A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER
 
 A JACOBEAN 
 LETTER-WRITER 
 
 The Life and Times of 
 John Chamberlain 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD PHILLIPS STATHAM 
 
 (RETIRED COMMANDER, R.N.) 
 
 AUTHOR OF The Story of the "Britannia," Privateers and Privateering, 
 
 Fifty-two Stories of the Sea, ETC., AND JOINT AUTHOR OF The House 
 
 of Howard AND History of the Family of Maunsell 
 
 LONDON : 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LTD. 
 
 N 7 EW YORK : E. P. DUTTON & CO.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 THERE is no occasion for a lengthy preface to this book ; 
 the subject is well known to all biographers and writers 
 of family and national histories dealing with the late 
 sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, while he is, 
 on the contrary, practically quite unknown to the very 
 large majority not included in this category. 
 
 It has therefore been deemed worth while, since it 
 had not previously been attempted, to write this account 
 of Chamberlain and his times, as deduced from his 
 letters. 
 
 It can scarcely claim to be a biography, but his char- 
 acter is pretty clearly outlined in silhouette, as it were, 
 against the background of his friendships, his anxieties 
 and confidences, his uniformly just and intelligent 
 comment upon current events. 
 
 And thus I commend him to your kind consideration. 
 
 E. P. S.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 INTRODUCTION ... 1X - 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 ELIZABETHAN LETTERS, 1597 1600 . 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 ELIZABETHAN LETTERS, 16001603 . 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS, 16031608 . 54 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS, 16091614 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS, 16141616 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS, 16161618 . . .' 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS, 16181621 . . 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS, 16211624 . . .200
 
 viii. CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE. 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 JACOBEAN AND LATER LETTERS, 1624 1626 . 219 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 INQUISITIONES POST MORTEM .... 241 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 THE WILL OF JOHN CHAMBERLAIN . . . 243 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 TENTATIVE CHAMBERLAIN PEDIGREE . 245
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE name of John Chamberlain is familiar to every 
 biographer and historian dealing with the reigns of 
 Elizabeth, and James the First. His numerous letters 
 to his friend, Sir Dudley Carleton, profuse in detail, 
 teeming with court and society gossip from day to day, 
 constitute a sort of running commentary upon current 
 policies and events, and not infrequently cast sidelights 
 upon the inner history of his time which will not be 
 found in the writings of recognised historians. 
 
 Chamberlain was, in truth, a gossip, but the term, as 
 applied to him, must not be interpreted in the usual 
 somewhat uncomplimentary sense i.e., a frivolous 
 tatler, a mischief maker. It is true, indeed, that no 
 story, however trifling, appears to have been beneath 
 his notice ; but side by side with these frothy gleanings 
 there runs a thread of shrewd observation and intelli- 
 gent comment upon contemporary politics and persons, 
 from the sovereign downwards, occasionally including 
 prophecy which is justified by subsequent events. He 
 was intensely loyal, however, and never presumed to 
 criticise the actions of the two monarchs under whom his 
 life was passed, merely recording the facts concerning 
 them which came in his way ; the reader must not expect 
 to find in his correspondence a true estimate of the 
 character of James or Elizabeth ; indeed, any expression 
 of his views in this connection would probably have been 
 very hazardous, but perhaps, like the famous parrot, 
 he " thought the more." 
 
 He was a man of good education, of no occupation or 
 profession, possessing sufficient means for a life of
 
 x. INTRODUCTION 
 
 leisure ; deeply interested in the events, social and 
 political, of his time, and in the persons concerned there- 
 in, he derived immense pleasure from discoursing upon 
 them. His pen was indefatigable, and he was almost 
 grotesquely scrupulous in the relation of every bit of 
 news which came his way, as he naively acknowledges 
 in one of his letters to Sir Dudley Carleton : " but no 
 doubt you have heard of that before, as perhaps all or 
 most of the rest, but I love to leave nothing that comes 
 to my knowledge or remembrance." 
 
 Chamberlain's gossip was, however, never malicious, 
 though he did not hesitate to " call a spade a spade " 
 upon occasion ; if he had but little good to say of a man 
 or a woman, he commonly contented himself with a 
 generalisation or a terse aphorism often in Latin 
 covering the circumstances. 
 
 Of John Chamberlain's ancestry there is not much 
 information forthcoming. His father was undoubtedly 
 Richard Chamberleyn (or Chamberlain), ironmonger and 
 Alderman of London ; from various inquisitions post 
 mortem, from John Chamberlain's will, and from the 
 register of St. Olave's Church, Old Jewry, details have 
 been gathered for a pedigree which, together with the 
 will and the inquisitions, will be found in the Appendices. 
 There is no proof that Edward and Richard Chamberleyn 
 were respectively grandfather and great-grandfather 
 of John, but the assumption appears reasonable ; the 
 remaining details of the pedigree are duly authenti- 
 cated. 
 
 Richard Chamberleyn, John's father, was evidently a 
 man of considerable means, and of some importance in 
 the city. There was an inscription to him in St. Olave's 
 Church, which ran as follows : " Here lyeth under this 
 Tombe the body of Richard Chamberlaine, Ironmonger, 
 Alderman, and late Sheriff of London, Merchant 
 Adventurer, and free of Russia ; who had two wives, 
 Anne the first, of whom he had issue eight sonnes and 
 five daughters ; of Margaret his last wife he had no
 
 INTRODUCTION xi. 
 
 issue ; which Richard dyed the 19 day of November 
 An. Dom. 1566. 
 
 To the Poore he was liberall and gave for God's sake ; 
 
 But now his Fame is plentifull, and he ar heavenly make. 
 
 He was like one of us, according to our Mould ; 
 
 But he is now unlike us, in Heaven where he would. 
 
 His Time was short, in Sickness rare, as to all is known ; 
 
 But now his Time shall long endure, and never be cast downe. 1 
 
 This panegyric is about on a level with most monu- 
 mental effusions of those days ; one is disposed to wonder 
 of what sort were the perpetrators of these halting 
 rhymes. 
 
 However. Richard was a good man, and in his will 
 (dated 18 October, 1563, and proved 20 February, 1567) 
 affords evidence, in various charitable bequests, of his 
 generosity and consideration for the poor and afflicted. 
 He alludes most affectionately to his second wife, 
 Margaret, and makes her and his eldest son Robert joint 
 executors. Margaret appears to have been twice married 
 previously, as Richard makes bequests to John Brysto 
 and Anthony Walt hall, her children. 
 
 Of his son John he says : " because that he hath 
 been tendre sicklye and weake, I woulde have him 
 broughte up to learning hereafter, when that he comes 
 to some yeres, either in the universities or ells in some 
 other place beyond sea. . . . and I will commende him 
 to my lovinge and frendely cosen Thomas Goore that he 
 have the bringing of him up." 
 
 Richard Chamberlain is stated to have had eight sons 
 and five daughters by his first wife, but only six sons 
 are accounted for in his will and that of his son John; 
 probably two died in infancy. 
 
 He was granted, in April, 1551, a coat of arms 
 Ermine, on a pale embattled sable 3 leopards' heads 
 or ; crest, an ostrich head erased or between two wings 
 argent penned or, holding in his beak a gadd azure. 
 
 1 The History and Survey of London, Wm. Maitland ; Vol. II., 
 1161. St. Olave's was burned in the Great Fire, but records of some 
 of the inscriptions, together with the Register, were preserved. The 
 Register goe3 back to 1538 ; it is now at St. Margaret's, Lothbury.
 
 xii. INTRODUCTION 
 
 This coat is tricked in Harley MS. 5887, fol. 90, impaled 
 with a coat argent, a cross of four ermine (apparently ; 
 it is very badly executed). Below this is a statement 
 as to his marriage and issue, etc., identical with the 
 monumental inscription in St. Olave's Church. 
 
 In the Visitation of London, 1634, under the heading of 
 Windham, is a coat of arms Ermine, on a pale sable 
 3 leopards' heads or ; quartered with a coat argent, on 
 a chief azure two crowns, or ; this is labelled as the 
 shield of Robert Chamberlain of London, gent., son and 
 heir of Richard Chamberlain late Alderman and Sheriff 
 of London, and of Anne his wife, daughter and heir of 
 Robert Downes of Yalding in Kent, gent. 
 
 This statement rests upon the authority of Robert 
 Cooke, Clarenceux ; Robert Downe (not Downes) was, 
 however, of London, as is manifest from the inquisitions, 
 etc. The Chamberlain coat is quartered in that of 
 Windham, adjoining. 
 
 A similar coat of arms is stamped upon some of the 
 original letters of John Chamberlain in the Record 
 Office ; there is a particularly good impression in wax 
 upon a letter dated 9 January, 1615. It will be observed 
 that in Robert Chamberlain's coat the pale is not 
 embattled, as it is in that granted to his father. 
 
 These armorial details are not of any great interest, 
 though they deserve mention in this account of the 
 family. 
 
 There is no evidence to hand as to the precise locality 
 of Richard Chamberlain's house, in which John and his 
 brothers and sisters passed their childhood ; but it must 
 almost certainly have been within the parish of St, 
 Olave's, Jewry. 1 He alludes to his house in his will as 
 being a new one, so it must have been in the old one that 
 John was born. 
 
 John Chamberlain was in his thirteenth year when his 
 
 1 There were two other Churches of St. Olave in the City ; one in 
 Hart Street, the other jn Silver Street. St. Olave's in Hart Street 
 remains as a Parish Church at the present day ; Samuel Pepys and his 
 wife are buried there.
 
 INTRODUCTION xiii. 
 
 father died ; there is no mention of the school which he 
 attended, but the Guilds always looked after the educa- 
 tion of the boys, and no doubt John was well provided 
 for in this respect, under the auspices, after his father's 
 death, of the " lovinge and frendely " Thomas Goore, 
 of the Grocers' Company, in accordance with Richard's 
 testamentary injunction ; and in 1570 he matriculated 
 at Trinity College, Cambridge, as a pensioner. 
 
 He did not remain, however, to take his degree ; 
 perhaps his health was bad his father describes him 
 as having been " tender, sickly and weak " and this 
 may have interfered with his studies ; but it must be 
 confessed that there is but little evidence in his letters 
 of weakness or ill-health, and he lived to the age of 
 seventy-four. 
 
 Of Chamberlain's life, after he left Cambridge, there 
 is nothing to record until, at the mature age of three- 
 and-forty, he appears as a letter-writer. He does not 
 seem to have qualified for any profession. There was 
 one John Chamberlaine admitted to Gray's Inn in 1575, 
 which would fit in with Chamberlain's age at that time ; 
 very possibly it was he, but there is no evidence that he 
 was called to the Bar, so it must be concluded that, 
 after he came of age, he was possessed of sufficient means 
 to enable him to live in idleness. It is not clear, from 
 Richard Chamberlain's will, what income was left to his 
 sons, but John was evidently well off when he made his 
 will, possessing lands in various localities, and shares 
 in the Bermudas or Somers Islands, etc., besides plate 
 and furniture of value ; he left Alice Carleton 40 per 
 annum, equivalent to about 200 a year in these (pre- 
 war) days, and also a sum of 600 and so on. 
 
 Chamberlain was a Londoner, through and through, 
 at any rate after he was about forty, He may have 
 travelled before this period, but his later excursions, as 
 indicated in his letters, were few and far between, and 
 were never of long duration ; he was always longing to 
 get back to his beloved London, to his friends, his circle 
 of gossips, his voluminous letter-writing.
 
 xiv. INTRODUCTION 
 
 At the time of his death he was living in the parish of 
 St. Mary Aldermanbury (lying between London Wall 
 and Gresham Street), and had probably dwelt there for 
 many years, though he elected to be buried in St. Olave's, 
 Old Jewry, with which his family had been connected 
 for a long while. 1 
 
 St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, was destroyed in the Great 
 Fire, but was re-built, towards the end of the seventeenth 
 century, upon the same site ; it is now known as St. 
 Mary the Virgin, and the parish is united with that of 
 St. Alphage, London Wall. 
 
 In this environment, then, John Chamberlain dwelt, 
 and penned his very numerous letters, little imagining 
 that they would be ultimately lodged in the State Paper 
 Office, thence transferred with due care to the present 
 Record Office, and calendered in the familiar volumes 
 which fill a portion of the great circle of presses in the 
 Reading Room of the British Museum. 
 
 It is not clear how these private letters came to be thus 
 lodged among the State Papers. Mr. John Bruce, in 
 his preface to the Calendar of State Papers, 1625 1626, 
 remarks : " By what means many of these papers were 
 originally brought into the State Paper Office it is not 
 easy to discover. Some of them evidently found their 
 way thither by the accidents to which in disturbed periods 
 the papers of public men are subject." This does not 
 go far towards the elucidation of the problem. Sir 
 Dudley Carleton (or rather Viscount Dorchester, as 
 he was then) died in 1632, which may perhaps be justly 
 described as a " disturbed period " ; Charles I. had three 
 years previously dissolved parliament, and announced 
 his intention of ruling without it, and his methods were 
 not conducive to national confidence and tranquility. 
 
 However, by some means or other, John Chamberlain's 
 
 1 It is worthy of note that John Chamberlain was buried 20 March, 
 1627-28, and that his will was proved 13 March of the same year, a 
 week before his burial. It was apparently -possible in those days to 
 obtain probate a day or two after the death of the testator ; 
 Chamberlain may have died on 10 or n March; the interval of ten 
 days before his burial would not be unusual at that time.
 
 INTRODUCTION xv. 
 
 letters, almost exclusively addressed to Sir Dudley 
 Carleton, have found their way into the Record Office, 
 and are chronologically placed among the State Papers, 
 Domestic Series, of Elizabeth and James I., and gradually, 
 with the lapse of time, and the increasing facilities 
 afforded to searchers, their value has been realised. 
 
 Chamberlain's handwriting is clear and easy to read, 
 in contrast with that of most of his contemporaries, 
 and presents no difficulty even to the inexperienced 
 reader. 
 
 His letters have been transcribed and printed by 
 various hands, and are to be found in sundry collections, 
 though they are not anywhere embodied as a whole ; 
 nor is it intended that they shall be so embodied in these 
 pages. 
 
 Those which were written during the reign of Queen 
 Elizabeth have been printed in extenso in one volume, 
 edited by Sarah Williams, with copious footnotes identify- 
 ing the various persons alluded to, and an instructive 
 introduction containing some details and conjectures 
 concerning Chamberlain's family. 1 
 
 A great number of the letters are printed in The 
 Court and Times of James /., by Dr. Thomas Birch, 
 who was also at the trouble of making a copy in MS. of 
 many of those in the State Papers. 
 
 Unfortunately, Dr. Birch, though he lived more than 
 a century later than John Chamberlain, wrote a most 
 villanous and illegible hand, and thus sadly discounted 
 the value of his labours. His transcriptions are con- 
 tained in Birch MS. 4173, and are thus easily accessible ; 
 but probably most readers would prefer to pick out the 
 original letters from the State Papers, rather than hurt 
 their eyes and irritate their tempers by poring over Dr. 
 Birch's copies. 2 
 
 1 Camden Society's Publications. Vol. 74. 
 
 2 Thomas Birch, D.D. (1705 1766) was a well-known man in his 
 time and an industrious writer. Possibly the copies of Chamberlain's 
 letters are written by some scribe employed by him ; in which case 
 apologies are due for the above remarks.
 
 xvi. INTRODUCTION 
 
 Furthermore, Birch was by no means a careful or 
 accurate transcriber ; he sometimes took liberties with 
 the originals, and placed letters in wrong chronological 
 sequence ; " The Court and Times of James I." teems 
 with such instances. 
 
 A specimen of gratuitous amendment of the originals 
 occurs in a letter from Chamberlain, in which, quoting 
 Sir Walter Raleigh's words in his own defence, he writes 
 " the king had .... given him potestatem vitae et necis 
 (power of life and death) " ; Dr. Birch substitutes 
 " mortis " for " necis " ; Raleigh may have used the 
 former, but in transcribing Chamberlain's letter such a 
 liberty is absolutely unwarrantable, and savours of petty 
 pedantry ; " nex " is quite as good a word for " death " 
 as " mors," though the latter is more frequently used. 
 
 The present work does not aim at voluminous trans- 
 cription of letters in their entirety ; the first letter is 
 given in extenso, as illustrative of Chamberlain's style and 
 scope ; afterwards such passages only are quoted as may 
 afford a glimpse of various social and political events, 
 as viewed by John Chamberlain and his gossips, together 
 with such incidental comment as is suggested in the 
 process ; many letters are unnoticed, as their perusal 
 would be merely tedious. 
 
 The original spelling is retained, save in the use of 
 " y " for " i " in such words as " it," " if," etc., which 
 is abandoned after the first few letters as clumsy and 
 unsightly in print. Chamberlain was capricious in this 
 matter, but the use of " y " predominates largely, up to 
 the last letter. 
 
 It is interesting, however, to note other changes in 
 orthography as time goes on ; " theyre " is superseded 
 by " theire " and " their " ; " Sonday " gives place to 
 "Sunday," " shold " and "cold" to "should" and 
 " could," though " wold " persists obstinately for 
 " would " ; and so on.
 
