to the south. The livings in the College gift were worthless. They were indeed vacant, left vacant because the incumbents had 1 This fact, which no historian of the College has mentioned, is certain. Anon., who is careful and well informed in these matters, states (p. 249), without citing his authority, that on November 20, 1640, the following were the Senior Fellows : N. Hoyle, Vice-Provost, Seele, Hatfield, Pepper, Beck- with, Clapton, and Cocke. Accordingly the two English nominees of Strafford, Harding and Marshall, had already disappeared. If we are not deceived by homonymy, this very John Harding, D.D., who had come to promote Laud's policy, turned Puritan with the rise of that party, and is specially complained of by the king in a letter to the Lords Justices (S. P., 1643, p. 384). " We are informed by the Archbishop of Dublin that of late some factious and seditious preachers have appeared in Ireland, &c. We hear that John Harding, D.D., Sub-Dean of our Cathedral Church, is one of these preachers, and that, in the absence of the Dean, he allows similar preachers to ventilate their doctrines in his church. There is to be a Commission to punish these delinquents," &c. We can easily understand the College, in a fit of loyalty, probably when the Lords Justices were deposed in 1643, degrading this man, and taking from him his degree, of which more presently. He reappears as an active member of the Crom- wellian Committee for the restoration of the College in 1650 (below, Chap. VIII.). THE GREAT REBELLION 277 been driven away, and the rectories burnt. Ruin stared them in the face. The House of Commons, however, behaved with commend- able promptness. Not a week had elapsed since the outbreak of the Rebellion, when the Lords Justices and Council issued (October agth) the following order : " Whereas we are informed that the Provost of the College hath left his charge there and hath embarked himself for England, we do pray and require the Lord Bishop of Meath and the Master of the Rolls to repair unto the College, and to take a present account of the state of the same, and withal to take care to see all such plate as they have remaining there, to be carried into the Castle together with such sums of money as they can spare, to be there safely kept for their use. And we do appoint Dr. Teat to take the government of the College upon him, until it shall please His Majesty to make choice of a new Provost, requiring all there to give due respect unto him," &c. It then appears 1 that the Lords Justices appointed Dr. Faithful Teate and Dr. Dudley Loftus, Master in Chancery, as temporarii subrectores^ and authorised the former to occupy the Provost's lodgings in the College. About this Teate Mr. Urwick has gathered some interesting facts. 2 He was a D.D. and educated in the College. I find that a lad of the same name, Faithful Teate, son of a local physician in Cavan, entered in 1640, hardly a year before these events.3 We do not hear one word further of Dudley Loftus' share in these transactions. But Teate turned out a failure. Dr. Stubbs 4 has printed a petition to the Lords Justices and Council showing that notwithstanding their 1 Stubbs, p. 84, without reference. 3 Urwick, pp. 50-2, who shows that he was a consistent non-conformist, frequently persecuted, and also keeping up his connection with Dublin, even after the Restoration. s Nahum Tate, scholar of the College, poet laureate, and known for his version of the Psalms, was his son. The name is spelt in various ways. 4 App. xxxiii (2), p. 411. 278 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY lordships have graciously provided for the maintenance of the College " Yet so many and so great arc the distempers of the said College, through the defect of government and all collegiate discipline for the space of these seven months past, few acts performed therein, for want of a Provost, &c., whereby it is much feared that the said College will return to its former chaos unless sustained by a governor of extraordinary ability," they ask that Anthony Martin, Lord Bishop of Meath, heretofore for a long time a worthy member of that College, may be prevailed on to undertake its guidance. This is signed by thirty-three names, including, I think, all the fellows and some scholars. The answer is dated, June 14, 1642, and summons Dr. Teate to be heard before the Council. The report of the Council to the king must have supported the petition, for the next document (xxxiii (3) ) is a missive from the Lords Justices and Irish Council to this effect : Whereas his Majesty's Letters of March 27 (1643) signifying that "he is given to understand that the person who has now the over- sight of His Majesty's College near Dublin, hath many ways manifested himself to be ill affected unto the present established government under His Majesty's subjection, and is thereby liable to a further inquiry made into his life and conversation, and principally as now His Majesty's kingdoms are full of seditious spirits who have occasioned the great distractions in them," the king therefore orders the Bishop of Meath to take charge of the College, until he shall send over a Provost, and he orders Dr. Teate to surcease any further direction of the College. The Council directs him, as well as the Vice-Provost and fellows, to obey the bishop, and render him all respect and observation. It is plain that Teate was attacked because of his Parliamen- tary and Puritan tendencies. We may from the same causes explain the degradation from his degree of D.D. of Harding, THE GREAT REBELLION 279 Chappell's Vice-Provost, who had once been of the opposite school. We do not find one word in the Registry or in the State Papers about this degradation ; we only know of it from a curious paper (M.R., C 75), wherein the fellows vindicate themselves from the charge of having affixed the College seal to this act of degradation by the Senate without having the right to do so in the absence of a Provost. 1 The affair there- fore took place during the interregnum (16415), and the reasons given are so inadequate that we cannot but suspect it to have been merely the persecution of an unpopular man. Probably it was the Collegiate pendant to the Parliamentary attack on Chappell. But as the Lords Justices, Parsons and Borlase, are usually considered to have been on the Parliamen- tary side, we find it hard to explain their antipathy to Teate, and must suppose that the Royalist feeling in the College pressed them to cancel his appointment, but that it was not done till 1643, when Ormond's influence replaced theirs in the Irish Government. Still there can be no doubt that College and Council agreed to replace this Puritan preacher by a Bishop of known steadiness to the Crown and Anglican Church, though certainly no High Churchman. We have met his name frequently in this history. It may be well, now that he assumes the control of the College, to review briefly his life and character. He was a native of Galway, and possibly born a Papist, for he is said by Ware (I know not on what authority) to have spent the early years of his education in France, whither Galway Roman Catholics generally went. We next find him at Emanuel College, Cambridge, and specially recommended to Ussher by his learned correspondent, William Eyre, who says (in Latin) : " Antony Martin dwelt here with us as you know ; you know him sufficiently well ; I know him intimately. Nationally and in dis- I have printed the text in an appendix to this chapter. 28o AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY position he belongs to you, and he would be ours, not only in disposition and our desires and by his own merit, but also by position in the list of our Fellows, if he had been ours by nationality. Why do I say this ? I will explain in few words. Since this my Martin (for so in fact he is, under my care and in a manner guardian- ship) declines to be ours, I would congratulate him and you if he can be yours and win a place of Fellow in the College of his country. I have lately heard that some are shortly to be received into the roll of the Fellows of Dublin College ; I know also your desire to gather into your seminary the upright and the learned who may rise to be of use in teaching arts and instructing youth, or in gathering in the Lord's harvest in Ireland, that is the most important. For if you have in your seminary those who can laudably and successfully train your youth in philosophy and literature, such as I know well you already have, it will come to pass with God's blessing, that a better class of youth may be kept in Ireland without going beyond your range to Rome or elsewhere. Such an one I trust our Martin will become ; he is indeed such an one as many wish to be taken for and both in literis humanioribus and in integrity of life, a most genuine Nathanael, without guile." x There is no answer from Ussher, or any mention of his being brought to the College extant, but he appears as " Mr. Martin," "reading and moderating" in Hilary term, 1609, 2 with a salary of 2 per quarter. As he was never a scholar of the House, he was appointed a lecturer on his coming to the College. This was evidently Ussher's doing. These wages, as they are called, are regularly entered every quarter till March, 1612. In that year he receives and accounts for College money in the absence of the Provost, as if he were Bursar, as appears more fully in an audit of Ware's. 3 In this year he goes to England on the business of the College, apparently 4 the buying of books for the Library. But he is lecturing again in College at the end of this year. And on June 3, i6u,S he signs with Alvey (as Procanc.), and his fellows the election ot an Edmund Donnellan. He must therefore have been himself a fellow before this date. In 1612 he signs next to Temple, 1 Ussher's Works, xv. 22, 23. . a P. B., 34!). 3 ibid., 7Sb. ibid., Sob, 823, 8;a. s ibid., 189. THE GREAT REBELLION 281 and frequently alone with him, as representing all the rest, in money matters (ib., 204-5). If he was Bursar, he resigned in 1613, when Egerton was chosen. But in that year (November 1 3th) he is appointed Catechist and Lecturer in Divinity in place of Chappell, who had left. This he held till February, 1615, when we find the following entry, which signifies to us that he was leaving : * " Agreed that Mr. Martin should have his fee of fellowship for one year and a half beforehand, amounting to ji2 sterl., provided that he did renounce under his hand all challenge and clayme to any sum of money dew unto hym before he was sworn and admitted Fellow. And further that he be give an acquittance for so much received beforehand for his fellowship. W. TEMPLE, Prov." This entry implies that his salary as Lecturer was not paid him completely, or that there was some bargaining with him, when he came over ; also that the questionable habit of giving fellows who went out after their seven years a "Viaticum," as it was called, was maintained in this way with Martin. He was paid some un- earned salary when he was leaving. This most genuine Israelite without guile was a hot-tempered man, as appears from a letter of Temple to Ussher, in which he sends his kind regards to all the fellows except Mr. Martin, and from several later allusions. But when he passed into the Church, its annals show us that he was indeed an Israelite, seeing that he at one time held four ecclesiastical benefices simultaneously. His advancements are as follows : First, a prebendary of S. Patrick's (Jagoe) ; then Archdeacon of Dublin, holding with it the treasurership of Cashel ; Vicar of Galbally in Limerick, and Rector of Batter- sea, near London ! Then Dean of Waterford, and a preben- dary of Tuam, and lastly (1625) Bishop of Meath. He also paid the College 40 yearly rent for the estate of Bundruis (Co. Donegal) as a middle man, with tenants under him. This was the man to whom the College was entrusted in so great a crisis. He had been driven from his house at Ard- 1 P. B., 207. 282 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY braccan early in the rebellion, his property looted, and he himself in a petition quoted by Ware estimates his losses at over 8,000, showing how prosperous a profession the Church was in Wentworth's time. It is added that he was disliked by the Lords Justices, and seldom summoned to Council, till they passed a resolution asking the members thereof to subscribe some of their plate to meet the crisis. Martin jeered at the notion, saying that he, whose palace in Meath had been looted, had nothing left but a few old gowns. He was then actually imprisoned by the Justices for some time, when he wrote the petition to the Crown just referred to. It must have been as an indirect protest against this rough treatment that the College demanded to have him set over them. The Fellows had not waited for his appointment to petition the Council for their yearly allowance, which was now the only income upon which they could count, and regarding this petition the Lords Justices and Council had made the follow- ing minute, unrecorded by the historians, which I quote from a very illegible copy in the M. R. (D 78) : " May it please y r Lo p . As the losses of many thousands of par- ticular psons Brittish and Protestants by occasion of this Rebellion begetts in all good men m ch pitty and cbpassion, so y calamities which have thereby fallen upon this k g dome in general! and therein upon publique Societies, and amongst them upon y* Colledge neare this citty, one of the greatest ornaments of this Kingedome, we cannot but take to heart with much disquiet of mind, wherefore we crave leave to offer to y r L d p s considderation y* enclosed petition of y 6 Fellows and scholl 5 psented at this board, and doe earnestly beseech y r Lp . . . . pvention of y e dissolution of so royal a founda- tion, whence so many jpsons eminet in learning and pietiehave issued, that y r Ldp s would so pvide as treasure may be sent, whereby we may be inabled to pay the their annuall pention of 400" p. st. now due for a yeare ending at Easter next and so for the future, seinge noe revenue can yet be gotten in yet heare for his Maj tie to this or any other debt of his Maj Hes , and noe rent due to y* Societie by their tenants can yet be had, but all th r lands remaines in hands of the rebelles, so as unlesse y* pention be paid y* Societie will be forced to dissolve, which would be so great a pjudice to this Kingedome as THE GREAT REBELLION 283 we wish and hope by y r L d p's noble favour it may be pvented, and so we remain. Fro His Maj tes Castle of Dublin, Ult Martii, 1642, y l L d ps to be cofided W m Parsons, Jo. Borlase, Ormond and Ossory, C h Lambart, Ad Loftus, Jo Temple, M. Rothera, Fr. Willowby, Ro. Meredith." And in the margin below : "To y e Right No ble Rob. Erie of Leicester, L d Lieutenant Gen. and Govern' giirall of Ireland." The first and most obvious attempt to satisfy this petition was the proposal of Ware in the Irish House of Commons (August 1 6, 1642) to appoint a Committee to find out what lands about Dublin belonged to rebels, wherewith they could now support the College. This inquiry, however, seems to have been fruitless. 1 The old Bursar's book verifies these items, and tells us that of the ^344 received, 82 was by way of contribution from the State, and ji2O borrowed upon deposits of College plate. We also have, not in the Registry, which is a blank for this year, but in a loose sheet (D 81), the list of officers chosen on November 20, 1643 showing that the life of the College and its official acts were still subsisting. Yet I can find no formal appointment of Anthony Martin as Provost, though he signs himself preepos. Coll. in the act appointing Ormond as Chan- cellor, dated March 12, 1644 (O. S.). In the document (M. R., C 78), in which Ormond appoints him and Ware to report on the College, March 13, 1643 (O. S.), he was not yet formally Provost, though he had been appointed nearly a 1 A page of rough accounts of Gilbert Pepper, Bursar from November 20, 1642 to 1643 (B 98), shows that the petition had some further effect, for he gives a list of sums received in that year, viz., sixteen items amount- ing to 344 I2s. yd. and 301 43. cjd. taken out of it for expenses. He notes that the baker and the brewer respectively had been paid 47 33. 5d. and 54 8s. 6d., deducting is. in the pound, apparently for the Bursar. He also states the quarterly expenses in four sums, showing an increasing economy, viz., 100 I2S. ijd., 90 48. ojd., 87 73. 3d., and 66 55. 4jd. 28 4 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY year before (April 25, 1643), to take charge of the College. In KerdifPs petition (M. R., F 83) to be restored to his fellowship by the Chancellor (which was done), he says that the delays in legally appointing Martin Provost, which are not yet over, urge him to make this application. His petition and the order are dated December 9 and 13, 1644 (O. S.), therefore only three months before Martin signs as Provost. Thus his formal appointment must have been somewhere in January or February, 1644 (O. S.). Barrett says that in a Plate book (which I have not yet found) he signs as Provost on February i8th. As he had succeeded to Chappell's work in 1613, so now he succeeds him, not only as Provost, but as a bishop holding the post, which was distinctly against the Statute. But if this did not prevent him from accepting the appointment officially, it was a violation of the letter only, not of the spirit of the law, for his See was non-existent during the Rebellion, and he was forced to live in Dublin with his family in great poverty. In the absence of other documents, the silence of the Registry, and the general panic and confusion which seems to have seized the Government of the country, we have but one source to fall back upon, and that is the old Bursar's book, which contains the receipts of the College written in one direction, the amounts taken out by each Bursar in the other, each item signed by his name from 1626 to 1680. Unfortunately, the Bursars only register the money as " taken out of the College trunke," and do not in this book give any details of its expenditure, such as I have above quoted from a loose paper. Still the general financial condition of the College is to be reconstructed from this book. Chappell had written to Laud, after his resignation, x that having found the College in debt, he had left it ^2,000 in hand, and there must have been credit, for the sums received in the year ending November 20, 1641, that is to say, into the opening of the Rebellion, are in round numbers j 1,370, whereas the expenses are about ^1,760. The details of the ' S. P., 1640, p. 242. THE GREA T REBELLION 285 income rents, the Crown allowance, and the rest are all specified, except the money received from students. In the year following (counting always from November 2Oth) there is only jyo obtained, and under the following entries : "Aug. 27, 1642. Borrowed of y e M r of y e Rolles twentie pounds, y e Coll. stock being then all spent. Sep. I5th Borrowed fro Jacob Kirwan which was received from Mr. Boote fiftie pounds for which there lieth deposited with him in lew therof for the space of nine months the worth therof in plate, the names wherof are written in the Coll. Booke of plate." These entries are immediately followed by those of Gilbert Pepper, which have already been mentioned, and which continue the disastrous pawnings of plate, which scattered or destroyed a collection quite unique. When even the remains which the College still possesses form the finest collection of Irish plate known, what would it have been if almost the whole of it up to 1641 had not been melted down, sold or coined during the dire distress of the Great Rebellion ? x It seems all the worse because in Gilbert Pepper's year public sympathy for the College had been excited in England, and various sums amounting to ^183 came from London and from Cheshire by way of contribution. The appointment of Ormond as Lord-Lieutenant (Novem- ber, 1643) mar ks a change of policy in the management of the State, and also a great improvement in the hopes of Trinity College. The Lords Justices were evidently thought guilty of trafficking with the Puritan party, and Royalist officers were appointed under Ormond (now Marquess), and from the following May an allowance of ^3 los. weekly from so-called dead pays in each company appears in the accounts, which was 1 The only pieces now remaining from before the Rebellion are the flagon and chalice for the Chapel presented by Bishop Richardson in 1632, and a companion flagon given by Moses and Arthur Hill (of Co. Down) in 1637. These are still in constant use, and are noble specimens of the work of the period. 286 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY ordered by him. This, together with ^110 from England and ^50 worth of plate, make up, with a few little rents of parks about the College, the income (^234 145.) of November, 1643, to November, 1644. The same sad story is repeated in 1664-5, except that we find now the first mention of tithes granted to the College, and that Ormond supplements the weekly ^3 IDS. by some small additional benevolences, e.g.^ for one month's commons (July 2ist to August i6th) 14. This implies that the daily fare of the College amounted to 95. 3d. In these days of low prices and scarcity of money, when daily diet could be provided for two or three pence, the Society may have numbered about forty. In a petition of "the students," dated June 2Oth (without year, F 81), that they have kept watch (as guards), and are in arrear fourteen weeks of the 6d. a day granted each of them from the State, it appears that this was at one time the allowance, and it would account only for twenty students. To these the fellows must be added. On January 6th an order of Parsons and Borlase (therefore not later than 1642 O. S.) forbids the quarter- master to billet soldiers under any excuse in the College (F 81). Regarding the sale of plate this year gives us a few interesting details. Under the date April 19, 1645, we have this entry "received of the overplus of the plate coyned by Mr. Scout (Schoute) 6 8s. 4d.," and the note is added : "This plate was pawned 1642 to Albert Butts and J. Price, and afterwards by y m made ov to Mr. Schout 1643, who upp5 nonpayment of y e moneys coyned the plate, and y e principall and interest being paid, there remayned the above named sume." * But from January 2gth to the following August no additional plate was sold. The reason appears in a petition of the fellows dated August 19, 1645,10 the Lord-Lieutenant, which after the usual 1 Theodore Schoute was a Dutch merchant settled in Dublin, important enough to be an M.P. His associate was Wybrants, whose descendants are still well known and respected in Dublin. THE GREAT REBELLION 287 self-commiserations goes on to say that "there being some few small parcells of plate, not hitherto upon exigencies ex- pended, which uppon the utter failing of other supplies y r Pet* thought they might make use of, the R'. Rev. Fath. in G. An. Lo. Bp. of M. (to whom the authority of the House is comitted) will in noe wise give his consent," &c., &c. They " therefore pray that y r Lo 1 " would be pleased to persuade y e s d Ld. Bishop Provost to give his consent for the mainten- ance of us by the s d plate." I This may possibly apply to the plate of the Chapel, which thus escaped sacrilegious destruction. The petition was, however, successful, for the sale of plate begins again in the next month (September I3th) with an item of ^17 IDS. yd., and in the opening of the next year (November 2Oth to February I2th) 43 are obtained from this source, though amongst other gifts from the State were four barrels of herrings, which they sold for 4, and the contributions from the impropriate tithes of Naas, &c., granted to the College. The catalogue of the precious pieces, both intrinsically and historically, absorbed by these years of want would be worth making, in order to show the wealth and dignity the College had attained before its disastrous jubilee. 2 Meanwhile the execution of Laud had left the post of Chancellor vacant, and the new Provost and fellows, with great good sense, appointed Ormond. The deed of appointment, with the College seal attached, is still preserved in Kilkenny Castle.3 Thus a great Irishman, and a layman, replaced the English prelate or politi- cian who had hitherto occupied the position a matter of all the more importance, as by Laud's statutes the Chancellor was 1 M. R., D 89, a mere rough draft with many corrections, and very difficult to read. 3 The last item is on April 2, 1648 ; cf . Stubbs, pp. 85-7. 3 Cf. Book of Trinity College, pp. n, 32, for facsimile of seal and for the text. 288 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY to interpose constantly in the government of the College. There can be no question that Ormond performed this, as he did every other public duty, with dignity and generosity. He contributed, and made his officers contribute, to the wants of the College. His last benevolence before his exile was 20 given to the College, July 13, 1647, and from the officers of the army in September, 21 2s. 6d. On February 25th, on the next page, we find a new patron and protector : " Received by vertue of a warrant from the Governour, Coll. Jones, 12." In the previous May and June the Irish Parliament had been discussing the revival of the charges against Bishop Chappell, and the Provost and fellows were asked, "was it inconvenient to proceed against him," * and members were invited to give the House of Lords details about a new petition of the College. But the Society was too anxious about its daily sustenance to urge prosecutions against the misdeeds of ten years ago. In those agitated times the government of Wentworth must have seemed a thing of the far past, and the violences of his rule a matter of ancient history. It was more important to secure the sympathy of the Parliamentary party, which could easily be done by informing them of the early Puritan history of the College. That this was accomplished successfully appears both from the friendly and practical patronage of Colonel Michael Jones, Governor of Dublin till Oliver Crom- well's arrival, and also from the many sums collected among pious people in London, and sent over for the relief of the College. 2 Though the College rents from the north and from Munster had absolutely ceased, and though we hear of no new students, no Commencements, no public acts beyond petitions for money, we find the Bursars, who change every November 20th, husbanding their little resources (about 1 House of Commons Journals on May 24 and June 2, 1647. Cf. Stubbs, p. 87. THE GREAT REBELLION 289 ^200 per annum), and even beginning the years '47 and '48 with a few pounds in hand. Who were these men that steered the College through such a series of disasters ? With the Provost we are already acquainted. He was evidently not a man of letters, but a vigorous man, a learned man, and an effective preacher. When the Puritan Govern- ment in 1649 ordered the suppression of the Book of Common Prayer in Churches, and the use of the Directory, he disregarded their order, on the legal ground that the old act of Uni- formity, ordering the use of the Common Prayer, had not been formally repealed, and preached, we are told, to crowded congregations in the Chapel on the heresies of the day till the plague, which stops all the records of the College abruptly on May n, 1649, carried him off, and he closed his chequered career in great poverty but in high repute, and was buried under the old steeple beside his Chapel. The Bursars we can enumerate, as we have their entries Nath. Hoyle, Gilbert Pepper, Thomas Seele, James Bishop, John Kerdiff, Will Raymond, James Bishop, Thomas Locke, and Thomas Vale. Only the last, with three others, had been elected Junior Fellows in 1646 by special king's letter to Mar- tin, 1 and this shows that the Corporation were hopeful enough to supply their losses in governors. Every Senior Fellow was therefore Bursar in his turn, and they all dated their election from the days of prosperity. Not one of them is in any way celebrated. Seele, the most successful, having been elected in Wentworth's days, lived to be Provost and Dean of St. Patrick's under the Restoration. Kerdiff, too, was an active manager of College finance, and was entrusted by Cromwell with the re-letting of the College lands in 1657. He had resigned to avoid accepting Laud's Statutes, had been readmitted during the Rebellion, and even made a Senior Fellow, with Raymond Bishop, by special act of the Chancellor ' Reg., 72. U 290 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY (July 17, 1647) to fiN U P tne necessary number of Senior Fellows, of whom, at the moment, Seele only was in residence. Some were dead, and some were fled. Moreover, " for sufficient reasons set down in the Registry " Hoyle had left on July 20, 1646. The Registry is silent on this point, and Hoyle reappears among the Senior Fellows under Winter, the Cromwellian Provost in 1652. It is stated by Urwick (p. 60) that he went to Oxford, and that he obtained a fellowship at Brasenose College in 1649. He was probably invited back to Trinity College on account of his long experience there. And yet this scanty record occupies six or seven pages in giving all the minutes of the evidence against Richard Coughlan, elected but one year before (1646) with Vale to his fellowship. He turned out a very uncomfortable person, resuscitating the traditions of Pheasant, coming unasked into the Board Room, cursing and swearing, and saying openly that the Provost was a fool and a knave and that he would kick him. No defence of Coughlan is given. The three pages of evidence have been partly torn out, I imagine, by some act of violence of Coughlan or one of his friends. But the formal expulsion given with such explicitness and ordered to be put in the Registry some months after the sentence, shows some timidity, or fear of prosecution for illegal action, in the Provost and Senior Fel- lows. In spite, however, of these jars, the new rule of making fellowship permanent enabled the same small band bf other- wise obscure men to follow a prudent and patient policy, which the old rapid change of governors would have rendered impossible. Of students and studies during these times or alarm we hear hardly a word. The Matriculation book gives us the number of lads that entered each year, and from November, 1641, to November, 1657, we nave 4> 7> 4> 3 then a chasm till 1652, and again 4, i, 12, 6. In 1657 prosperity returns and twenty-six lads enter. Yet even in these stray entrances the high quality of the lads does not disappear. Henry Dodwell and Anthony Dopping THE GREAT REBELLION 291 enter together in 1655, Michael Ward (from Shropshire) in 1656. In 1657 a lad born in New England, and in 1659 one born in the island of Providence, in the Eastern Indies, appear in the list. Many of these were the sons of pious ministers, whose missionary zeal had carried them first abroad and then to Ireland, where crowds were reported to be thirsting after the Gospel, and during these years John Stearne was teaching his splendid philosophy of resignation in books of great and curious learning, to which we shall return. But for the moment the incipient and slow fusion of the nationalities in Ireland was rudely interrupted. To be an Irishman now was to be a Papist, a rebel, and a murderer deserving all the vials of God's wrath upon his head. And in this disastrous quarrel Trinity College was unavoidably upon the English side. M. R., C 75. APPENDIX. [Cf. p. 279.] Reasons moving the Sen. Fell, to put the Public Seal to the certificate of Mr. Harding's degradation : 1. The clause in the statute prohibiting the Seal to be put to any instrument in the Provost's absence relates to things which concern the College only. This was a particular concerning the University, which having no other scale than what is of the House when it is required in things concerning the University altereth its propriety and cannot be denied. 