 A Jacobean Letter- Writer 
 
 June, 1597- -February, 1600 
 
 THE earliest of the letters is dated 11 June, 1597, 
 when the writer was forty-three years of age ; 
 probably he had been a great letter-writer for some 
 years previously, but his earlier correspondence 
 has not been preserved. It is improbable that a 
 man with nothing in the world to do except gossip 
 with his friends should have suddenly taken to letter- 
 writing at this mature age. 
 
 Abandoning conjecture, however, and coming to 
 the point, here is the first letter extant ; it has been 
 considered preferable to insert the details concern- 
 ing individuals in brackets, where they are of 
 sufficient interest, in place of innumerable and some- 
 what irritating footnotes ; the interpolations are 
 given in italics, to ensure due distinction from the 
 body of the letter, and are thus readily rejected by 
 the eye of the incurious reader : 
 
 " GOODE MR. CARLETON, 
 
 " I know you lookt longe ere this time to have 
 heard from me, and so might you well have don, if 
 Painter the post had not kept your letter of the 
 eight of May a seasoninge till the sixt of this present
 
 2 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 June. I receved a litle billet before by your sister 
 Williams (Elizabeth, wife of Alexander Williams) in 
 the way of an interim till you had better leasure, 
 but presently upon yt went to Askot, where I met 
 with your brother (George) Carleton (comming 
 from the buriall of your uncle Goodwin) (brother to 
 Carletori's mother), who told me Tobie Mathew had 
 shewed him a letter from you wherein you com- 
 plained much of want, and what narrow straights 
 you were like to be driven to, marvailing you had 
 toucht no such matter in your letters to him, and 
 therewithall began to dilate to me what he had don 
 and could do for you, but the conclusion was that 
 his abilitie is not to supplie all wants, and there- 
 fore you must trust to yourself and make your 
 owne fortune. I replied litle to yt but only in 
 generall termes, the rather because I hope yt is 
 but a borrowed complaint to distast younge Mathew 
 from following you into Fraunce then for any true 
 cause. I am exceeding glad to heare how well you 
 are entertained by my Lord Ambassador (Sir 
 Anthony Mildmay), of whom I presumed no lesse, 
 for though I alwayes knewe him to be paucorum 
 hominum, yet he hath ever shewed himself an 
 honourable fast frend where he found vertue and 
 desert. Mr. Evers ys in Ireland" with the Lord 
 Borrough (Lord Deputy in Ireland), between whom 
 and Sir John Norris there ys lately a solemne 
 pacification made with much counterfet kindenes 
 on both sides. The old Deputie (Sir William 
 Russell) ys come home very fat they say, both in 
 body and purse, having made a luckie conclusion 
 of his government with the overthrow and death 
 of Feffe Mackhugh, an auncient and troublesom 
 rebell ; upon which service he made three knightes 
 at his comming away, viz., Calistenes Brooke, 
 Thomas Maria Wlngfield, and one Trevire (Sir 
 Richard Trevor) a Welchman. Sir Thomas Norris
 
 TALK OF A "SEA VIAGE " 3 
 
 Lady was lately brought abed there of three daughters, 
 which the Lord Norris imputes to the fertilitie of the 
 soile, and exemplifies yt by a mare he sent two yeares 
 ago to his sonne Thomas that brought two foales. We 
 have great preparation here for a sea viage, which 
 troubles our discoursers how or where yt shalbe 
 imployed. The common sort talke of Callais, others 
 of the Islanes of Tercera, but the most liklie in mine 
 opinion ys to set upon the King of Spaines Navie wherso- 
 ever they can finde yt, or to meet with the Indian fleet. 
 Theire whole number consists of fifteen of the Quene's 
 shippes, besides the two Spanish shippes that were 
 taken the last yeare (which be new fashioned after the 
 English manner), and of two-and-twentie men of warre 
 of Holland and some fowre-and-twentie flie boats and 
 hoyes that serve for cariage of men and vitailes. They 
 have with them 4,000 prest men, and 1,200 muskettiers 
 that come with Sir Francis Vere out of the Low Coun- 
 tries. The voluntaries are thought will rise towardes 
 2,000. The Erie of Essex ys Generall both at sea and 
 land ; the Lord Thomas (Howard) Vice-Admirall ; 
 Sir Walter Raleigh Rere-Admirall, who is newly restored 
 to the executing his place in Court of Captaine of the 
 Garde. The Erie of Southampton, the Lord Mountjoy, 
 and the Lord Rich go as adventurers, though some 
 say the Lord Mountjoy ys to be Lieutenant-Generall 
 at land ; the Erie of Darbie, the Lord Gray (Grey of 
 Wilton), the Lord Windsor, and Compton pretend 
 likewise to go, but yt is thought shall not get leave. The 
 provisions are hastened on very fast, and yt is saide 
 the Erie of Essex takes his leave at Court on Sonday 
 next the 12th of this present, and hopes to be gon 
 within ten dayes after. The presse of gentlemen will be 
 very great, but I will not stand to set downe any but 
 one or two of your acquaintance, that ys, your cousin 
 Mighell Dormer, whom I can by no means yet disswade, 
 and Hugh Beston (Beeston) that standes to be Treasurer 
 of the jorney, though I doubt he shall not be troubled
 
 4 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 with much receit, for I am half of our Doctor's (Dr. 
 William Gilbert) opinion, that warrants him, yf he have 
 yt, that a well-sadled rat may cary all his accompts. 
 But his true errand is to be knighted as sone or before 
 Sir Peter Evers, neither doth he dissemble yt greatly 
 to his frends, but sayes merelie he hath ben a scabd 
 squire a great while, and could now be content to be 
 a paltrie knight the rest of his time. Sir John North 
 died here on Sonday last, and ys thought to have left 
 his lady but a meane widowe. Sir Thomas Wroughton 
 went much about the same time, and old Duns when 
 I was in Oxfordshire. Sir John Payton is lately made 
 Lieutenant of the Towre, and Sir Henry Cocke either is, 
 or upon the point to be, sworne Coferer of the Queen's 
 houshold. Philip Scudamore ys very forward and like 
 to have Mrs. Lovell the last Coferer's widow, to the 
 great dislike of some of his best frendes. And your 
 Lady Umpton ys in parlee with Mr. George Sherly 
 of Northampton or Leicestershire. This terme, there was 
 one Longe, a Captaine of Somersetshire, condemned 
 in the Starchamber in 500 markes and to stand on 
 the pillorie for chopping and making port-sale of his 
 souldiers. We have here a new play of humors in very 
 great request, and I was drawn alonge to yt by the 
 common applause, but my opinion of yt is (as the fellow 
 saide of the shearing of hogges) that there was a great 
 crie for so litle wolle. This is all I can bethincke me 
 of for the present, neither can you chuse but be reason- 
 ablie satisfied, for what you want in waight you have 
 in measure. Yet ys the greatest newes behinde, that 
 I am upon a viage into Ireland with Mr. Wallop, who 
 with his wife, her mother and your cousin Lytton, 
 have so earnestly intreated me, that partly at theire 
 request, and partly being weary of idleness I have 
 yeelded, and hope to be setting forward within this 
 moneth, and to be here againe before Bartlemew-tide. 
 You be like enough to heare of me before I go, yf there 
 be ought worth writing. Your sister Alice is close prisoner
 
 CARLETON GOES TO PARIS 5 
 
 at her ladies ; the rest of your frends are in state as you 
 left them. And so wishing you all health and good hap, 
 I bid you farewell. 
 
 "From London, this longest day of 1597. 1 
 " Yours most assuredly, 
 
 "JOHN CHAMBERLAIN. 
 (Addressed) 
 
 " To my assured goode frend, 
 
 "Mr. Dudley Carleton, 
 "Attendant on the Lord Ambassador 
 
 " for Her Majestic at Paris." 
 
 This, as already stated, appears to be the earliest 
 letter extant written by Chamberlain to Carleton ; 
 they had, however, been in correspondence before this 
 date, for there are several letters from Carleton to 
 Chamberlain ; the earliest, probably written in 1595, 
 is addressed to Chamberlain at Dr. Gilbert's house ; 
 there is nothing of interest in it. 
 
 The next is written from the French King's camp 
 in France, 13 February, 1596; Carleton says : "lam 
 busy studying French, but Mars leaves little place for 
 Mercury." He writes again on 8 August in the same 
 year, and again on 8 November ; in this letter he 
 writes : "I thank you for the news from France," 
 and refers to " the unhappy success " of his last journey ; 
 on 13 February, 1597, he writes again to Chamberlain 
 at Dr. Gilbert's house, and is evidently on the point of 
 starting for France to take up his appointment at the 
 English Embassy in Paris, in which he was duly installed 
 when Chamberlain wrote to him on 11 June in that 
 year ; these last three letters are written from Oxford. 
 
 Tobie Mathew (or Matthew) to whom allusion occurs 
 in this letter, was the son of Tobias Matthew, afterwards 
 Archbishop of York. Tobie Matthew was at this time 
 
 1 Chamberlain was using the "old style" calendar; by the "new 
 style " it would be the 2ist June.
 
 6 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 only twenty years of age, and it may be deduced from 
 Chamberlain's remarks that he was somewhat prone 
 to force his company upon those whom he admired, 
 or from whom he hoped to obtain some favours. Carleton 
 is suspected by Chamberlain of presenting his circum- 
 stances in doleful language, in order that he might be 
 spared the intrusion of Tobie. 
 
 Matthew made himself conspicuous a few years later 
 in 1606 by becoming a Catholic, which was a grievous 
 backsliding on the part of the son of a great Church 
 dignitary. In accordance with the tyrannical practices 
 of those times, he was clapped into prison for this 
 exercise of his conscience ; but he was liberated after 
 some months and permitted to go abroad. There are 
 references to him in Chamberlain's later letters, which 
 will be noticed in due course. 
 
 The sea " viage," to which Chamberlain alludes as 
 being in immediate prospect, was the expedition com- 
 monly known as The Islands Voyage. 
 
 Philip of Spain, smarting under the defeat of his 
 ships and army at Cadiz in the previous year, was busy 
 about reprisals, and in fact had contrived to organise 
 secretly, in the spring of 1597, a great expedition against 
 England, which, however, failed entirely through stress 
 of weather. Nothing daunted, Philip was preparing 
 for a second attempt, of which we had news, and an 
 expedition was organised with the object of destroying, 
 in the first instance, the Spanish fleet assembling at 
 Ferrol and Corunna, and subsequently of seizing the 
 Island of Tercera, in the Azores, and intercepting the 
 Spanish treasure-ships on their homeward voyage. 
 
 Chamberlain is pretty accurate in his account of the 
 English force under the Earl of Essex, and he named 
 several men of rank who were to go as " adventurers," 
 i.e., who were anxious to be "in it " when there was 
 fighting to the fore. 
 
 The expedition sailed on 9 July, 1597, but encoun- 
 tered tempestuous weather, and Essex was forced to
 
 THE ISLANDS VOYAGE 7 
 
 return and recall his ships for a fresh start, in which, 
 according to Camden the historian, the " adventurers " 
 were not so eager to take part. Says Camden : " These 
 men, with their feathers waving, and glittering in their 
 gay clothes (a peculiar vanity of the English when they 
 go to the warres) set saile from Plymouth on the 9 of 
 July. . . . Some of the more delicate men were growne 
 so feeble with vomiting, and were so afraide of the 
 checks of the furious winde, that they secretly withdrew 
 themselves home." 
 
 The Islands Voyage was, in fact, a complete fiasco. 
 Essex sailed down the Spanish coast ; he did not attempt 
 to destroy the fleet in Ferrol, but contented himself 
 with waiting about in the hope that the Spaniards 
 would come out and fight. Then, on the strength of a 
 " cock-and-bull " story that the Spanish fleet had actually 
 sailed for the Azores, he abandoned his first project 
 and sailed thither, crossing from island to island and 
 attacking here and there with some successes, which 
 did not further the main object of his enterprise. When 
 at length the Spanish ships arrived, Essex was in the 
 wrong place, and they anchored under the batteries 
 at Tercera, where Essex decided that he could not 
 successfully attack them-" and so home," as Pepys 
 hath it, in a chastened mood, without having either 
 destroyed the Spanish fleet, or captured a dollar of specie. 
 
 Carleton's cousin, Lytton, alluded to in the letter, 
 was Rowland Lytton of Knebworth Hall, Herts. He 
 was the son of Rowland, who married as his second wife 
 Anne, daughter of John (or George) Carleton, and 
 aunt of Dudley Carleton. Rowland Lytton, the younger, 
 was knighted in 1603. Chamberlain was also distantly 
 connected with the Lyttons, through the marriage of 
 his sister Margery with Edmund Windham. He was 
 on very intimate terms with them, and was a frequent 
 visitor at Knebworth, whence he had just returned 
 when he wrote to Dudley Carleton on 4 May, 1598. 
 
 In this letter Chamberlain alludes to one of Carleton's
 
 8 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 from Ostend, dated 9 April, which has not been found. 
 Chamberlain writes : " Now, touching your owne 
 commonwealth, I do not greatly like the course you 
 are in, and yet hard beginnings commonly prove best, 
 but still methinckes you are out of your way as longe 
 as you carry but the title of a souldier, and therefore 
 unless your stomacke serve you the better, or that you 
 see great probabilitie of well doing, cedant arrna togae, 
 retire in time, and yf nothing els will take, reserve that 
 course for ultimum refugium at a dead lift." 
 
 Carleton's next letter, dated 22 April, and probably 
 not received when Chamberlain wrote on 4 May, is 
 written from Rye in Sussex, and addressed to Dr. 
 Gilbert's house; from which it would appear that he had 
 taken his friend's advice. But Carleton's doings are not 
 very clear during this period. In the Die. Nat. Bio. 
 it is simply stated that he spent five years from 
 1595 to 1600 travelling on the Continent and studying 
 languages ; yet he evidently had some post at the 
 English Embassy in Paris in 1597, and under Sir Edward 
 Norris at Ostend during the following year, apparently 
 involving some military duties, for which Chamberlain 
 thinks he is not well adapted. 
 
 Chamberlain writes further in this letter : " Mr. 
 Secretary (Sir Robert Cecil) returned the first of this 
 moneth (May) somewhat erased with his posting jorny. 
 
 The successe of this jorny ys not fully knowne, 
 
 but thus far, that yt hath staide the French King from 
 going thorough with Spaine, and made him pause, at 
 least. The States offer to maintain him 4,000 men in 
 Picardie, which with little other help will continue the 
 warre there, now that he hath nothing to do elsewhere. 
 They have likewise offered the Queue that whensover yt 
 shall please her to make an invasive jorny into Spaine to 
 
 1 From Paris, where he had been on a special mission to Henry IV. 
 of France.
 
 EARL OF TYRONE'S MARRIAGE 9 
 
 assist her with great store of shipping at theire owne 
 charge, some say to the number of 150 saile." 
 
 Sir Robert Cecil's journey was made with the purpose 
 of discouraging a peace and possible alliance between 
 France and Spain ; but he was unsuccessful, and they 
 had already made peace on 2 May, two days before 
 the date of Chamberlain's letter : 
 
 " Yet for all this yt ys still in deliberation whether 
 we shall joine Fraunce in a peace and leave the Lowe 
 Countries or sticke to the Lowe Countries and hold out 
 the warre, and the balannce swayes not yet on either 
 side, at leastwise that can be discerned. Matters in 
 Ireland are farther out of square than ever, so that 
 there ys no other way but to provide the sharper sword." 
 
 Matters in Ireland were " out of square " an old 
 story this ! by reason of the rebellion inaugurated 
 by Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, a restless and pug- 
 nacious individual, and a past master in all the tricks 
 of controversy and evasion. His action was precipitated 
 by a bitter quarrel with Sir Henry Bagenal, Marshal 
 of the Queen's Troops in Ireland. Tyrone, whose wife 
 his second died in January, 1591, approached Bagenal 
 a few months later with a proposal of marriage with 
 his sister, Mabel, a beautiful girl. Bagenal was furious 
 at the idea, and dismissed Tyrone with violent language. 
 Tyrone was not to be denied, however, and induced 
 the lady to elope with him to Dublin, where he lodged 
 her in the house of a friend until he could persuade 
 the Bishop of Meath to marry them, which he did in 
 August, 1591. Sir Henry refused to pay his sister's 
 dowry, and this became a standing grievance with 
 Tyrone. The elopement was the talk of the town for a 
 while, but Mabel had reason to regret her rashness, 
 for Tyrone acknowledged afterwards that he " did 
 affect two other gentlewomen," and that his wife 
 exhibited articles against him. She died a year or two 
 later. 
 
 After some years of futile controversy and repeated
 
 10 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 evasions, Sir Henry Bagenal constantly pursuing Tyrone 
 with vindictive hostility, the blaze burst forth, and the 
 rebellion had been in progress for four or five years at 
 the date of Chamberlain's letter, not with credit to 
 English politicians or deputies. 
 
 Says Chamberlain : " Here is speach of force to be 
 sent thether, but they cannot yet resolve upon aDeputie." 
 
 The only important matters in the letters about this 
 time are the state of affairs in Ireland, and the prospects 
 of peace with Spain. 
 