2. In things signed by the House w" it is presupposed to be the College seal only the ordinary form of instrument goeth Nos Prctpositn and Socii Sen., &c. In this certificate it was only the declaration of an University Act without any such form. 3. The Vice-Provost having consented to the reading of the Proposition for Mr. Harding's degradation in the University included his own vote in the House, and being conscious to the business as far forth as it concerned the House, we could not expect his negation to the certificate for what before his own eyes was done in the University, espec. having formerly frequently consented to the sealing of the Rev d Father in God the Lord Bishop of Meath, to whom the care and charge of the College is by his Maj. committed, being one of those by whom the seal was commanded, we suppose in a matter (the omission whereof would be scandalous to the 292 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY College and the doing of it no way inconvenient) his Lordship's authority, though in other things not actually exercised yet being in this express, and by us not in anything ever denied, was sufficient, being consentient c Praposito to conclude our obedience. Lastly. In a thing wherein there was no apparent inconvenience to the House. The Fellows were desirous rather to approve their obedience to the commands of the Pro-Vice-Chan cellor in the name of his Maj tles Commissioners than to stand upon the nicety of a statute the literal observance whereof in the absence of the Provost these two years they conceive would not but have been much prejudicial to the College. [It appears from this that His Majesty's Commissioners actually influenced the Pro-Vice-Chancellor to hold a Senate and degrade Harding, and that the Vice-Provost, sitting with him as the second member of the Caput, made no objection at the time, though after- wards he raised difficulties. As there had been no formal Provost for two years the date must be near the close of 1643.] CHAPTER VIII THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) THE plague and the Provost's death were the last and worst calamities which interrupted even the regular recording of the Bursar's work. From May n to November 20, 1650, there is absolute silence. Then six months of entries from Neylan, Bursar, then a huge gap with only two entries of Miles Symner, till 1655. So likewise the receipts, which in those first six months amount to 276, of which jCioo was a bequest or Mr. John Collins of the City of Dublin, vintner, were chiefly grants from the Parliamentary Commissioners, and they stop abruptly ; so does the Registry. We must seek, in the external circumstances of these eventful days, the explana- tion of this strange collapse and silence among the men who had held the College together so long under such adversity. No historian of the College ever threw any light on this chasm till Mr. Urwick, in his pamphlet, gave us extracts from the acts and documents preserved in the Dublin Record Office. The exact date of Provost Martin's death does not seem to be known, but it happened, as I believe, in May, 1650, when the English Parliament had already commenced (March 8th) to take new action regarding the management of the College. This is the document : " All castles, lands, tenements, rents, which did heretofore belong to the late Archbishop of Dublin, the Dean and Chapter of St 293 294 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Patrick and the farm of Ardbrackan, with the parsonage of Trim, shall be vested in HENRY IRETON, WILLIAM BASILE, attorney- general, Col. ROBERT VENABLES, Sir ROBT. KING, Col. HENRY CROMWELL, JOHN COOK, Dr. HENRY JONES, Dr. JONATHAN GOD- DARD, Col. HlEROME SANKEY, Dr. JOHN HARDING, 1 JAMES WHITE- LOCK, JOHN OWEN (clerk), ROBT. STAPLETON, JENKIN LLOYD, and RALPH CUDWORTH (clerk), to hold in trust for the settling and maintenance of the Colledge now in or near the city of Dublin, commonly called TRINITY COLLEDGE, and of a Master, Fellows, Scholars, and officers therein ; and for the erecting settling and maintenance of one other Colledge in the said city of Dublin, and of a Master, Fellows, Scholars and officers and of publique Professors in the UNIVERSITY there ; and also for the erecting, establishing and maintenance of a FREE SCHOOL, and of a Master, Ushers, Scholars and officers there, in such manner as by the said Trustees, or any five or more of them, with the consent and approbation of the Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, shall be from time to time directed. And the said Lord-Lieutenant is hereby authorised and appointed, by warrant, to place in the said University, Colledges, and Free Schools respectively, such persons to be Governors, Masters, Public Professors, Fellows, Scholars, and officers, and to appoint unto them such yearly stipends or salaries out of the premises during their respective lives, or for such lesser time as he in his judgment shall think fit. And likewise to remove and displace such of them as he at any time shall hold expedient. . . . And the said Trustees, with the consent and approbation of the said Lord-Lieutenant, are authorised to consider of and put in writing such rules, directions, statutes, as they shall think fit, for the erecting, maintaining and government of the said University, Colledges, and Free School, and of the Masters, Professors, Fellows, Scholars, and officers there, and the same to send over in writing to the Parliament of England, there to receive such alterations, addition or confirmation, as by the Parliament of England shall be thought fit." And in the mean time the said Lord Lieutenant is hereby authorised by warrant to put in execution all or any of the rules, directions, statutes, as shall be so agreed upon and put in writing as aforesaid." 2 It does not appear from this document that of this Com- mittee Owen was the leading member, but Mr. Urwick 1 Apparently Wentworth's nominee of 1637, above p. 247. 2 Henry Scobell, Collection of Ads, anno 1649, cap. 74 ; part 2, p. 104. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 295 shows it from his memoirs and letters. There follows a most interesting letter from the Trustees, also brought to light in this connection by Mr. Urwick : "To Mr. John Owen, Minister. We have enquired into the present state of the Colledge of Dublin, and do find it furnished with very few officers, the consideration whereof (and the house being at present visited with ye pestilence) move us to dissolve that Society until it shall please God to remove the sicknesse, and some means found out to establish a course which may probably conduce to those good ends. We desire you (whom we find to be one of the Trustees of the Colledge) upon advice with Mr. Thos. Goodwin or others will seriously consider what laws, rules, are fitt to be established in the said Colledge, wherein we desire that the educa- tion of youth in ye knowledge of God and principles of piety may be in the first place promoted. . . . What God shall direct you in this matter we desire you to communicate to us with all convenient expedition, and likewise what qualifications are requisite in ye admission of persons according to the course now used in your University. Dublin, 2nd July, 1651." x From this it appears that Owen was regarded as the proper authority to draw up regulations and make suggestions about the College, now practically dissolved owing to the plague, which seems to have raged in Dublin for a whole year. It appears that the other clerical trustee, the famous Ralph Cudworth, was also in Dublin for a short time, and may have helped Owen with his Cambridge experience. It is to be regretted that this man was not chosen to remain as Provost, instead of Winter, as his name would have added no small lustre to the history of the College. The documents in the Record Office tell us that the letter to Owen, just quoted, was followed promptly by the appoint- ment of Samuel Winter to control the College. But it was not his formal appointment as Provost, which, as in Martin's 1 Public Record Office, Dublin, Commonwealth Records, Vol. A-3Q, fol. 10. There is on f. 120, a letter to Mr. Harrison : encouragement for him and his friends in New England to settle in Ireland ; promises of religious freedom, suitable lands, $c, 296 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTOR Y case, was delayed for a considerable time. This latter, however, is copied in the Registry, under the date June 3, 1652, and was signed by Oliver Cromwell. Yet in a previous entry, wherein the conferring of the degree of B.D. on him is registered, he is already called Provost. 1 The entries (already quoted by Mr. Urwick) show how the reconstruction was begun. The first of them, and one of public interest, was to appoint Major Miles Symner (an old scholar of the College) Professor of Mathematics, in order to instruct intelligent young men in the art of surveying lands an enormous work at that moment, for which there was no efficient staff at hand. Even soldiers were allowed to attend his lectures. 2 Another has a great permanent interest to members of the college, the appointment of John Sterne as Fellow. His matriculation is in the book, at the age of fifteen, on May 22, 1639, and he is even then remarkable as being the first student in the book styled Pensionarius.3 There was evidently a prudent desire to bring back or keep such of the older fellows as were willing to work under the Cromwellian rule. Nor was this unreasonable to expect. The College had from the beginning been Puritan in spirit and traditions. The High Church irruption of Laud and Chappell was superficial ; it had only lasted for a few years, and had passed away like an evil dream. In the com- plexities and confusions of parties that distracted Ireland for eight years, the College had been from its very nature spared all trafficking with either of the Roman Catholic parties. The only question for the Fellows to solve was whether they would be Royalists or Parliamentarians. And even in this 1 Reg., November 18, 1651. 2 ibid., 95. 3 Up to that time there are only three classes occurring in the book (which, unfortunately, begins only with 1637), viz., Sociorum commcmalis (fellow commoner), scholarinm commcnsalis, and Sizator. From 1639 onward pensioners occur more and more frequently, and scholarium commensales less and less, till 1662, when the latter disappear. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 297 dilemma there were not wanting elements of mediation. For if they were a Royal foundation, aristocratic in senti- ment, they were distinctly friendly to the Parliament in their Evangelical doctrine. Ussher, as we know, commanded to his death the respect of Cromwell and his Independents. No English bishop held that position. If Bedell had lived, with his contempt of vestments and of organs in church, he would probably have been similarly appreciated. Henry Jones, Bishop of Meath and V ice-Chancellor, was a brother of Michael Jones, the Cromwellian general, and dropped his title of bishop for the time, while remaining in his position of Vice-Chancellor. * Hence the College had hardly to change its views on religion, and was only required to acknowledge the new Government, which caused no great heartburnings. Moreover, as has been said above, the new Government came in bringing back old friends. Joseph Travers, who had been made fellow in 1630, was summoned from England and made a Senior Fellow and Professor of Civil Law. Nathaniel Hoyle, who had gone to Oxford for some years, came back as Vice-Provost. Stearne and Cusacke belonged to old Dublin families, known for their Protestantism. Both names were connected with the Usshers, and appear constantly in the records of Dublin City. Norbury and G. Marsden were educated in the College. Ed. Veale 1 He showed his interest in the College at the moment of its revival by furnishing, with fittings, the interior of the library then existing. From this older building, now gone, two graceful staircases have been trans- ferred to the present one, with the handsome brass which commemorated the gift : MS Coat of R.D.D. Henrici Jones S T D. Arms. Hujus Academiae Vice Cancellarius Qui propriis sumptibus hanc Bibliothecam pulcherrimo graduum Apparatu fenestris classibus subselliis caeterisque ornamentis instruxit auxit collocupletavit Ann jErae Christi MDCLI 298 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY (or Veele) had connections with Ireland, and a Veele is actually entered (in 1641) as natus in hoc Collegia (a strange birthplace !) in the year 1624. With an additional sprinkling of ministers from famous Puritan families in England, like the Marsdens, or New England, like the Mathers, Owen and Winter might fairly expect the derelict College to be well furnished with new guests. Why Winter was appointed, and not Owen, we cannot tell. He was summoned to attend the Commission sent to Ireland in 1650 "for the settlement of that most distracted and ruined kingdom," as a godly, able, and orthodox Divine. For this call he left a valuable living at Cottingham, near Hull, where he was comfortably settled with a rich wife, who was most unwilling to cross the sea to Ireland. But he was a devoted and zealous minister, whose " opportunities were his riches," as he often said, and the want of Gospel teaching in Ireland was then notorious. The biographer who writes the Life and Death of the Eminently Learned and Pious and Painful Minister of the Gospel* describes him as from his youth subject to fits of exaltation, in which he heard voices, saw visions, and felt in personal and intimate communication with God, with whom he wrestled in prayer, as Jacob did with the angel at Peniel. He had devoted himself from the age of twelve, in answer to a heavenly voice, to the work of the ministry, and took every pains at school and at Emanuel College, Cambridge, to qualify in learning for his profession. The Puritans of that day still kept up the noble tradition of Travers and of Ussher, that those who built their faith on the words of the Scripture were bound to know it in the original, as accurately as possible. Thus he was fitted to take his place as the head of a seat of learning. He confined himself, moreover, to teaching theology, and to con- stant preaching both in the College and the city, and the volume of sermons, or rather the heads of sermons, which he 1 By J. W., London, 1671, THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 299 had preached before Lord Deputy Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell show the wideness of his learning and the subtilty of his arguments. 1 He is said to have "given several considerable sums yearly for the support and encouragement of some poor scholars in the University of Dublin, besides a large sum or money dis- bursed out of his own purse towards furnishing the Library there with books." 2 His general character makes this very credible, though the Registry is silent about it, and though the Matriculation book does not bear out in all its details the statement " he, out of his zeal, &c., in a short time encouraged and procured the return of divers fellows and students to the College, as also the coming over from England of several hopeful young scholars, whereby the College was suddenly replenished with many religious and hopeful young men," whom he taught and prayed with assiduously both in chapel and in his lodgings. The remark must apply to the pious preachers he brought over and made fellows. For, as already noted, the Matriculations do not show a rapid increase or students till 1657. But Winter was not to blame ; he was not only a zealous Christian and a learned man, but a thorough gentleman. He evidently had no strong feeling against the Episcopal Church. Nothing is clearer from our scanty documents than that both H. Cromwell and Winter were afraid of abolishing the Established Church in Ireland before another set or ministers could occupy the charges of the Episcopal clergy. Winter gives in his 1 Gilbert says (Hist, of Dublin) that Fleetwood being an Anabaptist, even kept a preacher at Christ Church to controvert Winter. There is no trace of any such opposition in the Dedicatory Epistle to Fleetwood and Cromwell prefixed to the Sermons. The book was published in 1656 (Bladen, Dublin). The notes teem with quotations from Greek, as well as some from Hebrew. By one of his College ordinances preserved in the Registry, Winter makes a knowledge of Hebrew necessary for the M.A. degree. 3 Life and Death, &c., p. 36. 300 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY notebook * the thirty-fifth article of Cromwell's orders relating to the Church on the maintenance of able teachers, and pro- viding that till provision for the clergy be made, the existing maintenance for them shall not be disturbed or impeached. The succeeding article gives liberty of conscience to all those holding varieties of opinion, provided such liberty does not extend to popery and prelacy. Accordingly, in another part of the notebook (pp. I 5y.), Winter carefully enumerates all the benefices in the diocese of Meath and their yearly values, also such Rectories as would soon fall out of lease. He enumerates with equal care the advowsons granted to the College by James I., and in 1659 the Provost and Senior Fellows formally appoint Mr. Robert Auld by a mistake to the combined Rectories of Cleenish and Derryvullan, and presently separate them and appoint Mr. John Dale to one of them, 2 and also master of Enniskillen school. Dr. Stubbs quotes another case of a blunder of this kind made by these inexperienced men. Winter's policy was clearly expressed by that of his Senior Fellow, Samuel Mather, ordained at Drogheda December 5, 1656, and then preacher in Dublin. "Though he was a Congregational man," says Wood, "and a high Non-conformist, when the Lord Deputy (Henry Cromwell) would send him to Munster to displace Episcopal ministers, he declined, as he did afterwards the like in Dublin, alleging that he was called to preach the Gospel, not to hinder others from doing it." 3 Of course he had soon learned that the Evangelical clergy of Ireland were little removed from his own doctrine. These men never seem to have thought about the Romish controversy. Winter's great and earnest trouble was with the Anabaptists, against whom all the arguments in his published 1 Called Collections, p. 35, in the Library, MS. 804, 6. Cromwell pensioned many of the deprived Irish bishops. * For these accounts cf. Reg., 94 and 97. 3 Quoted from Urwick, p. 78. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 301 sermons are directed. Hence in his notebook he is particular in telling us the number of infants he baptized, and this ceremony (he dared not call it a Sacrament) he held to be one of the greatest means of grace. He also gives numerous lists of marriages, for performing which there was a great deficiency of clergy. He is said to have impoverished himself greatly by coming to Ireland, and to have left the College much indebted to him, and the latter is probably true. The love of good horses was his one weak point, and some of them, which he had brought over with him, the Irish army stole from him on one of his journeys with the Commissioners. The accounts of his later journeys, which he carefully kept, show us constant and considerable items for the keep of his horses shoeing, grazing, frost nails, &c. x There are also liberal allowances for his servants, such as "Tobacco, Tom 35., and Zachary, a pott, ^i ics." Tom may possibly be his nephew. In any case it seems a worldly item. Happily we can learn from his extant will that he recouped himself for his losses by acquiring considerable estates in Ireland one in King's County of 1,000 acres and another, still larger (Agher) in Westmeath, which he bequeathed to his sons and nephew, and which their direct descendants still enjoy. These must have been grants of confiscated lands from the Commissioners to make up for the loss of his comfortable English living. We also find in his accounts a number of small rents for houses, &c., in Dublin and Drogheda received for his mother, who did not die till 1659. This must have been a State grant for her support, and amounted to over jiOO per annum. Entries of the public acts of his rule in the College are but scarce in the Registry. Soon after Henry Cromwell came to command the army in Ireland 2 he was elected by Winter 1 There is a peculiar breed of very large horses still kept at Mr. Winter's place, Agher, in Westmeath. It would be interesting to know whether they are derived from the Provost's importation. a A stray line on a blank page (83) in the Registry, with no signatures states the bare fact that Cromwell was made Chancellor on March 16, 1653. 302 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY and his fellows Chancellor of the University an act absolutely ignoring the fact that Ormond, though in exile, was alive and indisputably the legal Chancellor, who accordingly re- sumed the post with the Restoration. The affair seems to us almost ridiculous, but had its practical uses, for this Cromwell proved a kind friend to the College. If we may conjecture the practical excuse for doing it we shall find it in the proclama- tion of the new Chancellor that strict obedience shall be given to the Provost. 1 This document clearly points to some dis- turbance in the College a sign of returning life, and Winter may have felt that he wanted the support of the head of the Government as Chancellor. His support in matters of finance was not less useful. The Bursar's book shows that in 1656 the Crown grant of ^388 155. was again recognised and two quarters of it in debentures of ^96 155. 8d., as well as a year's arrear, paid to the College. The Commissioners had also attended to the petition of the College and admitted the representations of their Senior Fellow, and now agent, John Kerdiff, who was able to identify the College estates and save them from confiscation among the Cromwellian adventurers and soldiers. The former tenants, if not killed or outlawed, began to pay rent and arrears to save their interests. Numerous This is earlier than we should have expected, for Fleetwood was still Lord Deputy. But I have found in Thurloe (ii. 162) a letter from Dublin dated March 13, 1653, giving a lively account of the landing of H. Cromwell at Ballock (near Kingstown) and his enthusiastic reception by all classes except the Anabaptists. The writer adds : " Yesterday (March I2th) he visited the College, where his Lordship was entertained with copyes of verses, speeches, and disputations." This shows that there was organised life there, but says not a word about his being made Chancellor that week. I suspect, therefore, the date of the appointment in the informal note to be false and that he did not become Chancellor till some years later (1658?). The act of making Stearne Hebrew Lecturer lacked his confirmation till 1659, though made in 1657. There is the copy of a petition (M. R, F 87) made by the Provost and Fellows to him as " Commander of the Forces and Chancellor of the University of Dublin," which is endorsed February 16, '55. But I do not think this title and endorsement conclusive. Keg. 84. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 303 new leases were made by Kerdiff in 1654-7, an( ^ tne sums "taken out of the trunk" in these years (1656-1660) amount to over ^900 per annum. 1 There was therefore now again an ample income to support a large Society. What evidence can we find in the records to show the numbers of Junior Fellows, scholars, or students ? The only serious complaint the historian has to make against Winter and his rule is that there were no regular annals kept of College events, exeats, fines, elections, &c., the Registry only containing isolated entries. So also the Bursar's book, containing an accurate list of the monies taken out by the Bursars, has no accompanying details of the expenditure, and there is an almost complete absence of all those stray papers in the Muniment Room, from which the present history has derived so much information during the earlier years of the College. Winter was not careful of these things, and whatever papers he had, apart from his little book of Collections, he probably kept in his own lodgings and carried away with him when he was displaced by the Restoration. Of the lives of his fellow- workers and compeers we have only one side recorded their 1 We have in the Mumiment Room (F 86-90) a series of papers con- taining a petition to H. Cromwell for power to collect rents (Feb. 27, 1655), an order authorising Kerdiff to do so (Sept. 6, 1655), an earlier provisional lease to Robt. Maxwell (afterwards Bishop) of some lands in Armagh at a rent to be presently fixed for the rest (1654). There is also a Report (March 8, 1656) on the evidence produced by Kerdiff as to the title and conditions of the College estates in Munster given in the appendix to this chapter (cf. also M. R., A, iv. a), and lastly a list of the tenants and their rents for Kilmacrenan, let to them in 1656 for three years, in Winter's own hand. The Provost seems to have confined his attention as to leases to the Ulster estates. He has given us (Collectiotis, p. 58) the gradual improvement in the College rents in the years 1652, 3, and 4. In Donegal alone the rents in 1654 improved by .300 in spite of the heavy duties required by the public purse both on land and stock, viz., out of Dr. Richardson's lease in Tirhugh total rent 116, public rent ^28 IDS. 8d., College rent 87 93. 4d. This was very different from the old Crown rent, and is quoted from his note upon the true value to the College of the estate. The conditions of lease in Kilmacrenan are given p. 65, showing that there was a cess charged on all the stock of the farms. 304 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY religious labours and experiences, while their dealings with the world, often shrewd and practical enough, are studiously ignored by their pious biographers. We have already cited the case of Winter in this respect. There are, however, a few items in the Registry on a great public movement among the soldiers in favour of Irish learning, which are interesting symptoms of the spirit of the times, and to which we shall presently return. It is but common justice to Winter, who has been treated with great contempt by the writers in the Restoration and those that have copied them, to enumerate some other yet unnoticed entries. At the very outset (September, 1652) the porter is commanded on no account to allow the drying of clothes in the Quadrangle or the free entry of women without an order from the Provost or fellows. In the same month comes the appointment of Joseph Travers to the professorship of Civil Law, showing that secular studies were not to be neglected. During May, 1654, twelve students are granted the B.A. and seven the M.A. by consent of the Provost and Senior Fellows. On May 4, 1655,0116 B.D. and fourteen A.B. degrees are thus consented to. Nothing is said about any formal Commence- ment, nor is the consent of either Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor set down. But how dangerous an argument from the silence of the Registry may be appears from entries in the Matriculation book which is quite the wrong place to put them to the effect that on June 2, 1659, John Tailor, seven years a student at Magdalen College, and John Clearke, also of Oxford, are admitted M.D., being recommended by the Chancellor, Henry Cromwell, in plena Senatu Academico. On the same day Thos. Crompton from Brazenose takes the M.A. omnibus exerciti'u preestitis. John Thompson, a few months later, is admitted M.A. ad eundem from Glasgow. There were therefore solemn meetings of the Senate held in 1659, and most probably from the beginning of Winter's rule. In 1654 it is agreed to give Dr. Robert Maxwell a lease of lands in Co. Armagh. 1 On 1 Corroborated by M. R., F 88, in September. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 305 February 2, 1654, formal leave of absence is given to Joshua Cowley, M.A., for six months. We are not told what his duties and emoluments were. In the same month John Stearne, the Registrar, is granted leave to sleep in the city or elsewhere, for the practice of his profession of physic. In November, 1656, Stearne is appointed Professor of Hebrew at a salary of ^30 for life, which act is confirmed, with modifications as to salary, by the Visitors in later acts. 1 In May, 1658, a deed was signed with one Robert Stearne to let and dispose of to the best advantage the College lands in Co. Limerick on leases of twenty-one years, getting a salary of ^30 for the first year and ^20 for the remaining twenty. In June, 1659, the regulations are passed (Reg., 89) requiring from all candidates for B.A. and for M.A. a competent knowledge of Greek, Rhetoric, and Hebrew. There is no mention made of examinations, but merely of certificates from the lecturers in these subjects. The election of annual officers on November 2O, 1659, is recorded (Reg., 91), and on February 23rd in the same year (O. S.) that one James Clelow 2 has been co-opted in the fourth class, viz., a Senior Sophister one of the curiosities of false perspective in a book that omits most of the important occurrences in the College. Such is also Winter's last act (April 2, 1660), to remit the com- mencement fees (ji 45.) to two students on the ground of their good behaviour and proficiency. There immediately follows (Reg., 92) the first stroke of the death-bell of the Protectorate in the College. "March 29, 1660. By the general Convention of Ireland, upon reading the petition of several scholars of Trinity College, Dublin, and consideration had thereof, it is ordered that Dr. Samuel Winter, Provost, and the severall fellows of the s d College uppon sight hereof 1 1657 and 1659. Reg., 90 and 87-8. 2 This Clelow, a curious name, had entered from Chester on July 17, 1657, and was raised to this, the fourth class, before his proper time Hence the special entry. X 306 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY deliver into the hands of Mr. Caesar Williamson and Mr. Francis Saunders or one of them the originall Charter of the s d College and that the s d Mr. Saunders doe deliver to the s d Petitioners a true coppie of the oath mentioned in the locall Statutes of the s d College which the respective Provosts thereof did usually take at their admission, to the end the s* 1 schollars and their Councill might peruse the same. Signed, NICH. BARRY, Clerk of the Gen. Convention of Ireland." Though we are told nothing more, the situation is plain enough. The political pendulum had swung back to Royalty, the Restoration of Charles II. was imminent, and those who served the times must hasten to make their peace, if they would bask in the rising sun. It is obvious that Caesar Williamson and Francis Saunders were the promoters of this petition among the scholars, though they were Senior Fellows, and associated with Winter in his daily work. They knew perfectly that such a petition was directly contrary to the statutes, which confined appeals of students to the hearing of the Visitors. Though Henry Cromwell was gone, they might lawfully have appealed to the Chancellor Ormond, whose return was to be expected. But there was probably no time for these legalities, or compunction in violating them, in the great hurry to declare for the Restoration. So Winter disappears silently, without protest or complaint, displaced, it is assumed, technically, for not having taken the Provost's oath as the petition plainly suggests leaving behind him a good reputation, and taking with him his title to the Irish estates, which he was able to secure for his descendants. Before we conclude our estimate of the condition in which he left his College, we must review the action of the Protector regarding the promotion of higher education in Ireland outside the College. There can be no doubt that Ireland was now more completely pacified than it had ever been since the English Conquest. The strong hand of Cromwell, and the thorough sweeping out of the religious fomenters of native THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 307 rebellion, together with his enlightened treatment of Irish industries, were rapidly healing the terrible wounds of his ruthless sword. Even the confiscations of land, and transplan- tations of natives and Anglo-Irish gentry to Connaught, cannot have been either so thorough or so cruel as they are painted by prejudiced historians. The following facts are established with certainty from Winter's private notes of his life and work in Ireland. He travelled frequently through the remotest and wildest parts of the north (Tyrone and Donegal) and also to Kerry counties inhabited generally by the natives, with some English settlers scattered among them. Excepting the stealing by " the Irish army " of his horses, we cannot find that he ever incurred the smallest danger or annoyance. He never speaks of requiring any escort, or taking any precautions, yet he does tell us that he carried large sums of money, apparently College rents, which he had received. But if we should gather from this that the native population had been extirpated, such an inference is refuted by the fact that more than half the new tenants of such an estate as Kilma- crenan in remote Donegal were people of unmistakably Irish names, paying small rents, and thus in peaceable occupation of their homes. On the other hand I can trace no attempt to induce Irish Roman Catholics to come and reside at Trinity College, as was the policy of earlier Governments, in the hope that they might adopt the creed of their educators. The Puritans were too uncompromising for that policy and indeed the massacres of 1641 had placed a great gulf between the races, and had rudely checked the assimilation which had long been doing its quiet work. But as far as native tenants were concerned and these were not the ditchers and delvers with property less than ^10, who were specially exempted from transplantation the College estates had always favoured them, and favoured them still. As was said in a former chapter, the Church and the College were not bound by the conditions of the original plantation to 308 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY exclude Irishmen from their farms, and the names of these tenants, in Limerick and Kerry, in Fermanagh and Donegal, show that either directly, or through middlemen, the original inhabitants still held their lands from the College. We are told on the one hand, by Prendergast, that nothing could exceed the horror and desolation produced by the Crom- wellian Settlement, which cleared the country of its inhabi- tants, the seaports of their merchandise, the country houses of their traditions. 