 In his next letter, dated 17 May, 1598, Chamberlain 
 writes : " We are all of opinion that the peace goes 
 forward, and the Lord Buckhurst (Thomas Sackville, 
 afterwards Earl of Dorset) is appointed to go to Abbeville, 
 or some other place thereabout, to conclude yt. Mr. 
 Bodley (Thomas Bodley, founder of the Bodleian Library] 
 ys named as an assistant, but he will not go yf he can 
 possiblie avoide yt. There ys speach likewise of some 
 greater man for countenance, as the Lord Marquis of 
 Winchester, the Erie of Northumberland, or the Erie 
 of Shrewsburie. Matters in Ireland grow daily worse 
 and worse, so that unles they have round and speedy 
 succoures all ys like to go to wracke ; the Counsaile 
 have consulted about it these three or fowre dayes, 
 but I heare of no resolution but only that 4,000 men 
 shalbe sent at leisure." 
 
 On 20 May he writes : " Barnevelt, the agent and 
 advocate of the States, is here, and hath audience these 
 two dayes together, but I feare we are deafe on that 
 side, and no musike will please us unles yt be to the 
 tune of peace. One of the chief est reasons I can heare 
 for yt ys a kind of disdaine and envie at our neigh- 
 boure's welldoinge, in that we, for theire sake and 
 defence entring into the warre, and being barred from 
 all commerce and entercourse of marchandise, they 
 in the meanetime thrust us out of all tramcke, to our 
 utter undoing (yf in time it be not looked into), and theire 
 own advancement, and though the feare of the Spaniards
 
 BLACK CLOUD IN SCOTLAND 11 
 
 recovering those countries and increasing greatnes, 
 do somwhat trouble us, yet yt is thought but a weake 
 pollicie for feare of future and uncertain danger (which 
 many accidents may divert) to endure a present and 
 certaine losse. And come what can come, Fraunce and 
 England holding together (as in all probabilitie and reason 
 they are like) they shall alwayes be able to make theire 
 partie goode with Spaine. Another motive to the peace 
 is the troubles of Ireland, which are like to put the 
 Quene to exceeding charge, and withall there appear es 
 a blacke clowde in Scotland that threatens a storme. 
 These, amonge many other reasons that I have heard 
 and sene, are in mine opinion most materiall." 
 
 The black cloud in Scotland was probably the alleged 
 connivance of James VI. (afterwards James I. of 
 England), at Tyrone's rebellion in Ireland; he was 
 accused in some quarters of assisting Tyrone. 
 
 In his next letter, dated 31 May, 1598, Chamberlain 
 again harps upon the prospect of peace with Spain. 
 In a former letter of 17 May he had reported that : 
 " Mr. Edmonds ys either gon or presently going into 
 Fraunce with letters to prepare the way for this peace;" 
 note the expression, " this peace " ; a certain scepticism 
 is developing in the mind of the writer concerning 
 the genuineness of the negotiations and the prospects 
 of success, and now, on 31 May, this is decidedly 
 accentuated : " Your friend Edmonds came out of 
 Fraunce the last weeke, and brings worde that the 
 peace there is so forward that yt lacks nothing but 
 the publishinge, which is thought to be performed 
 by this time, and all the townes up on the point 
 of deliverie. He is like to be tossed to and fro, 
 and briekewold like a tennis-ball, from the one side to 
 the other, till somwhat be concluded, for we have two 
 moneths time to deliberate whether we will treat or no, 
 and three moneths more for the treaty ; wherupon 
 we are not yet fully resolved, but consult daily about 
 yt, and the further they looke into yt the more difficulties
 
 12 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 appeare, insomuch that the wisest judgements are 
 distracted, and know not what to choose. For mine 
 owne part, having heard what hath bin saide pro et 
 contra on both sides, I cannot well discerne whether 
 were better an insidious peace or so faint and weake a 
 warre as we have made hitherto and are like to do 
 hereafter, which doth rather prolonge arid drawe on 
 the consumption then remedie the disease. In the 
 meane time the state of Ireland standes in yll termes, 
 for we are so wholly possest with this imaginarie peace 
 that we cannot attend yt." 
 
 So now it is an " imaginary " peace, and, indeed, it 
 was destined to remain so for some years longer. 
 Probably Chamberlain's view of the matter reflects 
 that of the better-informed members of the community ; 
 the " man in the street " was not in those days nearly 
 as well up in political and international affairs as is 
 his fellow of our times. Chamberlain was in touch with 
 persons in high places, and often obtained material for 
 his gossip at the fountain head. 
 
 Chamberlain was on the point of starting for Askot 
 (or Ascott, about ten miles west from Woodstock, in 
 Oxfordshire) when he wrote his letter of 31 May, and 
 he appears to have been away until nearly the end of 
 August. He often mentions Askot in his letters, but 
 it is not clear to whom he paid his visits there ; probably 
 Mr. Gent. Dr. Birch, in a note to one of the copied 
 letters, says that John Chamberlain was descended 
 from the Chamberlaynes of Sherborne, County Oxford, 
 but there does not appear to be any evidence to support 
 the statement. In a pedigree which appears in the 
 Visitation of Oxford in 1634 there is one Simon Cham- 
 berlayne of Shipton, which is quite close to Ascott ; 
 but, as is usual in these records, there is not a single 
 date appended. This Simon was four generations before 
 the last Chamberlayne named, who was presumably 
 living in 1634, so he probably flourished early in the 
 sixteenth century.
 
 13 
 
 Returning to London before 29 August, so as to be 
 in time to attend the funeral of Lord Burghley on that 
 day, Chamberlain found an accumulation of gossip 
 awaiting him, and on 30 August he wrote a long letter 
 to Carleton : 
 
 " I came out of Oxfordshire on Satterday last, and 
 on Monday came posting to London with your cosen 
 Lytton to be a beholder of the solemne funeral, wherein 
 he and your brother Carleton were actors. . . . The 
 Lord Treasurers funeral was performed yesterday with 
 all the rites that belonged to so great a personage. 
 The number of mourners one and other were above 
 500, wherof there were many noble men, and among 
 the rest the Erie of Essex, who (whether yt were upon 
 consideration of the present occasion, or for his owne 
 disfavours) methought carried the heaviest countenance 
 of the companie. Presently after dinner he retired to 
 Wansted, where they say he meanes to settle, seing 
 he cannot be receved in Court, though he have relented 
 much and sought by divers meanes to recover his hold. 
 But the Quene says he hath plaide longe enough upon 
 her, and that she meanes to play awhile upon him, 
 and to stand as much upon her greatnes as he hath don 
 upon stomacke. The Lord Treasurer hath left the 
 Quenes cofers so bare, that there is but 20,000 to be 
 found, and the Quene is faine to demaund in lone of 
 the cittie 40,000, wherof they can presently furnish her 
 but the one halfe. Of his private wealth there is but 
 11,000 come to light, and that all in silver, whereof 
 6,000 (with eight or nine hundred pounds land) he 
 bequeathed to his two neeces of Oxford (they were really 
 his grand-daughters], the rest in other legacies. And 
 his lands seme not so great as was thought, for Mr. 
 Secretarie (Sir Robert Cecil) sayes his owne part will 
 not rise to 1,600 a yeare upon the racke. It is much 
 laboured to make him Lord Treasurer, wherin yf he 
 faile yt is assuredly thought he shalbe Master of the 
 Wardes, for of necessitie there must be one, by opinion
 
 14 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 of the lawyers. Mr. Maynard (Henry Maynard was 
 Secretary to Lord Burghley) is become the Quenes man, 
 and that with such high favor that yn goode earnest 
 he is thought to be neerest yn election to be Secretaire, 
 and the rather for that Mr. Secretarie is altogether 
 for him. The States are gon away well contented yn 
 that they thincke they have tied us fast by offring to 
 pay our men of warre, garrisons and all, and to 
 rembourse 3,000 yearlie to the Quene, till the whole debt 
 be run out. Yet for all this yt is thought we shall treat, 
 marry so that the States must be included with theire 
 owne conditions. The Lord Cromwell (Edward, third 
 Baron] sues hard and makes large offers for the govern- 
 ment of the Brill, but it is thought, if the warre go 
 forward, that the Quene, with the States' consent, will 
 translate that garrison to Armew, thereby to have her 
 forces neerer together, and to assure herself better of 
 Middleburgh and the He of Walkeren. It is said your 
 Lord Governor of Ostend (Sir Edward Norris) shall 
 continue his place, but most of your Companies shalbe 
 called away for Ireland. We say the late Cardinall 
 (the Archduke Albert of Austria) is sworne and receved 
 Duke of Burgundie by 14 of the provinces, and that 
 presently he made proclamation that he meant to 
 renounce all his father-in-lawes (Philip II. of Spain) 
 quarrells, and to entertain amitie with all his neighbours, 
 specially the Auncient allies and confederates of the 
 house of Burgundie, and that Englishmen, Scottes and 
 others might safely traffieke in all his dominions, and 
 that the States of Holland might likewise trade, go and 
 come with all securitie during eight moneths, till other 
 order may be taken for continuance ; and that all 
 strangers men of warre are to avoide within two moneths. 
 Further, that he is gon into Spain to fetch his bride 
 (the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia), having obtained 
 leave of the provinces to be absent one yeare, when if 
 he returne not, they are discharged from theire oath and 
 obedience. Wherby we gather (as it is likewise reported)
 
 GREAT BLOW IN IRELAND 15 
 
 that the King of Spaine is certainly dead, but these 
 things must be better known to you as being neerer 
 the market. We have lately receved a great blow yn 
 Ireland ; Sir Henry Bagnoll the Marshall went with 
 3,500 foot complete, and 300 horse, to relieve the fort 
 of Blackwater, distressed by Tiron, and being come 
 within two mile of yt, in a pace or woode, where the 
 ennemie had strongly intrenched himself, was so furiously 
 set upon that himself was there slaine with 16 other 
 Captaines, and above 700 souldiers ; the rest retired 
 to Armagh (having left to the ennemie seventeen 
 ensignes), not knowing how to tarry there or remove 
 thence in safetie, the ennemie being betwene eight and 
 ten thousand strong. But newes came yesterday that 
 they had made theire appointment, and that Tiron, 
 out of his merciles bountie, had granted them leave 
 to bury theire dead, and to go away with all they had, 
 so that the fort night be delivered him ; to the governor 
 wherof, Captaine Williams, and his souldiers, he would 
 geve no better conditions, then to depart in theire 
 dubletts and hose only, with rapier and dagger. This is 
 the greatest losse and dishonour the Quene hath had 
 in her time, and yet yt seemes we are not moved with 
 it, which whether it proceed more of courage then of 
 wit I know not, but I feare yt is rather a careles and 
 insensible dulnes. Sir Samuel Bagnoll went post for 
 Ireland on Satterday last, but his course and plot must 
 be quite altered, for yt is to no purpose to go to Lough- 
 foile now that the Blackwater ys lost. Sir Richard 
 Bingham hath ten dayes respite to set his thinges yn 
 order, and then go to Marshall of Ireland with 5,000 
 men ; but I doubt yt wilbe rather in speach then yn 
 performance. The Lord Cobham was installed Lord 
 Warden of the Cinq Ports on Bartlemew day at Caimt- 
 erbury, at which ceremonious solemn itie were assembled 
 almost 4,000 horse, and he kept the feast very mag- 
 nificently, and spent 26 oxen with all other provision 
 sutable. He, the Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter
 
 16 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Raleigh and Sir John Stanhope are in speach to be 
 sworne shortly of the Counsaile. Our marchants have 
 lost two or three ships going to Muscovie, and one is 
 missing that shold come from thence. Sir Charles and 
 Sir Henry Danvers are come. I saw them both yesterday. 
 Sir James Scudamore's lady, that was so rich a manage, 
 is lately deade in childbed. Mrs. Vernon is from the 
 Court, and lies in Essex house ; some say she hath taken 
 a venew under the girdle and swells upon yt, yet she 
 complaines not of fowle play, but says the Erie of 
 Southampton will justifie it ; and yt is bruted, under- 
 hand, that he was latelie here fowre dayes yn great 
 secret of purpos to marry her, and effected yt accord- 
 ingly. I thancke you for the letter you wrote me hence, 
 though yt were longe ere yt came to my hands. I met 
 your Alexander and Bucephalus at Sir William Spencers, 
 and delivered his letter to your brother Carleton, for 
 he challenged yt as by your appointment, though he 
 shewed no commission ; and thus, having wearied both 
 myself and you, I bid you farewell and commit you to 
 God. 
 
 " Yours most assuredly, 
 
 " JOHN CHAMBERLAIN." 
 
 This letter is a fair sample of Chamberlain's gossiping 
 effusions, covering a vast amount of ground. The Earl 
 of Essex " carried the heaviest countenance " at Lord 
 Burghley's funeral, no doubt, by reason of " his owne 
 disfavours," for he had some weeks previously incurred 
 the Queen's displeasure, expressed in an unusually 
 emphatic fashion, even for that plain-spoken and 
 autocratic sovereign. Essex was present at a Council 
 convened for the purpose of selecting a Lord Deputy 
 for Ireland, and taking advantage, as he always did, of 
 his intimacy with Elizabeth, he countered her suggestion 
 so vehemently and discourteously that she administered 
 one of those terse and strongly-worded rebukes of 
 which she was such an accomplished mistress. Essex 
 insolently turned his back upon her with some con-
 
 THE QUEEN AND ESSEX 17 
 
 temptuous expression ; the virgin queen retorted with 
 a stinging box on the ear, and bade him " go and be 
 hanged." And many an unwary courtier has actually 
 been hanged for a lesser offence ; Elizabeth's father 
 would have made short work of any man, favourite or 
 otherwise, who thus presumed. In this instance, as 
 Essex must have been well aware, the buffet was at 
 once the outcome of annoyance and personal regard ; 
 Essex was behaving like a spoiled child, as he was, and 
 the Queen administered the punishment she deemed 
 suitable ; but Essex, blinded by passion and vanity, 
 acutally clapped his hand to his sword-hilt in menacing 
 fashion. The Earl of Nottingham, who was present in 
 his capacity as Lord High Admiral, intervened between 
 the Queen and the Earl, who declared that " he would 
 not have taken that blow from King Henry, her father," 
 and rushed from the room, flinging back some impert- 
 inent allusion to " a King in petticoats " as he made his 
 discourteous exit. No wonder the Queen intimated 
 that she intended for a while to " stand upon her greatnes 
 as he hath don upon his stomacke," and Essex was 
 finding his " stomacke " sadly deflated as he attended 
 the funeral of the Queen's faithful counsellor, Lord 
 Burghley, knowing that she had repeatedly visited him 
 when he was dying, and had actually insisted upon feed- 
 ing him with her own hands ; while he, her prime 
 favourite, was dismissed with a box on the ear. And 
 what a chance he had missed, through his vanity and 
 pettishness ; had he turned and kissed the Queen's 
 hand, instead of swaggering with his hand on his sword, 
 all previous offences would assuredly have been par- 
 doned on the instant ; Elizabeth would have appreciated 
 keenly such an act of chivalry, and Essex might almost 
 have dictated the choice of the Lord Deputy ; but he 
 was too entirely lacking in nobility to avail himself of 
 the opportunity, and so he sulked at Lord Burghley's 
 funeral. 
 
 As for the " great blow " in Ireland, it was a sad 
 c
 
 18 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 instance of the procrastination and irresolution which 
 appears to be inseparable from all our dealings with the 
 Irish people. There had been a disastrous affair in the 
 previous year at Carrickfergus, when Sir John Chichester, 
 with a totally inadequate force, was engaged with Sir 
 James McDonnell, who commanded what was little 
 better than a rabble ; but he defeated Chichester with 
 heavy losses. Sir John was killed, and his head, together 
 with that of Captain Rhys Mansel (or Mansfield), who 
 had greatly distinguished himself in the battle, was 
 sent to Tyrone as a trophy of victory. 
 
 Blackwater Fort had been heroically defended early 
 in August, 1598, by Captain Thomas Williams, who, 
 with a garrison of only four companies had repulsed 
 with heavy loss an attack in great force by Tyrone. 
 The latter, however, proceeded to entrench himself 
 and closely invest the fort. It was imperative that steps 
 should be taken to relieve the fort, and the Dublin 
 Council, in a state of great consternation and indecision, 
 had asked advice of the Council in England. In the end 
 it was decided to divide the English forces in Ireland, 
 one half to proceed against the Cavanaghs under the 
 Earl of Ormond, the other, under Sir Henry Bagenal 
 (spelled also Bagnall and Bagnoll) to relieve Blackwater. 
 The Council w r as anxious to send Ormond on the latter 
 service, but Bagenal entreated permission to meet his 
 old enemy, Tyrone ; their bitter animosity dating back, 
 it will be recollected, to Tyrone's runaway marriage 
 with Bagenal's sister in 1591. 
 
 Bagenal had a force of about 4,000 foot and 350 horse, 
 while Tyrone, as was afterwards proved, commanded 
 eight or ten thousand men. The result was disaster : 
 Bagenal had his wish in fighting against his brother- 
 in-law 7 , and it cost him his life ; his men were over- 
 whelmed and scattered, some two thousand being slain ; 
 the remnant retired on Armagh, where they were lodged 
 in the Cathedral. Says Chamberlain, " newes came 
 yesterday that .... Tiron out of his merciles bountie,
 
 DUBLIN COUNCIL'S LETTER 19 
 
 had granted them leave to bury theire dead and go away 
 with all they had, so that the fort might be delivered 
 to him." The gallant Williams and his heroic little 
 garrison were turned out in their doublets and hose, 
 with their side-arms. 
 
 The action took place on 14 August, and on the 16th 
 the Dublin Cotmcil wrote to Tyrone : " We have 
 taken knowledge of the late accident happened to part 
 of Her Majesty's forces employed in Ulster, only for 
 victualling of the Blackwater, and that many of them 
 are retired into Armagh, where they now remain ; we 
 thought good upon this occasion to send to you on their 
 behalf ; though we think that in your own consideration 
 you will let them depart without doing them any further 
 hurt ; we are to put you in mind how far you may incense 
 Her Majesty's indignation towards you if you shall do 
 any further distress to those Companies, being as you 
 know in cold blood ; and on the other side how far you 
 may move Her Majesty to know a favourable conceit 
 of you by using favour to these men ; and besides your 
 ancient adversary the Marshal being now taken away, 
 we hope you will cease all further revenge towards the 
 rest, against whom you can ground no cause of sting 
 against yourself, being employed by Her Majesty 
 in this Her Highness' service. Thus much we thought 
 good to signify unto you, and by way of caution to 
 admonish you to avoid to provoke so mighty a Prince 
 upon such a matter as to distress her servitors in cold 
 blood." 
 
 This futile combination of entreaty and menace was 
 not calculated to find favour with Elizabeth. W T hen she 
 read a copy of it she wrote to the Council and Lords 
 Justices in Dublin : "We may not pass over this foul 
 error to our dishonour, when you of our Council framed 
 such a letter to the traitor after your defeat, as never 
 were read the like either in form or substance for base- 
 ness ! Being such as we persuade ourself, if you shall 
 peruse it again when you are yourselves that you will
 
 20 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 be ashamed of your own absurdities, and grieved that 
 any fear or rashness should ever make you authors of 
 an action so much to your Sovereign's dishonour, and 
 to the increasing of the traitor's insolency." 
 
 Hard hitting for the Dublin Council, but well merited. 
 The Queen, however, adds a postscript : " Since the 
 writing of this letter we have understood that your letter 
 which we heard from you was sent to the traitor by you 
 hath since been stayed by accident, whereof for our own 
 honour we are very glad, though for yourselves the 
 former purpose still deserves the same imputation." 1 
 
 Tyrone, for some reason, did not follow up his success ; 
 he could have marched on Dublin and taken it almost 
 without resistance. There are further allusions to him 
 in later letters. 
 
 Chamberlain remarks upon the apathy with which 
 the news was received in London : " Whether it proceed 
 more of courage than of wit I know not, but I feare 
 it is rather a careles and insensible dulnes ; " and it 
 is to be feared that he was right. 
 
 Mistress Elizabeth Vernon, daughter of Sir John 
 Vernon of Hodnet, and one of Elizabeth's Maids of 
 Honour, to whom Chamberlain alludes, was secretly 
 married in August 1598 to the Earl of Southampton. 
 The Earl was on very friendly terms with Essex, at 
 whose house the lady was lodged pending her marriage, 
 which was expedited by Essex, who thereby, it is said, 
 incurred the Queen's strong displeasure somewhat 
 unreasonably, perhaps, under the circumstances indicated 
 by Chamberlain, which rendered it expedient that the 
 marriage should speedily take place. But perhaps this 
 was kept secret from the Queen. 
 
 Chamberlain's allusion to " your Alexander and 
 Bucephalus," whom he met at Sir William Spencer's 
 is not very intelligible ; possibly this was some little 
 
 1 The spelling is modernised in these two letters, but the text is 
 precisely as written.
 
 STANLEY THE POISONER 21 
 
 family joke in connection with Alexander Williams, 
 who married Carleton's sister Elizabeth. 
 
 The next letter, dated 17 September, 1598, is a short 
 one, from which one sentence is worth quoting. The 
 letter is dated from Knebworth, arid Chamberlain 
 writes : " He (i.e., Rowland Lytton) went yesterday to 
 Bletso (the seat of Oliver Lord St. John) to convoy 
 the Lady Pelham (Judith, daughter of Oliver first Lord 
 St. John, widow of Sir John Pelham) that hath 
 lien here this fortnight, and wold faine have drawne me 
 along with him, but by good hap a certain cold and 
 hoarseness kept me at home, for, how well soever they 
 use me, yet methincks still I am out of mine element 
 when I am among Lords, and I am of Rabelais minde 
 that they looke big comme un Millord d'Angleterre." 
 
 This ingenuous admission lets in a little further light 
 upon Chamberlain's character ; there is no ground for 
 refusing to accept it as sincere, and it is indicative of 
 entire absence of toadyism. 
 
 In another letter, dated from London, 3 October, 
 1598, Chamberlain writes : " One Stanley, that came 
 in sixteen dayes over land with letters out of Spaine, 
 is lately committed to the Towre. He is very ernest 
 to have private conference with Her Majestic, pretending 
 matter of great importance, which he wold by no meanes 
 utter to anybody els." 
 
 This Stanley, with Edward Squire and William 
 Monday, was concerned in a plot to kill the Queen by 
 means of an ingeniously concocted poison which, being 
 placed in a chair or on a saddle, would cause the death 
 of the person sitting or riding thereon ; the Earl of 
 Essex was to be dealt with in like manner. According 
 to the declarations of these men, the poison was actually 
 placed in the Earl's chair and on the Queen's saddle, 
 but they were sad liars, and their statements cannot be 
 relied upon. They alleged that Edward Walpole, a 
 Jesuit priest, was one of the chief instigators to the plot ; 
 this was a man of good family in Norfolk, who became
 
 22 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 a Catholic about 1587, and subsequently surrendered 
 all his large estate to his brother, and was eventually 
 received into the Jesuit Order. He said Mass and 
 preached in England for years at the risk of his life, 
 passing under the alias of Rich for some years ; he 
 died in 1637. This story was, of course, a parcel of lies ; 
 all the rascals who were detected in similar schemes 
 laid them to the credit of the Jesuits, knowing how 
 bitter Elizabeth was against them. Probably Stanley, 
 who was a prisoner in Spain, was liberated and bribed 
 on condition of making some attempt upon Elizabeth's 
 life. The poison, however, which was to work in such 
 wonderful fashion, proved, as might have been expected, 
 quite innocuous ; if, indeed, it was ever administered. 
 Chamberlain, of course accepts the tale about the wily 
 Jesuit. In a subsequent letter, dated 22 November, 
 1598, he writes (alluding to the failure of the poison) : 
 " But because nothing succeeded of it, the priest thinck- 
 ing he had either chaunged his purpose or bewraied it, 
 gave Stanley instructions to accuse him, therby to get 
 him more credit and to be revenged of Squire for breaking 
 promise. The fellow confest the whole practice, and, as 
 it seemed, died very penitent." A highly improbable 
 story ; but any stick was good enough to beat a Jesuit 
 with. 
 
 The succeeding letters contain many allusions to the 
 trouble in Ireland, and the possible appointment of 
 Essex as Lord Deputy, which is roundly prophesied 
 one day and contradicted 011 the next ; on 20 December, 
 1598, Chamberlain writes that, pending some sort of 
 decision concerning this and other matters in Ireland, 
 Essex and Sir Robert Cecil " have so good leisure that 
 they plie the tables hard in the presence chamber, 
 and play so round game as if Ireland were to be 
 recovered at Irish " ; a good mot, " Irish " being a 
 game in vogue at that time, differing but little from 
 backgammon. 
 
 On 15 March, 1599, Chamberlain writes that " this
 
 ESSEX GOES TO IRELAND 23 
 
 great Commission for Ireland is dispatcht, and the 
 Erie (of Essex) hath all his demaundes, the Quene 
 showing herself very gracious and willing to content 
 him " ; but some months later, 1 August, 1599, " many 
 men marvaile that my Lord hath spent so much time 
 and don so litle. . . . My Lord hath lately made 16 
 new Knights, for what service I know not, but belike 
 it is de bene esse, in hope they will deserve it hereafter." 
 In this and the following letter of 9 August there is 
 also a great deal concerning a rumoured Spanish 
 expedition against England on a large scale, and the great 
 preparations which were in progress to meet it. Cham- 
 berlain only half believes in it ; nevertheless he writes 
 on 9 August : " Your cousen Lytton hath the leading 
 of 300 men, and came up to make his provisions, whome 
 I meane to accompanie, and (though I were never pro- 
 fessed souldier) to offer myself in defence of my country, 
 which is the best service I can do it ; " very spirited 
 of him, at the age of five-and-forty, with, according 
 to his father, a somewhat shaky constitution. He is 
 decidedly contemptuous of a futile scheme of the Earl 
 of Cumberland for the defence of the Thames : " Sir 
 Thomas Gerrard was appointed Colonell of the London- 
 ers, but for an old grudge since the last Parliament 
 they would have none of him ; wherupon the Erie of 
 Cumberland was geven them, to have charge of them 
 and the river, which he undertooke with great con- 
 fidence, meaning to make a bridge somwhat on this side 
 Gravesend, after an apish imitation to that of Antwerp, 
 and to that end got together all the lighters, boates, 
 Westerne barges, cables, and anchors that were to be 
 found, giving out that with 1,500 musketters he wold 
 defend that bridge or loose his life upon it (but God 
 forbid he shold have been put to it) ; but whether upon 
 triall they finde it not faisible, as bearing another 
 manner of bredth and billow then the river of Antwerp, 
 or upon what other reason I know not, yesterday, 
 after much turmoile and great charges bestowed, it
 
 24 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 was quite geven over, and now they have an imagination 
 of sinking certain hulkes in channell, if need shold be. 
 
 Upon Monday, toward evening, came newes (yet 
 false) that the Spaniardes were landed in the lie of 
 Wight, which bred such a feare and consternation in 
 this towne as I wold litle have looked for, with such a 
 crie of women, chaining of streets, and shutting of the 
 gates, as though the ennemie had ben at Blackewall. 
 I am sory and ashamed that this weakeness and naked- 
 nes of ours on all sides shold shew itself so apparently 
 as to be carried far and neere to our disgrace both with 
 f rends and foes." 
 
 There is ample evidence of this scare in contemporary 
 State Papers ; but on 23 August Chamberlain writes : 
 " The world is well amended here since I wrote last, 
 and the storme that seemed to looke so blacke almost 
 quite blown over .... the Lord Generall (the Earl 
 of Nottingham), with all the great officers of the 
 field, came in great bravery to Powles Crosse on Sonday 
 was sevenight and dined with the Lord Mayor, and 
 then was the alarme at hottest that the Spaniards were 
 at Brest, which was as likely and fell out as true as all 
 the rest." 
 
 Essex is making many new Knights this appears 
 to be all that he was doing in Ireland and Chamberlain 
 fears " that if he continue this course he will shortly 
 bring in tag and rag, cut and longe taile, and so draw 
 the order into contempt." 
 
 This lavish display of the powers conferred upon him 
 by the Queen was characteristic of Essex, gratifying to 
 his vanity and sense of his own importance. 
 
 In this same letter Chamberlain writes : " Alabaster 
 that escaped out of the Clinke 1 is brought in coram 
 again, being sent from Rochelle." William Alabaster 
 
 1 The Clinke was a well-known prison or lock-up in South wark ; it 
 is constantly alluded to in State Papers and private correspondence 
 in the i6th and I7th centuries,
 
 ALABASTER'S ADVENTURES 25 
 
 was somewhat famous as a Latin poet ; he was M.A. of 
 Cambridge, and subsequently took orders, going out 
 as Chaplain to the Earl of Essex in the Cadiz expedition 
 of 1596. At Cadiz, however, he became a Catholic, 
 and on his return he published a pamphlet giving 
 " Seven Motives " for his conversion. As might have 
 been expected, his " Motives " were not acceptable 
 to the Queen and her Council, and he was imprisoned ; 
 he twice made his escape, and ultimately went to Rome, 
 where, according to his own account, he was detained 
 in the prison of the Inquisition, and only liberated on 
 condition that he remained within the city for five 
 years. He contrived, however, to return to England, 
 and apparently came to the conclusion that the role of 
 martyr for his faith was too irksome, for he reverted to 
 Protestantism, was made Doctor in Divinity, a Prebend 
 of St. Paul's, and Rector of Tharfield (or Therfield) 
 in Hertfordshire, a living which is now worth 750 
 a year, with sixty-six acres of glebe and residence. 
 So he certainly " scored " in the matter of tempor- 
 alities, however he may have fared spiritually, by his 
 recantation. 
 
 Six months later, on 22 February, 1600, Chamberlain 
 writes : " You left us here with so faire weather, and 
 with so confident an opinon that all shold go well with 
 my Lord of Essex, and that we shold see him a-cockhorse 
 again, that I know it wilbe straunge newes to you to 
 heare that all was but a kinde of dreame, and a false 
 paradise that his frends had fained to themselves, 
 giving theire hopes and discourses libertie to outrun 
 theire wit, for the bright sunshine that seemed so to 
 dasell them was indeed but a glimmering light that was 
 sodainly overshadowed again, and the skie as full of 
 cloudes as before ; and, though they thought they saw a 
 reconciliation twixt him and Mr. Secretarie (Sir Robert 
 Cecil) (wherupon they built many idle fancies and 
 liberall discoursings), yet either theire eyes were not 
 theire owne, or els they had false spectacles that made
 
 26 A JACOBEAN LETTER- WRITER 
 
 everything that was don seeme more then double ; for 
 Mr. Secretarie never spake with him since he was com- 
 mitted, but only carried his letter of submission that 
 kept him from the Star Chamber, so that my Lord 
 continues where he was, and, for ought I heare, is like 
 enough to tarry there still." 
 
 Essex was at this time confined in York House, and 
 learning that it was proposed to bring him before the 
 Star Chamber, he wrote a piteous letter to the Queen, 
 begging that he might be spared the indignity. This 
 letter, and that in which he thanks the Queen for granting 
 his request, are so characteristic that they will bear 
 transcribing here ; they will not be found in any ordinary 
 history of the time : 
 
 "11 February, 1600. I do now even receive from my 
 Lord Keeper a significance of your Majesty's pleasure 
 to have me called to a judicial hearing in the Star 
 Chamber on Wednesday next ; which if it had been the 
 sentence of death, should have been welcome to me, 
 coming with that warrant. Be pleased to remember how 
 humbly and unfeignedly I have acknowledged mine 
 offence ; how patiently I have undergone your indig- 
 nation, and how much more it will agree with your 
 princely and angelic nature to have your mercy blazed 
 by the tongue of your once happy, but now most 
 sorrowful orator, than to have a sentence given to ruin 
 and disable him who despiseth life when he shall be made 
 unfit for your service. Dare I not sue lest I be blamed 
 of presumption ? Yes, Deity itself will be both sued 
 unto and importuned. I again acknowledge mine offence, 
 and beg that this cup may pass from me." 
 
 On the following day the Queen, by means of a letter 
 which she ordered Thomas Windebank to write to Sir 
 Robert Cecil, but which was never sent, and further by a 
 message to the Earl of Nottingham and the Lords of the 
 Council, made her wishes clear without replying to Essex's 
 appeal, and the Star Chamber trial was cancelled. 
 The news must have been immediately conveyed to
 
 ESSEX FLATTERS THE QUEEN 27 
 
 Essex, for he writes on the same day : " When the 
 creature enters into account with the Creator, it can never 
 number in how many things it needs mercy, nor in how 
 many it receives it ; but he that is best stored must still 
 say Da nobis, and he that hath showed most thank- 
 fulness must ask again Quid retribuam ? I no sooner 
 finish this my first audit, but I consider how large a 
 measure of His grace and how great a resemblance of 
 His power God has given you, and how many ways 
 he gives you occasion to exercise those gifts upon your 
 vassals. This confession most fitteth me of all men, 
 and is joyfully and humbly made. I acknowledge, upon 
 the knees of my heart, your Majesty's infinite goodness 
 in granting my petition. God is witness how faithfully 
 I vow to dedicate the rest of my life to your Majesty, 
 without admitting any other worldly care ; whatsoever 
 your Majesty resolves to do with me, I shall live and die 
 your humble vassal." 
 
 Words, words, words ! Twelve months later this 
 abject flatterer and " humble vassal " of the Queen 
 was sentenced to death for raising a rebellion to enforce 
 an audience with her, and to impose upon her the aims 
 of himself and his clique of admirers.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 ELIZABETHAN LETTERS 
 
 March, 1600 February, 1603 
 
 IN several letters Chamberlain uses the expression 
 " my wife," from which it might obviously be inferred 
 that he was married. This, however, was not the case. 
 The lady to whom he alludes was Winifred, youngest 
 daughter of Sir Henry Wallop of Farley, Hants, ancestors 
 of the Earls of Portsmouth. The first allusion occurs 
 in a letter dated 5 March, 1600 : " This is now my 
 third letter since I saw or heard of you, and I write in the 
 more hudling haste because I thincke to go to Kneb- 
 worth very shortly, where I meane to tarrie till toward 
 the terme, when my wife promiseth to come and fetch 
 me home." 
 