1 On the other hand, we are assured that a great material prosperity arose in the land, as soon as peace prevailed, in spite of the large confiscations and outlawries, and the replacement of the old by new proprietors. From a Roman Catholic point of view, the former statement must appear the more probable. For that Church was persecuted and swept out with a consistent rigour very different from the vacillating and intermittent repression of the Stuarts. But to tell us that the enterprising English and Dutch settlers in the ports did nothing to revive trade, and that ships no longer visited Galway or Waterford, because the Recusant merchants had left, is to maintain what is in itself incredible, though for some years there was really a deficiency of population in these cities. The Thurloe Papers contain a good many letters on this point, (e.g., v. 508) which show that here the recovery was slow. But on the other hand the peaceably inclined rural popula- tion, which is always the majority, had been suffering from the swordsmen employed in the various armies or raiding for them- selves, much in the same way that Germany had been suffering from the Croats and Pandours under Tilly or Wallenstein. These self-styled gentlemen (like the cadets Gascons), the ances- tors of the squireens and buckeens that infested Ireland till the present generation, were above any industry or labour, and 1 Prendergast was a native of Tipperary and knew little of the North. He went by the letter much more than by the fact. For him an order given or even contemplated was an order carried out. K. B. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 309 regarded loafing and license as the summum bonum> to be obtained only during the cessation of law and order. We are told that 40,000 of these were exiled, or exiled themselves, to seek their fortunes in wars abroad. The relief caused by their disappear- ance more than compensated for all the harshnesses of the Cromwellian Settlement. * The General who paid for all that his army required, and hanged one of his soldiers for stealing a fowl, was a new and strange phenomenon in Ireland. People might now till their ground, and graze their cattle in safety, and accordingly many of the Anglo-Irish Protestants returned and bought farms from the Adventurers. 2 These considerations seem to me to explain the peaceable journeys of Winter, and the rapid rise of the College rents largely paid by native tenants. But quite apart from this financial support of the College the efforts of Cromwell and his advisers to promote higher education in the Irish capital are shown by two proposals, of which the shortness of his rule marred the fulfilment. These were (i) the founding of a New College of equal size and endowment with Trinity, and in its immediate vicinity ; (2) the endowing of Dublin with a great public Library. The documents have been gathered with commendable care by Mr. Urwick, whom I gladly quote : Running through the records of the Commonwealth period, we find a deliberate and growing design to establish a second College in connection with the University, to be called New College, with its Master or Provost, its fellows and its scholars. This design is mentioned in the Act of March 8, 1649-50. Doctor John Owen, when consulted by Henry Cromwell (who asked him for the Oxford Statutes), advised the establishment of this New College on the broadest basis, restoring the University to its primary standing as a clearly national institution. The site selected for the New College lay between the College Park and S. Stephen's 1 Cf. Fleetwood to Thurloe, iii. 559 and Gookin to Cromwell, ibid., v. 646, writing in 1655 and 6. 2 Gookin, he. cit. 3io AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Green and Baggot Street ; and " the Houses commonly called Cork House with its gallery leading towards the Castle Bridge and some ground contiguous thereto " were transferred for the purposes of a Library from Dr. Robert Gorge to the Lord Deputy> Henry Cromwell, on March 20, 1657. "Ordered that the Trustees of ye Colledge at Dublin meet the Com tee of Stores in Cork House to consult concerning the ruinous condition of the said House, and how the same may with most speed be repaired. Also to consider of a lease of the said House, November 16, 1654." ' Among the letters and papers relating to Henry Cromwell during his residence in Ireland, inherited as heirlooms by Mrs. Prescott, is the following interesting account of this scheme as planned and carried out in 1658. It is a letter on a single sheet of parchment, and from the Commissioners to the Lord Deputy, Henry Cromwell. " May it please your Excellency, In pursuance of your Excel- lencies order of Dec. ist, 1658, we have considered of the Act of Parliament and the several particulars mentioned in the said order, and finding that your statutable allowances for Trinity Colledge, Dublin, were in some particulars very slender and meane, we have sett down some small additional allowances thereunto, as by account of the particulars thereof hereunder mentioned may appear, for the payment whereof some of the lands and tithes now vested in the Trustees may be settled on Trinity Colledge. And we humbly propose to your Excellency that the like allowances of sallaries and commons as they now stand with the additions, may be settled and made for the New Colledge as soon as it is erected. We have also in the said accompt set down several allowances for publique Professors, and for the publique Library and Free Schools. And finding that the said allowances soe set down by us (although they be very moderate), doe by near two hundred pounds exceed the several yearly revenues of Trinity Colledge and of the Trustees named in the said Act, besides such part of the Trustees' revenue as may prove non-solvent ; And what must be allowed out of the tithes for serving the cures of several parishes which cannot amount to less than ^400 in the whole, unless upon application to the Parliament, which is desired, some lands equal in value may be granted in lieu of the said tithes, and the tithes restored to the several parishes ; We humblie propose and desire that the lands and possessions of the late Viccars-chorall and Petti-canons of St. Patrick's, Dublin, be granted and confirmed by the State for com- pleating of a competent revenue for the ends in the said Act mentioned in regard it is conceived the said lands and possessions were intended to be granted by the said Act. And in the mean Public Record Office, Dublin, Cromwell Records, A-5, fol. 34. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 311 while that the Trustees be suffered to receive the rents thereof for the ends aforesaid. We further humbly propose that the several allowances soe set down for Trinity Colledge and for the publique Professors and others mentioned in the said account, be respectively paid out of the said Trustees' revenue to Trinity Colledge and to such of the said publique Professors during life as are already appointed ; and the allowances for the other persons to commence as they are or shall from time to time be appointed and settled. And that the overplus of the said Trustees' revenue be layd aside for the building of a new Colledge. And if after the erecting of the said new Colledge, it shall appear that the several revenues of Trinity Colledge and of the said Trustees shall fall short to answer the several allowances set down in the account as aforesaid, and then such proportionable deductions to be made from the respective sallaries in the said accompt mentioned, as shall be thought fitt. " Wee also humblie offer to your Excellency that the ground near Trinity Colledge bordering on Baggottrath Land, Stephen's Green, and the highway, are a convenient place for building of the aforesaid New Colledge, and that St. Sepulchre's, by St. Patrick's church, is a convenient place for settling the Free School therein, and for affording house-room for the Schoolmaster and Usher. "And seeing your Excellency hath been nobly pleased of your free bounty to become the first benefactor by consenting to bestow your interest in Corke House and Gallery adjoining for a public Library and Schoole, we are humbly of opinion that the said House and Gallery is the most convenient place for those uses; and we doe humbly propose that the Books and Manuscripts formerly belonging to the late Lord Primate of Ireland and purchased by the State and Army to their greate and lasting honor for a public good, be placed in the said publique Library. "And not doubting but your Excellency's noble and pious example will be attractive to many others to become benefactors to soe great and good a worke, we doe with all thankfulnesse acknowledge your Excellency's expressed zeale for the publique good and advancement of the Gospel and Learning, the ends of the said Act. And doe humbly propose that by publique authority a Booke or Books may be provided and by certaine hands thereunto to be appointed by your Excellency, be tendered for the subscriptions of such whose harte God shall move to follow your Excellencie herein, and that by such ways and meanes of recommendation to the Judges of the Four Courts and in the Circuite to the Nobility, Justices of the Peace, and the chief men and others of the several Provinces and Countys, and to the inhabitants of the City of Dublin and other Citys and Townes in Ireland ; and to ye Army, as may be further agreed upon and best advance the same. All which we humbly submit to your Excellency's further consideration togeather with the ways and meanes how the said lands proposed for the erecting of a new Colledge may be contracted for and purchased from the parties who have interest therein and procured from his Highness if he have a title thereunto. Dated the i8th day of January, 1658." 3f2 Atf EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Hereupon follows this table of Charges ' : AN ACCOMPT OF THE YEARELV CHARGE OF THE COLLEDGES, PUBLIC PROFESSORS, LIBRARY, AND FREE SCHOOLE ABOVE MENTIONED. Ye Statutable Allowances Additional The Yearely for Trinity Allowances Allowances Colledge, by the including Dublin, Comittee, the Yearely. Yearely. Additions. . t. d. . s. d. . s. d. The Provost too o o .. 50 o o .. 150 o o\ / The Vice-Provost ooo o o . . 20 o o . . 20 o o\ Seaven Senior Fellowes at 9/. 135. 4^. each.. 67 13 4 .. 72 6 8 .. 140 o o Nine Junior Fellowes at 3/. each 27 o o .. 81 o o .. 108 o o 70 Schollers 30 Xaiivcs at 3/. each . . 90 o o 30 o o 1 40 Scliollers at IDS. each 20 o o 8000) Divinity Lecturer 40 o o ooo o o . . 40 o English [Div.] Lecturer 40 o o ooo o o . . 40 o Catechist 13 6 8 ooo o o.. 13 6 8 Bursar 10 o o . . 5 o o . . 15 o Senior Deane 4 o o.. ooo o o . . 40 Junior Deane 2 o o.. ooo o o .. 20 Senior Lecturer 4 o o.. ooo o o ... 40 Six Junior Lecturers THIVITV at 4*. each 24 o o..ooo o o.. 24 o COLLKDGE / Llbrary KeepCr S O .. f t. 6 O Auditor 6 13 4 ooo o o .. 6 13 4 Register 3OO..ooooo.. 30 Bible-Clke 4OO..ooooo.. 400 Butler 2 o o.. ooo o o . . 20 Cooke 900.. ooo o o .. go Manciple g o o.. n o o.. 20 o Gardner 16 o o . . ooo o o . . 16 o Laundresse 4 o o.. ooo o o . . 40 Porter 6 6 o.. ooo o o . . 66 Provost Commons 13 13 o . . 13 13 o . . 27 6 o 16 Fellewes Commons at 13!. 135. each 218 8 o ... ooo o o .. 218 80 f. s. d. 70 Schollers Commons 3 og8 o o at 61. I4S. nd. each .... 470 3 4 . . 75 16 8 . . 546 o o 1,207 3 8 . . 441 16 4 . . 1,649 o o NEW \ THE LIKE ALLOWANCES OF SALLARIES AND COMONS FOR THE COLLEDGK. \ NEW COLLEDGE 1,649 O 1 I will add here that a paper in the M. R. (G 8) gives, after a list of the College tenants and rents, at this time amounting, with the Government allowance, to 1,462 8s. 4d., the full summary of expenses : The full number of fellows and scholars allowed s. d - statutably 698 9 4 Fellows' and officers' sallaries come to about 330 o o The natives' sallaryes to 90 o o The scholars' sallaryes to 35 o o M53 9 4 Thus showing a good surplus. This paper, to judge from the names of the tenants, &c., dates about 1658. I. P. M. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 313 ALLOWANCES FOR PUBLIQUE PROFESSORS, &c. 1 Divinity Professor 100 o o Civil Law Professor. ... 60 o o Phisick Professor who is to reade Natural Philosophy 60 o o ) 334 o o Mathematique Professor 50 o Orator and Rhetoric Professor 60 o Bedell for the University 4 o ALLOWANCES FOR THE PUBLIQUE LIBRARY AND SCHOOLES. PUBLIQUE / Library Keeper 20 o LIBRARY & \ \ (. 26 SCHOOLES I Keeper of the Schooles.. 6 o PUBLIQCE , PROFESSORS ALLOWANCES FOR THE FREE SCHOOLE. >\ \ ,1 I 330 o o ISchoole Master 100 Usher 30 40 Schollers at 51. each yearely 200 Totall of the yearly Charge. THOMOND, ARTHUR ANNESLEY, W. E. SANKEY, DUD. LOFTUS, WILLIAM BASIL, MAWRICE EUSTACE, HEN. JONES, EDW. WORTH, J. STOPFORD, TA. WARE, PAVL DAFYS, FRAN. ROBERTS, EDW. ROBERTS. T. SANKEY, J. i HARDING, Jo. BRIDGES, ROBERT GORGES.' It is interesting to note the items in which the Committee thought the allowances in Trinity College adequate, and where they recommended an increase. In no case did they propose to diminish, still less to abolish, a salary or allowance. Following up this plan we find the following orders : " Whereas an Act of Parliament dated 8th March 1649, intituled an Act for the better advance of the Gospel in Ireland, Wm. Basill, John Cook, Esqrs., Dr. Henry Jones, Dr. John Harding, Col. Hierom Sankey, are appointed Trustees in behalf of Trinity Colledge, Dublin. Ordered that the said Trustees be desired to attend the Commissioners of Parliament on Friday at 2 p.m., about the lands settled for maintenance of the Colledge, and Free Schools, in and near Dublin, and Mr. Barry, the clerk, is then to be present. And Dr. Gorges is desired to bring with him the report and proposals presented to the late Lord-Lieutenant about the said Colledge. " The said Council taking notice how that it is a duty incumbent upon them to consider all due ways and means for the advancement of learning and training of youth up in piety, have thought fitt to appoint Wednesday next, being the i4th inst., in the afternoon, for 1 MSS. belonging to Mrs. Prescott, 13, Oxford Sq., London, W. See Hist. MSS. Commission, Appendix to 2nd Report, p. 98 : " 1658, Jan. 18, Return signed by the Earl of Thomond and others of the Revenues of Public Institutions in Ireland." 314 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Dr. Winter and five of the Senior Fellows of Trinity Colledgc, Dublin, as arc now resident there, to attend at the Council Chamber to the end they may be informed concerning the government thereof ; gth Dece., 1659." ' There is nowhere, so far as I know, any account of the special benefits expected from this New College. It was in no way intended, as certain modern projects might suggest, for a place of education differing in creed or other educational principles from Trinity College. We can see no better reason than the desire to imitate the very exceptional type which had grown up historically at Oxford and Cambridge, and which every Englishman from that day to this considers the normal type of an University to be copied by the rest of the world. The failure of the earlier Halls mentioned in this volume does not, however, imply the failure of this experiment, had it obtained a fair trial, and it is interesting to speculate how the history of Dublin would have been changed, had another College filled up the space proposed, including part of Merrion Square, and bordering on S. Stephen's Green, and the present College Park. The other attempt of Cromwell to promote learning in Dublin was to set up there (not in the College) the famous library of Primate Ussher, who had received the honour of a public burial in Westminster Abbey on April 17, 1656, and whose books were forthwith offered for sale by his impoverished daughter, Lady Tyrrell, the grand-daughter of Luke Challoner. The facts have been thus gathered by Mr. Urwick : In the Minutes of Council (Oliver Cromwell present), June, 12, 1656, we read : " That it be referred to Dr. Owen, Mr. Caryll, and Mr. Sterry, or any two of them, to peruse the Catalogue of Bookes in the Library of Dr. Ussher, deceased, late Archbishop of Armagh, and to certify their opinion to the Counsell what manuscripts or other books, part of that Library, are fitt to be bought by the State, and in the meantime the Public Record Office, Dublin, Cromwell MSS., A-i;., fol. 67, 92. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 315 sale of the said Library and of every part thereof is to be forborne ; whereof all those whom it may concern are to take notice and to inform themselves accordingly. ' Mr. Urwick proceeds to give eleven extracts from State documents regarding the sale of Ussher's books. From these I shall only quote the last three : (9) In the Letter of the College Commissioners to Henry Crom- well, they say : "Seeing your Excellency hath been nobly pleased of your free bounty to become the first benefactor by consenting to bestow your Interest in Corke House and Gallery adjoining for a Publique Library and Schoole, We are humbly of opinion that the said House and Gallery is the most convenient place for those uses ; and we doe humbly propose that the Books and Manuscripts formerly belonging to the late Lord Primate of Ireland, and purchased by the State and Army, to their greate and lasting honor for a public good, bee placed in the said publique Library." 2 (10) "Ordered that it be and is hereby referred to Sir Hardresse Waller, Major-general of Foot, the Lord Chief Justice Basill, Baron Sanchey, Dr. Gorges, Capt. Dean, Capt. Hopford, Capt. Warren, and Capt. Standf ord, or any three of them, who are desired to take a view of the Gallery at Cork House, and ye Armory Room neer ye Castle, and having called before them such persons and workmen as they should hold fitt, they are to consider which place shall be most convenient for placing ye late Dr. Ussher's Library, and to present an estimate of the charges for making presses and chaines for ye Books, in order to use and security. And ye Secretary attending this Board is to attend ye Major-General that the meeting may be hastened and report made unto ye Board for further con- sideration. Dated at ye Counsell Chamber, Dublin, ye 29th of June, 1659. Tho. Herbert, Secretary." 3 (u) "Ordered that such of ye Trustees for Trinity College as are in or near Dublin, as also Dr. Winter, Dr. Gorge, and Mr. William- son, be desired to attend ye Board upon Thursday, ye 3rd instant, at 3 in ye Afternoon, and to consider together how ye Library, formerly belonging to Dr. Usher, purchased by ye State and Army, may be disposed and fitted for public use. And also to take into considera- tion a Ire. from Dr. Bernerd, as also a paper delivered by Dr. Jones, concerning ye publishing some part of ye said Library or Manu- scripts, and of recovering some part of ye said Library, being at 1 R. O. (London), Dom. Interregnum, I. 77, p. 175. 2 Dated January 18, 1658. MSS. of Mrs. Prescott, Historical MSS. Commission, loc. cit. 3 Cromwell MSS., as before, A-I7, fol. 6. 316 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY present abroad in some men's hands, albeit, they ought to have been returned hither with ye bookes already received ; and to inquire whether ye present Catalogue comprehend all ye bookes which were purchased, or such only as were sent hither and are in custody of Mr. Williamson or others ; and to informe themselves in what condition ye said Library at present is ; whether since ye coming of ye said books hither, any of them have been lent out, or otherwise disposed of ? To whom ? When ? And by whose order ? With what else may concerne that business. Dated at Dublin, ye first of November, 1659.' Tho. Herbert, Seer." I need but remind the reader that Dr. Bernard, in his funeral sermon on Ussher at Westminster Abbey, had suggested this benevolence of Cromwell's soldiers by mis-stating the circum- stances of the first foundation of the College Library. Still it remains true that soldiers had joined in the earliest endow- ment of the College ; he might have added that in recent years Colonel Michael Jones and his officers had contributed to its support, when it was starving under the scourge of the Rebellion. But before the books, which had reached Dublin, could be deposited in Cork House the Restoration supervened, and in 1661 they were deposited in the Library of Trinity College, as " the gift of His Most Serene Majesty Charles II." It is therefore in transferring the gift intended for the city to the College, and in this respect only, that Charles II. (besides his Act of Settlement) benefited the Society. Probably the transference was suggested by the Duke ot Ormond, though he had not yet returned to Ireland. The Restoration is beyond the limits fixed for this volume. But the words just cited are a good example of the credit taken by the returned Royalists for the large ideas and generous plans of the officers of the Commonwealth. Thus the Charter and establishment of the School of Physic was due formally to Charles II., but the whole basis had been laid by John Stearne, who as early as 1654, when the College was making no proper use of Trinity Hall, and when the Corporation threatened to resume it, made the beginnings of 1 Cromwell MSS., as before, A-i;, fol. 83. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 317 a medical college by residing there, probably with some students, and promoting the foundation of that famous Corporation, the College of Physicians, which is even now not wholly divorced from Trinity College. But these obscure beginnings, and long unrewarded labours, are forgotten. So also the Free School, which the Cromwellians would probably have founded beside St. Patrick's, suggested the foundation of the King's Hospital and Free School, known as the Blue Coat School in Blackball Place, Dublin. In Ireland at least the Protectorate was no mere interval of republican usurpation, when unauthorised and incompetent people exercised authority and did public mischief to the exclusion of the legitimate officers of the Crown. It was rather a period when a group of very able, though narrow, men managed to restore order and then set themselves to the improvement, materially and morally, of the country they had conquered. If they made mistakes, they also had great successes, and above all, they brought fresh ideas to bear upon the subject of educa- tion, by which the Restoration largely profited. Thus the Trinity College which Ormond found again upon his return as Chancellor was no decayed and impoverished Society, whose learning and whose prosperity had disappeared during the political turmoil of the Rebellion and the Usurpation, but a well-ordered home of learning and piety, with its old estates secured, its privileges protected, and some of the very governors he had left in possession when he went into exile still at the helm, and ready to serve under the restored royalty. It is this unbroken continuity through many generations that constitutes the nobility of a family, a Corporation, a State, and this quality no art or mystery has ever been able to counter- feit. It is the a/o^atoc TrXouroc Kal a pen] of Aristotle, hereditary wealth and ability telling upon many generations, each one of which keeps drifting from the crudities of youth, and acquiring that mellowness of age which is indeed the rich 318 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY autumn of human civilisation. The men of the Restoration did their best to obscure this noble continuity. Bishop Jeremy Taylor, the new V ice-Chancellor, a great man of letters but a most mischievous politician, gives an account of the College as he found it to Ormond, 1 which seems a direct contemporary contradiction to what I have been writing. He says he found " all things in perfect disorder, indeed so great as can be imagined to be consequent on a sad war, and an evil incompetent Government set over them." He thought "there were no University Statutes, no established forms of conferring Degrees, no Regius Professor of Divinity, scarce any ensigns academical." The good Bishop was talking Restoration rubbish, and maligning his pious and able pre- decessors. Had what he said been even approximately true, Trinity College would not have become in a few years what he himself calls "the small but excellent University of Dublin." But as the assailants of Straffbrd would prove that everything Chappell had done was a grievance, so the assailants of Crom- well would prove that anything Winter had done was disorderly. We can judge these things more calmly now. Bishop Jeremy Taylor, though he did lasting mischief in the north by perse- cuting the Presbyterians, did much good for the studies or Trinity College. But Winter did so also and did not persecute. Of the men gathered round him in the College, few have left us books whereby we may judge them. But there is one who well deserves to be viewed as an author, inasmuch as his literary work must have been done during Winter's rule, and before he devoted himself to the practice of his profession in Dublin. John Stearne had been exiled when an under- graduate by the Rebellion, and prosecuted his studies at Cambridge. But as soon as Winter became Provost and peace was restored, he returned and was admitted a fellow. Amid the dearth of details about the social life ot the 1 Stubbs, p. 107. THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 319 College, and of the city beside it, under the Common- wealth, the books remaining to us from John Stearne's pen are a valuable and little known source of information. He tells us, in the Preface to his An'imi Medela (Bladen, Dublin, 1658), that his father was an immigrant, married to a niece of James Ussher, and that after good schooling (which he does not further specify) he entered Trinity College (1639, aged 15, according to the Matriculation book). He was evidently among those who fled in panic to England, at the outbreak of the Rebellion, without time to pack up his possessions (and indeed, he says, he had none to pack) and then owing to the influence of his grand-uncle (then in England) with Samuel Ward, the Primate's old and learned correspondent, now master of Sidney Sussex College, he was there entertained and educated, till the troubles of the time reaching Cambridge also, he migrated to Oxford, where he was likewise treated with all hospitality by Seth Ward, then Savilian Professor of Geometry. But the distress of the Civil War also invaded Oxford, and he felt himself a burden to his hospitable entertainers. He seems to have been brought up with royalist people, and the king's execution evidently threw him and his friends into the greatest trouble and perplexity. Then, he says, in his sore mental distress, he sought and found in the Stoic philosophy a spiritual haven, which he confesses with shame might have been found long before in the Christian religion. This auto- biographical note he puts in his book, as one that has escaped shipwreck sets up his votive tablet. However, in this philosophy, he " found peace," and now convinced that wealth and pro- motion were of no consequence to happiness, he returned to his own people in Dublin, where an unexpected good fortune awaited him. Taken up favourably as a Dublin man, and recommended by his teachers from England, he was presently made a Fellow, Tutor, Senior Fellow, Registrar in Trinity College, and successively Professor of Civil Law, of Hebrew, and of Physic in the University. He was besides a physician 320 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY in large practice in the city. He was after the Restoration the founder and first President of the College of Physicians. But all these official duties, ably as he may have performed them, are but the outside of his life. His inmost soul, his peculiar and special love, was for theological ethics, for the pro- blems of the soul and its connection with the body, for the search after the summwn bonum here and hereafter. The anxious speculations of his time of trial at Oxford, where he had been converted by the school of Chrysippus, were brought into order by him and produced as The Healing of the Soul y to which title is added a list of the grave problems discussed Free Will, the efficacy of Prayer, the origin of Evil, the nature of Repentance, besides the psychical causes for tears and ecstasies in fact a whole philosophy of practical life. He followed up this curious book, which teems with the learning of the ancients, with a pendant on the Cure of the body, called a Dissertation on Death, on its nature, and the means of delaying it, and seven years later with a book of aphorisms for life, chosen from many great sources. It is beyond the scope of this work to enter at any length into the views and theories of Stearne on these vast problems. His combination of Stoicism and Christianity is ingenious, his use of corroborative texts from divers sources an evidence of great and varied learning. But we are much enlightened on the spirit of the day in educated Dublin by the external aids which he invokes to obtain a hearing for his theories. And let us note in passing that he is absolutely silent on the medical side of his education. It is known from other sources that studies in anatomy were being carried on at that time in Cambridge, and from the fact that he himself tells us the religious world looked on the medicus as atheus, and moreover resented his incursions into theology, we can see that these studies on the human frame were best kept secret. The founding of a separate house for medical studies points to the same conclusion. Stearne was evidently anxious to secure himself from the perse- THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 321 cution of the Calvinistic bigots. His first book begins with the Imprimatur of the Government, signed Thomas Herbert (clerk of Council), April 17, 1657, a year before the work was published. Then follows a somewhat fulsome Dedication to Henry Cromwell, now Lord Deputy and Chancellor of the University, whose benefits are tot et tanta, tanta et tarn divina, that without him as Chancellor the atrophied Society would hardly have retained the privileges, certainly not the appearance, of a College. Then comes the autobiographical open letter already noticed, and then complimentary letters and verses from three bishops Raphoe, Ossory, and Kilmore. Was there ever greater care taken to establish the orthodoxy of a book ? But the notable thing is that now, under H. Cromwell, he appeals not to preachers, not to his Provost Winter, but to bishops. Educated public opinion was evidently turning in their favour ; prelacy was no longer a bugbear, and even stately Church services were again* tolerated. Thus Langley, writing to Thurloe * under the date August 14, 1658, speaks with some contempt of " great stories told here of the retinue and great state the Lord Deputy of Ireland (H. Cromwell) takes upon him, they say far beyond what Strafford did his stately march to the church, with maces borne on horseback, the mayor of the cittie and all other persons of state attending him with great majestic ; his sitting above in the church in a stately seat, his wife opposite to him in as much ; the sumptuous chairs belonging to these seats, with cullor and fringe, is not left out." When such ceremonies were in fashion, the Puritan spirit must have been much diluted in Dublin. Stearne's second book, QavaroXoyta seu de Morte Dissertatio, published in Dublin and London, 1659, shows the same features in its preamble. There is a rhetorical imprimatur signed by William Petty, clerk of Council on January 31, 1658-9. The 1 Thurloe Papers, vii. p. 335. H. Cromwell was never much of a Puritan. Mrs. Hutchinson calls him a " debauched, ungodly cavalier." He wanted to marry the delightful Dorothy Osborne, afterwards Lady Temple. R. B. Y 322 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY dedication is no longer to Cromwell, who had departed, but to the Trustees appointed to look into the finances of the College, and work out the scheme of founding a New College. Then comes a letter of commendation to his brother Robert, and then an open letter to the reader, which is remarkable for an out- spoken attack upon the ignorance and intolerance of the preachers who only knew Calvin's system, and had dared to criticise him. In this spirited passage he ridicules these cobbler- theologians, who think themselves fit to profess that science, and he warns the Professors of Logic that they will be the next attacked. Stearne's attitude is therefore declared, and then follow not only verses from his old patron Robert Maxwell, Bishop of Kilmore, but a letter of commendation from Jeremy Taylor, at the moment living in his delightful retreat at Portmore, near Lisburn, whither Lord Conway had invited him to lecture and preach. So we have Stearne in the very best High Church company. It need not surprise us that his aphorisms (in 1666) were dedicated to Ormond, the restored Chancellor, in language similar to the earlier dedication to Cromwell. He even says that he had chosen a similar patron for his former book. It is somewhat pathetic that so earnest and scientific a student of longevity should have had his own life cut short at the age of forty-five. This curious piece of forgotten literary history seems to prove that the Church of Ireland, with its Evangelical temper, was not at daggers drawn with the Government of the Pro- tectorate, and that society in Dublin, during these ten years, must have regained much of its gaiety and its charm. The country was perfectly safe. Ludlow could have a country house at Moncktown (as he calls it) several miles from Dublin, without any danger of a raid from the O'Tooles in the Dublin mountains. Winter, as we have told, could travel where he liked without risk, and so there was time to study, peace to meditate, and the conditions of University life were not unfavourable. We have in Dudley Loftus another man who THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 323 was piling up erudition, and making translations of Logic from the Armenian, during these very years ; and from Loftus's editing of the posthumous work of Stearne, we knew that they were personal friends. These are the few stray evidences I have been able to gather of a deeply interesting but almost wholly unrecorded decennium in the life of Dublin and its College. The elder John Stearne * is remarkable above his fellows in many ways. He shows us what excellent teachers Winter gathered into his staff. He shows how superior the Anglo- Irish intellect, when properly trained, was to the pure English so largely imported in those early days into Trinity College. Next to Ussher, he is the most remarkable Fellow produced in this period by the College, but differs from him widely in being the first example of that peculiar type which distinguishes Trinity College, Dublin, to the present day. Instead of devoting all his life to one study, he mastered several branches and, so far as we know, taught each of them as ably as any of his colleagues. From that day to the close of the nineteenth century this manysidedness has been the peculiar fashion of the College, and has produced men whom specialists have acknowledged as masters in each of their studies. This quality was originally stimulated by the circumstance of a small staft being compelled to teach many subjects; but its strange success in avoiding superficiality must be due to some deeper cause than this, or the many and stringent requirements of the Fellowship Examination. The real cause seems to be the versatility of the Anglo-Irish intellect, that type represented all over the world in so many successful soldiers, traders, lawyers, statesmen, that it may fairly be regarded as the most valuable strain in the very composite Anglo-Saxon race. Trinity College has been from the beginning the College of this Anglo- Irish breed, and that is the reason why it has flourished and ' His son, John, became Bishop of Clogher and Vice-Chancellor, and a great benefactor to the College. 