 Chamberlain was on very intimate terms with the 
 Wallops, who were also frequent visitors at the Lyttons' 
 place at Knebworth, and one can readily imagine that 
 a staid bachelor, well on in his forties, might indulge 
 in some semi-paternal or quasi avuncular pleasantries 
 with a girl probably young enough to be his daughter, 
 even going the length of mutual nicknames (though we 
 are not told that Winifred had any familiar title for 
 John Chamberlain) ; but the frequent mention of her 
 in his letters as his wife without the precision of her 
 name, thus implying that his friend was perfectly well 
 aware to whom he alluded, is somewhat remarkable. 
 
 It will be convenient to anticipate a little, and quote 
 the further references which occur in subsequent letters. 
 
 28
 
 CHAMBERLAIN'S " WIFE " 29 
 
 On 13 June, 1600, Chamberlain writes : " This hath 
 ben a day of great doings in seing him (Rowland Lytton) 
 and his troupes well set out of towne, and in the armies 
 removing from Clarkenwell, whence they are all dis- 
 lodged this afternoone towardes Hampshire, and your 
 brother (George Carlclon) with his pettie regiment 
 marched away much about the same howre, so that I was 
 greatly distracted to supply all places, wherby I could 
 not do my wife the honor (as was my meaning) to conduct 
 her some part of the way, though she were otherwise 
 sufficiently accompanied." 
 
 On 27 May, 1601, he writes : " I go tomorrow to 
 Knebworth, though I came lately thence about the middle 
 of this last terme, being sent for from Askot some three 
 weekes before to meet your cosen and Mrs. Lytton at 
 Farley about a match for my wife, which is since 
 dispatcht with younge Gifford, a kinseman of her 
 owne." 
 
 Very quaint ! Who ever heard of a man making a 
 " match for his wife " ? 
 
 From another letter we gather that he was present at 
 her wedding. On 8 July, 1601, he writes : " I am very 
 sorry my last letter miscarried, because it conteyned 
 the whole abridgement of my progresse into Hampshire, 
 my wife's marriage, and a great rabblement of such other 
 like matter." 
 
 On 13 August, 1601 : " I am going tomorrow toward 
 Hampshire to gossip with my Lady Wallop, lately 
 brought to bed of a sonne, and so forward to my wifes 
 to see how she is accommodated of all manner imple- 
 ments." 
 
 On 19 September, 1601 : " I aunswered your letter 
 of the 24th July from Askot, where I since received 
 another of yours of the fift August, at my returne from 
 my Hampshire progres, the progresse wherof is not 
 worth the writing, save only that I came to the churching 
 of my Lady Wallop, who is not a little prowde of her 
 little boy, and visited my old wife at her new home,
 
 30 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 where she playes the huswife out of crie, but will have 
 much ado to bringe that riotous and disordred house 
 into any order, yet her vertue \vill shine the more if 
 she can bring light out of darkenes, or alter the frame of 
 that confusion into any reasonable government. Once 
 the place and state of that living is worthie of her 
 travaile, and I do not greatly dispaire of the successe, 
 having so kinde and tractable a husband towards her, 
 and one that makes very much of her, wherof I take no 
 small comfort, and the more for that it is thought she is 
 prettily forward with child, though I need not bragge 
 nor boast of it." 
 
 On 2 October, 1602 : " From Askot I met Mr. 
 Lytton at Sir Henry Wallops, where I found my wife 
 brought to bed of a boy, wherein I tooke no great comfort 
 (as I told her) having so little part in him." 
 
 These last sallies would appear to indicate that 
 Chamberlain's attachment for Winifred was not precisely 
 of a paternal or p] atonic character ; but the customs and 
 manners of the times permitted of considerable licence 
 of speech, without ulterior meaning being necessarily 
 implied. 
 
 Winifred's husband, Sir Richard Gifl'ord, w T as her 
 first cousin, his father having married her aunt. 
 
 John Gough Nichols, the well-known antiquary of 
 last century, comments upon the subject in " Notes and 
 Queries ' 5l and cites a parallel case of a few years later, 
 in which George Lord Carew, writing to Sir Thomas 
 Roe, repeatedly alludes to " my wife Anne Dudley," 
 mentioning her marriage and her death at the birth of 
 her child ; Anne Dudley was probably a young maid of 
 honour at the Court of James I. (1615 and 1616). Lord 
 Carew, was the Vice-Chamberlain of the Queen's house- 
 hold, where he would be constantly seeing Anne Dudley ; 
 possibly she was his favourite among the rnaids of 
 honour, and so there came to be established between 
 
 1 Series II., Vol. XII., p. 42.
 
 A SANGUINARY DUEL 31 
 
 them an exchange of familiar but harmless badinage 
 when they encountered. 
 
 " I cannot, however, help thinking," says Mr. Nichols, 
 " from the constancy with which both he and Chamber- 
 lain persist in employing the phrase ' my wife ' whenever 
 they mention the person to whom they respectively apply 
 it, that it may refer to some social custom that had 
 greater influence than a casual preference, but of which 
 we have now lost sight." 
 
 There is certainly something to be said for this 
 hypothesis, but the investigation of it would involve 
 a vast amount of research, and cannot now be embarked 
 upon ; the somewhat quaint and apparently harmless 
 idiosyncrasy of John Chamberlain in thus designating 
 as his " wife," both before and after her marriage, a 
 young woman who certainly did not stand in any such 
 relation to him must remain more or less of a mystery, 
 and as such is now dismissed. 
 
 The letters of 1 600 contain no very interesting matter. 
 Affairs in Ireland are gradually becoming brighter, 
 Tyrone's forces being in several instances defeated and 
 followed with slaughter ; the war with Spain showing 
 no signs of conclusion. 
 
 On 10 October, 1600, Chamberlain writes : " We 
 heare that Sir Robert Mansfeld and Sir John Heydon, 
 two Norfolk Knights, have slaine one another in the 
 feild." 
 
 This was riot true, as neither was killed ; but it was 
 a very savage and murderous duel. Sir Robert Mansfeld 
 was Vice-Admiral Sir Robert Mansel, of the Welsh 
 family of that name ; Chamberlain can scarcely be 
 blamed for spelling his name wrongly, as the Admiral 
 himself was in the habit of spelling it in various ways, 
 and there are letters of his extant to which he signs 
 himself Mansfeelde. He was the son of Sir Edward 
 Mansel, of Margam Abbey, in Glamorganshire, and was 
 knighted when quite a young man, after the Cadiz 
 expedition of 1596, in which he took part under Lord
 
 32 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Howard of Effingham (afterwards Earl of Nottingham). 
 Sir John Heydon was one of the numerous knights 
 made in Ireland by the Earl of Essex, to whom allusion 
 has already been made. 
 
 The actual cause of the quarrel was never revealed ; 
 at any rate Mansel does not state what it was, in his 
 account of the affair, though he appears to have insisted 
 that Heydon should sign some papers, or articles, on 
 paiii of death. 
 
 The two combatants left the town of Norwich with their 
 seconds, but the latter were not, as was customary, 
 to witness the encounter. Hansel's rapier was a full inch 
 shorter than Heydon's, but he would not hear of any 
 delay on that account : " I absolutely refused, and 
 swore that they should not keep me from ending the 
 difference at that time with my own sword." He was 
 in a very blood-thirsty temper, and it must be assumed 
 that Heydon had behaved very badly to him. Dismissing 
 the seconds, the two principals rode off together, and 
 fell to, each being armed with a rapier and a dagger. 
 
 It was a most bloody encounter ; both were desperately 
 wounded, but Mansel had the better of it, and apparently 
 compelled the other to sign the papers, having first, 
 by some means or other, cut off his left hand not an 
 easy matter, either, with rapier which was intended, 
 chiefly, for thrusting or dagger ; but Heydon was 
 undoubtedly thus mutilated, and was thereafter known 
 as " Heydon of the one hand." 
 
 This affair was naturally the talk of the town, for 
 Mansel was becoming very well known ; depositions 
 were taken before two Justices of the Peace, one of whom 
 Sir Bassirigbournc Gandy was related to Mansel 
 by marriage ; they wrote to the Council on Mansel's 
 behalf; whether they were in possession of the actual 
 facts as to the original cause of the quarrel does not 
 appear. 
 
 Sir Bassingbourne also wrote to Lord Chief Justice 
 Popham, but Popham gave him a very short answer,
 
 HEYDON'S HAND 33 
 
 and told him that he would be better employed, as Justice 
 of the Peace, in discouraging and reproving " bate- 
 sowers " (i.e., mischief makers) on both sides " and 
 even so I betake you to the protection of the Almighty, 
 and the peace of your country to your care." 
 
 A ghastly sequel to the business was the preservation 
 of Heydon's severed hand by members of his family, 
 who eventually placed it in the public museum at 
 Canterbury, with an inscription containing the untrue 
 statement that he died of his wounds he lived for 
 fifteen years afterwards. Probably we shall hear of Sir 
 Robert Mansel again later on. 
 
 In his next letter, dated 15 October, 1600, Chamberlain 
 laments the dearth of interesting gossip to be imparted 
 to his friend : " It seemes you had ben kept longe 
 fasting that could finde such taste in those poore occur- 
 fents I sent you. At my first comming hither all was fish 
 that came to net, and I bestowed it as freely as it came, 
 which, seing it was so welcone, I wold faine second with 
 the like, but, whether it be that I am not so sharp set 
 as I was, or that the market affoords it not, methinckes, 
 though here be more store of companie, yet here is lesse 
 provision in that kinde and therefore you must be content 
 
 with a shorter pittaunce The Barbarians take 
 
 theire leave some time this weeke to go homeward, 
 for our marchants nor marriners will not carrie them 
 into Turkic, because they thincke it a matter odious 
 and scandalous to the world to be too frendly or familiar 
 ^with infidels ; but yet it is no small honor to us that 
 nations so far remote and every way different shold 
 meet here to admire the glory and magnificence of our 
 Quene of Saba." 
 
 The " Barbarians" were Muly Hamet Xarife, Ambass- 
 ador from the King of Barbary, and his attendants. 
 Barbary was then under the dominion of Turkey, and 
 the King was a vassal of the " Grand Signer," or Sultan 
 of Turkey. 
 
 Towards the end of this letter Chamberlain writes : 
 D
 
 34 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 " I understand that Litle Britain must lie desolate, like 
 a place for owles and ostriches, all this term." 
 
 There are several allusions in his letters to Little 
 Britain, and it may be assumed that some of Chamber- 
 lain's intimate friends dwelt there. It would be in the 
 parish of St. Mary Aldermanbury, and was then, no 
 doubt, a residential quarter. 
 
 Writing on 22 December, 1600, Chamberlain has some 
 gossip about the marriage of Henry IV. of France with 
 Marie de Medicis : " The French King kept the 
 solemnitie of his marriage at Lions the 23th of the last, 
 and saw not the great Duchesse nor the Duchesse of 
 Mantua, who went into Loraine another way, because 
 they espied his humour that he lingered at the campe 
 for the nonce only to avoide charges and geve them no 
 presents. His miserie (i.e., miserliness) and ambition 
 is much misliked of all, and the clergie will in no wise 
 be well pers waded of him. He was so desirous and hastie 
 to see his Quene, that he went disguised as a private 
 gentleman with others (that he had appointed) to see 
 her dine, and caused a letter from himself to be delivered 
 her in his presence (unknowne yet), which she received 
 with such humbleness that it was praised of everybody 
 and pleased him not a little. He could not tarry the 
 solemnity, but went that night to her unknowne, and 
 one of his minions demanding what he meant, told him 
 he went to do that he never did in his life, to lie that night 
 with an honest woman." 
 
 Fie, Mr. Chamberlain ! This is not creditable gossip ; 
 but it is confirmed, in essence, in the account of Marie de 
 Medicis which appears in "Nouvelle Biographic Generale," 
 where she is not presented as a very desirable person. 
 
 One of her very numerous suite on the journey to 
 France, the Duke of Bracciano, visited England shortly 
 afterwards, and, says Chamberlain, " The Quene enter- 
 tained him very graciously ; and, to shew that she is 
 not so old as some wold have her, daunced both measures 
 and galliards in his presence."
 
 THE CHEAPSIDE CROSS 35 
 
 A " measure " was a slow, stately dance ; a galliard 
 a quick and lively dance, in triple time and Elizabeth 
 was sixty-seven ! No doubt she impressed the Italian 
 by her spriteliness. 
 
 Writing on 3 February, 1601, Chamberlain says : 
 " I remember nothing els but that the crosse in Cheape 
 is going up for all your Vice-Chancellor of Oxford and 
 some other odd divines have set downe theire censure 
 against it." 
 
 This was the cross originally set up by Edward I. 
 in 1290 ; one of many by which he marked the stages 
 of his journey, with the remains of Queen Eleanor, to 
 Westminster ; Charing Cross remains as the most 
 familiar. 
 
 This cross in Cheapside had fallen into disrepair in 
 1141, and the Lord Mayor, with the consent and 
 approval of Henry VI., had it repaired ; it interfered 
 somewhat with the traffic of merchandise, however, and 
 in 1581 it was pulled down, or greatly damaged by the 
 citizens on this account. 
 
 In the year 1600 Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London, 
 proposed to have the cross re-erected, but the citizens 
 protested on puritanical grounds. In this deadlock 
 George Abbot, Vice-Chancellor of Oxford (afterwards 
 Archbishop of Canterbury) and the Vice- Chancellor of 
 Cambridge were called upon to arbitrate between the 
 Bishop and his flock, and decided against the Bishop's 
 project. The Queen and her Council, however, were 
 in favour of it, and, as Chamberlain records, the cross was 
 rebuilt. 
 
 Its completion was delayed by the hostility of the 
 puritans, but a picture of it is extant as it stood in 1606 
 -a lead-covered timber erection, not in the form of a 
 cross, although thus designated, with figures of the 
 Blessed Virgin and other saints upon it. 
 
 The fate of King Edward's shrine was, however, 
 finally determined in 1643, when it was demolished amid 
 the triumphant acclaims of the puritan mob.
 
 36 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 In a letter dated 24 February, 1601. Chamberlain 
 contrasts the behaviour of the Earl of Essex with that 
 of the Earl of Southampton before the Council. Of Essex 
 he says : " At his comming to the bar his countenance 
 was somewhat unsettled; but, after he was once in, I 
 assure you I never saw any go through with such bold- 
 ness and shew of resolution and contempt of death ; 
 but whether this courage were borrowed and put on for 
 the time, or natural!, it were hard to judge. . . . The 
 Erie of Southampton spake very well (but we thought 
 somwhat too much as well as the other) ; and as a man 
 that wold faine live, pleaded hard to acquite himself, 
 but all in vaine, for it could not be, wherupon he descend- 
 ed to intreatie, and moved great commisseration ; and, 
 though he were generally well liked, yet methought he 
 was somwhat too low and submisse, and seemed too loth 
 to die before a prowde ennemie." 
 
 All very well for John Chamberlain, it might be 
 remarked, who was not called upon to face condem- 
 nation and death, to comment upon the deportment of 
 a man thus unhappily situated. His view should, how- 
 ever, be accepted more as an indication of the tradition 
 of the time than as heartless or arrogant comment. 
 In reading of the numerous executions of men (and also 
 of women) of rank in Tudor times, it is impossible to 
 avoid being impressed by their almost invariable forti- 
 tude and sang froid before the inexorable tribunal 
 too frequently " packed " in the most flagrant fashion, 
 and bent upon condemnation and on the scaffold ; 
 there are few instances on record of any display of 
 abject terror or futile resistance ; the executioner 
 approached and craved pardon for performing his duty ; 
 the prisoner calmly bade him be easy in his mind, then 
 took his place beside the block. Even great scoundrels, 
 who truly acknowledged before the crowd that their 
 punishment was well merited, appear to have accepted 
 it in most instances without flinching. Chamberlain 
 thought that the Earl of Southampton was falling short
 
 COURAGE OF ESSEX 37 
 
 of this tradition, or was likely to do so ; hence his remark. 
 As for Essex, there can be little doubt but that his courage 
 was a natural attribute, quite compatible with his busy, 
 scheming mind, and his fulsome adulation of Elizabeth ; 
 as a naval or military commander he was a bungler, 
 but a courageous one. 
 
 Many of Dudley Carleton's letters to Chamberlain 
 are said to be addressed to Doctor Gilbert's house. 
 William Gilbert was an older man than Chamberlain 
 by some fourteen years ; he was a prominent member 
 of the Royal College of Physicians, of which he was 
 appointed President, apparently about the year 1601. 
 He lived in St. Peter's Hill, between Upper Thames 
 Street and Knightrider Street, a thoroughfare which 
 no longer exists under that name. From the fact that 
 so many of Carleton's letters were addressed there, 
 and from some remarks in Chamberlain's letters, it is 
 apparent that the latter spent a great deal of his time 
 there ; in a letter dated 27 May, 1601, he writes : 
 " I am driven to such straights that I know not what 
 to say but quid scribam, ant quid non scribam ? 
 The uncertaintie of your stay, my long absence from 
 this towne, the unluckiness of my letters to be lost or 
 overlooked, and the difficultie of finding fit messengrs, 
 have almost quite discouraged me, and made me a 
 truant en vostre endroit, for so I will acknowledge it 
 to you. howsoever to others I could salve and make all 
 whole with passable and pregnant excuses ; but with so 
 goode a frend I will never disguise, but tell the plaine 
 troth and (which is worst) without hope of amendes, 
 for I know not how to redeeme that is past with future 
 diligence, being (since the dissolution of our societie) 
 become altogether a countriman, and not appearing 
 here but as a termer." 
 