324 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY produced great results in the face of great obstacles, in spite of many rebellions and revolutions. With this recognition there- fore of John Stearne, as the first notable example of a permanent type, we may fitly close the history of the first seventy years of a famous Society and of its influence upon the history of Ireland. APPENDIX. (M. R., F 89.) To the Right Hon bu . the Lord Deputy and Council. May it please your Lordships, According to your Lordships several references to me directed, the one dated the of March, 1656, and the other dated the xii 111 of May, following upon the Petition of the Provost, Fellows, and Scholars of Trinity College, near Dublin, touching their interest in certain Lands and tithes in the Provinces of Munster and Ulster, I have examined the business to me referred in the presence of Mr. , John Kerdiff, Agent for the said College. Who produced unto me Letters Patents under the great seal of Ireland, dated at Dublin the xxviii th of June, in the 39 th year of the reign of the late Queen Elizabeth, whereby she did give, grant, and confirm to the then Provost and Fellows of the College aforesaid the towns, villages, hamlets, lands and hereditaments particularly mentioned in the said letters Patents, and also in a particular or Schedule thereof hereunto annexed, To have and to hold the premises to the said Provost and Fellows and their successors for ever, for and under the several and respective rents in the said letters Patents expressed and reserved, which in all amount to the sum of xxiv" x s ix d Irish yearly at the feast of St. Michael and Ester by even portions, with a clause of distress therein contained for non-payment of the said rent. And there is also a proviso in the said letters Patents contained to this effect, that if the said towns and lands, or any part thereof, should be wasted, depopulated or destroyed, by reason of any Rebellion, Insurrection or any other means, so as the said Provost and Fellows of the said College should not enjoy the same, that then, during the time of such wasting, depopulation, &c., the said Provost and Fellows should not be bound to pay any rent for the premises so wasted, &c., as by the said Letters Patents appeareth. And the said Mr. Kerdiff also produced unto me a letter directed to the Commissioners general of the Revenue in Ireland, and sub- scribed by Walter Thomas and Whithall Brown (which he affirms to be the Com" of the county of Kerry) and which is dated from THE PROTECTORATE WINTER (1652-60) 325 Tralee the io th of August, 1655. In which letter is expressed, that for the years 1654 and 1655 mentioned in your honor's order of the 14 th of April, 1656, The College lands in that County were in the year 1654 set for xxiv u paid into the public Treasury, and in the year 1655 were set for about 73. As by the said Letters (thereunto annexed) appeareth. The said Mr. Kerdiff also produced unto me another writing, stil'd a List of such Landes within the County of Limerick as do belong to the College near Dublin, Endorsed with the name of John Teige, who is affirmed by the said Mr. Kerdiff to be Clerk to the Commissioners of the Revenue of the Province of Limerick. Whereby is expressed, that the College landes lying within the County of Limerick were for the year 1655 let for the use of the Common Wealth for the sum of cxxxvi 1 '. As by the said writing hereunto (also annexed) appeareth. He also produced unto me another writing, dated Sept. 1655, subscribed by William Purefoy, affirmed to be Governor of the Province of Limerick, and by Robert Cox affirmed to be one of the Commissioners of the Revenue there, Requiring that the rents of the Lands specified in the said list or Schedule should be paid to the said Mr. Kerdiff for the use of the said College, and desiring the Receivers, Surveyors, and all others concerned to take notice thereof. As by the same writing (also annexed) appeareth. The said Mr. Kerdiff also produced unto me another paper signed by William Hartwell, affirmed to be then Receiver of the precinct of Limerick, dated at Limerick 14 th Sept., 1655. Whereby the said Hartwell (though acknowledging the rents within his charge to appear due to the said College) yet certified : That in regard the same, with others in a rent roll, were returned to the Commissioner General as a charge upon him the said Hartwell. And for that he was by his instructions not to issue out any part of the Public Revenue, but by special warrant, with a Letter of Advice from the Commissioners General, he therefore refused payment thereof. As by the same writing (which is also hereunto annexed) appeareth. But it being demanded of the said Mr. Kerdiff, who were in possession of the said Lands and premises before and when the rebellion began, He acknowledged, that after the passing of the said Letters Patents and long before the beginning of the rebellion the most part of the said Lands and premises were granted to divers persons in fee farm, who were since acting in the late Rebellion. The names of which fee farmers, together with the Lands to them granted within the several counties of Limerick, Kerry, and other counties and also the rents reserved to be paid for them, are men- tioned in a List or Schedule hereunto annexed. But the said Mr. 326 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY Kerdiff affirmed unto me that in all and every the conveyances so made there was reserved to be paid yearly to the said Queen Elizabeth her heirs and successors all chief yearly rents and annual profits going out of the premises so granted, which to the said Queen or her Ancestors were of right due, or to be paid, with a Covenant also from every such fee farmers to pay the same. And that there was also by every such conveyance reserved to be paid to the said Provost and Fellows a certain yearly rent with a Covenant also from every such fee farmers that the same should be paid accordingly at the daies limited, and certain sums (nomine pcence) thereby reserved for the non payment thereof. And that there was also in most of such conveyances a condition contained to this effect, that if the rents and nomine penes (sic) aforesaid should be unpaid for one year after the days thereby limited for the payment thereof, that then upon Notice and certificate thereof to be given by the said Provost for the time being to the Lord Chancellors of Ireland, the Lord Chief Justice of the chief place and Master of the Rolls for the time being, or to such of them as should be in Ireland, and by the consent of them or any two of them under other hands, It should be lawful for the said Provost and Fellows and their suc- cessors at their wills and pleasures into the same lands to re-enter. And after such re-entry every such conveyance should be void. And the said Mr. Kerdiff also affirmed unto me, that in most of the conveyances aforesaid there is a covenant from the said Provost and Fellows to each fee farmer to this effect : That if by reason of any rebellion, invasion, or insurrection the lands so granted or any part thereof should happen to be waste, so as the Grantee should not receive the profits thereof, and should continue so waste above one year, That then for every year after such first year, there should be allowed and abated to the Grantee the seventh part of the rent of the premises so wasted. If the said Queen her heirs and successors should allow the same to the said Provost and Fellows according to the said Letters Patents. And the said Mr. Kerdiff produced unto me a deed purporting to be a counterpart of one of the fee farm deeds, and which was made between the said Provost and Fellows and one Daniel Ferris . . . and which I find to be made according to the effect and purport aforesaid. And affirmed that though he could not, for the present, produce the rest of the counterparts unto me, yet within a short time he would produce them. All which I now humbly certify unto your Lordship (as I would have done far sooner, according to your Lordship's references), but that the said Mr. Kerdiff (being otherwise busied abroad about the occasion of the College) did not thoroughly attend the business before this time. 24'* Feb., 1657. WILLIAM BASIL. APPENDIX [These Statutes were brought into order, amended, altered, and imposed upon the College by Provost Bedell and his Senior Fellows in 1629. I have added a few notes on the changes made by Laud, and on some technical terms.] STATUTA COLLEGII SANCT& ET INDIVIDU& TRINITATIS JUXTA DUBLIN A SEREN1SSIMA REGINA ELIZABETH A FUND ATI SEPTEMBRIS 23, 1628. Quod quaesitum est in Sociorum juramento Cap. 7, quid Ecclesiastici Beneficii noie intelligatur, post varies tractatus, reque diligenter considerata, universaliter quodvis Beneficium Ecclesiasticum cum curd, sive quod sine cur& dicatur, eo nomine intelligi censemus. GUILIEL. BEDELL, Praep. SEPTEMBRIS 24, 1628. Quod dubitatum est de Clausula Cap. 6ti, Quod si quern Uxorem duxisse compertum sit y ei an ad Matrimonium quoque initum, antequam illud Statutum conditum esset, extendatur : cum Leges (quod dici solet) non respiciant ; id de Uxore tantum post earn Legem ducta intelligendum judicamus. GUILIEL. BEDELL, Prasp. 327 328 APPENDIX IN NOMINE SANCTISSIMJE ET INDIVIDU^E TRINITATIS IN STATUTA COLLEGII DUBLINIENSIS PREFATIO. Permagnam vim in doctrinarum studiis existere, ad ex- colendos hominum Animos, et a fer& agrestique vit& ad humanitatis et Religionis officia traducendos, vel inde facile constare potest, quod non solum priscis temporibus, apud Hebreos, ./Egyptios, Graecos, et Romanes, Literarum politiorum disciplinae viguerunt, sed etiam posterioribus hisce seculis, eaedem (postquam Barbarorum incursionibus profligatae aliquandiu a communi hominum consuetudine exulassent) revocatae sint, et apud plerasque nationes in magno honore constitutae. Ut exteras nationes omittamus, intuemur ANGLIAM nostram, in qua" tot passim extructae Scholae et tarn illustres Academiae testantur, omnium Artium quibus Sapientiae Praecepta continentur rationem et disciplinam summae curae clarissimis Principibus et Magnatibus fuisse. Neque vero dignas tantum existima'runt quae ab indigenis Anglis studiose colerentur, sed cum in iis tantum ad Pietatem et Humanitatem momenti situm esse perspicerent, de literarum quasi Colonial aliqua" in HIBERNIAM (inqu^olim floruerant) reducenda" cogitarunt. Et factum est singulari praepotentis Dei Providentia et misericordia erga Gentem Hibernicam Antichristianae Religionis Tyrannide oppressam, ut Serenissima Princeps Elisabetha Collegium SANCT^E TRINITATI juxta Urbem Dubliniensem extruendum cur&rit : quod et annuis redditibus dotavit, et ACADEMLE privilegiis ornavit. Id exemplum ejus ut Solii ita Pietatis successor JACOBUS (Regum quos unquam viderat BRITANNIA longe doctissi- mus) secutus, magnis id proventibus et Latifundiis auxit. CAROLUS vero ejusdem pietatis ex asse haeres, Diplomate ad APPENDIX 329 Proregem scripto privilegiorum a Decessoribus suis indultorum se conservatorem indulgentissimum professus, studium insuper suum erga id Collegium tanquam verae Religionis Cultusque civilis et bonarum Artium Seminarium, clementissime testatus est : Quoniam vero inter privilegia a Serenissima Regina ELISABETHA Collegio indulta illud praecipuum est, quo Praeposito et Sociis ejusdem Collegii Leges, Statuta, et Ordinationes, pro eodem pie et feliciter gubernando, condendi potestas conceditur ; quod etsi tentatum, nondum perfectum et absolutum est : Nos Praepositus et Socii quorum nomina subscripta sunt, pro facultate nobis concessa, officio nostro consentaneum duximus, quae a decessoribus nostris recte et utiliter sancita sunt, quaeque ad Collegii regimen accommoda- tissima videntur, in unum corpus conferre, et separatis quibusdam Capitibus comprehendere. DE CULTU DIVING. Caput Primum. NEMINI obscurum esse potest, quam infeliciter succedant omnia cum praepotenti Deo debita verae Pietatis officia minime deferantur. Primum, inquit CHRISTUS, queer it e regnum Dei, et justitiam ejus y et ista omnia vobis adjicientur. Hinc igitur admoniti, primo z de iis praecipiendum putavimus, quae ad Religionis officia pertinent. Preces Deo publice in Sacello offerantur mane et vesperi. Qua autum hora preces inchoandae sint, de eo Praepositus Collegii et major pars Sociorum Seniorum statuito. Formula sit ea, quae in publica Ecclesiae Hibernicae Liturgia praescribitur. Et quoniam locorum sacrorum respectus ipsi quoque religioni reverentiam conciliat, Sacehum anterius et interius decore semper habeatur, non modo in sartis tectis, et fenestris, ac pavimentis, sed mensa sacra decenter cooperta sedibusque a situ et pulvere 1 Laud overlooked this word in adapting his Chapter IX. from this. 330 APPENDIX detersis. Neque in Sacello quicquam nisi sacrum personare fas esto. VOLUMUS autem et statuimus, ut e Collegii studentibus singuli Artium Magistri, sive Socii fuerint, sive Sociorum Commensales, sollenne illud publicarum precum munus per se aut per alium diligenter obeant. Quod si quis vicem suam neque ipse obeat, neque per alium supplendam curaverit, ita ut preces ad horam constitutam omissae fuerint, nolumus illi ullum vel invaletudinis vel negotiorum praetextum sufficere, quominus quinque solidis Anglicanis continue et absque ulteriori causae examinatione mulctetur. 1 Multam impositam delinquenti Praepositus, vel in ejus absentia Vicepraepositus, aut Decanus exigito, idque pro ratione praescripta in Statuto de Multis exigendis. Si quis Studentium qui non sit in illustriori aliqua facultate Baccalaureus, a precibus abfuerit, puniatur quemadmodum aliis deinceps Statutis praescribetur. Ante cibum quotidie in Aula praelegatur Caput aliquod veteris aut novi TESTAMENTI. Lectores sunto Scholares, Baccalaurei et Sophistae qui stipendiis Collegii aluntur, quisque secundum ordinem senioritatis suae. Initio cujusque lectionis precationem fundat Lector ad hanc formulam. DOMINE, revela oculos nostros, ut intuemur mirabilia de Lege tua. Finita Lectione, subjungat alta voce ; Da nobis Intellectum, DOMINE, et observabimus Legem tuam ; toto Corde observabimus earn. Inde benedicat mensas hac formula : Ocull omnium ad te respiclunt Domine, tu das Us escam eorum in tempore opportune : Aperis tu manum tuarn, et imples omne animal benedictione tua. Miserere nostri te qu&sumus Doming tuisque donis^ quee de Tua benignitate sumus percepturi y benedicito, per Christum Dominum nostrum. Finite prandio et caena, Gratias agat hac formula : Tibi lauSy tibi honor, tib'i Gloria, O beata et gloriosa Trinitas. Sit nomen Domini benedictum, et nunc et in perpetuum. Laudamus 1 This absolute fine if the reader disappoints is still inflicted. APPENDIX 331 te t benignissime Pater, pro serenissimis y Regina Elisabetha hujus Collegii conditrice^ "Jacobo ejusdem munificentissimo auctore, Carolo conservator e, c&terisque benefactoribus nostris : rogantes te ut his tuis donis recte et ad Tuarn Gloriam utentes in hoc Seculo, te una cum fidelibus in futuro f&liciter perfruamur^ per Christum Dominum nostrum. 1 Porro Lector post medium prandii aut Caenae sistat se coram Praeposito aut ejus locum tenente, et Sententiam aliquam e Lectione memoriter recitet clara voce, unde occasio nascatur Sermonis religiosi. Atque ut Sacrae Scripturae contextus omnibus fiat familiaris, volumus ut quisque si non BIBLIAM saltern NOVUM TESTAMENTUM habeat de proprio. Sacrosanctum Eucharistae Sacramentum secunda ad minimum Dominica cuj usque Termini celebretur ; praeter diem Natalis Domini, Paschae, Pentecostes, et Dominicae quae dicitur Trinitatis. Assistat celebranti quispiam e sociis, in ordine saltern Diaconatus, quern Praspositus ad id munus advocaverit. De sanctificandis per quosvis studentes diebus Dominicis, qui Collegio praesunt, ii solicite et diligenter providento. Locum igitur et tempus sacris concionibus habendis constitutum singuli in Collegio studentes seposito omni praetextu semper obeunto, et in eisdem audiendis, se quanta cum Reverentia et Attentione fieri potest gerunto. Si qui abesse deprehendantur, ii pro qualitate delicti et personarum puniantur, Quin etiam si qui diebus Dominicis otiose in plateis substiterint, aut ingre- diantur Tabernas, aut ludicris cujuscunque generis exercita- tionibus intersint, in eos severe animadvertatur. Volurnus insuper, ut Praepositus vel quispiam e senioribus Sociis ad Catechistae munus quotannis eligatur. Is quolibet die Sabbathi hora secunda pomeridiana, per singulas Anni Septimanas, in aliquo Catechismi Capite adhibitis interroga- 1 These graces are still in daily use with Laud's variants that spcrant is substituted for respiciunt, and rccte ad Tuam, &c., is said omitting et. Laud adds an English Collect to come after the 3rd Collect at Morning Prayer, pro Benedidione Stitdiorum, and also directs a shortened Form of Morning Prayer. 332 APPENDIX tionibus et respensionibus Scholares erudito. Quinetiam per singulas cujusque termini septimanas, die et hora a Praeposito et majori parte Sociorum Seniorum praescriptis, Catechismi Caput aliquod oratione continua accuratius tractet et per- sequatur. Quo in munere sic Catechistam versari placet, ut intra spatium unius Anni singula Catechisticae institutionis Capita percurrat, et interpretetur. Hujus Auditoressunto tarn Baccalaurei quam studentes juniores. Porro Praepositi et Sociorum Seniorum erit, videre, ne quae Pontificiae, aut alterius haereticas Religionis Opinio intra Collegii fines alatur, aut propugnetur, sive publice sive privatim. Quod si acciderit, volumus ut quam primum impiae Opinionis progressus intercipiatur. Praeterea nemo in Sociorum numerum eligatur, qui Pontificiae Religioni quatenus a Catholica et Orthodoxa dissentit, et Romani Pontificis jurisdictioni per solenne et publicum juramentum non renunciaverit. 1 D QUALITATE ET OpFICIO PRAEPOSITI. Cap. 2 m . Exigit Politici Corporis ratio, ut ante omnia Caput constituatur a quo cetera membra dirigantur. Statuimus igitur ut Praepositus a Senioribus sociis eligatur, moribus probus, vita integra, et fama inviolata, annos natus ad minimum triginta. Et qui deinceps eligetur non solum Magister in Artibus esto, et ad binas Pra?lectiones Theo- logicas quovis termino publice in Sacello praestandas alligatus, sed etiam Baccalaureus in Theologia, vel Professor in eadem facultate et in sacris ordinibus constitutus. In ejus Electione volumus et Statuimus ut, caeteris paribus, extraneo educatus in 1 Though retaining some details, this Chapter is largely modified in Laud's Chapter I X. He specially directs that no other than the Anglican Catechism shall be taught. The Holy Communion is to be celebrated by the Provost, or senior Doctor of Divinity in the College, though he may be assisted (even in Laud's statute) by a deacon. APPENDIX 333 Collegio prasferatur. Nee habeat quicunque electus fuerit, quamdiu Locum et munus Praepositi supplet, Ecclesiastica, ut vocant, Beneficia uno plura, idque non alibi quam intra tria milliaria a Collegio ad Ecclesiam parochialem Ecclesiastici beneficii. Sit porro in re familiar! providus, res Collegii et negotia ita administret, ut non suum, sed Collegii commodum quaerere videatur. Et neque gratiae in causis cognoscendis decernendisve, neque odio, neque ulli animi perturbationi pareat, sed aequitatem ducem semper sequatur. Huic volumus singulos Socios, Scholares, et Collegii Ministros suo Ordini subesse ; eique in licitis et honestis, exercitium Scholasticum, aut dicti Collegii Regimen, aut commodum, aut honorem tangentibus, sine murmure obedire et parere. Officiariorum et Lectorum imprimis curam habeat, ac illos si muneri suo desint (uno ex Sociis Senioribus consentiente) pro arbitrio suo puniat : nisi poenae aliqua expressa mentio pro ea culpa in Statutis fiat. Ouo in Officio eum manere volumus, quoad bene se honesteque gesserit, et secundum Statutorum praescripta vixerit. NOTE. Laud, adopting this Chapter generally, makes the following modifications : (i) The Provost is allowed to accept any Ecclesias- tical dignity short of a Bishoprick, provided it does not interfere with his residence land duties ; (2) ,His power of punishment is made more explicit and absolute in that (a) the Provost need not have the consent of any Senior Fellow, (6) in all cases not specified by the Statutes he has power to inflict what he deems a suitable punish- ment ; (3) he is required to be celibate, and to resign the Provostship if he marries. Dfi JURAMENTO PRAEPOSITI. Cap. 3- Statuimus, ut qui ad Praeposituram Collegii eligatur, hoc juramentum sequens publice in Sacello praestet : EGO, G.C. huic Collegio SANCT^E TRINITATIS hoc sacramento meipsum adstringo, ac DEO teste promitto ; primo me veram Christi religionem ex anirno complexurum ; Scrip- turae Authoritatem hominum judiciis praepositurum, Regulam 334 APPENDIX Vitae, et summam fidei ex verbo DEI petiturum ; caetera quae ex verbo DEI non probantur pro humanis et non necessariis habiturus ; l Auctoritatem Regiam in omnibus summam, et externorum Episcoporum jurisdictioni minime subjectam aestimaturum, et contrarias verbo Dei opiniones omni volun- tate et mente refutaturum. Deinde me omnia died Collegii beneficia, fundos, praedia, possessiones, dominia, proventus, jura, Libertates, privilegia, omnia denique bona sine imminutione et vastatione quantum in me situm erit, conservaturum, et administraturum. Statuta hujus Collegii pro virili mca in omnibus servaturum, iisque omnibus qua; ex eorum prae- scripto gerentur meum assesum accommodaturum. Omnes- que et singulos Socios, et Discipulos, Pensionaries, Sizatores et subsizatores, 2 et caetera Collegii membra, ex iisdem Legibus et Statutis, sine ullius generis, aut conditionis, aut personarum respectu, gratia aut odio recturum et defensurum : atque ut praedicta omnia legitime et salutariter ab aliis administrentur ac defendantur curaturum. Turn, me neque in meis, neque in alienis negotiis (quia praesentia Praspositi necessaria judicatur) amplius sex in Anno septimanisS a Collegio abfuturum, nisi vel Collegii, vel Regni negotia, vel Regia Auctoritas me alio avocaverit, aut vis, morbus, contagium, aut alia quaepiam causa necessaria, a Sociis senioribus aut majore eorum parte,4 intra sedecim dies ante vel post dictas sex septimanas expletas approbanda, impediverit. Denique si loco motus fuero, aut si sponte cessero, me omnia Collegii bona quae in mea potestate sunt, aut esse debent, Praesidi et Quaestoribus sive Thesaurariis Collegii vel statim si id fieri potest, vel intra quindecim dies sine controversia et imminutione redditurum. Postremo juro, si munere Praspositi jure et legitime abdicatus fuero, me nullam Litem Actionemve Collegio, aut his qui me legitime abdicarunt 1 This clause was omitted by Laud as smacking of Puritanism. a There were no subsizars in Laud's time. 3 Laud allows two months. 4 In Laud's book this power is reserved for the Chancellor or Arch- bishop of Dublin, Visitors. APPENDIX 335 ea de causa unquam in posterum intentaturum. Item quod non impetrabo dispensationem aliquatn contra juramenta mea praedicta, aut contra Ordinationes et Statuta Collegii, vel ipsorum aliquod, nee Dispensationem hujusmodi per alium vel alios publice vel occulte impetrari aut fieri procurabo, directe vel indirecte, nee impetratam qualitercunque acceptabo. 1 Hxc omnia et singula observabo, ita me Deus adjuvet, in CHRISTO JESU.2 DE SENATU COLLEGII, CONSTANTE EX PRJEPOSITO ET Socus SENIORIBUS. Cap. 4. Quia in Academica Societate bene constituta ea Ratio plerumque tenetur Societatis administrandae quae ad Aristo- cratiae formam proxime accedit, existimavimus non potuisse nos huic Collegio melius consulere, quam si in eo gubernando ad modum Aristocratic um procederemus. Ac proinde cum potestas nobis concessa sit, sanciendi eas Leges quae ad hujus Collegii gubernationem aptissimas judicabuntur, et cum nihil de numero Sociorum ad Collegii regimen Praeposito adjunc- torum definitum adhuc habeamus, Volumus et statuimus ut quos Praeposito vel charta fundationis, vel Collegii particularia Statuta, ad meliorem rerum singularum procurationem adjunx- erint, ii Sociorum septenario tantum numero constent, sintque ex iis qui suo gradu et ordine senioritatem inter alios Socios obtinent, et idcirco Socii Seniores appellentur ; reliqui vero Juniores. Senorium Sociorum authoritas qualis esse debeat, partim Chartae praedictae legibus, partim variis Collegii Statutis expositum est. Volumus igitur ut Praepositus et horum Seniorum pars major, nempe quatuor, rem quamvis in delibera- tione positam definiant et concludant. In Seniorum numerum 1 This clause is omitted by Laud. 3 Tactis sacrosaiictis Christi Evangdiis, Laud. This taking of oaths was against Bedell's Puritan principles. 336 APPENDIX si quando locus aliquis prorsus vacaverit, c Sociis Junioribus proximus suo ordine et vice succedat, et deinceps honestiora stipendia accipiat : ita tamen ut judicio Praepositi et majoris partis Seniorum probatus, intra duos menses secundum Chartam fundationis nova Electione, sive admissione inter hos septem (quos solos proprio nomine Sociorum in Charta rundationis accipiendos decernimus) cooptetur. NOTE. This Chapter was wholly rewritten by Laud, to whom the idea of an aristocracy ruling the College was abominable. He made the Provost absolute in his control, but using the seven Senior Fellows as assessors. If any of these was absent after any summons from the Provost, the latter was to command their votes in addition to his own. The confirming election of a Senior Fellow two months after his formal selection was also abolished. Moreover, in all acts of the governing body the Provost (or Vice- Provost) must be present, and apparently consenting. He was given an absolute and explicit veto in matters (such as leases) which required the College seal. D SCHOLARIBUS. Cap. 5. Reliquum Collegii corpus e Scholaribus constat ; quo nomine turn Discipuli, turn Socii Juniores comprehenduntur. In Discipulorum electione volumus et statuimus, ut praecipua ratio habeatur Ingenii, doctrinae, virtutis et inopiae. Et quo magis quisque ex eligendorum numero his rebus excedit, eo magis, ut aequum est, prseferatur. Omnes qui Discipulatum in Collegio petunt, ab electoribus ab hora octava antemeridiana ad decimam, et ab hora secunda pomeridiana ad' quartam, per duos dies diligenter quid in Grammatica et literis humanioribus possint, examinentur. Atque die electionis, omnes qui Discipulatum petunt nomina sua et comitatum Regni in quibus nati sum, Praeposito et Sociis Senioribus tradenda curent, quae coram omnibus electoribus recitentur. Sumantur autem potissi- mum et eligantur ex eorum numero (si modo idonei sint, et APPENDIX 337 caeteris pares reperiantur) qui in Scholis Dubliniensibus educati sunt, aut nati in hujus Regni comitatrbus ac locis, in quibus Collegium praedia, fundos, proventus ac reditus habet : ut quorum labore ac sudoribus Collegii membra omnia et singula sustentantur, eorum potissimum liberi in eodem educentur, et virtute ac humanioribusque literis ad reipublicae utilitatem instituantur. Alioqui ex aliis regni partibus, aut Dominiis Coronas Magnae Britaniae subditis indifferenter ad numerum supplendum qui maxime idonei videbuntur, semper sumantur. Nullus haeres qui jam sit, aut patre mortuo futurus sit haeres, cujus haereditas summam decem librarum excesserit, in hunc numerum cooptetur. Nemo eligatur in Discipulum, qui non sit ad Logicam in aula discendam idoneus. Sociorum et Scholarium Electores iidem sunto. Post Electionem a Praeposito quam primum commode fieri potest, omnibus Electoribus praesentibus, in Discipulos admittantur. Senioritas Discipulorum tempore admissionis praescribatur a Praeposito et majore parte Seniorum Sociorum, sed habita ratione aetatis, doctrinae, et virtutis. Discipuli autem stipendia nemo diutius accipiat, quam donee Magistri in Artibus gradum adeptus fuerit, aut per Leges Academiae annuarias adipisci poterit, aut in Socium eligatur. NOTE. This Chapter was adopted by Laud, adding an annual day of election (Trinity Monday) and expunging the clause by which the seniority of the scholars was determined by the Board on the day of election. Seniority on the College books was the determining cause till 1851 ; since that time, the list is arranged in order of merit. In Laud's Statutes the next Chapter (VI.) gives the oath of the scholars, swearing allegiance to the king, and obedience to the laws and Regulations of the College, but containing no declaration of creed. DE SOCIORUM ELECTIONS. Cap. 6. Volumus et statuimus ut in Socios Probationarios sive juniores ii solum cooptentur quorum de Religione, Doctrina, 338 APPENDIX et moribus, turn Praepositus, turn Socii Seniores honestam et bonam spem Animis conceperint, quique septem minimum terminos, post susceptum Gradum Baccalaureatus in Artibus, Studiis operam dederint. Discipuli ipsius Collegii semper praeferantur, atque similiter tenuiores ditioribus, doctiores indoctioribus, et probiores minus probis ; modo caetera respon- deant. Eligendi potestas sit penes Praepositum et majorem partem Sociorum Seniorum. Praepositum semper turn domi esse volumus, nisi morbo aut aliqua causa gravissima prae- peditum. Cujus locum post viginti quatuor dies (si Praepositus interesse non possit) suppleat Vice- Praepositus. Modus autem erit hujusmodi. Primum omnes Electores memores juramenti Collegio jam praestiti, provideant et statuant, se neminem in Socium electuros, qui sit Infamia notatus, de Haeresi proba- biliter suspectus, aut moribus et vitae consuetudine dissolutus, sed eos duntaxat, quos teste conscientia idoneos judicaverint. Et quo magis libere in hoc versentur, volumus ut si ad eos aut eorum quemlibet literae vel nuncius a quacunque persona in favorem alicujus candidati mittantur, is pro ea vice omnino inhabilis ad capessendum locum Socii judicetur. Quod si quispiam eorum quibus eligendi potestas tributa est, vel munere donatus, vel spe muneris inductus, cuiquam suffragatus esse deprehensus fuerit, et coram Praeposito reliquisque Sociis Senioribus de eo legitime fuerit convictus, Collegio expellatur. Quatuor diebus proxime praecedentibus electionis diem, ab hora octava antemeridiana ad decimam, et ab hora secunda pomeridiana ad quartam, omnes Electores diligenter exquirant, quid singuli eligendi, sive sint Baccalaurei, sive sint Magistri, in bonis Literis efficere possint : Primo die in Dialectica et Mathematica ; secundo in Philosophia turn naturali turn morali ; tertio, in linguarum cognitione, in historiis et poetis, et in toto genere humanioris literaturae ; quarto, in scribendo de themate aliquo et versibus componendis. Qui autem nomen suum, et nomen Comitatus in quo natus fuerit, ante electionis diem Praeposito aut (eo absente) Vice- Praeposito APPENDIX 339 tradendum non curaverit, aut qui dictis quatuor diebus, horis praescriptis Electorum questiones examinationesque non sus- tinuerit, in eligendorum numero pro eo tempore non habeatur, neque in ea electione in coetum Sociorum cooptetur. Suman- tur autem potissimum et eligantur ex numero eorum (si modo idonei habeantur, et caeteris pares) qui nati sunt in Regno Hiberniae : alioqui ex aliis locis coronae Magnae Britanniae subjectis, ad numerum supplendum, qui maxime idonei vide- buntur semper sumantur. Postridie ejus diei, vel intra triduum quo Electio facta est, omnes electi admittantur in plenum jus juniorum Sociorum, et percipiant ea commoda et fructus, qui hujusmodi Sociis ex statutis praescribuntur. Et si quispiam eorum die admissionis vel aegrotaverit, vel justa de causa abfuerit, nihilominus tamen senioritatem suam habeat, pro ratione inferius praescripta. Senioritas Sociorum constituatur, si teneatur, juxta ordinem et prioritatem admissionis in Sociorum numerum, nisi disparitas gradus aut anni impediat. Jus Sociorum retineant Socii, quamdiu per Chartam funda- tionis, aut aliam a Regia Majestate impetrandam permissum erit. Quod si quern Sociorum aut Scholarium uxorem duxisse compertum sit, eum Societatis omni jure privari volumus. NOTE. This is Cap. VII. in Laud. He, however, abolishes the condition of seven terms standing, which Bedell had taken from Christ's College, Cambridge. He fixes Trinity Monday as the only day of election, and it has so remained till to-day. The admission was made more formal, and in the Chapel. The submission of juniors to seniors is made more explicit, and the Fellowships made for life instead of a vague or seven years' tenure, the existing Fellows being specially excluded from the new privilege of life tenure. It is clear from the wording that a new Charter was already in prospect when this chapter was written. JURAMENTUM ELECTI SoCII, VEL DlSCIPULI. Cap. 7. Ego A.B. electus in numerum Sociorum (Discipulorum) hujus Collegii, sancte coram Deo profiteer, me sacrae Scrip- 340 APPENDIX turze authoritatem in Religione summam agnoscere, et quaecunque in sancto Dei verbo continentur vere ex animo credere, et pro facultate mea omnibus opinionibus quas vel pontificii vel alii contra sacrae Scripturae veritatem tuentur, constanter repugnaturum. Quod ad Regiam Auctoritatem attinet, Serenissimi Regis CAROLI earn secundum Deum summam in regnis Angliae, Scotiae et Hiberniae esse agnosco, et nullius externi Principis aut Pontificis potestati obnoxiam. Profiteer insuper me nullum Ecclesiasticum Beneficium jam possidere, nee quamdiu in hoc Collegio versabor, ejusdem sumptibus aliqua ex parte sustentatus, deinceps accepturum ; nisi in Urbe Dubliniensi, vel in loco ita vicino ut et discipuli (Socii) et fidelis Ministri officio defungi possim. Distantiam Loci intelligo, trium milliarium ab urbe Dubliniensi. Quinetiam Statutis Collegii, quae legitima authoritate sancita fuerint, et in quorum approbationem Praepositus et major pars Sociorum Seniorum consensuri sint, libenter obtem- perabo, et ea observanda curabo : scholastica exercitia singula, quae praestari a me oportet, diligenter praestabo ; et si mihi cura praelegendi aliis, aut officii alicujus ad bonum Collegii regimen obeundi commissa fuerit, ea studiose perfungar. Collegii et singulorum in eo studentium, praesertim Praepositi et eorum qui praesunt salutem et dignitatem, pacem, et commodum, pro virili mea tuebor, et procurabo : consilia, coitiones, conjura- tiones, et insidias quae contra quemcunque in Collegio degentem fiunt, si de iisdem cognovero, omni honesta ratione quantum potero impediam ; et iis quorum intererit renunciabo. Praeposito in omnibus licitis et honestis promptissima voluntate et studio parebo, quamdiu in Collegio versabor ; ac proinde factiones contra Praepositum et partium studia nunquam inibo, nee iniri procurabo, sed quantum in me est vitabo, et ne ab aliis ineantur impediam. Studiorum finis erit mihi Theologiae Professio, ut Ecclesiae Dei prodesse possim, obeundo ministerio Verbi, si aliter Deus mentem meam deinceps non disposuerit. In negotiis Collegii administrandis quae curanda suscepero APPENDIX 341 fidelem operam praestabo. Haec omnia supra memorata in me recipio, Deoque teste me sedulo facturum promitto, ac spondeo. NOTE. Laud extends the right of holding a living to fifteen miles distance, and if there be no cure to thirty miles, but in neither case to exceed 10 sterling in value. Provision is made for a Jurist and a Medicus among the Fellows, and the oath is made by touching the Gospels. There are variations also here as elsewhere in the wording, which do not affect the sense. Dfi TUTORUM AC PUPILLORUM OFFICIO. Cap. 8. Ea fere est Academicarum societatum consuetude, ut praeter membra cujusque propria, quosdam Sociorum Commensales Pensionaries, et Sizatores, quos appellant, in Collegia admittant. Quoniam vero juvenilis astatis imbecillitas provectiorum con- silio et prudentia sustentanda est ac moderanda, Statuimus et ordinamus, ut nemo vel ex Discipulis, vel in Sociorum con- victum admissis, vel Pensionariis, aut omnino studii causa in Collegio commorantibus, Tutore careat. Qui autem caruerit, nisi intra quindecim dies aliquem sibi paraverit, Collegio ejiciatur. Quod si quis in Collegium admissus vel admittendus, ad persequenda doctrinae studia, id gratiae per se obtinere nequeat, ut in alicujus tutelam recipiatur, volumus ut Praeposi- tus et major pars Seniorum illi de Tutore provideant. Quo casu si quis designatus ad id munus forte renuerit, volumus ut paenam contemptus adversus Collegii regimen incurrat, nisi justam recusationis causam afferre possit, eaque a Prasposito et majore parte Seniorum approbetur. Ac cum Tutoris officium sit multi laboris et curae, quo alacrius et fidelius munere suo defungatur, placet ut quivis Pupillus (nisi de ipsius inopia plane et liquido constiterit) Tutor i suo annuum salarium gestae tutelae nomine persolvat. Pensionarii nempe et Scholares Collegii sumptibus sustentati quadraginta solidos : commensales vero 342 APPENDIX Socforum quatuor libellas. Placet insuper ut nemo pro pupillo re et actu admittatur, priusquam Tutor! partem dimidiam et annul salarii pro tutela, et expensarum pro communiis facien darum in manu tradiderit. Neque admissus retineatur diutius, nisi Tutori caveat, turn de certa et expedita solutione debi- torum et Collegio debendorum ; turn si Sociorum Commensalis fuerit, de calice argenteo ad usum Collegii conferendo. Pupilli Tutoribus pareant honoremque paternum ac reveren- tiam deferant, quorum studium, labor, et diligentia in illis ad Pietatem et Scientias informandis ponuntur. Tutores (quos non alios quam Praepositum et Socios esse volumus) sedulo quae discenda sunt pupillos suos per singulos dies doceant, quaeque etiam agenda sunt moneant. Omnia Pupillorum cujusque generis et ordinis expensa Tutores Collegio praestent, et intra decem dies cujusque mensis finiti aes debitum pro se et suis omnibus pupillis officiario solvant : quod ni fecerint, tantisper commeatu priventur, dum Pecunia ab ipsis et Pupillis ipsorum debita solvatur. Cautumque esto, ne pupillus quis- piam stipendium suum ab officiario recipiat, vel rationem per se cum eo ineat ; sed utrumque per Tutorem proprium, sub poena commeatus menstrui a dicto Tutore Collegio solvendi, fieri volumus. Quod si Tutor quispiam aut Pupillis ad pietatem et bonas artes quotidie erudiendis, aut eorum dissolutis moribus reformandis non attenderit ; si pupillos vel Urbem Dubliniensem frequentare, vel in Sodaliciis aut Exercitiis minime necessariis obeundis tempus Studiis aptum et destina- tum ponere patiatur ; ordinamus ut si post binas admonitiones majorem in re pupillari curam non adhibuerit quinque Solidis multetur. Quod si nihilominus se in pupillis erudiendis et reformandis negligentius gesserit, ordinario cujusque Septimanae Commeatu eo usque privetur, dum Tutoris Officio eum dili- genter perfunctum esse constiterit. Pupilli omnes quocunque vocentur nomine, volumus et quoad Gradum Bacclaureatus susceperint, iisdem Legibus ac Statutis teneantur et pareant, quibus Discipuli et Scholares Collegii expensis sustentati, et APPENDIX 343 eodem modo si deliquerint puniantur : Exceptis Nobilibus, et filiis hasredibus alicujus Consiliarii Regii. NOTE. Laud, Cap. X., gives the Provost the right of assigning pupils to a Fellow ; the alleged misuse of this privilege by Provost Hely Hutchinson caused a celebrated visitation in 1791. The Tutor's fees are left to the discretion of the Tutor, the maximum being still ^4 per annum for Fellow Commoners, 405. for Pensioners, 2os. for Scholars. The ordinance that Fellow Commoners should present argent to the College was dropped, though the practice con- tinued as before. D MODESTIA ET MORUM HoNESTATE CoLENDA ; ITEMQUE DE TUENDA CoLLEGII EXISTIMATIONE PuBLICA. Cap. 9. Nihil est quod literatis plus adferat ornamentum, quam modestia et morum Integritas. Turn ad publicam Collegii existimationem permagni interest, earn opinionem vulgo concipi, vigere in eo curam boni regiminis, ac morum discip- linam, Academicosque dignos esse, qui nomine diligentiae in Literarum studiis commendentur. Idcirco ut quilibet Acade- micus ad tuendam hanc Collegii existimationem incumbat, tamvitando ea quae illam quovismodo violare posse videbuntur, quam iis in communi vita persequendis, quae ipsi conservandae et augendas inservire queant, vehementer hortamur, et rogamus, denunciantes interim, pro eo quo Collegium et Collegii bonum nomen complectimur amore singulari, non impune laturum esse, qui in hoc genere deliquerit. Statuimus igitur et ordi- namus, ut inferiores omnes submisse erga seniores et reverenter se gerant, Discipuli juniores erga Baccalaureos, hi erga Magis- tros artium, Socii Juniores erga Seniores tanquam Patres, omnes denique erga Praepositum tanquam summum Modera- torem. Nemo nondum graduatus in Urbem exeat nisi Tutoris permissu, significato per Chirographum ipsius : qui secus fecerit, primo tempore commeatu unius hebdomadae, secundo duarum, tertio mensis mulctetur, quarto ex consensu 344 APPENDIX Praepositi et majoris partis seniorum Sociorum Collegio amo- veatur. Seditionis domesticae, detractionis, dissentionis, rixae authores, itemque aliorum percussores, primo tempore commeatu menstruo, sccundo trimestri multentur, tertio Collegio expellantur. Omnes lites domesticae intra Collegium et cognoscantur, et dijudicentur. Qui foras aliquem in jus vocaverit, sine Praepositi et Sociorum consensu, Collegio amoveatur. Dissentiones inter Socios et Discipulos ortas, si fieri potest, intra biduum a Praepositoet Sociis sedentur ; sin id fieri nequit, quatuor Socii Seniores per dissentientes eligendi, cum Praeposito, aut eo absente Vice-Praeposito, litem disceptent, eamque cum aequitate dirimant ; et quam illi sententiam tulerint, in ea quiescant dissentientes : qui secus fecerit, Collegio amoveatur. Statuimus quoque, mandamus, et hortamur, ut Praepositus, Socii, Discipuli, et caeteri in Collegio vitam degentes, concordiam, unitatem, pacem, et mutuam inter se charitatem pro virili alant, foveant, et observent : scurrilitatem et obscaena verba, scommata, probra et scandala verbo et facto omnino vitent ; praesertim adversus eos qui in Regimine Collegii runguntur officio suo. Quod si quispiam in his deliquerit,arbitrio Praepositi et majoris partis Sociorum Seniorum puniatur. Quod si ter pro illis castigatus non abstinuerit, Collegio expellatur. Quinetiam statuimus, ne quis Collegii, vel alterius muros aut sepimenta transcendat, aut fores fenestrasve diffringat : qui semel fecerit, si aetate adultus fuerit, commeatu trimestri privetur ; si aetate puer, virgis castigetur : qui autem bis, Collegio amoveatur. Eadem poena multetur, qui furtum admiserit, aut aliorum pomaria expilaverit. Porro aleae aut chartarum ludo nemo in Collegio omnino utatur : qui in hoc deliquerit, primo a Praeposito admoneatur ; secundo commeatu menstruo careat ; tertio admonitus Collegio amoveatur. Nemo canes venaticos, accipitres, aut aves vocales in Collegio nutriat teneatve : neque aucupio, neque venationi sit deditus : qui contra fecerit, puniatur, ut supra dictum est. Nulli lusus dis- APPENDIX 345 cipulis in Area vel hortis Collegii permittantur, nee Discipu- lorum ulla fiant in area conventicula, nee ibi colloquendi causa moram faciant, neque in aula, nisi tempore merendae dum simul bibunt. Post prandium vero et coenam ex aula sine mora discedant. Neque quisquam praedictorum in urbe aut in alieno cubiculo, nisi petita a Praeposito aut Tutore facultate, aliquando pernoctet. Qui in his deliquerit, primo a Prasposito menstruo commeatu privetur, secundo trimestri, tertio per Praepositum et majorem partem Sociorum seniorum Collegio privetur. Quod si ejusmodi causa incident, ut nullo modo ad veniam petendam possit venire, turn si postea ad Praepositum intra viginti duas horas accesserit, suamque Causam illi pro- baverit, eum turn neutiquam multari volumus. Statuimus porro, ut nemo sociorum aut discipulorum extra aulam prandeat caenetve, nisi petita a Praeposito venia : Qui secus fecerit, pro toto prandio aut coena solvat. Atque ut nunquam supra quatuor e Sociis in Cubiculis prandeant aut caenent ; excepto semper cubiculo Praepositi, nisi forte vel Socius aegrotaverit, vel peregrinum invitaverit. Quinetiam si cujusvis vel insolentiori consuetudine vitas, intra domesticos Collegii parietes, aut alibi, vel frequentiori in urbem Dubliniensem profectione, vel soda- litiorum aut aedium suspectarum frequentatione evenerit, ut Collegium publice male audiat, nomine neglecti regiminis, aut incuriae in studiis doctrinarum, volumus et ordinamus, ut is coram Praeposito et senioribus citatus, a Prasposito pro prima vice admoneatur tantummodo et increpetur (nisi crimen ejusmodi fuerit, de quo cautum est Statuto de poena majorum Criminum) : si admonitus non abstinuerit ab eo, quo aliqua Collegio Labes aspergitur, per quatuor Septimanas Commeatu suo privetur. Quod si idem crimen tertio incurrisse constiterit, pro delicti gravitate graviori censura puniatur, ea scilicet quas Praeposito et majori parti Seniorum par tanto scandalo vide- bitur. Statuimus etiam atque ordinamus, ut Socii et Discipuli singuli habeant Togam, eaque semper utantur in Collegio et si commode pro temporis ratione fieri possit, euntes in Oppidum : 346 APPENDIX exceptis Doctoribus ct Baccalaureis Theologiae. Permittimus vero ut singuli studentes cujuscunque gradus et conditionis extra Academiam et Urbem Dubliniensem pro arbitratu vestiantur ; dummodo decenter et vestimentis obscuri cujuspiam Coloris induti incedant. Quod si quis hanc legem violet, primo sex denariis multetur, secundo duodecim, tertio duobus Solidis, quarto si admonitus a Przeposito non se emendaverit, pro qualitate Contumaciae puniatur. Porro statuimus et ordinamus ut nullus praedictorum armis aut Telis, veluti Gladiis, Sicis, aut Pugionibus in Collegio aut in Urbe utatur, nisi gravi de causa ei a Prsepositio permissum sit. Quod si quis hoc Statutum violaverit, primo Commeatu duarum hebdomadarum, secundo menstruo, tertio Collegio privetur. NOTE. Laud, Cap. XL, adds a permission to appeal to the Visitors from the decision of the Provost and Board, also a per- mission to play at dice and cards at Christmas time, publicly, in the Hall. Fellows having benefices outside the city are allowed to keep a horse. There is also less provision for hospitality, and for Fellows dining in their rooms, in Laud's chapter. DE VICE-PRJEPOSITI OFFJCIO. Cap, 10. Caeterum ne solis Studentium Conscientiis hanc morum curam relinquamus, necessariumexistimamus,praeterPraepositum cui maxime incumbit, earn aliis quibusdamCuratoribus deman- dare. Quoniam igitur Praepositus neque semper adesse, neque solus tantae Regiminis moli par esse potest, volumus ut e Senioribus Sociis quotannis eligatur aliquis ad Officium Vice- praspositi, qui Praeposito in Collegii regimine Loco et honore proximus, ei in omnibus suppetias ferat. Quoties vero aut deest Praepositus, aut abest a Collegio, semper praesideat, et primas teneat, ej usque in cultus divini, ordinis, modestiaeque conservatione vicem gerat. Provideat itaque Vice-praepositus solicite, ne qua vel intermissio fiat frequentandi preces, audiendi APPENDIX 347 conciones, praestandi in Collegio cujuscunque generis scholastica exercitia ; vel obrepat incuria inquirendi de iis, qui Urbem Dubliniensem frequentant, qui in eadem pernoctant, qui dissolute Vitae genere scandalum et dedecus regimini et discip- linae Collegii creant. Ordinis etiam prandii ccenaeque tempore conservationi sollicite prospiciat, et ne quisquam alio sermone quam Latino utatur, aut vocem nimis intendat, aut immodeste omnino se gerat, aut exeat ante gratiarum actionem. Quod si istiusmodi delicta committi intellexerit, vel alterius generis alia Statuis vetita, curabit sedulo ut delinquentes puniantur secundum Statuta. Caetera quae ad officium Vice-praepositi pertinent, variis supra infraque Statutis exponuntur. NOTE. Laud, Cap. XII., transcribing this chapter, adds that the Vice-Provost shall be elected at the time of the annual accounts (November 20), and gives the Provost an absolute veto on the appointment. He is here assumed to be the senior at Commons. DE DECANI OFFICIO. Cap. n. Quo melius vero et Pietas erga Deum et morum probitas honestasque conservetur, statuimus et ordinamus, ut unus e Sociis Senioribus quotannis Decanus sit, qui Dei inprimis cultum pie ac religiose et decenter exequendum curet, videat- que ut omnes socii, Discipuli, Pensionarii, Sizatores (quos vocant) ac subsizatores diebus Dominicis Precibus, Sacrae Communioni, et concionibus, diebus autem profestis, precibus matutinis et vespertinis ad horam constitutam intersint, Socios, si qui a sacro Dei Cultu abfuerint, observet ; quod si quis Sociorum qui Doctor aut Baccalaureus Theologiae non est, saepius quam bis in Septimana abfuerit a publicis precibus, volumus ut octo denariis multetur ; nisi constiterit eum justa de causa abfuisse. Omnes autem Discipuli, Pensionarii item, Sizatores, et Subsizatores, si absint a Precibus, aut ante eas finitas exierint, si fuerint adulti (hoc est, si decimum octavum annum compleverint) singuli denario, tarde autem venientes 348 APPENDIX obolo multentur. Si autem eum aetatis annum quern diximus non confecerint, in aula die Veneris, pro arbitrio Decani virgis,vel alio modo corrigantur. Praeterea statuimus et ordinamus, ut Baccalaurei correctionibus die Veneris numquam interesse cogantur, sed Decanus eorum nomina scripta in schedula habeat ut tarn in festis diebus quam in profestis, diligenter per se et per monitorem animadvertat, quis a re divina absit, quisve tardus venerit, et absentes denario, tarde autem venientes multet obolo. Tardos venire eos dicimus, qui aut post primam nominum recitationem tempore precum vespertinarum sacellum introeunt 1 out qui mane post primum Psalmum finitum veniunt. Quod si qui in inferiori parte Sacelli maneant, et chorum non ingrediantur, perinde puniantur ac si absentes fuissent. 2 Si quis dum nomina ullo tempore vel loco recitantur, pro absente respondeat, aut nomen alicujus in recitando omiserit, virgis corrigatur, si aetate minore fuerit, si adultus, pro arbitrio Decani sic puniatur ut omnibus appareat grave ab eo delictum commissum fuisse. Die autem Veneris statim a peracta coena, semper vesperi, correctiones per eundem Decanum instituantur, quibus omnes discipuli intersint : qui autem dum eaedem peraguntur nomini interrogatus non respondent, et ad finem non permanserit, si adultus denario multetur ; si puer fuerit, arbitrio Decani castigetur. Deinde eodem tempore monitor constituatur, qui discipulorum qui his rebus peccaverint nomina sedulo notet, et quoties deliquerint. Aliqui etiam e Scholaribus observatores occulti constituantur, qui dejerantes, otiosos, emansores in Urbe, rixantes, et in ganeis perpotantes, aut moribus quovis modo Collegium dehonestantes ad Decanum deferant. Quod si quispiam Sociorum aut Discipulorum aegrotaverit, aut gravi Causa per Decanum approbanda impeditus fuerit, eum neutiquam pro 1 From this it appears that night roll and evening Chapel were held together, and the roll read both before and after prayers. * The present Chapel has no ante-Chapel, but this clause presupposes one in the original building. APPENDIX 349 rebus supradictis multari volumus. Decanus a Collegio ne absit, nisi gravissima de Causa, eaque a Praeposito, vel eo absente, Vice-Praeposito cum majori parte Sociorum appro- banda. Denique a Collegio ne discedat, nisi fido ac diligenti Vicario, qui Decani munere ipso absente sedulo fungatur, post se relicto ; ejus nomine in Registro (uti in Statuto " de exitu e Collegio" praestitutum est) conscripto. Volumus insuper et ordinamus ut Decanus una cum duobus aut tribus e Sociis, quos sibi adjungendos putabit, singulis Septimanis ter ad minimum Discipulorum Cameras vesperi post Caenam ante Somni capiendi tempus invisat, ut quomodo se gerant discipuli intelligat. Si quos vel abesse a cameris suis, vel immodestius et contra bonos mores se in iisdem aut alibi gerere, aut negligentius in Studiis versari deprehenderit, licebit ei pro arbitrio delinquentes punire, nisi de poenae qualitate et genere aliter in Statutis provisum fuerit. NOTE. The main differences in Laud's Chapter XIII. are that he has two Deans ; he makes the work of Senior Dean mostly theo- logical ; he appoints corrections during the hour of supper on Fridays when the students are to fast ; and he does not follow Bedell in making some of the scholars spies upon the rest. It is very curious that the inspection of rooms by the Dean and Fellows is to be carried on without reference to the Tutors of each student so visited, but Laud follows this regulation. DE PRIMARIO LECTORE, ET SUBLECTORIBUS. Cap. 12. Quoniam ad juventutem non modo in pietate et virtute excolendam, sed etiam in bonis artibus erudiendam hoc Colle- gium institutum est ; Lectores quosdam in his constituendos, et pro aetate captuque, et profectu ingeniorum, certas classes variaque exercitia scholastica duximus ordinanda. Atque imprimis, Lectorem quendam primarium e senioribus Sociis quotannis eligi volumus, cujus munus esto, solicite videre, ut 350 APPENDIX praelectores inferiores singuli locum tempusque praelegendi quotidie et diligenter obcant, et si quando aliqua praelectio intermittatur, de intermissionis causa cognoscere, eamque si minus justam esse comperuerit, ad Praepositum rem deferre, aut eo absente ad Vice- Praepositum, ut in deliquentem secundum statuta animadvertatur. Discipulos cujuscunque generis quos abesse deprehenderit a praelectionibus, disputationibus, declamationibus, et aliis scholasticiis exercitiis, quibus interesse tenentur, pro arbitrio puniat ; nisi de certa paena aliquo Statute cautum fuerit. Disputationes, et declamationes Scholarium et Baccalaureorum, curabit suis temporibus et locis praestandas ; et earum ipse moderator esto. Ac proinde volumus, Theses disputandas et declamandas praescribi ab eo, et quo quisquam ordine et vice exercitium praestare debeat. Quod si quis vicem suam in disputando et declamando omiserit, vel in eo se negligentius gesserit, curabit ut in hoc genere delinquens paenam sustineat quam Statuta praescribunt. Praelector cujusvis classis inferior (quern a Praeposito quotannis eligi volumus) horae ad praelegen- dam constitutae partem alteram praelectioni, alteram Examina- tioni discipulorum tribuat. In Examinatione, volumus ut interrogationibus et responsionibus rem eandem clarius explicet, repetat, et szepius inculcat, nee sibi ipsi ante satisfaciat, quam discipulus rem propositam aliquatenus animo et intelligen- tia comprehenderit. Usum praeceptorum ostendet, et urgebit. Quod ad humanitatis et vitae communis usum transferri nequit, id allato argumento refutatum abjucabit, et rejiciet. Ordinamus insuper et volumus, ut Praslector quivis inferior solicite observet, et attendat, quemadmodum discipuli suae Classis se gerant ipsius Lectionis tempore ; et in negligentes animadvertat. Porro si observet ipse, aut ab aliis audiverit, disci pulum aliquem vel Urbem Dubliniensem frequentare, vel horas studiis destinatas in otio et lusu in Collegio campisve consumere, adeo ut officio scholastico non satisfaciat, volumus ut Praelectori primario delictum deferat, qui delinquentem APPENDIX 351 puniat, non modo si praelectioni cui interesse oportebat non interfuerit, aut ad eandem tardius accesserit, sed etiam si negligentius attenderit; vel multae impositione, vel compo- sitione exercitii extraordinarii, vel publica agnitione delicti, vel adhibita virga, si ita ferat necessitas, et aetate puer fuerit. NOTE. This chapter is wholly adopted by Laud (Cap. XIV). DE CLASSIUM SCHOLASTICIS EXERCITIIS. Cap. 13. Classes sunto quatuor, in quas ii qui nondum sunt graduati distribuantur. Communia omnium Classium exercitia sunto hujusmodi. Commentarius in praecepta disciplinae praelectae sermone latino per singulas septimanas conficiendus, et prae- lectori ostendendus. Thema aut versio ex Anglico in Latinum, per singulas item Septimanas. Thema aut versionem Praelector et quidem expresse praescribat, et quovis die Sabbathi exercitium factum repetat a discipulis suis. Declamatio. Bini singulis septimanis declament per vices, idque memoriter, in aula, die Sabbathi aut Veneris, post peractas preces matutinas. Thesis tractanda esto e communi vita, aut e morali aut politica disciplina. Omnes Classium discipuli, si commode fieri potest, in Graecis et Hebraicis erudiantur, a praelectore ad id munus constitute. Classis Prima. In hac Classe Dialectica praelegatur : quam bis ad minimum quotannis integram praelegi volumus. Discipulus hujus Classis aliquam quavis hebdomada Analysin Inventionis et Elocutionis Rhetorics praestato, eamque Praelectoris Examini et Censurae subjicito. 352 APPENDIX Classis Secunda. Praelector secundae Classis controversa Logicae disciplinae capita explicate, et disceptato. Quae veritati consentanea reperientur, ea Auditoribus suis commendabit : Quze vero falsa fuerint, ea argumentorum viribus convicta repudiabit. Hujus Classis Discipuli aliquam Inventionis et Judicii Analysin per singulas Septimanas instituant. Classis Tertia, Praelector tertiae Classis praecepta physiologiae de Elementis, de Corporibus mixtis sive imperfectis, qualia sunt meteora ; sive perfectis, qualia sunt metalla, Plantae, Animalia, Auditori- bus suis interpretetur. Classis Quarta. In Classe quarta Psychologiae doctrina diligenter exponatur, sed interdum per Vices quasdam Ethicas discipline praecepta doceantur. Discipuli tertiae quartaeque Classis per singulas termini hebdomadas, prima excepta, disputationes praestent, de Thesi duplici : Illi de Thesi Logica, hi de binis quaestionibus e Physiologia. Thesis a respondente tractetur, oratione perpetua, adhibito vario Argumentorum genere et Elocutionis Rhetoricae ornamentis. Sed cum ad congressum deventum est, opponentes quos ad minimum duos esse volumus, quodcunque argumentum opponunt, id ad Syllogismi Legis breviter conclusum propon- ant, de eo Respondens et Moderator videto. Disputatio intra horam et horae quartam concludatur. Dies praestandis Dispu- tationibus assignati sunto dies Lunae, Martis, Mercurii, hora secunda pomeridiana. NOTE. Laud adds details regarding the appointment of a special Lecturer in Greek and, whenever the post can be endowed, in Hebrew also. There are many variations of detail in his description of the work of each class, especially a long addition concerning the work of the fourth class. The general scheme has lasted till the present time with the exception of the excellent practice of public disputation, which has disappeared from modern education. APPENDIX 353 DE BACCALAUREORUM ET MAGISTRORUM EXERCITIIS. Cap. 14. Baccalaurei in Mathematicis et Politicis a Praelectore insti- tuantur accuratius. Disputationem quolibet die Veneris hora secunda pomeridiana quovis Termino praestent e Mathematicis aut Physicis, et declament mane in Aula quolibet die Sabbathi durante Termino. Statuimus etiam et ordinamus, ut quilibet in Artibus Magister, per vices, quolibet die Lunae et Martis aliquem e Scriptura textum ad morem Theologicae Concionis tractet, eundem accurate interpretando, et doctrinas capita inde deducta ad auditorum varies usus pro varia capitum natura accommodando. In hac tam gravi et utili exercitatione, omnibus et singulis Artium Magistris praecipimus, eosque vehementius hortamur et obtestamur, ut in id unum omni animi contentione incumbant, quo auditores suos in fide et fidei praxi aedificare possint ; volumus etiam ut quilibet in artibus Magister, si Theologiae aut Baccalaureus aut Doctor non sit, statim a finita suscepti textus tractatione, se et textus suscepti translationem Praepositi et Sociorum seniorum censurae submittat ; ac si quid ab ipsis improbetur, eo deinceps abstineat ; sequatur autem in posterum et in praxin deducat quicquid aedificationi, aut commodo audientium expedire, ab ipsis judicabitur. Ac proinde volumus, ut Praepositus ac Socii seniores in Sacello aut alibi congregati, libere inter se exponant quid de habita concione opinentur, ut si qua in re contra leges hoc Statuto praescriptas a concionante peccatum fuerit, de eo per Praepositum amice et benevole admoneatur. Statuimus insuper, ut artium Magistri, etiam ii qui in Theologia Doctora- tum aut Baccalaureatum adepti sunt, per vices praestent dispu- tationem aliquam, de binis Quaestionibus Theologicis, quovis die Jovis, hora secunda pomeridiana, nisi dies festus sit. Quod ad Theologicam disputationem attinet, ordinamus et volumus, ut quasstio disputanda sit quaestio plerumque inter Protestantes 2A 354 APPENDIX et Pontificios controversa. Hujus Disputationis Professor Theologicarum Controversiarum Moderator esto. Volumus etiam et statuimus, ut singuli in artibus Magistri, tarn Com- mensales quam Socii (exceptis Jurisprudentiae et Medicinae Professoribus) semper ante elapsum a Magisterii gradu triennum, in Ecclesia aliqua Urbis Dubliniensis Parochiali, bis concionentur ; ante exactum vero quadriennium unam in Christi Ecclesia Cathedrali concionem habeant idque per se, non autem per alium ; et post annos quatuor expletos con- cionem aliquam in praedicta Cathedrali semel quotannis praestent, quandiu locum aut Cameram in Collegio obti- nent : Quod si quis contra hanc legem deliquerit, nisi morbo graviore impeditus, aut ab Archiepiscopo Dubliniensi, aliisve quorum interest, prohibitus, aut alia inductus causa quae Praeposito et Sociis merito possit satisfacere, volumus et ordinamus, ut pro singularum Concionum ab ipso requi- sitarum omissione, quadraginta solidis multetur, ac praeterea ordinario Communarum demenso per tres menses privetur. NOTE. Laud adds some details regarding the conducting of the controversial disputes between Protestants and Papists. He also imposes punishments upon any teaching opposed to the Established Church of England and Ireland, a provision quite foreign to the semi-Puritan Bedell. It is further to be noticed that Bedell requires lay masters of art to preach in Dublin, and even at the Cathedral, and that this was upheld by Laud. Up to 1850 Resident masters, whether lay or clerical, were required to deliver " Commonplaces " or read Homilies in the Chapel. DE VITANDA ALIENI EXERCITII USURPATIONS, ET VICE SUA A QUOVIS DlLIGENTER OBEUNDA. Cap. 15. Si quis Exercitium ab alio compositum pro suo aut privatim obtendat, aut in publicum deducat, volumus si de admissa hujus APPENDIX 355 generis fraude constiterit, ut tarn Author exercitii, quam is qui alienae industriae fructum pro suo exhibet gravius puniatur. Uterque ergo istius delicti convictus, tempore prandii in Aulae medio consistens culpam suam omnibus audientibus confitea- tur, paenamque deprecetur. Quod si alteruter in hoc -genere secundo deliquerit, non modo praedictam paenam sustineat, sed commeatu suo per septimanam privetur, et ad declamandum in Aula tempore prandii intra octiduum cogatur. Ac quia fraudem hanc dignam gravi animadversione censemus, statui- mus insuper et volumus, ut qui illam detulerit, notamque fecerit, illi loco mercedis ab utriusque delinquentis Tutore sex denarii tribuantur et persolvantur. Si quis delatorem isto nomine verbis factisve violaverit, is pro delinquente in hoc fraudis genere habeatur, et eandem pcenam subito. Statuimus etiam et volumus, ut Exercitia Scholastica, sive ea Theologica sint, sive generis alterius, a quolibet in pro- pria persona praestentur. Quod si quis morbo aliave justa causa per Praepositum et Decanum approbanda impeditus, vicem suam praestare nequeat, proximo denunciet, eumque opportune admoneat de praestando exercitio, et cessante causa intermissi exercitii, omissum exercitium praestet ipse. At si contigerit ut exercitium ordinarium cujusque generis omit- tatur, cum nulla gravis causa afferri queat, quamobrem omitti necesse fuerit, omittens a Praeposito et Decano unius septi- manae commeatu privetur, aut multetur, et tamen ad praesta- tionem exercitii teneatur. Qua in re si secundo deliquerit, eum mensis unius commeatu privari, aut multari volumus ; et in exercitii omissione ulterius persistentem, pro arbitrio Praepositi et Sociorum Seniorum puniri gravius. Ac si quis munus disputandi aut declamandi negligenter obierit, denuo disputare ac declamare cogatur. NOTE. This chapter is wholly omitted by Laud, as being already covered by other Statutes by a clause introduced into the previous chapter, or the general control of the Provost. 