 The Editor of the " Letters written during the reign 
 of Queen Elizabeth " has a footnote at " Societie " 
 " The College, which was broken up on Dr. Gilbert's 
 being appointed physician to the Queen."
 
 88 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 The Royal College of Physicians was, at the time of 
 its institution in the reign of Henry VIII., located in 
 Knightrider Street. Dr. Gilbert, who was President, 
 and had always been closely associated with the College, 
 lived close by, as already stated, on St. Peter's Hill ; 
 but the inference, which naturally ensues from the 
 note above quoted, that the College of Physicians was 
 " broken up " when Gilbert was appointed physician 
 to the Queen, appears, to say the least of it, extremely 
 improbable. The College seems to have been, in 1629 
 or earlier, situated in Paternoster Row, but there is 
 not much detailed information available concerning 
 its further vicissitudes of location. 
 
 In the same letter, after reporting his journey to 
 Farley about a " match " for his wife, as already des- 
 cribed, Chamberlain writes : " Your cosen Lytton, 
 with her two daughters, the Lady Wallop and Mrs. 
 Cary, are all with child, and my cousin Stukeley's wife 
 comes in to make up the messe. Kate Cheyney is 
 toward a husband ; and Mr. Edmunds, your good frend, 
 hath married a sole daughter of one Woode, Clerke of 
 the Signet. You see this is a great yeare of wiving and 
 childing ; if you were here you were like inough to be 
 in danger of one of them." 
 
 " My cousin Stukeley " must be Sir Thomas, son of 
 Hugh, who married Elizabeth Chamberlain ; nephew, 
 not cousin, of John ; but the term cousin was used very 
 loosely. 
 
 This letter is written " From my lodging at Wingfield 
 House " ; the address of a later letter locates Wingfield 
 House in St. Peter's Hill, where Dr. Gilbert lived ; 
 possibly Chamberlain lodged in his house. 
 
 Writing on 8 July, 1601, Chamberlain says: "We 
 understand little what the campes do at Berke and 
 Ostend, only it is said Sir Francis Vere shold have put 
 himself into Ostend, which I do not easily beleve, no 
 more then I did a flienge report was current here awhile 
 that at a banquet in the Lowe Countries the Erie of
 
 SIR FRANCIS VERB 39 
 
 Northumberland had stroken him, whereas it is most 
 certain they have not met there since theire last going 
 over." 
 
 This may have been true at the moment, and indicates 
 the existence of jealousy and enmity between the Earl 
 and Sir Francis Vere, before the latter was appointed, 
 just about this time, Governor of Ostend ; subsequently 
 there was a very bitter quarrel between them. Sir 
 Francis had been in command, in the previous year, 
 of a force of mixed nationality at the battle of Nieuport, 
 and had, on this and other occasions, proved himself 
 a brave and skilful soldier. 
 
 The garrison of Ostend was speedily supplemented 
 by troops from England, and by scions of distinguished 
 English and French families, who were anxious to serve 
 under a distinguished man like Vere ; or, in a good 
 many instances, sought some variety and entertainment 
 in new surroundings. These were, no doubt, mostly 
 the younger men, and Vere, who was a strict disciplin- 
 arian, did not relish their presence ; but Northumber- 
 land, who was not a very young man, being about 
 seven-and-thirty, displayed similar tendencies, and was 
 very impatient of Vere's discipline and discouragement 
 of frivolous and vicious amusements. Chamberlain 
 was probably very right in refusing to credit the story 
 that the Earl had struck Vere at a public entertainment ; 
 such a flagrant offence must inevitably have involved 
 immediate punishment, and probably a duel into the 
 bargain ; but Northumberland was an extremely 
 truculent subordinate, complaining of the " discom- 
 modities of the place," and the " little observance " 
 accorded to his rank and title. Finding that Sir Francis 
 was quite unmoved by his attitude, continuing to enforce 
 that discipline which he rightly deemed necessary, 
 Northumberland took himself off to England again, 
 nursing his quarrel for future opportunity. 
 
 This came in the spring following, when Sir Francis 
 Vere was in England levying recruits for service in the
 
 40 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Netherlands. Northumberland sent a challenge to Sir 
 Francis, and much angry recrimination ensued. Vere 
 denied having given the Earl any cause of offence, but 
 the latter was obdurate, insisting that they should 
 fight, while Vere declared that the important business 
 upon which he was engaged precluded him from doing 
 so, but agreed to meet the Earl at some future time. 
 The quarrel was, of course, discussed freely at Court and 
 elsewhere, and coming to the Queen's ears, she peremp- 
 torily forbade the Earl to interfere with Sir Francis 
 while he was employed upon her service. The final round 
 in the verbal duel for it never passed beyond words 
 was sharp enough. Northumberland declared that he 
 accepted the Queen's commands in all humility, " but 
 protested to the company present that Sir Francis Vere 
 was a knave, a coward that in fleering like a common 
 buffoon, would wrong men of all conditions, while he 
 had not the courage or honesty to satisfy any." 
 
 To which Sir Francis : " Because I refused to meet 
 you upon your peremptory and foolish summons, you 
 conclude me, in a discourse set abroad under your 
 name, to be a knave, a coward and a buffoon, wherein 
 you have provoked me to set aside all respect to your 
 person, and to say that you are a most lying and un- 
 worthy lord. . . . When we shall be free, and God 
 shall make us meet, I will maintain it with my sword." 
 
 Hard hitting on both sides, but Vere was not freed 
 from military duties until 1605, and even such a bitter 
 quarrel as this will cool down in three or four years ; 
 and so they left it at that. 
 
 In 1602 Chamberlain was much concerned on account 
 of some trouble in connection with one of his friend 
 Carleton's sisters, who displayed leanings towards 
 becoming a Catholic a very lamentable defection in his 
 opinion. On 26 April he writes : " Touching your 
 Catholique sister, I know not what to write nor what 
 to thincke, she is so irresolute and inconstant, and yet 
 peevish and wilful au bout. She doth exercise herself
 
 CARLETON'S ERRING SISTER 41 
 
 and her frends very much, and hath raised many tragedies 
 since you went. The worst is, she vexes Mr. Williams 
 so that he growes weary of her ; and she is become 
 so cunning, and hath profited so well in that schoole of 
 dissimulation, that she sayes if it had not ben for that 
 she told you and me of Valentine all had ben well, which, 
 seing they know not, there is no reason they shold watch 
 or restrain her. Your paltrie niece is the instrument 
 and the bellowes that hath kindled this unnaturall 
 heat among them ; but she escapes fciot scot-free, for 
 the poxe hath so peppered her that they have almost 
 put out her eyes, and mard her bad holyday face. The 
 day that you went we had a great bickering about the 
 continuall passage and entercourse of messages and 
 letters which your brother and sister (Mr. and Mrs. 
 Alexander Williams} complained of, wherein she set us, 
 you, and all at nought, wherupon I told her my minde 
 in the best termes 1 could, and meant to absent myself ; 
 but the day before I went she sent for me, having recon- 
 ciled herself to her brother and sister, and of her owne 
 accord shewed me divers of theire letters, wherein I 
 am canvassed and tossed like a tennis ball, and withall 
 told me she was fully minded to forsake those courses, 
 and to cut of all occasions ; but I was no sooner gon 
 but the devill hath put in his foote again, and now 
 at my coming I finde Totnam turnd French, and your 
 niece is removed to a new lodging, where now is the 
 rendezvous and all the revel! of the men you wot of, 
 and there she is whole dayes and nights, and will not be 
 spoken to by brother nor sister, and more foolishly 
 obstinate in her aunswers then ever I knew her. I 
 verely thincke she seekes occasion of some unkindnes 
 from your brother and sister, whereby she may have 
 some colour to cast herself away. I am almost weary 
 of writing, so that neque mens neque manus suum 
 qfficium facit, and I am more weary of those 
 domesticall brabbles among them, so that I meane to 
 strive no more against the currant, but let them brew
 
 42 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 as they bake, and have theire owne swinge, for I see it 
 is but laterem lavari to deale any more in it ; yet 
 if you can bethincke or devise any better course wherein 
 I can do any goode, in good faith I will adventure that 
 for your sake that I will not do for hers, and yet I protest 
 there is no breach nor unkind word hath past between 
 us, but only that I see she is not the woman I tooke her 
 for. One thing I had almost forgotten (which I wold not 
 willingly, that you may have a taste of her judgement), 
 that she told those parties she had acquainted us with 
 theire estate and condition. I have an inckling (but you 
 must take no notice of it in any wise), that your wisest 
 and best esteemed sister is taken in the same trap ; 
 so that I see, if wenches have not theire will, and that 
 husbands come not at call, we shall have them all 
 discontented and turne Turke." 
 
 Sir Dudley Carleton had four sisters Elizabeth, 
 married to Alexander Williams, evidently the couple 
 who were harrassed by the erring sister's conduct ; 
 Bridget, married to Sir Hercules Underhill ; Anne, 
 married to John Dove, D.D. ; and Alice, who died un- 
 married. John Dove was a very strict Protestant, and 
 wrote against the Jesuits ; he held the living of St. 
 Mary, Aldermary, in Bow Lane, besides a living in 
 Wiltshire. Sir Hercules Underhill came of a Warwick- 
 shire family ; he was not knighted, however, until 
 1617. It appears probable that it was Bridget who 
 caused all this commotion in the first instance. The 
 " wisest and best esteemed sister " is undoubtedly 
 Alice, a great friend of Chamberlain's, to whom he 
 alludes affectionately in his will. 
 
 There was further anxiety, however, concerning these 
 sisters, for only three weeks later, on 17 May, Chamber- 
 lain writes : " The gentlewoman you wot of folio wes 
 still the old haunts, and will not be beaten from it by 
 faire meanes nor fowle. It hath vext your frends where 
 she is, more then needes ; but all will not serve, for she 
 must have the bucklers (i.e., have her own way), and
 
 BRIDGET CARLETON'S CUNNING 43 
 
 that she standes upon. I come litle there, but even for 
 fashion, and meddle neither one way nor other, for I see 
 it were to no purpose, but to minister matter that she 
 might carry to and fro, wherein she is become very 
 cunning, and makes a kinde of profession to run with the 
 hare and hold with the hound. The other gentlewoman 
 of Farringdon is fallen away, as I understand by Mr. 
 Gent ; but my more certain intelligence is that she is 
 but falling, and hath geven her promise to stand out no 
 longer if she can be resolved of one point, which you must 
 thincke shall not be longe a doing, for Valentine is the 
 man and mediator between them. You may take as litle 
 knowledge of these matters as you list, for I only write 
 them that you might know how the world goes ; and 
 yet I leave all to your choise and discretion." 
 
 The only deduction to be drawn from all this is that 
 Bridget was the first to " fall away," or rather to threaten 
 such action, and that Anne, the wife of the evangelical 
 divine, followed suit ; the allusion to the " gentlewoman 
 of Farringdon " would more probably apply to her than 
 to Bridget ; Valentine cannot be identified. There is 
 no evidence that either lady persisted in the course 
 which caused so much dismay and anxiety to Carleton 
 and his friend. 
 
 On 27 June, 1602, Chamberlain writes : " We heare 
 of 6,000 Italians redy in Spaine to come thether (to 
 Ireland) and stay for nothing but shipping, which I 
 doubt they shall too easilie compasse nowe our fleet 
 comes away to convoy home the caraque they have 
 taken within the mouth of the river of Lisbone. If 
 our people had not plaide the men every way, she had 
 escaped theire fingers, by reason she was got so far 
 within the river among flats and shallowes and had 
 receved a supplie of three or fowre hundred fresh men 
 besides a guard of ten gallies to tow her up and defend 
 her ; but our ship so plied the gallies that I thincke 
 they will have no list to incounter them any more. Sir 
 Richard Leveson and Sir William Mounson (Monson)
 
 44 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 have gotten great commendation, both for courage and 
 advice 1 . What her value may be we cannot yet 
 guesse, but sure she was a rich ship. Marry, there goes 
 a report all the short ends 2 were conveyed away before 
 our men could come at her ; but most men thincke that 
 but a colour for them that have, and mean to make, theire 
 market. Once here is order taken that no goldsmiths 
 or jewellers shall go into the West Countrie ; and Fulke 
 Grivell (Sir Fulk Greville) is gon downe post to 
 Plimmouth, and so to the sea, to meet her and kepe her 
 from comming into that pilfering towne (as they terme 
 it), but to bringe her alonge to Portesmouth." 
 
 Sir Richard Leveson and Sir William Monson were 
 in need of some success to atone for their ill fortune 
 some weeks previously, when, through lack of intelli- 
 gence, the Spanish treasure ships were met by Leveson 
 alone, Monson having been detained until some Dutch 
 ships should join him, before sailing for the rendezvous 
 with Leveson. Before these arrived news came that 
 the Spaniards had already sailed from the Azores, and 
 the Queen ordered Monson off in a hurry ; but he was 
 too late, and Leveson with his five ships was unable to 
 make anything of the Spanish fleet, and so all the treasure 
 was carried off safely to Spain. 
 
 Sir William Monson, in his " Naval Tracts," gives 
 an account of the capture of the carraque (or carrack), 
 in which Chamberlain's story about the Spaniards 
 having got up the Lisbon river amid flats and shoals 
 is heavily discounted ; according to Monson the vessels 
 were anchored off Cezimbra, which is eighteen or twenty 
 miles south of the Tagus, just round Cape Espichiel. 
 The anchorage is open, and easy of approach, but the 
 carrack and the eleven galleys were very well disposed 
 to resist an attack ; Monson described the various 
 
 1 Advice, i.e., forethought, prudence; the word was often uted in 
 this sense at that time. 
 
 2 Short end, probably a slang name for the Spanish dollar, or "piece 
 of eight."
 
 45 
 
 dangers to be encountered, and proceeds : " And 
 notwithstanding these dangers, and that there was no 
 man but imagined that most of the carrack's lading 
 was conveyed ashore, and that they would haul her 
 on ground under the castle where no ship of ours would 
 be able to fleet to her (i.e., get at her), all which 
 objections, with many more, were alleged, yet they 
 little prevailed." 
 
 In the attack, Leveson led the van, while Monson 
 brought up the rear, and, as he says, " entering into the 
 fight, still strove to luff up as near the shore as he could, 
 w r here at length he came to an anchor in such a place 
 that he was continually fighting with the town, the fort, 
 the galleys and carrack, all at one instant ; for he 
 brought himself betwixt them all that he might play 
 both his broadsides upon them. There might be seen the 
 oars of the galleys swimming on the one side and the 
 slaves forsaking them on the other with offer to swim to 
 us, everything being in a confusion amongst them, and 
 thus they fought till five of the afternoon. The Vice- 
 Admiral was anchored in such a place that the galleys 
 rowed from one side to another, seeking to shun him, 
 which Sir Richard Leveson observing, came on board 
 him, and openly, in the view and hearing of his own 
 company, embraced him and told him he had won his 
 heart for ever." 
 
 Monson is never shy about recounting his own doings, 
 though his adoption of the third person has in this 
 instance a qualifying effect upon his egotism. 
 
 However, the carrack was captured, with all the 
 " short ends " safely on board, and the galleys destroyed ; 
 Chamberlain's allusion to a report that the treasure had 
 been landed is no doubt to be explained by some gossip 
 among the crews of the English vessels, which was 
 distorted in the telling. The inventory of the cargo of 
 the St. Valentine, carrack, is summarised in the 
 Calendar of State Papers as consisting of " Calicos, 
 quilts, lawns, Persian, Turkey and leathern carpets,
 
 46 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 fans, silks, taffetas, pepper, cinnamon, ginger, cloves, 
 indigo, drugs, etc," and, no doubt, specie. Chamberlain 
 hears (8 July) that she is to be unloaded at Plymouth 
 after all, on account of her large tonnage. On the same 
 date he has more to say about Carleton's sisters and their 
 pending " perversion," and alludes to one of them 
 as " Mrs. Farringdon," taking credit to himself for 
 having dissuaded her from coming to town for further 
 controversy. 
 
 On 2 October, 1602, he writes : " Sir Robert Mans- 
 feild (Mansel) and the Vice-Admirall of Flushing met 
 with sixe of Spinola's gallies, and have stemd or overrun 
 two of them, and, they say, spoiled the rest so that 
 they be unprofitable, wherof one is run on ground at 
 Callis. The reports of the manner of the fight are so 
 uncertain and contrarious that I know not how to set 
 it downe, but will leave it to time to discover." In a 
 postscript to another letter, dated 4 November, 1602, 
 he says : " The Dutch men had set out a relation of 
 the fight with the gallies, which we allow not, neither 
 indeed do theire owne tales agree ; wherupon I thought 
 to send you this report of Sir Robert Mansell, in aunswer 
 of those drunken companions." 
 