356 APPENDIX DE TERMINIS OBSERVANDIS ET DE EXAMINANDO SCHOLARIUM IN DlSCIPLINIS PROGRESSU. Cap. 16. Termini in quibus publice a Studentibus Exercitia praestari volumus, pro quatuor anni partibus quatuor sunto. Terminus Nativitatis Christi initium capiat Januarii decimo quinto, exitum vero Martii decimo. Terminus Paschae inchoetur Aprilis decimo sexto, desinat Junii octavo. Terminus Johannis Baptistae esto a nono Julii inclusive, ad octavum Septembris. Denique Terminus Michaelis incipito Octobris decimo quinto, et fmiatur Decembris octavo. Quoniam vero frequenti Examinatione efficitur, ut disccn- tium Studia et Progressiones in bonarum Artium disciplinis majorem in modum promoveantur, volumus ut quater quo- tannis, nempe in cujusvis termini principio singularum Classium Discipuli publice in Aula congregati examinentur, quomodo profecerint in earum Artium cognitione, quibus studuerint, aut studere debuerint. Examinatores sunto sin- guli Artium Magistri, sive Socii fuerint, sive Pensionarii et Commensales ; Doctores etiam et Professores cujuscunque facultatis, si modo ipsis videbitur : sed illi praesertim qui eligentur per Praepositum et majorem partem Seniorum Sociorum. Examinationi huic Biduum tribuatur ; mane horae duae, ab octava scilicet ad decimam, et a prandio item horae duae, a secunda nempe ad quartam. Si facta Examinatione Discipulus quispiam se in Studiis negligentius gessisse comperiatur, re cum Praeposito communicata, volumus ut earn paenam sustineat, quae Praeposito et Examinatoribus videbitur digna, qua tantae negligentiae crimen notetur, et corrigatur. Quod si de paena expulsionis sive amotionis agatur, volumus rem dijudicari et transigi per Praepositum et majorem partem Seniorum. Et si non tantum profecisse videbitur, quantum a mediocri ingenio et industria expectari APPENDIX 357 poterat, eum principio hac ignominia notari placet, ut Seniori- tatis suae Gradum amittat, et in Classem inferiorem dejiciatur ; et deinceps etiam, si graduatus non fuerit, careat adultorum privilegio. Quod si quis post alterius termini experimentum prorsus incorrigibilis videatur, eum sine ulteriori monitione e Collegio amovendum decernimus. NOTE. Instead of this admirable arrangement of the four terms defined by fixed dates, one of them a short summer term, such as has recently been reintroduced at Oxford and Cambridge, Laud marks the terms by Feasts of the Church, in some cases variable, and establishes a summer vacation, at least for the senior two classes. In the rest of the chapter regarding the Term Exami- nations and the degrading of students who failed in them, he follows Bedell, and this ordinance has prevailed to the present day. DE ADMITTENDIS IN COLLEGIUM PROFESSORIBUS JURISPRU- DENTIAE ET MfiDICINJE. Cap. 17. Quoniam professio Jurisprudentiae et Medicinae et Chartae fundationis istius Collegii, et collegiorum apud Anglos receptis legibus consentanea est, quippe quas non solum mirifice ornet Societatem Studentium in quam admittatur, sed etiam singularem Utilitatem secum afferat Ecclesiae et Reipub- licae : Hinc est quod licitum esse volumus et statuimus, ut pro Arbitrio Praepositi et majoris partis Sociorum Seniorum e Sociis unus ad Professionem Jurisprudentiae, alter ad studium Medicinae, idque statim ab Electione, vel intra sex menses a suscepto gradu Magisterii divertatur. Quod si ante admis- sionem fieri contigerit, volumus ut Clausula ilia Juramenti (de fine Studiorum) omittatur ab electo : vel in earn loco Theologiae, "Jurisprudentiae," vel "Medicinae" respective interponatur. Quod vero ad Exercitia attinet requisita a Theologis durante quovis termino, nolumus ea Professori Jurisprudentiae aut Medicinae remitti, sed ab utroque prae- 358 APPENDIX stari, sive communes Loci fuerint, sive Theologiae Disputa- tiones. Volumus insuper, ut Juris ct Medicinae Professores singuli, post primum initae Professionis semel quovis termino in sua facultate pr. -elegant. NOTE. Laud adds that he wishes no one to be forced to abandon Theology for these studies, but that upon a vacancy a man with a taste for Law or Medicine should be chosen. If such cannot be found, he adds most inconsistently, that the junior M.A. among the Fellows must take the post, under pain of dismissal. So popular was theology then among the learned ! The provision that both Lawyers and Doctors should make some theological studies is also very commendable, and tended to produce such broad men as John Stearne. DE BURSARII OFFICIO. Cap. 1 8. De pietate, probitate, et doctrina hactenus statutum est. Quoniam vero sine rei familiaris provida administratione, nedum Collegium, sed ne privata quidem domus consistere potest ; statuimus et ordinamus, ut e Sociis Senioribus quispiam frugi, integer, nee impar rebus gerendis, a Praeposito et majori parte Seniorum pro Bursario eligatur. Cujus officium sit redditus et quaecunque in universum debentur Collegio recipere, et quae opus erunt in usus Collegii expendere. Is Officium suum exerceto quotannis statim a festo D. Johannis Baptistae, neque computum praecedentis anni cum suo permis- ceri patiatur. Quoties igitur Bursarius a Collegii Tenentibus, vel ab aliis nummos Collegio debitos receperit, apocham testem solutae pecuniae conficito ; sed nunquam solus, verum subscri- bente etiam Praeposito aut ejus vice gerente, vel Decano. Quicquid vero receperit, eodem die in communi Cista reponatur. Sitque in eadem cista Codex rationum, in quern adscripto receptionis die, referatur summa recepta, et a quo soluta sit, et quo nomine, et utrum sit integer redditus anni, an pars aliqua, aut si quid forte an tea debebatur. Quum APPENDIX 359 pecuniae aliqua summa e communi Collegii cista expromitur, sive ad ordinarias diaetae expensas, sive ad persolvenda salaria, sive ad reparationes aedificiorum aut utensilium, aut quacunque demum de causa, volumus ut earn Bursarius in codicem praedictum referat acceptam, et id subscripta manu testetur, nee ea ad alios usus abutatur. Codicem praeterea privatum expensorum et receptorum penes se habeto, et in eum omnia a se accepta et expensa fideliter per singulas septimanas referto. Ad Bursarii curam pertineto, ut sociis, scholaribus, et reliquis Collegii studentibus, de alimentis ordinariis in aula sumendis recte provideatur, atque ut ea in aula prandii caenaeque tempore ordine dispensentur. Ac proinde volumus observari ab eo inferiorum officiariorum actiones, ut si quando officio defuerint, eos admoneat, increpetque ; ac nisi gravius delictum fuerit, possit solus pro suo jure in eos animadvertere. Aliquot etiam e studentibus pauperioribus (quos Sub-Sizatores appellant) constituat, qui Scholarium mensis ministrent. At vero qui Sociorum mensae attendant et inserviant Praepositus et e quatuor Senioribus Sociis singuli unum aliquem sibi e Studentium numero eligant et constituant ; ita tamen ut ex iis neminem removeant, qui ad mensae ministerium designatus jam est. Si quando aliquis vacaverit, volumus ut praedicti Socii cum Praeposito pro ea qua sunt senioritate, procedant ad locum supplendum, suo quisque ordine ac vice. Nemini extra aulam prandenti caenantive Bursarius Communias concedito, nisi constiterit ei veniam prandendi aut caenandi extra Aulam a Praeposito vel ejus locum tenente concessam. Quod si ratione absentium ex aula communiarum aliqua fercula supererunt, de iis in usum mensis ministrantium, aut aliorum pauperum pro arbitratu suo Bursarius disponito. Praeterea Bursarii esse volumus, prospicere ne quid incommodi ad Collegium redundet, e neglecta observatione eorum, quibus abesse a Collegio ad tempus concessum est, aut quibus ratione delicti ordinaria diaeta judicialiter ad tempus substracta est. Ac proinde praecipimus, ut quam primum provideat, ne absenti, 360 APPENDIX aut hujusmodi censuram sustinenti quicquam ex ordinariis diaetae expensis allocetur. Ac ne quid Bursarium lateat hac in re, volumus, ut tarn ii qui impetrata venia peregre proficis- cuntur, quam qui Communiarum beneficio quenquam privarint, de eo Bursarium admoneant, sub poena quam Praepositus et Bursarius in hoc genere delinquent! infligendam esse censebunt. Quicquid argenteum est, quod prandii caenaeve tempore quotidianis usibus inservit, ejus custodiam Bursarius suscipito. Si quas labes in aliqua aedificii et structurae parte, earn curato. Si quid Utensilibus sacelli, Bibliothecae, Culinae, et Promp- tuarii, aut in quacunque Collegii parte reficiendum est, de eo Bursarius inquirito, et reficiendum provideat. Ligna denique, lapides, carbones, et caetera usui necessaria tempestive com- parato. Denique Bursario injunctum esto, ut solicite caveat, nequid detrimenti Collegium capiat, ex dilata solutione pecuniae, quae vel a Collegio vel a pupillis cujuscunque generis et ordinis, pro ordinario commeatu debetur, sive pistori, sive potifici, sive aliis. Volumus ergo, ut et apocham ab iis quibus soluta pecunia fuerit accipiat, et ad finem cujusque mensis, vel intra decem dies a finito mense, advocato promo, et aliis quorum interest, diligenter inquirat de pecuniis commeatus nomine debitis. Quod si intellexerit aliquem esse qui requisitus non solvent, Volumus ut adversus delinquentem sic procedat, quemadmodum in Statute de Tutoribus praescribitur. Ut vero opportune constare queat, quam recte et utiliter officio suo Bursarius satisfaciat, Volumus ut ad cujusque quartae exitum, aut intra Septimanam, Praeposito, Vice-Praeposito et Decano (vel absente Prasposito, Vice-Prasposito et Decano) in Aula congregatis, rationem accurate reddat omnium receptorum et expensorum. Quod si inutilis et officio ineptus deprehendatur, amoveatur illico aliusque in ejus locum sufficiatur. Finito anno Bursarius coram Praeposito et omnibus Senioribus Sociis computum reddat integrum totius anni praeteriti, quo status Collegii innotescat : qui et in Codice quern supra memoravimus clare describatur, una cum renovato nominum nondum APPENDIX 361 expunctorum breviculo. Id vero quo melius et accuratius praestetur, Statuimus et ordinamus ut sit Auditor quispiam, Collegii stipendiis conductus, qui compute faciendo semper die praescripta intersit, et rationes totius anni acceptorum et expensorum accurate consideret, et consideratas fideliter subdu- cendas et examinandas, easdemque intra tres menses in membranas transcribendas, et ad Collegium deferendas curet. De pecunia collegii nemini quidquam unquam commodetur. NOTE. The differences in Laud's version are characteristic. In the first place, the great independence of action which Bedell grants the Bursar is shackled by requiring constant sanction from the Provost. Then the sub-sizars (here appointed by the Bursar) are ignored, and the appointment of one Sizar granted to each Fellow, " eight or more " to the Provost, and the whole number limited to thirty. The Provost's Chambers are to be kept in repair by the Bursar. The date of election is fixed, as of all the other officers, for the 2oth November. DE TUTA RERUM CUSTODIA, ET BIBLIOTHECARIO. Cap. 19. Nihil est quod ad Collegii in re familiar! commodum plus referat, quam evidentiarum et monumentorum diligens Custodia. Idcirco statuimus et ordinamus, ut Literae Patentes fundationis, caeteraque omnia monumenta evidentiae, rentalia et terraria in cistulis et capsulis diligenter reponantur, quarum claves Praepositus, aut in ejus abentia Vice-praepositus, Bursarius et Decanus, servent. Nihil horum nisi gravissima de causa, a Praeposito et majore parte Sociorum Seniorum approbanda, inde depromatur, aut cuipiam ostendatur. Si quid forte efferendum e cistula et alicui necessario committendum sit, in Registro res extracta, et dies quo extrahitur scribatur, et nomen etiam illius cui committitur. Bona Collegii sive ad sacellum, sive ad Bibliothecam, sive ad Culi- nam spectent, omnia particulatim in tria registra referri 362 APPENDIX statuimus : Quorum unum apud Vice-praepositum vel Socium Seniorem, alterum apud Bursarium servetur, tertium apud Bibliotheca? Custodem : et quotannis per eosdem haec registra renoventur, ut quid superioris anni et quomodo amissum sit videatur. Si quid tale accidit, in registro notetur, ut is cujus negligentia amissum sit sine tergiversatione praestet. Sin intra mensem non fecerit, duplum reddat Collegio, et usque eo Commeatu careat, quoad id praestiterit. Vasa aurea et argentea, et quicquid praeterea pretiosum est, quod quotidianis usibus non subserviat, in communi cista conserventur ; nee unquam ex eo depromantur, nisi singulis rebus in registro aliquo apud Praepositum reservato eorum manu qui depromunt descriptis. Quoniam vero inter Collegii supellectilem Librorum est vel pretiosissima, volumus ut quispiam e junioribus Sociis, aut Discipulis Baccalaureis, vir frugi, quique domi se fere continere solitus sit, studiis deditus, et librorum studiosus, huic custodias prseficiatur : ita tamen ut confecto registro librorum eos recognoscat, de iis praestandis caveat, juretque se munus suum fideliter executurum. Bibliothecarius quotidie ab hora nona ante meridiem ad undecimam, et a tertia rursus pomeridiana ad quintam, operam suam et Bibliothecae copiam poscentibus dabit. Volumus insuper ut non aliis quam Praeposito et Sociis, ac Theologiae saltern Baccalaureis aditus ad Bibliothecam interiorem ad librorum usum concedatur. Caeteri si qui sunt qui Bibliothecae opportunitate et commodo uti velint, in exteriori Bibliotheca consistant, et libros quibus legendis operam dare cupiunt a Bibliothecae Custode mutuentur, sub conditionc restituendi priusquam discesserint. E Sociis Senioribus cuique clavem habere fas esto, sed ea lege, ut nemini clavem suam commodet ; fidemque det post admissionem ad jus Senioris, coram Deo, Praeposito, et senioribus, se nunquam librum e Bibliotheca asportaturum, nisi descripto prius in Registro Bibliothecae et suo ipsius et libri nomine, et die mensis quo mutuatus sit ; et redditurum, cum eo ad duas hebdomadas usus fuerit. Quod si quis contra hanc praescriptam statuti normam APPENDIX 363 librum quemcunque asportaverit, volumus ut Bibliothecae ingressu et usu in perpetuum privetur, nisi publice agnita culpa veniam impetraverit. Si quis liber ablatus aut amissus fuerir, volumus ut e Sociis vel Artium Magistris duo a Praeposito et majori parte seniorum designati, una cum Custode Bibliothecae, cameras in Collegio studentium singulas et privata musaea adeant, et accuratissime perscrutentur. Si quis e Studentibus in hoc recuperandi libri negotio obstiterit inquirentibus, quominus cameram et musaeum ingrediantur eo consilio, is ablati libri reus judicabitur, paenamque sustinebit libri asportatoribus supra constitutam. Denique id Bibliothecarius provideat, ne aut ipse aut quispiam alius commentaries cujuscunque generis qui in frequentiori studiosorum usu sunt, e Bibliotheca ad privatum musaeum auferat, aut libros tribus plures e Bibliotheca acceptos habeat penes se ; sub poena delinquenti pro arbitrio Praepositi et majoris partis seniorum infligenda. NOTE. Laud only allows a second key to the Provost, and appoints that the Librarian, like the Bursar, must deposit caution money on taking up his duties. Otherwise the chapter follows Bedell with few variations. Muscea is a term known at Oxford for studies, which were then the only private rooms of students, who occupied their camerce or sleeping-rooms in groups of three or four. Dfi SOCIORUM ET SCHOLARIUM NuMERO, CoMMEATU, SALARIIS, ET CUBICULIS. Cap. 20. Cum ex Serenissimi Regis JACOBI Munificentia erga Collegium istud singulari, magna non ita pridem accessio facta sit ad annuos Collegii redditus, placet proportionaliter turn numerum Sociorum et Scholarium augere, turn in ordinario victu et salariis ipsorum conditionem auctiorem melioremque reddere. Volumus igitur et statuimus, ut Socii sint numero sedecim, septem nempe proprii nominis, Seniores, et reliqui 364 APPENDIX Juniores. Discipuli Collegii sumptibus sustentandi sint septuaginta, e quibus triginta Hibernicis pauperibus ad eorum in studiis invitandam diligentiam liberalior allocatio fieri poterit, sed ea lege, ut linguam Hibernicam excolant, vel addiscant, et exercitia qusedam religionis in ea prasstent prout Praeposito et majori parti Seniorum videbitur expedire. Atque hunc numerum Sociorum et Discipulorum quotannis expleri volumus, temporibus Electionibus praestitutis : nisi Collegii insigne aliquod detrimentum cogat numerum Scholarium ad tempus imminuere. Pro Commeatu Praeposito et Sociorum cuivis e culina allocentur sedecim denarii et obolus hebdomadatim. E promptuario per singulos dies ad panem et potum duo denarii, unus ad prandium, alter ad caenam : et extra ordinem per hebdomadam, octo denarii et obolus. E promptuario cuivis pro pane prandii tempore obolus, et tantundem ad casnam ; pro cervisia quotidie obolus, et extra ordinem per hebdomadam quatuor denarii. Pro salario allocentur per annum : li. s. d. Praeposito 100 o o Sociis septem Senioribus cuilibet ... 9 13 4 Juniorum cuilibet 300 Discipulo cuique o 10 o Hibernicis pauperibus cuique 300 Catechistae 13 6 8 Decano 400 Primario Lectori 600 Sociis [lectoribus] inferioribus, singulis per annum 400 Bursario 10 o o Auditor! 6 13 4 Bibliothecario 300 In cubiculis distribuendis, etsi doctrinae, et virtutis ratio habenda est, tamen ne ex ilia ulla controversia aut invidia oriatur, secundum suum gradum seniorem juniori tarn inter Socios quam inter discipulos semper praeferendum statuimus. Distribuendorum cubiculorum potestas sit penes Praspositum, aut eo absente Vice-Praepositum. Nemo Cubiculum ut pro- APPENDIX 365 prium et suum teneat, nisi ante a Praeposito, aut eo absente Vice-Praeposito ad id admissus fuerit. Quum autem quispiam cubiculum suum relinquit, Clavem ad Praepositum, aut eo absente ad Vice-Praepositum deferat. Quodsi quispiam in cubiculo vel extruat quid, vel reficiat, suo sumptu faciat ; nisi Praepositum, aut absente Praeposito Vice-Praepositum et Socios consuluerit. Ac si Collegio discedens compensationem expensi postulet, turn una tertia facti sumptus deducatur ; aut si res ita exigat, a Praeposito et majori parte Seniorum quaestio com- pensationis decidatur. NOTE. In Laud's corresponding chapter (XXI.) the allowance for Commons is doubled (35. 4^d. per week) in the case of Fellows, increased by one-half (is. 4^d. per week) for scholars, the allowance for bread and beer remaining unaltered. There is special provision for a feast on Trinity Sunday. The fellows and scholars are to be elected on Trinity Monday (as they now are). The salaries of all the offices remain unchanged, but a special clause is added by the King ordering that in all leases from the Crown in Ireland, a moiety (medietas) of the rent is reserved for the College, and to be paid by the tenant to the Bursar for the purpose of increasing the salaries. The distribution of rooms is reserved to the Provost alone, so that up to the present day, on the death of the Provost all the chambers in the College become formally vacant, and the first act of the new Provost is to regrant them. DE ABSENTIA SOCIORUM ET SCHOLARIUM. Cap. 21. Quoniam multae hujusmodi causas non raro incidunt, ut Socii et Discipuli necessario ex Academia egredi cogantur, idcirco statuimus et ordinamus, ut singuli Sociorum et Discipulorum cum causam exeundi necessariam habent, a Praeposito, auteo absente, Vice-Praeposito, facultatem egrediendi petant, causaque approbata nomen suum et diem quo egrediuntur in registro ad earn rem comparato scribant ; et vel ipso die quo ad Collegium redeunt, vel ad summum postridie ejus diei in registro reditus scribant diem. Quod si 366 APPENDIX quispiam ex Sociis vel discipulis hoc prae negligentia vel consulto omiserit, primo Commeatu unius hebdomadae, secundo duarum, tertio trium, quarto pro arbitrio Praepositi et majoris partis Seniorum puniatur. Sociorum singulis dies absentiae sexaginta tres, discipulorum autem singulis quadraginta duos, vel continues, vel interpolates in annos singulos, incipiendo a festo Sancti Archangeli Michaelis concedimus, modo suis praelectionibus non desint, per se vel per alium Praelectorem. Quam tamen licentiam ita Praepositum moderari volumus, ut nunquam supra tertiam partem Sociorum vel Discipulorum simul a Collegio abesse patiatur. Quod si quis praedictorum Sociorum vel discipulorum ad Collegium intra praestitutos dies non redierit, is nisi plures dies a Praeposito aut in ejus absentia a Vice-Praeposito et majori parte Seniorum propter gravem aliquam causam ab iisdem approbandam obtinuerit, Collegio expellatur. Quinetiam si quispiam exeat ex Academia non petita, ut supra dictum est, venia, et intra quindecim dies per literas aut per amicum absentiae veniam non petiverit, et nomen suum et diem ut praescipsimus in registro scribendum non curaverit, Collegio omnino privetur. Si quis porro intra integrum triduum redierit, is nomen suum scribere non teneatur, sed solum exeundi facultatem a Praeposito aut ejus Vicario postulet. Si quis dum abfuerit in morbum forte incident, et per literas Praepositum aut Socios certiores fecerit, idque certis testimoniis postea ita habere compertum fuerit, dies quibus aegrotaverit inter praescriptos absentiae dies numerari nolumus. Statuimus item ut nemini Sociorum vel Discipu- lorum, praeter dies hisce Statutis praescriptos, ultra unam in singulis annis quartam a Praeposito, vel eo absente Vice- Praeposito, et majori parte Seniorum, nisi gravissima urgentis- simaque de causa unquam concedatur. Atque toto illo tempore quo absunt, volumus ut actus suos scholasticos observandos curent, et pro commeatu nullam compensationem habeant, nisi vel aegrotaverint, vel forte in Collegii negotiis exsequendis occupentur. APPENDIX 367 ./Equum est enim ut qui ad alicujus commodum la- borem capit, ei sumptus necessarius ab eodem suppeditetur. Statuimus igitur ut Praepositus aut alius quicunque ad Collegii negotia obeunda emissus, de sententia Praepositi, aut eo absente Vice-Praepositi et majoris partis seniorum, qui et negotium ipsum, loci distantiam, dierum numerum et alias circumstantias diligenter considerent, sumptus allocates habeat. Ipse intra breve tempus postquam ad Collegium redierit, expensa in schedula quadam particulatim scripta ad Przepositum, aut eo absente Vice-Praepositum deferat, sub poena amissionis eorundem. Quod si quispiam ultra viginti dies in dictis negotiis abfuerit, commeatum ad vestes reficiendas pro toto absentiae tempore recipiat. Statuimus etiam et ordinamus, ut cum pestis aut alterius contagiosi ac lethalis morbi vis ingruit, Praepositus, aut eo absente Vice-Prae- positus, convocatis Sociis, de majoris partis eorum sententia, potestatem Sociis ac Discipulis faciat, se rus ad aliquem opportunum locum conferendi. Quod si repentinus pestis aut alicujus lethalis morbi metus accident, sic ut in unum coacti de vita propter morbi contagionem periclitentur, turn permittimus, ut de praedictorum consensu, Sociorum et Discipulorum coetus ad trium vel quatuor hebdomadarum spatium dissolvantur, et singuli ad diversa loca pro arbitratu suo secedant, proque illis hebdomadis commeatum sibi debitum habeant. Post quod quidem spatium in unum denuo congregari (si id commode et absque periculo fieri poterit) Discipulos universes volumus : ac illo temporis spatio quo rure manserint simul, omnes actus scholasticos quos praestare in Collegio tenentur, observare, et caetera obire volumus, quae Statuta Collegii exigunt. Quibus toto illo tempore quo simul rusticantur Lectorem primarium et Decanum praeesse volumus. Lector autem omnium acceptorum et expensorum rationem accipiat, Decanus vero morum honestati provideat. Nulli Sociorum aut Discipulorum eo tempore quo simul rure manent Commeatum concedimus, nisi vel in Collegio, vel cum Discipulis versetur. Socii autem 368 APPENDIX si sint simul plures, eo temporc actus scholasticos observent. Baccalaureos autem declamare et unum problema singulis hebdomadis (si terminus sit) die Lunae in Philosophia, incipiendo inter se a senioribus, observare volumus, et nihilominus cum ad Collegium redierint, singuli in suo manipulo vices suas ubi desitum est expleant. Statuimus porro et volumus, ut dum rusticantur discipuli, Praepositus, et eo absente Vice-Prae- positus in Collegio ad ejus conservationem maneat, aut Socios idoneos per Praepositum et Vice-Praepositum et majorem par- tern Sociorum Seniorum approbandos in suo loco substituant. NOTE. Laud made hardly any changes in this chapter, in which the provisions for carrying on education in a healthy retreat in days of pestilence remind us of the famous transference of Uppingham School under Thring to Borthwick, in Wales. On the whole Bedell seems somewhat stricter regarding absences than his successor. DE PCENIS MAJORUM CRIMINUM, MULCTISQUE AUT EXIGENDIS AUT COMMUTANDIS. Cap. 22. Nihil est quod magis homines ad delinquendum incitet, quam Impunitas. Propterea statuimus et ordinamus, ut si quis Sociorum aut Discipulorum, aut aliorum intra Collegium vita degentium Haereseos, aut Simoniae, aut impiae et per- versae opinionis aut dogmatis, aut lassae Majestatis, aut contumaciae et contemptus adversus Statuta Collegii, aut perjurii, furti notabilis, homicidii voluntarii, stupri, adulterii, incestus, raptionis injuriosae, aut violentae percussionis Socii aut Discipuli cujusquam convictus sit, qua vulnus grave cuiquam ex praedictis inflixerit, aut si Praepositum, Vice- Praepositum, Decanum, Doctorem aut Baccalaureum Theo- logiae vel leviter percusserit, vel portarum seras dedita opera corruperit, laeseritve ; quin etiam si portas Collegii furtim reseraverit, aut conjurationes aut insidias contra Collegium APPENDIX 369 comparaverit, vel seditiones in Collegio aliquando excitaverit, vel damnum grave ei intulerit, aut per alios hoc fieri aliquando procuraverit, aut dedecus infamiamve praedicto Collegio in- usserit, et id confessus fuerit, aut idoneis testibus convictus fuerit, Praepositi et majoris partis Sociorum Seniorum con- sensu sine ulla monitione Collegio privetur. Aliorum autem Criminum paena de qua in Statutis nulla est mentio, judicio Praepositi, aut ejus Vicarii, et majoris partis Sociorum Seniorum semper relinquatur. Mulctae vero impositor eandem per se vel adhibito promo exigat a delinquente, aut a Bursario Collegii subducendam et persolvendam ex annuo delinquentis stipendio, aut si id nullum fuerit, ex ordinario ipsius com- meatu, nisi de ea aliter solvenda statim providere possit. Statuimus igitur et volumus, ut Bursarius multam impositam quam primum exigitur exigenti persolvat, sub poena con- tumaciae adversus Statuta Collegii. Idem Tutori delinquentis Pupilli quod Bursario injungimus, et sub eadem paena, si mulctam Pupilli impositam persolvere renuerit, cum a mulctae impositore exigitur, et a Bursario justa de causa non solvitur. Multa persoluta a Bursario reservetur, et ex consensu Pras- positi et majoris partis Seniorum erogetur ad usus necessaries pauperum Scholar ium, et in fine cuj usque quartae disponatur. Quoniam vero usu deprehensum est, poenam illam qua studentibus ordinaria diaeta ad tempus subtrahitur, ad cor- rectionem et disciplinam quorundam studentium parum proficere, placet igitur, ubi de subtractione ordinarii com- meatus, nomine impositae poenae, Statuta loquuntur, ut liceat iis quibus Statuti poenam hujusmodi injungentis executio committitur, eandem vel imponere delinquent!, vel in aliam pro arbitrio commutare, quae ipsis ad praeventionem delictorum et reformationem videbitur esse commodior. NOTE. Laud's great change in this chapter is that he gives th(i power of expulsion for grave offences to the Provost, accitis duobus Decants, apparently for the sake of greater solemnity, for they are allowed no independent voice in the matter. 2B 370 APPENDIX DE INFERIORIBUS COLLEGII MINISTRIS. Cap. 23. Adhuc deesse quaedam membra videntur huic corpori, non ilia quidem venustissima, sed tamen omnino necessaria, cujusmodi sunt Coquus, Manceps, Cellarius, Janitor. Quorum officia tametsi usu notissima sunt, tamen ne quid his Statutis desit, placet et hoc supremum pertexere. Ejusmodi igitur ministros eligi volumus, deinceps si quidem idonei reperian- tur caelibes, religiosos certe, probos, sobrios, et honestos, ne aut malo exemplo corrumpant juventutem, aut infamia sua Collegio ipsi sint dedecori. Manceps sive obsonator accepta a Bursario pecunia ad macellum quotidie cum Coquo proficiscatur ; operam suam uterque diligenter det, ut edulia salubria et recte emantur, coquus praeterea, ut recte apparentur, et in Aulam dis- tribuantur. Idem vasa coquinaria habeat in numerate, ineunte anno, quae expleto rursus anno novo Bursario representet. Promus praeter curam panis et cervisiae (quae ut justo pondere, mensura, et bonitate respondeant, Bursarius potissimum videto) mappas et linteamina lavanda curabit a lotrice, Collegii sumpti- bus. Idem quolibet die Sabbathi, prandio finito, coram Prae- posito, aut Vice-praeposito et Sociis, librum promptuarii ostendat, et seorsim in libello nomina eorum qui aut per totam aut dimidiam septimanam abfuerint, eorum insuper, quibus aut communiae subtractae, aut multa imposita, quantaque et a quo ; ut et Collegii indemnitati, et pauperum prospiciatur. Janitor portas Collegii, turn quae Urbem spectant, turn quae campos orientales, mane aperiet, 1 paulo ante inceptas preces matutinas, aut maturius etiam, si Praeposito videbitur. Vesperi easdem statim a vespertinis precibus inceptis, obserabit, clavesque finitis precibus ad Praepositum deferet. Eadem tempore prandii et caenae, et concionum publicarum, semper obseratae sunto. Januae majores numquam nisi vecturae causa aperiantur, statimque 1 Hence there was clearly no west entrance at this time, though there was a back door for tradesmen, as appears from appendix to Chapter V. Possibly the Januce majores refers to this cart-way, but I think not. APPENDIX 371 claudantur. Idem Janitor sacellum, aulam, vestibulum, aream utramque, a sordibus expurgabit, et munda custodiet, Quod si quenquam in vestibulo mingentem, aut Aream projecta urina sive quisquiliis conspurcantem deprehenderit, licebit ei sex denarios capiti ejus in promptuario inscriptos multae nomine deposcere, a Cellario, vel Bursario solvendos sine mora. Idem canes a Collegio, et praecipue a Sacello tempore precum exigat ; videatque ne qui calones puerive in Collegio pernoctent, aut omnino ministeria peragant, nisi quos Praepositus, aut ejus vicem gerens probaverit. Et ne illius curae tantum rem tanti momenti relinquamns, Volumus et Statuimus ut praeter Prae- positum et Vice-Praepositum Decanus videat ne quis Servulum aut puerum sibi ministrantem habeat, nisi scholarem, aut qui literis saltern operam det : nee id sine licentia Praepositi fiat ; quo casu Decanus ejus herique nomen in Libellum peculiarem conscribat ; et cujusque Seniorum Sociorum fas esto eum quoties placuerit examinare, quomodo in literis proficiat. Hoc Statutum qui violarit, tanquam Collegii splendorem offuscans, earn censuram subeat, quam Praepositus et major pars Seniorum irrogabit. NOTE. Laud fixes the hours of opening and closing the gates without reference to prayers, but agrees that they shall always be shut during prayers. Assuming that all within the College attended, this was a measure of safety. Otherwise Laud adopts the whole chapter, with slight verbal alterations. The clause that even the servants shall pursue their education in the College is probably due to a clause in the Grant of the site by the City of Dublin, which Grant is revoked if the Society shall ever consist of members not devoted to the pursuit of Letters. In Oxford Colleges, however, the servitors were also generally poor students. EPILOGUS. Cap. 24. Atque haec fere sunt quae Praedecessores nostri aut ab aliis sapienter inventa, aut usu ipso comperta, ac prudenter consti- 372 APPENDIX tuta tradiderunt. Quae nos in unum Statutorum corpus compacta et ordinata posteris tradenda duximus, rogantes, et in Domino obsecrantes eos qui praesunt, ut ex iis hoc Collegium regant, et administrent, nee temere quicquam sibi innovandum putent. Nam et mali moris est Leges semel fixas mutare, et recens inventa plerumque experimento fallunt, licet novitatc blandiantur. Ac ne quis eorum quibus parendi officium incumbit, ignoratione peccet, Volumus ut hsec Statuta, initio cujusque Termini, publice in sacello per Decanum promulgentur. Soli autem sapienti, DEO TRIN-UNI, PATRI, FILIO, ET SPIRITUI SANCTO, sit Laus, honor et Gloria, in Secula Seculorum, AMEN. Guilielmus Bedell Praepos. Josephus Travers, Bursar. David Thomas. Gulielmus Fitz-Gerald. Randulphus Ince. NOTE. The chapter under this title in Laud's book (xxvii) begins indeed with these phrases, but then goes on to declare the law in case of doubts and difficulties, and especially the duties and powers of the two Visitors, substituted for the seven in Bedell's time. The reading out of the statutes on the first day of term lasted till about 1840. DE ELECTIONUM FORMA. Cap. 25. Quoniam ad pacem et Tranquillitatem Collegii permultum retulerit, legitimam in Electionibus formam observari, placuit hac de re aliquid Statutis prioribus tametsi jam perfectis attexere. Quoties igitur Praepositi locum vacare contigerit, Electio ad hanc formam instituetur. Vice-Praepositus, aut si APPENDIX 373 nullus Vice-praepositus turn domi fuerit, Socius Senior, con- vocato quamprimum Collegii Senatu, de die Electionis ad eum referet : quod si quern ex Electoribus turn a Collegio abesse contigerit, ejus reditum baud ultra octiduum expectari volumus, atque interea diem Electioni praefinitum valvis sacelli affigi. Qui cum advenerit, post precum solennia Sacra Synaxis cele- bretur a Decano, si Minister fuerit ; alioqui ab alio ex Sociis, cui id munus a majori parte impositum fuerit, una cum Sermone, in quo Electores cohortabitur, ut Deum et Collegii bonum prae oculis habentes, talem Praepositum eligant, qualem Statuta designant. Praemissa concione, Electores soli in Sacello remanebunt ; lectisque Statutis de officio et juramento Prae- positi, et hoc capite de Electionum forma, cuique suo ordine permissum esto quern velit nominare, et de ejusdem pietate, doctrina, prudentia, et integritate verba facere. Quo peracto, quisque juxta ordinem Senioritatis hoc jusjurandum dabit : Ego, N. Deum tester in conscientia mea, me Statuta nuper lecta fideliter et integre observaturum, et ilium in Praepositum electurum, quern Statuta nuper lecta significare et apertius describere mea conscientia judicabit, omni illegitima affectione, odio, amore, et similibus sepositis. Considebunt inde Vice- Praepositus vel senior socius, cumque eo alii duo praesentium maxime Seniores, et suffragia sua primi omnium descripta deponent ; quod idem exemplum reliqui sequentur ; et in quem major pars totius numeri Sociorum Seniorum con- senserit, is pro electo habeatur. Quod si primo et secundo scrutinio suffragia partis majoris in aliquem unum non con- senserint, praesentes omnes Suffragia sua in Vice-praepositum sive Socium Seniorem et proximos duos seniores compromittere volumus, eorumque saltern duos electionem absolvere ; eamque ab omnibus ratam habendam decernimus. Electio mox publi- cabitur nomine majoris partis Sociorum, et electus, praestito juramento Collegii, Praeposituram gerat. Quoties vero Socii probationarii vel Discipuli eligendi sunt, peracta examinatione ex Statutis requisita, Senatus Collegii 374 APPENDIX postridie convocabitur, et perlectis Statutis de eorum qualitate et electione, una cum hoc Capite de forma electionum, nomina candidatorum publice recitabuntur, et cuique ex Electoribus permissum esto, de eorum doctrina, ingenio, probitate, vel inopia breviter verba facere. Quo peracto, quisque Elector hoc juramentum dabit. Ego N. Deum tester in conscientia mea, me Statuta nuper lecta fideliter et integre observaturum et ilium (vel illos) in Socium (vel Socios) (aut Scholarem Discipulum, sive scholares Discipulos) electurum quern (vel quos) Statuta nuper Lecta significare, et apertius describere mea conscientia judicabit ; omni illegitima affection e, odio, amore, et similibus sepositis. Considebunt inde in scrutinio secreto Praepositus, vel eo absente Vice-praepositus, cum duobus Sociis praesentium maxime senioribus, et Suffragia sua primi omnium descripta deponent. Post omnes reliqui Socii juxta ordinem senioritatis suae ibidem suffragia pro numero locorum supplendorum simul et semel in acervum conferent. Ea Scrutatores discriminabunt, et in quern vel quos major pars Sociorum una cum Praeposito consensisse deprehendetur, is iique pro electis habeantur, et mox Electi pronunciabuntur. Quod si primo vel secundo scrutinio numerus suppleri non possit, tertio palam omnes suffragabuntur, incipientes a juniori- bus, atque ita ascendendo, donee ad Praepositum ventum sit. Quod si ne sic quidem altera et tertia Suffragatione con- venerint Praepositus et major pars, Electio pro ea vice terminata judicabitur. In Seniorum vero sociorum numerum quoties quispiam cooptandus est, omissa Examinatione et juramento, utpote jam antea factis, Praepositus vel Vice-Praepositus de praelectis probationariis maxime seniorem nominabit, et de ipso suffragia rogabit, an dignus videatur qui in decedentis locum succedat. Quod si a Praeposito et majari parte propter gravem aliquam causam approbatus non fuerit, de proximo verba fient ; quoad in aliquem consenserint : quern deinceps secundum fundationis Chartam plene Socium constitui, et admitti placet ; et parem APPENDIX 375 cum caeteris proprie dictis potestatem, authoritatem, et stipendia obtinere. Guilielmus Bedell : Praep : Joseph Travers. David Thomas. Guilielmus FitzGerald. Ric. Jordan. Tho. Price. Randulphus Ince. NOTE. This chapter was deeply modified in substance, though not in form, by Laud. The election of the Provost disappears, being henceforth reserved to the Crown. With regard to the cases where a majority do not agree with the Provost, Laud solves the difficulty by giving the decision to the Provost in the third scrutiny. Both one and the other clearly intended the Provost to have not only a casting vote, but an absolute veto in all elections, Laud specially ordaining that while the Provostship is vacant no elections can be held, though an existing Provost may delegate his power to his Vice-Provost. This veto, and the power of electing in spite of a majority against him, was exercised by several Provosts till 1791, when Lord Clare, as Vice-Chancellor, decided that the Provost had no absolute negative, and that the phrase " Quern major pars, &c., una cum Praeposito " only meant that the Provost must be present and voting. The whole matter is acutely argued by Matthew Young The Provost's Negative, Dublin, 1792, and the written opinions of several distinguished lawyers, all in harmony with Lord Clare's decision, are added in an appendix to that book. INDEX Abbot, Archbishop of Canter- bury, nominated Chancellor of Trinity College (l6n), 166 ; rebukes disuse of sur- plice and neglect of Book of Common Prayer in Trinity College, 166 Abercorn, Earl of, Scottish nobleman, yet Papist, 210 "Accompt of the Yearely Charge of the Colledge," &c., 312, 313 Adiiltage, or Adultship, privi- lege of exemption from the rod, 191, 212 n. Agher, estate in Westmeath, acquired by Winter, still owned by his descendants, 301 and n. Allemand, his Histoire Monas- tiquc dlrlande, 1690, 6 Allen, John, borrows books from College Library, 250 All Hallowes, religious house near Dublin, 10 ; site granted by City for the building of Trinity College, 61 All Saints' (or All Hallowes) Monastery, value of, 49 Alvey, Henry, Second Pro- vost, 112; also Vice-Chan- cellor, 115 n. ; a leading Puritan, 134 ; leaves for England in 1600-1601, 115 ; his return, 116; leaves a second time on account of plague (1605), 129 ; his rule lax, 133 ; his chief bequests to St. John's College, Cam- bridge, 133 ; reasons of his resignation discussed, 138 ; disappears without com- ment, 139 ; growth of pros- perity under him, 140 ; his enlightened policy of bring- ing learned men from Cam- bridge, 140 ; list of College plate under his rule, 140 ; growth of College library, 142, 143 ; his accounts, 74 . ; his College pott, 133 Alvey, John, related to above ; Travers' old master, 113 Anabaptists, Winter's opposi- tion to, 300, 301 Anglo-Irish, converted by Jesuits, 45 sqq. Anglo-Irish intellect, superior to pure English ; its many- sidedness, 323 Animi Medela (J. Stearne) contains interesting auto- biographical note, 319 Anon. Neat manuscript his- tory of College ; cites Dr. Barrett ; probable author, Introd. x. ; referred to on pages 76, 77, 79, 93, 116, 157. 175, 178, 241 notes; suggests that Alvey's ab- sence was connected with buying books, 116 Antagonism between English and Irish : Is it of race or of creed ? 53-55 Andrew's (Saint) Church used as stable by Lord Deputy, 72 Anglican substituted for Irish Church in Laud's Statutes, 256 Aphorisms of J. Stearne: Its dedication to Ormond, 322 Appendix I. to Chap. II. : (a) Scheme for Endowment of University by G. Browne (1547), 99 : (&) Letter from A. Loftus to Cecil, 104 Appendix II.: A. Ussher's tutorial account, 105 Appendix III.: Specimens of Travers' style, 107 Appendix IV. : Letter of Holmes to Challoner, 109 Appendix V. : Petition of Provost and Fellows to Burghley for 100 in lands, no Appendix VI. : Circular senl to Munster to give Patrick Crosbie facilities, no, in Appendices to Chap. v. : I, Latin letter of R. Ussher 220; II. Petition of the College to City against 377 building close to their gate, 222-224; III. Examination of William Smith, 225 Appendix, General : Bedell's Statutes ; Latin ; Laud's alterations discussed in notes, 327-375 Aqua viiix "sets the Irishman a-madding," 15 Arbour of Plunkett's house in Bridge Street, 208, 226 Ardmachanus, Ja., Primate's signature, 216, 224 Archer, Jesuit leader, 32, 33 Aristotle, 51, 317 Armagh, a barbarous place; Cathedral burnt by Shan O'Neill, 34 Armada, Failure of, 28 Arrears, Alarm of Bedell con- cerning, 205 Ars Concionatidi, Chappell's book, 234 Arthur, Alderman, gets lease from Corporation of strip of land along west wall of College ; College objects to his building on it ; their petition to Corporation, 201 ; students carry off boards of enclosure, 202 ; censured by Provost, 225 Arthure, Doctor, borrowed books from College Library , 250 Ashwood, Robert, "indebted to the College," 19, 250 Atherton, Captain, 96 Atkinson, Professor, 121 n. Attainted lands, 90, no Augustinian chapel, 49 . Augustine, S., Mountjoy con- futes Jesuits from, 52 Auld, Robert, appointed by mistake to two rectories 300 B Back Lane, Mass house in, granted to College named Kildare Hall ; its site, 214, 215 378 INDEX Baggotrath. College gets lease to livings, and Bedell's op- of. ' Dublin favourably with Bedell's staff (mace), large Edinburgh; travels through sum subscribed for under mountainous parts near Alvey, 140 Newry and Wicklow with- Bedell's Statutes, define Col- out danger in 1637 ; dines lege terms, 113 n. with Ussher, 253, 254 ; ad- Benefactions, Book of, ig- mires his sermons, dines nores Adam Loft us ; list with Bishop Richardson, of first donors, 63, 67 254 ; describes Ussher's Berkeley, George, 157 private chapel at Drogheda, Bernard, Dr., funeral sermon 236 . on Ussher ; his inaccuracy, Brewer's Introduction to the 70 ; statement about Crom- Carcw Papers, 7 n. well's soldiers and College Bridewell built in Hoggen library, 316 ; misconduct as Green to restrain beggars, who carried infection of plague, 1603, i3o;Chichester acquired it fron Corpora- tion of Dublir, 188. 189; residence fcv students under namr of Trinity Hall till 164:, 189 Bridge Street, Mass houses in, granted to College ; named S. Stephens Hall, 214, 215 Brodeley, JL'r., borrows books from the College Library, 250 Brook, his History of tlu PuriUns, 83 ., 85 H., 86 Brooking's map of Dublin, 1798, 202 Bronncker.Sir H., President of Kunster, orders all Roman ecclesiastics to leave the country, and offers rewards tor their apprehension, 33 Browne, Mary, love-letter to Thomas Clansie (Clanchy), 252 Browne, Archbishop of Dub- lin, his important letter about transforming Colle- giate Church of S. Patrick into an University, 57 and Appendix, 99 Bryen, Denis, Munster agent. Temple's letter to him, 178 n. Bull andbear-baiting,students forbidden to witness, 190 Burgh, Lord (Lord Deputy), 40 ; died in harness, 51 Burgh, Tho., bishop of Kil- macduagb, 12 Burke, Lord, of Castleconnell, educated in the College, 184 Burkes of Mayo, children barbarously executed, 39 Burghley, Lord (Chancellor), his Protestantism : his ap- pointment of Travers, 82 ; his letters to Napper and Bingham, 89 n. Bursar, first appointed in 1612, 174 ; they husband the little resources of Col- lege during years of disaster, 289 ; list of, 289 Burton, native scholar, 203 But, Mr., " for writing out the statutes," 160 Byse (or Bysshe), John Robert, 272 Cambridge, its Puritan in- Huence on the founders of Trinity College, 58 Cambridge Statutes, copied by Dublin University, 166 Cambridge Chancellor adop- ted by Dublin University 1 66 INDEX 379 Cantwell, William, complains of seizure of his property, 14 Capuchins, College of, 208 Caput of the Congregation, 163 Carroll, Sir James, helps to manage financial affairs of the College. 129 ; his money transactions, 142 ; vice- treasurer, 70, 71 Carew, writes that mayors refuse to come to the church, 35 Caroline Constitution, 1637, 198 ; minute differences show the mind of Laud ; its fatuous prohibition of games, 205 ; the work of Laud, but founded on Bedell's Statutes, 255 Carson, Dr., xiii. Carte, his life of Ormond, 131 Carter, borrowed from Kil- dare Hall, 250 Cartwright, translates Tra- vers' Latin work, 84 Gary, Sir G., acquires piece of ground between College and Hoggen Green, 188 Case, author of Spccitlttm Mo- ralium Quastionum, 58 . Catalogue of Library of 1604, inaccurately termed the first, 143 Caulfield, Sir Toby (and Lord), builds a house be- tween Hoggen Green and Suffolk Street, 188 ; his son in Exeter College, 200 ; his house bought by Ussher, 254 Celibacy clause in Fellowship oath, abolished under Vic- toria, 156 n. C;iuliield, W., signs petition, 223 Challoncr, Luke, earnest re- former, 58 ; the real foun- der of Trinity College, 60 ; his letter about cashing bills of captains, 70 ; lends his books freely, 78 ; educated at Trinity College, Cam- bridge, 118 ; "painful prea- cher " and lover of books, 119; shrewd man of busi- ness, 119 ; his monument neglected and defaced, 1 20 ; obtains site for Bridewell, 130 ; his scheme for enlarging the useful- ness of College, 170 ; his death in 1613, a loss, 171 Challoner, Phcebe, daughter of above, married James Ussher, 118 Chancellor of Trinity College, his importance to mediate between the College and the Crown, 259 Clanchy (or Clancy), Thomas, agent for College in Lime- rick ; two interesting let- ters among his business papers, 251 Chantry lands, Challoner's catalogue of, about Dublin, 169 Chappell, W., seventh Pro- vost, sent to Trinity Col- lege as a High Churchman by Laud, 231 ; his autobio- graphy, gap of twenty-five years in, 231, 232 ; invited by Temple as a Ramist and Low Churchman in 1612, 231 ; the King compliments him on his disputation at Cambridge ; tutor at Christ's College, Cambridge, where he flogged young Milton, 232 ; he becomes a High Churchman, which gains him the favour of Laud and the hostility of Ussher, 232 ; changes intro- duced by ; Irish lecture abandoned, surplice im- posed on students, 237 ; made bishop of Cork and Ross, he retains the provostship, contrary to statute, 248 ; resigns the provostship, 249, 266 ; charges against him in Irish Parliament of 1641, 271 Charges in College, not lower than in Oxford or Cam- bridge ; 2d. a liberal price for a meal, 134 Charles II. gains the credit of Cromwell's ideas, 316 Charter of Queen Elizabeth, 63 ; Abbot as Chancellor demands its surrender ; refused by Fellows ; their argument quoted by Hely Hutchinson, Anon., and Stubbs, 167 Chambers, College, rent of, 217 Chatham, Lord, trains his son in viva voce translation, 187 Chatterton, his failure to settle in Ulster, 158 Chichester, Lord Deputy, 1604-1616, brought up in school of Mountjoy, 179, 180 ; puzzled by James's vacillating treatment of Jesuits, 183 and note; ap- plies for lease of Sir G. Carey's house, 189 Chieftain's household, bar- barism of, 13 Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, Friday lecture in, 176, 177 "Christ's College," title pro- posed for Dublin College, 57 Cimbri, compared to savage Scots, 126 Clandeboye, Lord, see Hamil- ton, James Clanrickard, strong ruler, 3 Clare, Lord, his decision at visitation of 1791, 262 Clark, Edward, aspires to provostship, 192 Clearke, John, admitted M.D., 34 Clelow, James, 305 Clergy, slothful, selfish, 25 Coburne, Chris, 250 Collections, Winter's MS. notebook in Library, 300 it. College Library, earliest cata- logue, 1600 ; second cata- logue, doubtless begun by Ambrose Ussher, 143; did not contain a single speci- men of fine early printing ; theological commentaries in coarse binding (that of John Francton in 1604 the earliest), 143 College plate, pledged during great Rebellion ; 50 re- ceived on it from Jacob Kirwan, 283, 287 ; only pieces remaining from before the Rebellion, 285 . College seal, the original, 124 n. ; that of 1612, 169 Collins, John, vintner, his bequest, 293 Commissary of Prerogatives, a lay post, 192 Commonwealth Records, 295 n. Communion table, none in College Chapel at Bedell's election, 196 ; position of, 236 ; in Ussher's chapel at his palace, 236 ; in S. Peter's, Drogheda, 236 " Concealed lands," 40, 41, in College Halls in city, Went- worth allows these to be recovered by lawsuit and re-occupied by Papists, 238 Collectanea, Leland's, 231 Commencements (conferring of degrees), 114, 115; the principal at end of Trinity Term, 186 Concordatum Fund, surren- dered by College under Victoria, 156 n. Commissioners of Ulster plantation, 127 Cohonnogh Dowin, entry concerning in P.B., 137 Conosius Dovinus, not O'Cahan's heir, but pro- bably an O'Doyne ; his tutor A. Ussher, 137. See Cohonnogh Dowin Conway, Robert, Senior Fel- low, signs act to abrogate the itetnpe qitahtor, 242 ; deprived of Fellowship by Privy Council, 243 ; restored to Fellowship by Went- worth, 244 ; summoned before Irish Parliament, 269 ; charges against, 271 INDEX Conway, native scholar, not Irish name, 303 ; (Sir), 206 Conway, Lord, his letter to Lord Dorchester, 211 Cotterel, James, his bequest, 134 Conall, a monastery, also spelt Connall, suppressed reli- gious house, S ; part of its lands in grant to College, >54 Conway, Lord, invites Jeremy Taylor to Portmore, near Lisburn, 322 Cook Street Carmelite house seized ; Mayor and Primate stoned by mob ; house razed by Lords Justices, 214 and note Coote, Sir Charles, subscribes 50 to College or 95 ? (see note), 239 Cork House, the Restoration prevents Ussher's library being deposited there, 316 Cork, Richard, Earl of, de- scribes improved state of country in 1630, letter to Lord Dorchester, 210, 211 ; Lord Justice of Ireland, 211 ; his remarkable letter to Dorchester, describ- ing magnificent house of Jesuits, 218 ; monument to his wife, set up in east end of chancel in S. Patrick's, 236 ; his seizure of Friar's house declared illegal, 238 Cork, Lady, dies in Sir T. Caulfield's house, 254 ; her great tomb in S. Patrick's Cathedral, 234 Cork and Ross, Chappell Bishop of, 249, 252 Corporation of Dublin, grant site of College, 67; still hold formal document, 65, 66 Cottingham, admitted to Fel- lowship by Falkland, but displaced, 197 Coughlan, Richard, turbulent Fellow, 200 Cowley, Joshua, leave of absence, 305 Coyne, a College student, 184 Coyne, old Irish exaction, 44 C.P., or Carew Papers, re- ferred to, pp. 4, 5, 13, 14, 15, 16, 29, 37, 38, 39. 44, 47, 58, 79, 86, xvi Creagh, Dr., Pope's Legate, 23 Crompton, Thomas, from Brazenose College, 304 Cromwell, Henry, 299 ; elected Chancellor by Win- ter, 302 ; his benefaction to College, 302 ; his reception on landing near Kings- town, 302 n. ; not much of a Puritan, 321 and note Cromwell, Oliver, 288, 289, 296, 207 ; less cruel than he has been painted ; his en- lightened treatment of Irish Industries, 306, 307 ; his proposals (i) to found a new college near Trinity, (2) to endow Dublin with a public library, 309 Cromwellian settlement, its harshness exaggerated, 309 Crosbie, Patrick, appointed agent to seek out attainted lands, 41, in ; his friendly intercourse with tenants, 91, 92 and note Crown, dictation of in elec- tion of Provost, 212 Cndworth, Ralph, Trustee of College, 295 Cuellar, Captain, wrecked from Armada on Sligo coast , 24 Cullen, 239 sq. Ciiltu dh'ino, de, first chapter of Bedell's Statutes, 199: degraded to ninth place by Laud, 256 Cusack, mentioned as English name, 4 ; Adam, 272, 297 Ciistoilinm, of temporalities of archbishopric of Tuam, D Dale, John, 300 Dame s Gate, in Castle wall, nearest point of city to monastery of All Hallowcs, 72 Daniell, William (also O'Don- nell), one of the original scholars. Fellow in 1593, 77 ; burns a sacred image in Galway, 45 ; writes of " traitorous seminaries," 35 ; his Irish version of the New Testament, 121 Davis, Sir John, his tract on why Ireland was not sub- dued, 5 n., 7 n. ; thinks all Irish difficulties are over- come, 1616, 21, 23, 34, 53 ; acute observer, 144 Davis, native scholar, 203 Decadence of College felt by James Ussher, 200 Declamation, required weekly from students, 185 Decrements (detriments), Col- lege fee for wear and tear of house. So and note Degree examination, profi- ciency required for, 185 Denationalisation of Trinity College effected by Laud and Wentworth ; English- men imported ; no O or Mac among scholars elected, 247 Denization, right of pleading like English subjects, 5 Denny, Sir Henry, his "out- rageousnes toward the Irish, 39 Deputation of Fellows goes to London in 1629 to obtain freedom of election, 211 Desmond, Earl of, vast es- tates. 30 Detriments, Fellow Com- moners' and Pensioners' weekly payment, 4d. ob. and 2d., 131, 153. See Decrements Devenish, Ed., mayor of Dublin, 1591, 62 Dialectic, first year's course, 187 Diet, cost of in College, 153, 154. Dillon, Garret, College offers to pay him for recovering chantry lands, 156 Dillon, James, relative of James Ussher, 200 Dillon, Lord, mention in petition of College, 223, 224 Dio Chrysostom, 43 Directory ordered to be used instead of Prayer Book by Puritan Government, 289 Discipline of students : all games forbidden ; park re- served for Fellows divided by walls, and let for orchards, &c. ; young offenders birched by junior Dean ; confession on their knees during dinner time, 190, 191 Disqualification of marriage, 200 Dissension of Fellows under Chappell ; question of seniority ; conflict between High and Low Church ; the four candidates Hoyle, Pheasant, Cullen, Ware : appeal to the visitors, 239- 244 Dissertation on Death (J. Stearne) : its dedication ; its attack on ignorant Calvinists ; letter of com- mendation from Jeremy Taylor, 321, 322 Dix, Mr., author of " Earliest Dublin Printing," 97 ; his catalogue shows dearth of Dublin printing in Temple's time, 150 Dixon, Prof. MacN'eile, writes first of " College Histories," xiii. Docwra, Lord, mention in petition of College, 223, 224 Dodwell, Henry, enters Col- lege in 1655, 290 Donegal, monastery of, DOS sessed library where Four Masters wrote, 9 INDEX Donellan, Edmund, entries concerning in P.B., 164 Donnellan, Nehemiah, trans- lates Bible into Irish, 1594, 12 Dopping, Anthony, enters College in 1655, 290 Dowdall, Sir J., letter to Burghley, 36 tt. Drury, Sir W., Lord Deputy, his cruelty, 39 Dublin Castle, heads exposed on ; hostages ill-treated in, 37,38 Duke, Sir Henry, speaks Irish and English, 12 Dun (Dunn), Dr. Charles, Vice-Chancellor, 162 ; Fel- low in 1608, 115 n. Dungan, John, 272 E " Ecclesiastical Benefice " de- lined, 199 Edward VI., Irish replica of his act seizing chantry lands, 156, 157 Elizabeth, Queen, why does she found Trinity College ? i ; her letter authorising it, 62 ; hostility to Scots in Ulster. 125 Elrington, Charles, Professor of Divinity, 1829, Introd. x. English rule, cruelty of, 37 sqq. English ' settlers in Ireland, sell their land through dis- trust of James's gifts, 182 Esmonde, Laur, 223 Essex, Robert, Earl of, his ex- pedition to Munster, 113 ; Chancellor of Cambridge and Trinity College, Dublin, 112 ; his execution, 114 Essex, Lord, the elder, his failure to settle in Ulster, 158 Ethic and rhetoric, fourth year's course, 187 Eustace, Rowland, 250 Evangelical spirit of Church of Ireland, 230 ; due to Travers and his school, 87 Examination of William Smith, Appendix iii. to Chap, v., 225 Exeter College, Ussher sends young Dillon there, 200 Extern students, Bedell's suggestion, 206 Eyre, William, comes to Dub- lin, 140 ; correspondent of Ussher ; recommends Mar- tin for Fellowship, 179, 180 F Falkland, Lord Deputy, com- plains of being thwarted, 183 ; petitioned to admit can- didates to Fellowship, 197 and note ; orders their ad- mission, retracts order, 197 ; his proclamation against religious houses disre- garded ; himself recalled, 213 ; he protests against the weakness of the Govern- ment in dealing with the " contagion of Popery," 209, 223 Falkland, Captain, son of Lord Deputy, educated in Trinity College, Dublin, 184 Peasant, see Pheasant Fen, Humphrey, controver- sial Puritan, 86 n. Fenton, Sir Geoffrey, Lord Cork's father-in-law, 235 ; complains of his old age, 5i- Field, his letter to General of Order of Jesuits, 48 Finances of College, im- proving in 1606, 137 Financial distress of College during Rebellion, 285-288 Fitzgerald, Will., Fellow, 216 Fitzgeralds, two, their build- ing in the College, 238 Fitzmaurice, Lord Lixnaw's sou, educated in the Col- lege, 184 FitzSimon, leading Jesuit, 33 Fitzwilliam, Lord Deputy, his coat-of-arms falsely said to be set over the gate, 66 ; issues circular letter ; con- tributes 200 to College, 67 ; smallness of his force against Spaniards, 24 Fleetwood, Lord Deputy, 299 and note " Flight of the Earls," a relief to the country, 136 Floyd, J., Welsh Vice-provost, 196 Floyd, William, cousin of Vice-Provost, admitted to Fellowship by Falkland, 196, 197 Folliott, Sir H., Vice-Provost's bond to, 175 Four Masters, The, on the year 1595, 2 Fores and Firebrands, J. Nalson's, 214 n. Franciscans, keep alive some respect for sacraments, 24 Friday, Laud makes it a fast- day in College, 257 Froude, makes the Irish diffi- culty one of religion, 54 Fuller, records in his Church Hist, that it never rained a day during the building of Trinity College, 66 and note Fullerton, James, one of the original Fellows, a Scotch schoolmaster, 77, 78 ; pro- bably political agent of King James, 123 ; works in Munster with Crosbie, 125 ; invaluable as bursar, 127; Commissioner of Ulster plantation, 127 ; obtains grants of lands in Munster, 128 ; epitaph in Westmin- ster Abbey, 128 ; his in- fluence on King James, 155 ; last mention of, 212 Furniture, no accounts for, very HtUe used by students, 135 Galloway, Galway, " From which there went shipping daily to Spain " ( Walworth), 226 ; Bodkin offers to con- vey students to, 208, 226 Galway, compared to the Arcadia of to-day in regard of glass windows, 16 ; founded by English fami- lies, yet becomes very Irish, 17 Games of cards, &c., per- mitted by Laud's Statutes " at the time of Christmas," 257 Gardiner, contributes to Trin- ity College, 67 ; enemy of Boyle, 87, 88 . Garstin, J. R., author of " Irish State and Civic Maces," 140 H. Gearnan, name superscribed in A. Ussher's account, 82 General Convention of Ire- land, petition addressed to, contrary to statutes, 305, 306 Gerald, Earl of Kildare, founder of Mayuooth, 9 Gilbert, Sir John, author of " History of the City of Dublin, 73, 201, 254 n. Glyn, Knight of, his infant son, a pledge in Carew's hands, 39 Goodwin, Thos., 295 Gore, Sir A., Vice-Provost's bond to, 175 Gorges, Dr., 313, 315 Gowns, debate between Pro- vost and Chancellor as to whether students should wear them in the street, 206 Grace before meat, Bedell's, still used in College ; Laud changes one word, 257 Gracedieu.nunnery at Swords, 8 Grammar schools in Dublin, Waterford, Cork, Kilkenny, Limerick, 10 Gray of Wilton, Lord, bloody deputyship, 37 Greek, required from all College students. 185 Greene, Mr., London gold- smith, makes College seal of 1612, 169 n. INDEX linn. Sir, appointed Master in Bridge Street Hall, 217 Gylippus, mission to Syracuse, compared to the Jesuit Archer, 32 Gunpowder explosion in 1596, killed many students, 140 H Hamilton, Archibald, 272 Hamilton, James, collects temporalities In Ttiam, 2, 3 ; one of the earliest Fellows, 77 ; sent toTuam and York, 78 ; tries to collect rents for College, 89 ; obtains large grants in Co. Down, 128 ; becomes Lord Clandeboye, 123, 129 ; is granted lease of northern College estates, afterwards broken, 169 Harding, John, M.A., of Cam- bridge, imposed on Trinity College, Dublin, as Senior Fellow by Wentworth, and tutor to Wentworth's son, 247 ; accepts a living which voids his Fellowship, reap- pointed Senior Fellow by letters patent, 247 ; his official perjury, 249 ; Vice- Provost : he disappears ; his reappearance, 276 . ; his degradation, Appendix ot Chap, vii., 291, 292 Harrison, Sir, lecturer in Bridge Street Hall, 217 Hawking, an offence punished in Trinity College. 79 Hawks, Irish, presented to Burghley and Cecil, 79 Hebrew (first two Psalms) required for degree, 185 ; made compulsory for M.A. degree by Winter, 299 Healing of tltc Soul, The (J. Stearne). Fulsome dedica- tion to H.Cromwell ; com- plimentary letters from three bishops, 320, 321 Hegel, undisturbed by Napo- leon's capture of Jena, 28 Hely Hutchinson, Provost, composes history of Trinity College, 1790-1792 ; notes that Loftus did not draw up Statutes, 71 ; had seen an earlier portion of Temple's Statutes than was come down to us, 161 ; quarrel with his Senior Fellows, 262 n. ; his MS. exposes injustice of attack on Cbappell, 272 H. H. = Hely Hutchinson MS. ; frequently cited in notes, xvi. Henry VIII. no Protestant, 55 Herbert, Sir \Vm., humane, 3<; ; his house (in Kerry) seized by rebels, 48 ; not in list of subscribers to Trinity College, 69; his correspondence quoted, 158 Hi'nniitlifiia, xxviii ; article on College Library, 98 n. Herrings, four barrels of, granted to College, 287 Hist. MSS. Commission, 313 . Hogan, Father, author of Ibernia li^natiana, 48, 273 Holmes, Matthew (Fellow). 69 and Appendix Hoggen Green, opposite Trinity College. From Hogges, ancient mounds, 72, 73 ; encroachments on, 188 ; begins to be called College Green about 1629, 201 Hoile (Hoyle), rector of Kildare Hall, 250 Holmpatrick, Priory, value of, 49 Holy Sacrament, none in College Chapel for eleven years, 196 Houling, Father, S.J., founds Irish College in Lisbon, 32; his grief over Dublin Uni- versity, 60 Hoyle, Nathaniel, refuses to wear surplice, 240, 241 ; preaches at S. Werburgh's, 254 ; Senior Fellow, 290 ; returns from Oxford as Vice-Provost, 297 Howth, Lord, his affray in Thomas Street, 190 Ibernia Ignatiaiia (Father Hogan's), 48 Ignatius suggests Irish mission, 25 I nee, Randal, elected Fellow, 196, 240 In commendam. Provost directed to hold his place, 247 Indian Mutiny, compared to Irish Rebellion, 275 Ingram, Dr. Thomas, criti- cises Mr. Lecky's views on Irish affairs, 54 Isham (George), his grant in Munster from Queen Eliza- beth bought by the College, 5 Irish lecture and prayers in College,instituted by Bedell, 203 Irish names, adoption of by English in sixteenth cen- tury, 4 Irish Parliament of 164^1, its charges against the Bishop of Cork for bis government of the College, 269 " Irish Question " now one of religion, 56 Irish race, taken under royal protection of King James ; beneficent effect of this act, 160 Irish studies, encouraged by English, not by Anglo-Irish Provosts, 204 Irish teaching in the College suppressed by Laud and Wentworth, 258 Irish tongue, University re- quired by James I. to train natives to preach in, 177 ft. Italic hand, elegantly written by Temple and Ussher, 152 I James I., his change of religion, 32 ; seeks to influence Ireland, 125 ; secretly encourages Scotch immigration during Eliza- beth's lifetime, 126 ; grants lands in Connaught and Donegal to Fullerton, 127 ; his munificence to College ; first grant to J. Ware of attainted lands in Tipperary, Waterford, &c. ; second grant confirms by letters patent the gift o'f Elizabeth in 1599 ; third grant gives estates in Ar- magh, Fermanagh. Done- gal ; fourth grant, chantry lands in Dublin ; fifth grant (small ),attaintcd lands in Limerick and Kerry ; sixth and seventh grants make perpetual yearly subsidy from Crown of 388 153., procured by Temple ; eighth grant, patent for election of bur- gesses to Parliament ; ninth grant empowers College to plant Ulster estates ; tenth and eleventh, modifica- tions of tenure, 154-156 ; his vacillation between the Reformed Church and Spain, 183 Jans, Edward, receipt for rent, 238 Jerpoint, a monastery in Co. Kilkenny, 8 Jesuits, their crusade against Protestant England, 16 ; they convert Irish schools, 26, 28 ; influence chieftains, 28 ; reward for their appre- hension, 33 ; they translate the quarrel of race into one of creed, 56 ; James orders their expulsion, and re- tracts it, 183 ; they increase under Charles I., 207 INDEX 383 John Baptist, S., value of monastery, 49 Jordan, Rich., Fellow, 216 ones, Henry, 10 debt to College, 250 Johnson, Charles, 250 Jones, Colonel Michael, Governor of Dublin, patron of College ; Cromwellian general, 288 Jones, Henry, Vice-Chancel- lor and Bishop of Meath ; his gifts to Library, 297 Jones, Sir Roger, his affray in Thomas Street, 190 Junior Fellows, deprived by Temple of right of legis- lating for the College, 163 ; unsoundness of this statute; its result that governing body consists of very old men, 164 quinqtte sanguinum, 5 K Kearney, W., carries off print- ing press, benches, &c.,from College, 135 Kenlis, a nunnery in Co. Kilkenny, 8 Kerdiff e (Kerdiff), John, " native scholar," 203 ; Sir, one of the city, 225 ; John, Fellow, 240 ; entrusted with re-letting of College lands by Cromwell ; resigned to avoid accepting Laud's Statutes, 289 ; made Senior Fellow by special act of Chancellor, 289 ; saves College estates from con- fiscation, 302 Kerdiff, Senior Fellow, 240 Kildare, Dowager Countess of, owns splendid house of Jesuits, 218 ; plaintiff against the College, 238 Kildare Hall, books borrowed from, 249 ; Lord Cork en- dows theological lecture at, 218 Kilkenny Castle, contains deed of appointment of Ormond as Chancellor of Trinity College, 287 Kilmainham, plundered, 46 ; residence of Lord Deputy at, 19 ; grant of chantry lands at, 156 Kilmallock, More Dpm, 223 King's letter granting privi- leges, payment of fee for, 136 Kinsale, siege of, 70 Kilmacrenan.Abbey of, passes to the College (from Fuller- ton and O'Donnell), 127 n. ; part of King James's grant to the College ; small rents paid by Irish tenants, 155 ; during Protectorate the natives were not extirpated by Cromwell, 307 Kyffin, 43 Lacy, Brother Jacob, 274 . Lally, Wm., Archbishop of Tuam, time-serving prelate, 23 ; silent about the Col- le e, 59 ; his death ; his widow in possession, 88, 89 Land, Irish love of, 31 and note Lane, Sir R., complains of old age, 51 Latin, Irish chiefs converse in, 131; spoken at Commons by Bedell's order, 203 Latwar (Latewar), Richard, D.D., brought over as chap- lain by Mountjoy ; killed by bullet near Benburb, 141 ; memorial slab in St. John's College, Oxford, 141 n. ; donor of silver pott and books to Trinity College, Dublin, 141 Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbury, Chancellor of Trinity College; his English primacy of import to Ireland, 228 ; creates mischievous division be- tween the Protestant com- munions of the North, 230 ; his anti- Puritan policy ; he and Wentworth endeavour to make Trinity College ecclesiastical, 256 ; his Code of Statutes not entirely new, 230; his imprisonment, 275; general intention of his Statutes to make the College English in tone and Angli- can in creed, in opposition to the Anglo- Irish sym- pathies of Bedell and the evangelical principles of Ussher, 256 ; removes the chapter De Cttltu Divino from first to ninth place, 199 ; insists on removing Earl of Cork's monument to his wife in S. Patrick's, 236 ; has in hands Uni- versity Charter, 247 n. Lawyers, Anglo-Irish, help to emancipate the people, 5 ; their role on the Roman Catholic side, 46 Lawyers, English, place-hun- ters, 46 ; their dislike to Ireland, 47 Lazar Hill (now Townseud Street) in Dublin, 73 Lazy (Lazar) Hill in Dublin, 202 Lecale, Barony of (in Co. Down), 67 Lccky, Mr.