 This incident caused a great deal of talk. When Sir 
 Robert Mansel returned from the country and heard 
 of the Dutch Admiral's claim for all the credit, he was 
 furious, not being the type of man to put up with any 
 belittlement of himself or his doings. He wrote a long 
 and wordy, but no doubt accurate, account of the whole 
 business, with an introductory letter addressed to the 
 Earl of Nottingham (Lord High Admiral). His account 
 was published in pamphlet form, with a print of a ship 
 under sail on the title page, and no doubt his reputation 
 was thereby duly vindicated. 
 
 On 19 November, 1602, Chamberlain writes : " My 
 last to you was of the fourth or fift of this present, since 
 which time here hath ben a very dull and dead terme, 
 or els I am quite out of the trade, which may well be
 
 VENNER'S PRACTICAL JOKE 47 
 
 by reason of a new devised order to shut the upper 
 doores in Powles (St. Paul's) in service time, whereby 
 the old entercourse is clene chaunged, and the trafficke 
 of newes much decayed." 
 
 This is a characteristic lament over the closing of a 
 fruitful source of gossip. The aisles and chapels of St. 
 Paul's were the resort of newsmongers and tattlers, and 
 no doubt the denial of free access thereto would prove 
 a sad check upon the " trafficke of newes," and deprive 
 our friend of much useful material for his correspon- 
 dence. 
 
 After an allusion to the antics of Carleton's " foole " 
 or jester, one Garrett, at the tilt in honour of the anniver- 
 sary of the Queen's Accession, Chamberlain proceeds 
 to give an account of a practical joke on a large scale, 
 perpetrated by one Venner : " And, now we are in 
 mirth, I must not forget to tell you of a cousening 
 prancke of one Venner, of Lincoln's Inne, that gave out 
 bills of a famous play on Satterday was sevenight on 
 the Banckeside, to be acted only by certain gentlemen 
 and gentlewomen of account. The price at comming 
 in was two shillings or eighteen pence at least ; and, 
 when he had gotten most part of the mony into his 
 hands, he wold have shewed them a faire paire of heeles, 
 but he was not so nimble to get up on horseback, 
 but that he was faine to forsake that course and betake 
 himselfe to the water, where he was pursued and taken, 
 and brought before the Lord Chiefe Justice, who wold 
 make nothing of it but a jest and a merriment, and 
 bounde him over in five pound to appeare at the sessions. 
 In the meane time the common people, when they saw 
 themselves deluded, revenged themselves upon the 
 hangings, chaires, stooles, walles, and whatsoever came 
 in theire way, very outragiously, and made great spoil ; 
 there was great store of good companie, and many 
 noblemen." 
 
 Richard Venner (or more properly Vennar) was a man 
 who was not unknown in society and at court. Having
 
 48 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 been involved in an unsuccessful lawsuit after his 
 father's death, he had solicited the intervention of 
 James VI. of Scotland on his behalf with the Council, 
 which annoyed Queen Elizabeth, who clapped him into 
 prison on his return from Scotland " as a dangerous 
 member to the State." He was also author of some 
 religious pamphlets, in one of which " The Right Way 
 to Heaven " he contrived to combine with religious 
 admonition some fulsome adulation of the Queen. 
 When, therefore, he proclaimed his intention of pro- 
 ducing a masque at the Swan Theatre, representing 
 England's triumphs over Spain, there was, as Chamber- 
 lain states, a large audience of noblemen and gentlefolk 
 assembled to witness it. A synopsis of the plot of the 
 play is in the possession of the Society of Antiquaries, 
 and runs as follows : " The Plot of the Play called 
 England's Joy ; to be played at the Swan this 6 of 
 November, 1602." The " Plot " is elucidated in nine 
 articles, in which Elizabeth is personated in mortal 
 antagonism with the King of Spain, and after defeating 
 all his malicious attempts, she is finally victorious and 
 is crowned by angels with " an Emperiall Crowne gar- 
 nished with the Sunne, Moone, and Starres ; and so with 
 musicke both with voyce and instruments, shee is taken 
 up into Heaven, when presently appears a throne (sic) 
 of blessed soules, and beneath under the stage, set forth 
 with strange fireworks, divers blacke and damned souls, 
 wonderfully described in their severall torments." 
 
 Having attracted a large concourse by this enticing 
 programme, and collected their money at the doors, 
 Vennar bolted with the " treasury." It was, perhaps, 
 fortunate for him that the Queen herself did not con- 
 descend to grace the occasion ; that gentle lady would 
 not have let him off with a bond of five pounds to appear 
 at the sessions, had she found herself the victim of such 
 a practical joke. 
 
 Vennar died miserably in the " counter," or debtor's 
 prison, in Wood Street ; he had somehow made an
 
 THE QUEEN AT ARUNDEL HOUSE 49 
 
 enemy of the keeper, who put him in the " black hole " 
 and probably starved him to death. 
 
 In the same letter Chamberlain says : " Our Com- 
 missioners and the Danes are met at Breme ; the 
 Quenes ship that carried them, comming backe with 
 other in her companie, met with a huge number of 
 whales on the coast of Holland, that indured many shot, 
 and plaide many gambolls. The like number hath not ben 
 scene together, specially in these parts, for they say 
 above two hundreth. Here is much descanting what 
 they should portend more then the tempest that fol- 
 lowed." A shoal of whales as an augury ! One wonders 
 what the whales thought of it when they were " potted " 
 at by the mariners. 
 
 On 4 December, 1602, Chamberlain writes : " On 
 Monday or Tewsday next the Lord Admirall is to feast 
 her (the Queen) at Arundell House ; and then the Lord 
 Thomas Howard and the Lord Chamberlain (Lord 
 Hunsdon), and all is to entertain the time, and win 
 her to stay here if it may be." 
 
 Elizabeth was by no means averse from being enter- 
 tained by her noblemen, and liked to be " done " well 
 on these occasions, the feast being frequently supple- 
 mented by gifts of jewels, etc. Chamberlain, in an earlier 
 letter, mentions that she had " made a stop at Mr. 
 Atturneys (Sir Edward Coke), at Stoke, where she was 
 most sumptuously entertained and presented with Jewells 
 and other gifts to the value of a thousand or twelve 
 hundred pound." 
 
 The Lord Admiral was, of course, Charles Howard, 
 Earl of Nottingham, and his tenure of Arundel House 
 on the river, at the foot of the present Arundel Street 
 was the outcome of Elizabeth's cruel treatment of his 
 kinsman, Philip Howard, first Earl of Arundel of his 
 name, and rightly Duke of Norfolk. 
 
 Did the Queen recall, as she sat at Charles Howard's 
 sumptuously furnished table, a former occasion upon 
 which she had been entertained in that same house ?
 
 50 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 She had, indeed, invited herself to a banquet there, 
 in order, apparently, to inflict upon her host, Philip 
 Howard, a more emphatic humiliation ; for, immediately 
 after her departure, she sent him a message that he was 
 to consider himself a prisoner in his own house. Sub- 
 sequently she hounded him to death, because he chose 
 to obey his conscience and become a Catholic, and his 
 confiscated estates were bestowed here and there as Her 
 Majesty listed, Arundel House falling to Charles Howard. 
 
 Thomas Howard, son of Philip, and Earl of Arundel, 
 born in 1585, was still at this time in the Queen's black 
 books, and compelled to stand aside and see his relative 
 the Lord Admiral entertain Elizabeth in his house ; 
 nor did he recover it until after the accession of James ; 
 he had to pay Nottingham four thousand pounds before 
 he could assume possession. 
 
 On 23 December, 1602, Chamberlain writes : " I 
 am litle beholding to the post that brought Mr. Winwod's 
 letters and yours of the 23th of the last and 7th of this 
 present, for he kept them a whole weeke in his hand after 
 his arrivall, so that I had scant leisure to run over the 
 inclosed discourse, for that your brother was to go that 
 day homeward, and Sir Edward Norris went away not 
 past two dayes before. A third of the 12th of this 
 present I receved three dayes since ; in aunswer to all 
 which I can say litle for the present, being full fraught 
 with splene and indignation of such unworthie usage ; 
 and he were a wise man could tell what were best to be 
 don in the case ; but at all adventures I wold you had 
 sett all at sixe and seven in the instant, and left him 
 (i.e., Sir Thomas Parry) in the lurch, whereas now 
 lupum auribis tenes (you are holding the wolf by the 
 ears) and it is alike difficult and daungerous to hold or 
 let go. I understand Mr. Winwod is to come shortly 
 away, but I doubt his absence will not remove the 
 mischiefe, for there is some further matter of degenerate 
 jealousie that will not endure your sun shold dimme 
 his torch."
 
 CARLETON AND PARRY 51 
 
 This passage is in allusion to the ill-treatment of 
 Dudley Carleton by Sir Thomas Parry, the English 
 Ambassador in France. 
 
 Parry had been appointed early in the year, but 
 delayed his departure for France upon various pretexts 
 his debts being among these until the Queen ex- 
 pressed her strong displeasure at the delay. Dudley 
 Carleton, as one of the Secretaries at the Embassy 
 under Sir Thomas, had preceded him ; and on 12 July 
 Thomas Edmondes writes to Carleton, alluding to the 
 delay and to Sir Thomas Parry's excuses : " These 
 impediments have raised a conceit of his inaptness for 
 this charge, and therefore it the more imports him 
 to show dexterity. I dealt with him concerning you 
 and the others named to be his secretaries, and he 
 promised not to wrong you nor pester himself with 
 men of their extravagant condition. Mr. Winwood 
 is to stay there some months, until it be tried how your 
 master will discharge his business." 
 
 So here is the story of Dudley Carleton's treatment. 
 Sir Thomas Parry, an unwilling Ambassador, assuming 
 his post after many delays, and being " put up to the 
 ropes " for some months by Ralph Winwood, a most 
 able man, with Dudley Carleton, another exceptionally 
 capable man, as one of his secretaries, exhibits jealousy 
 of Carleton, and takes advantage of his position to bully 
 him. Carleton wrote a long letter to his brother George, 
 dated 7 December, 1602, in which he described his 
 treatment at the hands of Sir Thomas ; but it is so much 
 defaced and mutilated that it is not possible to make 
 out a consecutive account from it. Chamberlain, how- 
 ever, at Carleton's request, mentioned the matter to 
 Sir Edward Norris, and says : " I make full account 
 that when your honorable frend shall understand the 
 whole matter he will not be quiet till he see you better 
 provided, and that this disgrace will double his care 
 and kindnes towards you." 
 
 As a set-off against this side of the story it is only
 
 52 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 fair, however, to quote a letter of Sir Thomas Parry, 
 dated 3 January, 1603, to Sir Edward Norris : " As 
 you may have heard of an accident happened to your 
 kinsman, Dudley Carleton, whom you recommended 
 to me as a secretary, which might make his fidelity 
 suspected, I must testify my good content with him, 
 and my thanks that you spare yourself the company of 
 such a man to serve me. There was no reality in this 
 accident, but for reasons only known to myself, I thought 
 fit to dissemble a displeasure." 
 
 Here is the Chief's point of view an assumption of 
 anger to cover a diplomatic secret ; but this appears 
 to be a single incident. The nature of the " accident " 
 which befell Carleton is not disclosed ; the word was 
 frequently used at that time in a broader sense than is 
 now customary, and might imply a more or less inadver- 
 tent diplomatic blunder, or a " score " on the part of 
 some alien ambassador. 
 
 In this same letter there is another allusion to the 
 Lord Admiral's entertainment of the Queen at Arundel 
 House : " The Lord Admiralls feasting the Quene 
 had nothing extraordinarie, neither were his presents 
 so precious as was expected ; being only a whole suit 
 of apparel, whereas it was thought he wold have bestowed 
 his rich hangings of all the fights with the Spanish 
 Armada in eightie-eight." 
 
 These hangings, which were designed by Henry 
 Cornelius Room, at Haerlem, and woven by Francis 
 Spiring, were afterwards displayed for many years in 
 the House of Lords, but were destroyed by the fire of 
 16 October, 1834. Meanwhile, however, about 1739, 
 John Pine, an engraver of note, had executed complete 
 engravings of the whole series, so that the designs are 
 preserved in every detail. These engravings are, there- 
 fore, of immense historical value. There is a complete 
 set of them at Arundel Castle. 
 
 There is an account of the burning of the Houses of 
 Parliament in the Gentleman's Magazine, in which
 
 A NEAT PUN 53 
 
 the opinion is expressed that the peculiar colour of some 
 of the flames may have been caused by the colouring 
 matter in the tapestries while they were being consumed ; 
 rather a far-fetched theory ! 
 
 In a letter dated 17 January, 1603, and addressed 
 to Ralph Winwood, Chamberlain writes : " Sir, the 
 truth is, that when I began this letter I meant it to Mr. 
 Carleton, but Mr. Gent comming in the nicke, and 
 shewing me yours of the fourth of this present, I altered 
 my mind, not knowing what termes he standes in, nor 
 with what safety letters come to his handes ; desiring 
 you to acquaint him with it if you please, and to tell 
 him that his turne is next." 
 
 It is evident from this passage that Chamberlain was 
 apprehensive as to the relations between Carleton and 
 his chief, and even feared the interception of his letters. 
 
 Alluding, on 11 February, 1603, to the naming of 
 some new Serjeants-at-Law, Chamberlain perpetrates, 
 or repeats, rather a neat pun. One of the new Serjeants 
 was Robert Barker, who had married a sister of Sir 
 Edward Coke, " for whose preferment," says Chamber- 
 lain, " the world findes no other reason but that he is 
 Mr. Atturney's brother-in-law, or els (as one saide) 
 that amonge so many biters there shold be one barker."
 
 CHAPTER III 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS 
 
 March, 1603 November, 1608 
 
 THE first of the Jacobean letters is dated 30 March, 
 1603, six days after the death of Queen Elizabeth, 
 and the writer is naturally full of all the gossip concerning 
 the manner of her death, of which, as is well known, 
 there was abundance. " I have not written since I 
 receved yours of the 8th of this present after your style, 
 for we were here held in suspense, and knew not how 
 nor what to write, the passages being stopped, and all 
 conveyance so daungerous and suspitious. I make no 
 question but you have heard of our great losse before 
 this come to you, and no doubt but you shall heare her 
 Ma' ies sicknesse and manner of death directly related ; 
 for even here the Papists do tell straunge stories as utterly 
 voyde of truth as of all civill honestie or humanitie. 
 I had good meanes to understand how the world went, 
 and finde her disease to be nothing but a settled and 
 unremovable melancholic, insomuch that she could not 
 be won nor persuaded neither by the Counsaile, divers 
 phisitians, nor the women about her once to taste or 
 touch any phisick, though ten or twelve physitians that 
 were continually about her did assure her w th ' all 
 manner of asseverations of perfect and entire recoverie 
 if she would follow theire advise. So that it cannot be 
 saide of her, as it was of the Emperor Adrian, 
 that lurba medicorum occidit regem (a multitude of 
 doctors killed the King), for they say she died only for 
 
 54
 
 QUEEN ELIZABETH'S DEATH 55 
 
 lack of phisick ; here was some whispering that her 
 braine was somewhat distempered, but there was no 
 such matter, only she held an obstinate silence for the 
 most part, and because she had a persuasion that if 
 she once lay downe she shold never rise, could not 
 be gotten to bed in a whole weeke till three dayes before 
 her death ; so that after three weekes languishing she 
 departed the 24 of this present being our Ladies Eve 
 betweene two and three in the morning, as she was 
 borne on our Ladies Eve in September (i.e., on 7 Septem- 
 ber, the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin being kept on 
 the 8th) ; and as one Lee was Maior of London when 
 she came to her Crowne, so is there one Lee Maior 
 nowe she left it ; the Archbishop of Caunterburie, the 
 Bishop of London, the Almoner and other her chap- 
 laines and Divines had accesse to her in her sicknesse 
 divers times, to whom she gave goode testimonie of her 
 faith by word, but specially towards her end by signes 
 when she was speachless, and wold not suffer the Arch- 
 bishop to depart as longe as she had sense, but held him 
 twise or thrise when he was going and could no longer 
 indure both by reason of his owne weakenes and com- 
 passion of hers. She made no will nor gave anythinge 
 away, so that they w h ' come after her shall finde a well 
 stored Jewell house and a rich wardrobe of more then 
 2000 gownes w th> all things els aunswerable. The 
 nobilitie and counsaile came from Richmond that morn- 
 ing, and before ten a herald (?) had proclaimed Kinge 
 James at Whitehall, Temple Bar and so forward in 
 Cheapside and other places. Sir Rob. Carie (Carey) 
 was the first that of his owne motion carried newes of 
 her death into Scotland ; the next day the Lords sent 
 Sir Charles Darcy and Thomas Somerset with the pro- 
 clamation and letters to the Kinge, and yesterday Mr. 
 Carie (Carey ?) a master of the Chancerie and Mr. 
 Lakes were dispatcht about other business. There is 
 much posting that way, and many run thither of theyre 
 owne errand as if it were nothing els but first come first
 
 56 A JACOBEAN LETTER WRITER 
 
 served, or that preferment were a goale to be got by 
 footmanship ; among whom Nevill that pretends to 
 be L. Latimer and Earle of Westmorland, Sir Henry 
 Bromby, Sir Thomas Challoner, John Davies the poet, 
 and Payton the Lieutenants sonne of the Towre hope to 
 be with the formost. We attend (i.e., await] him here 
 with great devotion, and begin to thinke (it) long till 
 we have him. The Lords have sent to know his pleasure 
 whether he will come by land or sea, for which purpose 
 there be eight or ten ships redy that were going for the 
 coast of Spaine, but do now tary to kepe the narrow seas. 
 Surely the Counsaile have dealt very providently and 
 beyond that was to be expected or hoped for in so sodain 
 an accident ; and no but doubt God did direct them 
 seing all things past so quietly and in goode order ; 
 during the Quene's sickness some principall papists 
 were made sure, and some dangerous companions clapt 
 up, amonge whom Sir Edward Bainham was committed 
 to the Marshalsee for some desperate speaches they say 
 against the Kinge ; but it shold seeme there was no 
 great matter, for I heare he is now at libertie againe. 
 Here was a rumor two dayes since that the L. Beauchamp 
 stoode out and gathered forces, but it was a false alarme, 
 for word is come since that his father was one of the 
 formost in his countrie to proclaime the Kinge. The 
 Counsaile went on Satterday to Richmond and that 
 night late brought the corpse with an honourable 
 attendance to Whitehall, where the household remains. 
 The body was not opened, but wrapt up in seareelothes 
 and other preservatives. Sir Henry Davers (Danvers?) 
 was dispatcht on Sonday to carrie the proclamation 
 into Ireland, whence we have heard nothing a good 
 while." 
 