\V. H.. differs from Froude in his estimate of Irish affairs, 54 Lee, Captain Thomas, his barbarity, 39 Leicester, Earl of, petitioned by Fellows to relieve the distress of College caused by great Rebellion, 282, 283 Letters Patent, empowering College to send representa- tives to Parliament in 1613 ; mentions possible founding of other colleges, 162, 165, 1 66 Letters, scarcity of private, in this epoch, 2 Liber Munemm ffibcrnia, 148 Library of Primate Ussher, offered for sale by his daughter, 314 ; Cromwell's scheme to present it to City of Dublin altered by his death ; presented by Charles II. to Trinity Col- lege, 316 Library, College, books bor- rowed from 249 ; Brereton speaks sneeringly of, 255 ; earliest catalogue of, 98 ; use of, confined to gradu- ates, 126 Linen industry in the north, older than Strafford, 159 Lissagh, John, 273 Lishag(t) Thad, Fellow, 216 Lismore Papers, 178 n. Loftus, Dudley, translates from the Armenian ; edits posthumous works of Stearne, 322, 323 Loftus, Adam, Archbishop of Dublin, his speech urging the establishment of an university, 9 ; secures ap- pointments in S. Patrick's, 29 ; delays foundation of Trinity College, 30 ; com- plains of increase of recu- sancy, 33 ; his dishonesty, 57,58 . ; first Provost of Trinity College, 61 ; speech to the Corporation, 61 ; contributes 100, 67 ; his palace at S. Sepulchre's, 71 ; did no work for the College, 71, 72 ; resigns the provostship, 72 Loftus, A., Chancellor, signs petition, 223 Logic, second year's course, 187 Lords Justices (Cork and Loftus) order seizure of Mass houses, 213, 214 Lord's Prayer, in Irish, 203 Ludlow, his country house at Moncktown, 322 Lydiat, Thomas, brought over to Trinity College, Dublin, by A. Ussher, 122 INDEX Lynch, mentioned as an English name, 4 Lyon, William, Bishop of Cork.describes rapid growth of Roman Catholic religion in Cork and Waterford, 34, 35 ; commits schoolmasters to prison, 36 M MacDonnells of Antrim, Scottish immigrants, 126 Mace, earliest college, dis- appeared ; larger one of Queen Anne's time, 140 n. tfagistcr, applied to butler,253 Magrath, Miler, time-serving bishop, 23 ; makes no allusion to Trinity College, 30 Malbie, Sir N., valuable notes on Ireland (1582), 36 n. Marchers, the Lords, in Wales, parallel to the Lords of the Pale in Ireland, 54 Margetson, Dean, 247 Marriages, of English with Irish frequent, 4 Marsdens, English Puritans, 297, 298 Marshall, Thomas, M.A., of Cambridge, imposed as Senior tellow, to help in passing new Charter, 247 Martin, Anthony, Bishop of Meath, Dean and Catechist in 1613, 174 ; gives account of College money, 174 ; close friend of Ussher, 233;comes to Dublin from Emanuel College, Cambridge, 140 ; invited to take charge of College, 278 ; appointed lecturer, 280 ; his salary not completely paid, 281 ; his numerous benefices,28i ; his property looted, im- prisoned by justices, 282 ; delays in his formal ap- pointment as Provost, 283, 284 ; his see non-existent during Rebellion, 284 ; he preaches against Puritan heresy, 289 ; dies of plague, buried beside College Chapel, 289 ; exact date of his death unknown, 293 Mary, Queen, built Mary- borough and Philipstown, 30 Mary's Abbey, S. (in Dublin), 8,74 Mathers, from New England, 298 ; Mather, Samuel, non- conformist, yet declines to displace episcopal ministers, 300 Matriculation Book, earliest, lost by Alvey, 131 ; shows increase of students in 1639, 1640, 264 ; very scanty entrances from 1641-1657 when prosperity returns, 290 ; entries wrongly placed In, 304 Maxwell, Dr. Robert, lease of lands in Armagh, 304 Mayor of Dublin, one of the Board of Visitors, removed by Laud's Statutes, 259 ; Irish Parliament censures this ungrateful act, 272 Maynooth, ancient College of, not founded to teach, 9 ; Royal College of, neglected Irish studies for a hundred years, 98 . McCarthy More, admission to title, 20 McDonnell, Sorley Boy, speaks Irish, 12 McGeoghan, Brian, petitions Elizabeth, 11 McGeoghegan, Richard, letter from, 48 McGuinnis, Sir Hugh, con- tributes to Trinity College, 67 McMahon's children know English, ii McWilliam, Eughter, chief in Mayo, 12 ; advises Elizabeth to recognise Irish chiefs, 20 Mead, Garrett, owes the College 18 135. 6d., 250 Meade, Joseph, Evangelical Divine, 147 ; elected Pro- vost by Senior Fellows, 193 Melvill, Andrew, teacher of Fullerton and Hamilton, 148 Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador, 32 Merchants, lean towards Spain, 45 Michan's, Saint, Church, 74 Midensis (Bishop of Meath), Arth., signature to petition, 223 Mixture of blood, English or Scotch with Irish, admir- able results of, 157 MonasticonHiberntcimi, 72 n. Money, or Monie, Launcelot, letter about cashing bills, 70 ; one of the original Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin, 77 Morality, lack of, among native Irish, 15 Morum, niagister, abolished in 1821, 263 n. Moryson, Fynes, pri%-ate see of Mountjoy, 71 " Mother of an University," meaning of this phrase in the Charter of the College, 63 Mountjoy, a master mind ; changes the course of events in Ireland, 51 ; a lover of books, 71 ; his campaign to Waterford and his controversy with a Jesuit, 126 Mullinex, Mr.,'8i Muniment Room (M.K.), loose papers in, catalogued by author, xiv ; contains the old statutes signed by Temple, beginning with chap, v ; Bedell's Statutes founded on these, 255-264 ; referred to, pp. 76, 81, 94, no, 124, 125, 130, 172, 173, 192, 195, 202, 2O8, 222, 251, 252, 274, 287, 303, 304, xvi ; (A ii.), document about repayment of loans in copper, 142 ; (G. 2) Cook's account, gives number of Fellows and "schollers," 132 ; (F. 77) curious petition to recover books borrowed from Kildare Hall, 249 Munster plantation, 1588, 36 N Napper, Sir R., friend of Richard Boyle, 87 ; chief Baron, 89 n. Native scholars, their names do not appear to be Irish ; better paid than others. 203 Nevell, Sir Patrick, ecclesi- astic, signs with his mark X, 1619, 7 New College, scheme for, under Commonwealth quoted from Urwick, 309- 314 ; proposed site, between Trinity College and Step- hen's Green, 309, 310 ; its intention to imitate the type of Oxford and Cambridge, 314 New England, sends a lad to Trinity College in 1657, 291 Newman, William, his election as Fellow dis- puted, he obtains mandate from Lords Justices, countersigned by Primate ; the king commands him to be elected, 219 ; he signs act to abrogate nemfre qnatiior, 242 ; deprived of Fellowjship by Privy Council, 243 ; restored to Fellowship by Wentworth, 244 ; summoned before Irish Parliament, 269 ; charges against him and Conway, 271 ; indebted to College, 12, 250 New Testament.Irish version of, by William Daniell, 121 and note Neylan, Bursar, 293 Nicholson, John, 157 INDEX 385 " Noblemen's Sonnes" need not salute Provost, 218 Xon-errability of the Church, discussed by proselytising Friars, 226 Norbury (a Puritan), 297 Norreys, Sir J., describes the Irish as " Spanish in heart," 35 ; dies in harness, 6 1 ; contributes to Trinity College, 67 Nugent, Capuchin, seduces students to Spain, 208 Oath for Fellows and scho- lars, Laud's changes in, 257- 2 58 O'Brien, son of Sir Turlough, educated in College ; his favoured treatment, 184 Obscrvalorc :occtilti, scholars appointed to report stu- dents' misconduct to Dean, 262 O'Cahan, Sir Donald, his son kept as ward in Trinity College, 131 ; disappears from notice, 136 O'Conor.recognised by Henry VIII. as a king in west of Ireland, 5 O'Connor, Brian, his property escheated, 41 O'Connor, Sligo, speaks to Elizabeth through an inter- preter, 13 O'Dogherty, Sir Cahir, culti- vated young chief, his outbreak, 136 O'Donnell, Bern, a priest, 12 O'Donnell, Sir Neale, his son kept as ward in Trinity College, 131 ; " bred in the College," 184 O'Flahertys, wild chieftains in lar Connaught, 17 ; Sir Morogh ne Doe, signs with his mark, 1 1 Oge, Rory (O'More), his chil- den pledges, 39 O'Heyne, Teig, native scholar, 203 Omey, Davies, secretary to Sir T. O'Neill, ii O' Neale, Brian, 272 O'Neill, Shan, burns monas- teries, 8 ; poses as a devout Catholic in London, 28. 29 O'Neill, Sir Turlough, has a secretary to write for him, ii ; contributes to Trinity College, 67 ; claims to be the 0*Neill, 68 Ormond, Lord Lieutenant (1643), allows College 3 IDS. a weekly "dead pay," 285 ; appointed Chan- cellor, his generosity, 287, 288 ; vigorous and soldierly, 274 ; returns as Chancellor at Restoration, 64, 317. O'Rorke, sent to school in Limerick, and afterwards to Oxford, ii O'Sheneshon = O'Shaugh- nessy, 14 O'Sullivan, Bere, 20 O'Toole, Art, a pardoned rebel, brutally treated by Captain Lee, 39 O'Tooles in Dublin moun- tains, 322 Owen, John, leading member of Trustees for College (under Protectorate), 295 Oxmantown, 74 Pale, the, oppressed by Eng- land, 43 Parliament House, architec- tural glory of Dublin, 202 Parliamentarian sympathies of Fellows, due to their evangelical doctrine, 297 Parliament in Ireland, sum- moned by Wentworth in 1639, to vote subsidies for Charles, 264 ; their extra- ordinary contentment with Stafford's government, 265 Parry, a Fellow, removed from benefice, 199, 200 Parsons, Lord Justice, 279 Particular Book, the, xiv ; account for "mending of locks," 74 n. ; stray notices in, 96 ; receipts for Detri- ments ; no Christian names, 131 ; entry for "Sir James Carroll's scholar," 132 Patent of chantry lauds, loss of, 205 Patent Rolls of James I., 131 Patrick's Cathedral, S., old collegiate church, 29 ; pro- posal to convert into Uni- versity, 60 Patrick Street, rebels steal cows in, 96 Patrick's Well, S., 73 P.B. = Particular Book, passim Pearson, 140 Pedantry of Chappell, his entry of appointment of College butler, 252 Pemberton, Master John, College butler, 253 Pc;isoarMS,JohnStearne the first student so styled in the Matric. Book [pensioners are mentioned in College accounts of 1595], 296 Pepper, Gilbert, Bursar, his accounts, 283 n., 285 Perrot, Lord Deputy, quarrels 2C with Loftus, 29; declares for liberty of conscience, 34 Peter de Rabio, S., sup- pressed religious house, part of grant to College, 155 Petition of the Provost and Fellows to the Mayor and Aldermen, against building near the College gate, Chap, v., App. ii., 222 ; for Bridewell, 130; to Went- worth, to have Crown pen- sions commuted for lands in Connaught. 251 Pheasant (Peasant), Thomas, narrative of his expulsion from Fellowship, 240 sqq. ; presents petition to the House against Chappell, 268, 290 Philip II. criticises Papal bull, 26, 27 ; his cautious charac- ter, 27, 28 Physiology, i.e., natural philo- sophy, third year's course, 187 Physic, school of, its charter formally due to Charles II. ; its basis previously laid by John Stearne, 316, 317 Pierce, John Oge, receipt for rent paid to College, 94 n. Pius IV. authorises endow- ment of Universities from ecclesiastical property in Ireland, 26 Plague, College practically dissolved by, in 1603, 129; in 1649, 295 Plantation of Ulster, at- tempted by Elizabeth, 29 Plautine iambics, Chappell's, 239 Plunckett, William, 272 Pole, Cardinal, 25 Policy, twofold, subjection or conciliation, 3-5 Pompeii. 274 Prendergast, J. (author of Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland), ignores influence of Popery, 53, 54; calls Ormond an Englishman, 56 n. ; his account of Crom- wellian settlement often taken from harsh orders not really executed, 308 Prescott, Mrs., inherited H. Cromwell's letters as heir- looms (Urwick), 310, 313 . Price, Mr., claims Senior Fellowship on the ground that Mr. Thomas was mar- ried, 200 ; as Dean, forbids game of bowls, as contrary to statute, 205 Priest's orders, Laud requires Fellows to take, except they be jurist or medicus, 258 Prince Charles, his Spanish escapade, 183 386 INDEX Privy Council censures Pro- vost Chappell ; his punish- ment referred to Kinn, who refers It to Laud, 243 Proctors, given power of visitation of houses, 345 Proposal to separate Univer- sity and College favoured by Temple and Abbot ; their motives, 167 Proselytising, Archbishop Walsh on, 208 n. Proselytlsers, seduce young men to Spain. 208 Prosperity of Ireland, dates from James' plantation of Ulster, 157 Protectorate, public safety in Ireland under, 322 Providence, East Indies, 291 Provost and Fellows, in- hibited from electing by Parliament of 1641, 273 Provost's Negative, The, by Mathew Young, 262 n. Provost's oath, Winter pre- sumably had not taken it, 306 Provost, 'position of, altered by Laud, 261 Provost's salary ^100, 160 and note Prynne, Mr., makes a charge against Stratford, 269 n. Ptolemies, their wise policy in Egypt, 18, 19 Public Library, Cork House transferred to Henry Crom- well for, 310 Purdon, M., his interesting private letter, 251 Puritanism, its harshness, 44 ; of College, inquiry into, Easter, 1615. 173 Puritan tendencies of College, its ministers acceptable to Scots in Ulster, 160 Puttock, Mr., 250 Quadrangle, drying of clothes forbidden in, 304 Quinqtie sanguines, five privi- leged tribes, 21 Quorum of electors in the College (nempe quatuor) established by Bedell, 335 ; abrogated by Chappell, 242 Races in Ireland, mixture of in sixteenth century. 4 K.idclit'fe, Sir Geo., subscribes f ao to the College, 239 R:imus, spiritual forerunner of Hacon and Descartes : a partial reformer in logic ; studied by Protestant di- vines ; his dialectics edited by Temple In 1584 ; first book published by Cam- bridge Press attacked by Aristotelians, 145 Ranelagh, R., 223 Records of the Corporation ; gift of All Hallowes to the College, 62 ; grant to Alder- man Arthur of land on College Green, 201 ; per- mission to any man to kill any pig seen in the streets, 206 n. Record Office in London, copy of James I.'s patent obtained from, by author, 155. Red Indians, 180 " Redshanks," Scotch savages, "5 Reformed clergy, new pack of wolves, 25 Register, College, interesting items quoted, 212 n. ; scanty under Chappell, 249 ; blanks in, 293 Religious houses, abolished by Henry VIII., 7; hospi- tality of, causes petition against their destruction, 8,9 Revival of Roman Catholic Creed, 25, 26 Reynolds, Paul, 272 Rich, Barnabe, decries Dub- lin, 2 ; attributes Irish difficulty to Popery, 53 ; censures reformed clergy who did not contribute to University, 68 Richard II., planted settlers in Wexford, 30 Richardson, Bishop of Ar- dagh, presents chalice and flagon to College Chapel, 254 Riche, Sir N., Bedell's letter to, 196 Rollo, Mr., 206 Roman Catholic Church, its neglect of education, 6-9 Roman Dictator, 237 Roman Catholics, Laud's Statute admits to scholar- ship, 258 Roque's map, 188 ; also spelt Rocques, 239 Roscommon, held by O'Rourke, 181 Route, The, territory near the Bann, secured by Scotch, 126 Royal prerogative, 230 Rupert, Prince, employed Irish kerne, 22 Russell. Deputy, complains of the number of heads rotting on battlements, 38 Ryves, Sir W., Commissary of Prerogatives, 192 S Salary, of Senior Fellows, 9 133. 4d. ; of Junior Fellows, 3, 312 Salisbury, Earl of, Chancellor of the College, ob. 1612, 166 Saints' days, as limits of terms, introduced by Laud, 257 Sarpi, Fra Paolo, Venetian Reformer, his connection with Bedell, 194 Saunders, Francis, Senior Fellow, 306 Sayiour, S., Dominican Friary of, school of theology, 9 Saxey, Chief Justice, com- plains of age, 51 Scliolariutn comtnensalis, this class of student dis- appears after 1662, 296 n. Schoolmaster, the College, teaches unmatriculated students in chapel, 185 Schools, lay, hot-beds of opposition to English in- terests, ii Scots in Ulster, hail King "ames, spread industry, mild towns, 159 Scott, Sir George, subscribes 20, 239 Scout (Schout), Theodore, coins some of the College plate, 286 and note Script, old German, used by Travers, Alvey, Ware, 152 Seal of Trinity College, old seal of 1612, impression of, discovered in Kilkenny Castle, xiii ; specimens of the original 124 n, 168 ; affixed to all University documents, 162 ; of Uni- versity, granted 1851, a mere curiosity, 163 Seele, Thomas, Fellow, re- signs living, returns to College, afterwards Pro- vost, 253 ; first Senior Fel- low elected under new charter, 253 n. ; solitary Anglo-Irish Fellow in 1641, 276 ; Bursar, Provost under Restoration, 289 Sejanus, his fall compared to Stratford's 265 Senior Fellows, first separated from Junior, by Temple, 163 Senior Master Non-Regent, place in Caput of Senate, 163 Seminarists, seminaries, priests educated abroad, re\vard for, 33 Shakspere signs in old script, IS* Shane.Sir Francis, contributes to Trinit> College, 68 Shuckburgh, ed. of Lives of Hcdcll, quoted, 234 M. Shurley, signs petition, 223 INDEX 387 Sibbes, Richard, evangelical divine, 147 ; refuses invita- tion to come to Trinity College as Provost, 193 Sidney (also spelt Sydney), Sir H., tour through west of Ireland in 1575, 4 ; thwarted by Loftus, 57 " Silver pott " or " boll," early presentations to the Col- lege, 140 Sizarius, sizar, student who gets commons free, 134 ; sizings, derivation of term, 134 Sizator, 296 M. Skull, found under Old Col- lege Chapel, 191 n. Slutmulrooney, manor of, in Fermanagh, part of James's grant to College, 155 Smith, Sir Samuel, his pig, 206 Smith, Sir Thomas, his failure to settle in Ulster, 158 Smith, William,student, Friars attempt to convert ; his de- positions, Appendix, p. 225. 208 Sociorum cotnnieiisalis, 296 n. Soria, Joanes de, Provincial of Castile, 274 . S.P. = State Papers (Ireland), Record Office, London. Re- ferred to, pp. ii, 12, 16, 17, 20, 21, 25, 27, 28, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39. 41- 43, 46, 5i, 54, 59, 68, 70, 78, 86. 87, 96, 114, 126, 127, 148, 169, 176, 177, 180, 182, 183, 193, 206, 209. 210. 211, 214, 215, 234, 241, 267, 284, xvi Spanish conquest, hoped for by Jesuits, 28 Speed's map, 1610, 72, n. Spenser, Edmund, describes lack of religion in Ireland, 24 n. ; not in list of sub- scribers to Trinity College, 69 Spes, Don Guerau de, Spanish ambassador, 27 Sport, absence of, 79 Stafford, private secretary of Sir G. Carew, author of Hibernia Pacta, 71 Stafford, Captain, afraid to sally out of Dublin, 96 Stanihurst, James, favourably describes Dublin, 2 ; grand- father of Primate Ussher, 10 Statutes, Bedell's, three manu- script copies extant, 198 ; clause expunged by Laud, 249 n. See also notes to Latin Appendix Statuta, Bedell's 1. De Cultu Divino, 329- 332 2. De Qualitate et Officio Prsepositi, 332, 333 3. De Juramento Prse- positi, 333 4. De Senatu Collegii constantc ex Pra:- posito et Sociis Senioribus, 335 5. De Scholaribus, 336 6. De Sociorum Elec- tione, 337 7. Juramentum Electi Socii, vel Discipuli, 339 8. De Tutorum ac Pupil- lorum Officio, 341 9. De Modestia, et Mo- rum Honestate Co- lenda ; Itemque de tuenda Collegii exist i- matione Publica, 343 10 De V i c e-P r ae p o s i t i Officio, 346 n. De Decani Officio, 347 12. De Primario Lectore et Sublectoribus, 349 13. De Classium Scholas- ticis Exercitiis, 351 14. De Baccalaureorum et Magistrorum Ex- ercitiis, 353 15. De Vitanda Alien! ExercitiiUsurpatione et vice sua a Quovis Diligenter Obeunda, 354 16. De TerminisObservan- diset de Examinando Scholarium in Disci- plinis Progressum, 356 17. De Admittendis in Collegium Professori- bus Jurisprudentia et Medicina:, 357 18. De Bursarii Officio, 358 19. De Tuta Rerum Cus- todia, et Bibliothe- cario, 361 20. De Sociorum et Scho- larium Numero.Com- meatu, Salariis et Cubiculis, 363 21. De Absentia Sociorum et Scholarium, 365 22. De Poenis Majorum Criminum, Mulctis- que aut Exigendis aut Exigendis aut Corn- mutandis, 368 23. De Inferioribus Col- legii Ministris, 370 24. Epilogus, 371 25. De Electionum Forma, 372 Statutes, Book of, published by College, places Caroline Statutes after Elizabethan Charter, 255 n. Statutes sent from London, Ussher warns Challoner against, 168 Stearne, John, his philosophy, 291 ; Senior Fellow, Pro- fessor of Civil Law, Hebrew Physic, 305 ; his birth and education, crand-nephew of James Ussher, 319 ; first president of College of Physicians, 320 ; his Stoic philosophy, his books and their dedications, 320-322 ; type of versatile Anglo- Irish intellect, 323, 324 Stearne, John, junior, Vice- Chancellor, son of prece- ding, 323 M. Stearne, Robert, empowered to dispose of College lands in Limerick, 305 St. John, Deputy, knights Temple, summons Provost and Fellows to maintain lecture at Christ Church, 173 ; his discreditable re- port on the College, 176 St. Leger, Sir Anth., Deputy, 21 n. ; orders all rhymers, &c., in Munster to be exe- cuted, 38 ; contributes to Trinity College, 67 Strafford, Earl of, hated for enlisting Irish savages, 21. See Wentworth Stubbs, Dr., author of History of Dublin University, x, xj, xii ; says list of original subscribers to Trinity Col- lege is incomplete, 69 ; quoted on cost of living in College (extract from Chal- loner' s note-book), 154 ; mentions some blunders of Winter and his Fellows, 300. Also frequently re- ferred to in the notes. Studies, rent for, in Bridge Street house, 217 Summer term July and August, kept in Temple's time, 186 ; and in Bedell's, 356 Sunday, Saint, image of, burned in Cork, 44 n. Surplice, objected to by Pro- vost Temple ; its use in- sisted on by Abbot, 166 Symner, Major Miles, ap- pointed Professor of Mathe- matics, to teach surveying, 296 ; Bursar, 293 Taaffe, says gentry are too poor to contribute to Trinity College, 69 Tables in College (four). Fellows', Bachelors', Scho- lars', Pensioners', 151 Tailor, John, admitted M.D., 34 Taylor, Bishop Jeremy, Vice- Chancellor, his gloomy account of the College 388 INDEX only Restoration rubbish ; he persecutes Presby- terians. 318 Taylor, publishes History of Trinity College, 1845, rhetorical, partial, x, xi Teate, Faithful, Temporarily Subrector, 277 ; a failure, summoned before Council, 278 ; his degradation, 279 Temple, Fourth Provost, 145 ; birth and education, 145 ; edits Ramus' Dialectics, 145 ; dedicates it to Sir Philip Sidney and becomes his private secretary, 146 ; Sidney dies in his arms, 146 ; secretary to Essex in 1594, 146 ; Parliamentary seat for Taimvorth, ib. ; saved on Essex 1 fall by favour of Cecil, ib. 146; pub- lishes a logical analysis of twenty select Psalms, dedi- cated to Prince Henry, 146 ; becomes Provost in 1609, probably by influence of Fullerton and Hamilton, 147, 148 ; no evidence to show that he was selected by Ussher ; as a layman objects to wearing surplice, 147 ; Master in Chancery, 148 ; leading Ramist in England, logician and scholar, 148 : brings over his wife and children, who may have been allowed to live in Pro- vost's lodgings, 149 ; pub- lishes Latin Exposition of Psalms i-xxx, and dedicates it to Robert Cecil, printed in London, 149 ; no copy of his Ramus in Trinity Col- lege, 150 ; shrewd man of business, 150 ; his note of cost of diet in P.B., 153 ; his work on College Statutes, 160-165 ; first four chapters, loose sheets sewed together, existed till re- cently, 161 ; statute on use of surplice, as reported by Hely Hutchinson, shows unwilling submission to the King, 161 : statute against use of tobacco, 162 ; his plan for increasing num- ber of Fellows compared with Challoner's, 170; his honesty suspected by Junior Fellows, 172, 173 ; his ill-composed defence, 173 ; his hands not clean, ib. ; knighted by Lord Deputy St. John, ib. ; no theologian ready to lecture in Christ Church, 177, 178 ; his neglect of Irish Church, 178 ; College declines under his rule, 179 ; his failure to educate an Irish Church clergy, 181 ; death in January, 1626, 191 ; buried under old College Chapel, skull exhumed, probably his, low type, 191 n. ; died discreditably in debt to College, 192 Termonfechan, Primate's Palace of, 195 Thirty Years' War, promoted by Jesuits, 25 Thomas a Becket, S., religious house near Dublin, 10 ; value of, 49 : granted by Henry VIII. to Sir H. Brabazon, now the Earl of Meath's Liberty, in Dublin, 49 n. Thomas, David, Fellow, 216 Thomond, Earl of, writes from Limerick of the obstinacy of the people, 35 ; signs return of the revenues of public institu- tions in Ireland, 313 Thompson, John, admitted M.A., 304 Thucydides, 275 Thurloe Papers referred to, contain Langley's letter about decay of Irish towns, 308 ; on H. Cromwell going to church in state, 321 Toaghy, in Armagh, part of King James's grant, 155 Tobacco, statute against use of, lost, 162 Todd, Dr., Introduction to first College Calendar (1833), x Trafford, student, Friar's at- tempt to convert, 208 Travers, Joseph, Professor of Civil Law, 216, 297 Travers, Walter, Second (First acting) Provost, 59 ; his letter to Burgley describing the "poore and harde beginnings of Trinity Col- lege," 75, 76 ; his early life, Christ's College, Cambridge, 82 ; tutor to Lord Burgley's son, 82 ; visits Geneva, 83 ; writes against Anglicanism, 84, 85; silenced by Whit- gift, 86 ; his evangelical zeal, 86; elected Provost of Trinity in 1594, 86 ; influences Ussher towards Puritanism ; permanent Low Church character of Irish Church, due in part to his influence, 86, 87 ; retires to England, and dies long after, leaving his Oriental books and plate to Sion College, London, 95 ; speci- men of his style, 107 Trevor, Sir E., brother-in-law of Robert Ussher, 76 n. Trinity College, Book of, xii, xiii Trinity College, came too late, 57 ; regarded as Pro- testant, 58 ; escapes plunder by its poverty, 97 Trinitv Hall, no mention of students living in, 207 Trinity Monday, election of Fellows and scholars since Laud's Day, 257 Trinity Sunday, increased allowance for Commons, Laud, 257 Trustees appointed for Col- lege by Parliament, 1649, 294 ; their interesting letter, 295 ; list of for 1649, 313 Tudor, Hugh, describes the exactions of soldiery, 43 " Turbulent scholars " save the open space opposite west front of College, 202 Tyrone, Earl of, imports English refinements, 14 ; demands a Roman Catholic University at suggestion of Jesuits, 29 ; addresses Eliza- beth on equal terms, 48 ; his rebellion, 30 ; drives out planters of Munster in 1598, 4 2 Tyrrell, Lady, impoverished daughter of Primate Ussher, 314 Tyrrell's Park, 72 n. Undertakers, planted by Eliz- abeth in Munster, swept away by Tyrone, 157 University of Dublin : is it distinct from Trinity Col- lege ? 63, 64 ; as such, has no charter, 161 ; University only a particular aspect of Trinity College, 162 Urwick, Nonconformist, writes early history of Trinity College, 1591-1660, xii ; throws light on the chasm in history of the College following the Re- bellion, plague, and Pro- tectorate, 293 ; gathered facts about Teat, 277 Ussher, Ambrose, brother of James, the first librarian, 121 ; his learning, 122 ; his tutorial account, 81. 82 Ussher, Henry, Archdeacon, one of the real founders of the College, spends "300 on buildings there ; made Primate of Armagh, 1595 ; very perfect in Irish, 20 . Ussher James, elected scholar, 78 ; Fellow, 97 ; Professor of Theological Controver- sies, 122 ; European man of letters, 122 ; evangelical, yet episcopalian, 166 ; pro- poses Laud as Chancellor INDEX 389 on account of bad discipline among the Fellows, 229 ; censures the Provost in Privy Council, 243 ; Went- worth's hostility to, part of his policy of crushing all in- dependence in Ireland, 244 ; his letter on Chappells eluding of oaths, 248 ; chair- man of Board of Visitors, as Vice-Chancellor ; Laud's changes in Board an insult to him ; he loses interest in College, 259, 260 ; his house destroyed during his absence in England in 1641 ; never returns to Ireland ; evangelical, com- manded the respect of Cromwell, 297 ; his library acquired for the State by Cromwell, 314, 315 ; Ber- nard's funeral sermon on, 70 ; buried with pomp in Westminster Abbey, 128 Ussher, Robert, cousin of Primate, Vice-Chancellor, 171 ; heads Junior Fellows in objecting to leasing College lands for more than 21 years, 171, 172 ; opposes Bedell's provost- ship, 195 ; elected on Bedell's resignation, 200 ; easy - going man, 212 ; Puritanical, 213 ; disap- proves of extern students, 213 ; his letter to Bishop of London, with scheme for settling scholars' house of Back Lane, 215, 216 ; quarrel with Fellows about auditor, 218-219 ; favours election of Laud as Chan- cellor, 219 ; promoted to see of Kildare ; his influence effaced even before his resignation in 1634 ; his bombastic Latin letter and verses to James Ussher, Appendix i. to Chap, v., 220, 221 Ussher, William, Castle offi- cial, writes to his "Cossen Dr. Ussher," about pay- ment of 30 for Bridewell house, 189 Valentia, Lord, 223 Veale, or Veele, Fellow, "natus in hoc Collegio," 298 Vesey, admitted to Fellowship by Falkland, 197 Visitation, of Easter, 1615, 173; of May, 1635, Pro- vost worsted, 241, 242 ; of 1791, changes interpretation of Laud's Statute, and limits power of Provost, 262 Visitors, Board of, the ori- ginal, 64 ; Laud reduce: their number from seven to two, and makes himself the primary visitor, 168, 259 Viva voce, for Fellowship examination, only recently abandoned ; its value as training, 187 W Wales, subjection of, 54 ; sends students to Trinity College, 229 Wallop, Sir H., complains of age, 51 ; persuades Lord Deputy to seize Boyle's trunk, 87 Walworth, student, Friar's attempt to convert, 208 ; his evidence varies slightly from Smith's 226 n. War with Tyrone, compared to Boer War, 129 Ward, Michael, enters College in 1656, 291 Ward, Samuel, of Ipswich, invited to the College by Alvey, 140 ; correspondent of Ussher, 139 ; appointed Professor of Theological Controversies, 177 Ward, Seth.Savilian, Professor of Geometry at Oxford, 319 Warden of the beggars, 14 Wardships,granted to College, 131 Ware.Arthur.claims seniority, 240 Ware's Bishops, 237 Ware, Sir James, helps to manage financial affairs of College, 129 ; signs petition to city for Bridewell, 130 ; writes Alvey's accounts in 1609, 138 ; receives grant from the King of lands in Tipperary, Waterford, &c., as trustee for College, 154 ; unsatisfactory auditor, Fel- lows refuse to appoint his son, 218 Wassington, B.D. of Oxford, appointed Provost of Trinity College by Charles I. .silence concerning him, 267 ; his flight to England, 275, 276 Watson, John, 250 Weld, Daniel, student, found harboured in suspicious ale- house ; sentenced by Privy Council with astounding severity, 245 ; pedantic sentence by Provost, 245, 246 Wellesley, Arthur, 157 Wentworth, Lord Deputy, makes Bramhall, High Churchman, Bishop of Deny, 230 ; gets rid of R. Ussher with an arch- deaconry, and forces Col- lege to elect Chappell Provost, 232 ; his policy, to discredit the Protestant party in Ireland, and im- port Englishmen who would submit to the divine right of Charles, 235 ; humours Roman Catholic gentry, 235 ; encourages private subscription for enlarging College, 238 ; his donation of 100, 238 ; peti- tioned by College about books borrowed from Lib- rary, 250 ; also about com- muting Crown pensions for land in Connaught, 251 ; his fall, 265 Weston, Chancellor, grand- father of Countess of Cork, 235 White, Richard, 238 White, S. J., founds Irish College at Salamanca, 32 White, Sir Nich., speaks Irish, 12 Whyte, Nich., eminent native lawyer, his interesting letter to Burghley, 34 Widow Jones, severe sentence on, for harbouring student (Weld), 245 Whitgift, Master of Trinity, Cambridge (and Arch- bishop), censures Travers, 83 Wiggett, John, 250 Wilkinson, borrowed books from Kildare Hall, 250 Williamson, Caesar, Senior Fellow, promoter of petition to general Convention aimed at Winter, 306 Winter, Samuel, Provost, ap- pointed byOliver Cromwell, 296 ; his Collections, 300 n. ; his piety and learning, 298, 299 ; his love of horses, some of them stolen by " the Irish army," 301, 307 ; he disappears quietly at the close of the Protectorate, 306 Woulfe, David, Jesuit, 25, 26 Zize (sizing), Fellow's allow- ance for, weekly 8d. ob.; " scholler's," 4d., 153 UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED. WOKINQ AND LONDON. . DATE DUE PHINTED IN U A A 000724439 5