 The remainder of this long letter is not of special 
 interest. Chamberlain's account of the last hours of 
 Elizabeth may be accepted as true in substance, but he 
 does not allude to the story of her naming her successor. 
 Lingard, the historian, frankly states that he does not
 
 CAREY GOES TO SCOTLAND 57 
 
 believe that she assented by a sign being speechless 
 when James of Scotland was mentioned. The lords who 
 were present at once circulated the story, and it was 
 probably the best course to pursue, whether it were 
 true or not. 
 
 Sir Robert Carey's hasty flight to Scotland, to inform 
 James of the Queen's death, is a somewhat remarkable 
 incident. 
 
 Sir Robert's father, Henry Carey, first Lord Hunsdon, 
 was first cousin to Queen Elizabeth, and a great favourite 
 with her. (Mary, sister of Anne Boleyn, married William 
 Carey, and Henry was her son). 
 
 Sir Robert was, according to his own account, a man 
 of much self-confidence, greatly addicted to display 
 far beyond his means. In his memoirs he writes : " I 
 lived in court, had small means of my friends, and yet 
 God so blessed me that I was ever able to keep company 
 with the best. In all triumphs I was one ; either at 
 tilt, tourney, or barriers, in masque or balls ; I kept 
 men and horses far above my rank, and so continued a 
 long time." 
 
 He had ingratiated himself with King James when he 
 was quite a young man, and was selected by Queen 
 Elizabeth to convey to James the assurance of her 
 " innocence " in respect of the execution of Mary Queen 
 of Scots. Such an envoy was not, however, acceptable 
 in Scotland at that time, and James sent messengers to 
 meet him on the border with the warning that he would 
 certainly be killed if he crossed it ; so he delivered his 
 letters to the King's messengers and returned. 
 
 When Carey realised, early in March, 1603, that 
 Elizabeth's days were numbered, he reflected that, 
 unless he could take some steps to make good his position 
 at Court under the new monarch, he was practically 
 ruined. Accordingly he wrote to King James telling 
 him of the imminence of Elizabeth's death, and assuring 
 him that he, Carey, would be the first to apprise him of 
 the fact.
 
 58 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 The Council, having got wind of his intention, laid a 
 trap for him, admitting him, after the Queen's death, 
 to the Council chamber, with the assurance that he should 
 be free to go out when he pleased, while the porter at 
 the entrance received orders that no one should be 
 permitted to pass out except some servants specially 
 mentioned. They had reckoned, however, without 
 Carey's brother, George, Lord Hunsdon, who occupied 
 rooms in the building, and presently passed him out 
 with the servants, saying he would be answerable. 
 
 Next morning Carey sent word by the Knight Marshal 
 to the Council that he would be pleased to attend if 
 they desired any service of him ; they sent for him, with 
 the intimation that he would speedily be despatched 
 to Scotland ; but the Marshal was his friend, and told 
 him if he attended he would certainly be prevented 
 from going ; so he took horse at once, and achieved his 
 purpose, arriving at Holy rood late on 26 March. The 
 King was in bed, and received him at once, and after 
 some discourse about the Queen's death, " he asked," 
 says Carey, " what letters I had from the Councill ? 
 I told him, none ; and acquainted him how narrowly 
 I escaped from them. And yet I had brought him a 
 blue ring from a faire lady, that I hoped would give 
 him assurance of the truth that I had reported. Hee 
 tooke it and looked upon it, and said ' It is enough ; 
 I know by this you are a true messenger.' ' 
 
 It is stated in Sir Samuel Egerton Brydges' " Memoirs 
 of the Peers of England " that " King James kept a 
 constant and private correspondence with several 
 persons of the English court during many years before 
 Queen Elizabeth died. Among them was Lady Scroope 
 (or Scrope), sister of Sir Robert Carey, to whom his 
 Majesty sent, by Sir James Fullerton, a sapphire ring, 
 with positive orders to return it to him by a special 
 messenger as soon as the Queen was actually expired. 
 Lady Scroope had no opportunity of delivering it to her 
 brother Sir Robert whilst he was in the palace of Rich-
 
 THE "BLUE RING" 59 
 
 mond ; but, waiting at the window till she saw him at 
 the outside of the gate, she threw it out to him, and he 
 well knew to what purpose he received it." 
 
 So that is the story of the " blue ring." King James, 
 in spite of Carey's frank acknowledgement that he 
 had come on his errand against the orders of the Council, 
 made him a gentleman of the bedchamber, and though 
 he was soon afterwards deprived of this office by reason 
 of the representations of the Council, he was subsequently 
 again received into favour, and was eventually created 
 Earl of Monmouth by Charles I. The earldom became 
 extinct on the death of his son Henrj^ in 1661. 
 
 In a letter of 12 April, 1603, Chamberlain writes : 
 " The Lord Henry Howard was sent thither to possesse 
 the Kinges eare and countermine the Lord Cobham." 
 
 Lord Cobham had started off post haste for Scotland 
 a day or two after the Queen's death ; " but," says 
 Chamberlain, " the lords do so litle like his going that 
 I thinke his errand wilbe there before him, or soone 
 overtake him." 
 
 Cobham is described in Brydges' " Memoirs of the 
 Peers " as "a worthless mortal, without friends, credit, 
 or reputation, a slanderer of all mankind, known to have 
 neither honour, virtue, principle or veracity ; avoided 
 and despised by everybody." On the same authority 
 he is said to have been concerned with Lord Grey of 
 Wilton and Sir Walter Raleigh, " in the design of not 
 admitting James to the throne unless upon terms." 
 
 King James was no doubt aware, through his corres- 
 pondence with the English court, of these matters, and 
 Cobham's reception was anything but cordial. 
 
 The Council was wise in selecting Lord Henry Howard 
 (brother to the fourth Duke of Norfolk, and afterwards 
 Earl of Northampton) to " possesse the Kinges eare " ; 
 not that Howard was a very admirable person, or much 
 to be relied upon, save where his own interests were 
 concerned. He is described by sundry of his contem- 
 poraries as " famous for secret insinuation," " a danger-
 
 60 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 ous intelligenceing man," and " the grossest flatterer 
 in the world." He was, however, quite the right sort 
 of man to get a hearing in preference to others. He was 
 no stranger to James, to whom he had in previous years 
 indited voluminous letters, which James described as 
 " Asiatic and endless volumes." 
 
 Howard was as ready with his tongue as with his pen. 
 Nothing pleased him better than delivering a long, wordy 
 oration, freely interspersed with classical allusions, 
 and he speedily won his way to court favour. James was, 
 indeed, considerably indebted to the Howards for their 
 espousal of his mother's cause, Thomas, the fourth Duke 
 of Norfolk, having lost his head partly through his 
 attempt to marry her. It would probably have been a 
 very good marriage, and Mary was quite ready to venture 
 upon it, as her letters veritable love letters to the 
 Duke clearly indicate. 
 
 On 10 July, 1603, Chamberlain writes : "I returned 
 out of Hertfordshire on Monday, and meant to have 
 tarried here till the Coronation (on 25 July), but seing 
 it wilbe so private, and the sickness increased so fast 
 upon us, I wish myself there againe, and will make all 
 the haste I can out of towne, for it grows hot here. I 
 hope to be gone about Thursday or Friday towards 
 Knebworth, and after I have been there some fortnight 
 to go forward to Askott. Among other tedious incon- 
 veniences this will not be the least wearisome, not to 
 know how to heare of our f rends when I am there. 
 Yet if you will now and then ease off a loose letter to 
 your cousin Lytton's or Mr. Dormer's, they cannot be 
 lost. Mr. Winwood was married on Tuesday, with much 
 thunder and lightning and raine ; the ominous weather 
 and dismall day put together might have made a super- 
 stitious man startle, but he turned all to the best, and 
 so may it prove ; there was nobody at the wedding but 
 myself and Mr. Serle. I heare he went away yesterday 
 with bag and baggage, and is by this time embarqued 
 at Gravesend, for by goode hap he met with a ship
 
 THE PLAGUE PREVAILS 61 
 
 that will deliver him at Rotterdam, which will save him 
 a great deale of trouble and cost, and me a jorney to 
 the sea side which I avoided by that meanes, and the 
 bringing them to Gravesend by the fowle weather. 
 I parted with him on Thursday in Powles, and one of 
 his greatest regrets was that he shold not see you before 
 he went. I long to heare what you have concluded 
 at Henley. I found the litle gentlewoman at my com- 
 ming to towne much distressed, and had almost wept 
 out her eyes for curst hart, and upon a suspicious 
 imagination that we had all conspired to cousen her ; 
 but I soone pacified her and brought her to that passe 
 
 that she condemned herself and all she had don 
 
 Powles growes very thin, for every man shrinckes away, 
 and I am half ashamed to see myself left alone. Our 
 pageants are prettely forward, but most of them are 
 so small timbred gentlemen that they cannot last long, 
 and I doubt if the plague cease not the sooner they will 
 rot and sinke where they stand." 
 
 The little gentlewoman who had "almost wept out her 
 eyes for curst hart " a curious expression was no doubt 
 one of those sisters of Carleton who were supposed to 
 be contemplating secession to the Church of Rome. 
 
 The " pageants " alluded to would probably be wooden 
 erections for the King's coronation, which took place 
 on 25 July, very quietly, in consequence of the plague. 
 
 Sir Ralph Winwood married Elizabeth, daughter and 
 co-heir of Nicholas Ball, of Totnes, and stepdaughter 
 of Sir Thomas Bodley, of library fame. 
 
 On 18 December, 1604, Chamberlain writes to Ralph 
 Winwood : " Our men complaine of ill usage there 
 (in Spain), especially of the Inquisition, who will 
 take no notice, nor be tyed to any capitulation that 
 shall restraine their authority, as being no part of the 
 King's jurisdiction ; but we are still perswaded that the 
 Lord AdmiralPs going will mend all, which will not be 
 till February at the soonest. I hear he carried with him 
 the title of Excellence, and hath 15,000 for his expence,
 
 62 A JACOBEAN LETTER- WRITER 
 
 besides the charge of two of the King's best ships to 
 transport him." 
 
 This is in allusion to the projected Embassy to Spain, 
 to ratify the peace. Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, 
 Lord High Admiral, was appointed Special Ambassador, 
 and great confidence was placed in him. In another 
 letter, dated 26 January, 1605, Chamberlain writes : 
 " Our merchants complaine exceedingly of their hard 
 usage in Spaine, but promise is made that upon the 
 Lord Admiral's coming, all shall be amended." And on 
 26 February he writes : " The Lord Admiral makes 
 great preparation for his journey. I can send you 
 no more particularities yet, but that he hath with him 
 six Lords, viz., The Earl of Murray, his wife's brother, 
 the Lord of Effingham, the Lord Theophilus Howard, 
 the Lord Willoughby, the Lord Norris, and the Lord 
 Drummond, and 50 knights, whereof Sir Walter Cope 
 is most notable." 
 
 These three letters are addressed to W^inwood. There 
 is a gap of some eighteen months in Chamberlain's 
 correspondence with Carleton. 
 
 The splendour of Nottingham's entourage was the 
 talk of the town, and was even the text of an untimely 
 sally on the part of a jester: " There was great execution 
 done lately," says Dudley Carleton in a letter to Win wood 
 " upon Stone the Fool, who was well whipt in Bridewell 
 for a blasphemous speech, That there went sixty fools 
 into Spaine, besides my Lord Admiral and his two sons." 
 
 In a letter dated 30 April, 1605, Chamberlain, after 
 remarking upon the scantiness of news proceeds : 
 " Only I cannot omit three pulpit occurrences that 
 happened on Sonday last ; first that Deane Gordon, 
 preaching before the Kinge, is come so farre about in 
 matter of ceremonies that out of Ezechiell and other 
 places of the prophets and by certain hebrue characters 
 and other cabalisticall collections, he hath found out 
 and approved the use of the crosse, cap, and surplis, 
 et a ., et a . ; then Haddock, of New College, the sleeping
 
 A CRITICAL CUCKOO 63 
 
 preacher, so much followed and admired in Oxford 
 and everywhere, being sent for to the court and there 
 playing his prises, was discovered and confessed himself 
 an impostor. Lastly, Doctor Milwoode, preaching at 
 Powles Crosse, in the middest of his sermon a cuckowe 
 came flieing over the pulpit (a thing that I never saw 
 nor heard of before) and very lewdly called and cried 
 out with open mouth ; you see what pettie reckennings 
 I am faine to picke out to make up a Summe." 
 
 This was not complimentary to the preacher, but it 
 argues perhaps unlooked-for perspicacity on the part 
 of the cuckoo surely rara avis in the vicinity of St. 
 Paul's. 
 
 Richard Haddock, or more properly Haydock, was a 
 physician by profession ; he matriculated at New 
 College, Oxford, in 1588, and was elected a fellow in 
 1590. Subsequently he practised as a doctor in Salisbury, 
 but apparently he had acquired at Oxford a reputation 
 as what Chamberlain describes as a " sleeping preacher "; 
 he declared that he saw visions at night ; he affected to 
 select a text in his sleep, and to preach upon it, in spite 
 of " pinchings " and other efforts to wake him, generally 
 denouncing the Pope and High Church practices, which 
 was at any rate politic preaching at that time. It is 
 not easy to understand how such an obvious fraud 
 was tolerated or accepted at Oxford, but he evidently 
 acquired considerable fame, for the King invited him to 
 come to court and give an exhibition of his powers. 
 Presumably he was to be lulled to sleep in the royal 
 presence, and then to proceed with his slumbering 
 sermon, but he was compelled to acknowledge himself 
 an impostor. The King imposed a public recantation 
 as the condition of pardon, and then, marvellous to 
 relate, offered him preferment in the Church. Haydock, 
 however, declined the honour, and practised at Salisbury 
 for many years as a physician of good repute. Sub- 
 sequently he retired to London, and died about 1642. 
 
 Writing on 24 October, 1605, Chamberlain alludes
 
 64 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 to the dangerous illness of Lord Norris, with whom 
 Carleton was at that time. He writes very strongly 
 about it, and the rumour of Lord Norris' death which 
 had got wind, in spite of Carleton's efforts to keep the 
 danger secret. " I assure you the sight of your letter 
 was never lesse welcome, fearing it had brought the 
 confirmation of that which was generally bruited ; 
 for howsoever you wisht the matter shold be carried 
 close, yet (I know not how) it hath found vent, and was 
 current over all the towne, and I met with it almost 
 in every corner, so that your letter lay by me an howre 
 or twaine unlooked on, and longer perhaps had it lien, 
 had not your brother sent to me to learne more par- 
 ticulars (having presently sent his owne to the Lady 
 Norris) and to know how he might write to you. I see it 
 is goode to have a stronge faith, and sometimes to hope 
 even without hope, for though there were many more 
 reasons of distrust both in your first letter, your man's 
 relation, and the general voice, yet my heart wold never 
 yeeld to so untimely a losse." 
 
 Carleton remained with Lord Norris in Paris until 
 the latter recovered, and thereby, as will presently 
 be related, incurred considerable inconvenience and 
 suspicion of treason. 
 
 In the same letter Chamberlain writes : " We hear 
 that the Spaniards have met with Sir Edward Michel- 
 bourne at sea and massacred him and all his companie. 
 .... there was a purveyor censured for misdemeanour 
 in his place to ride with his face to the horse tayle, 
 wherein one of his judges differed from the rest, and 
 wold rather have it upon an asse, and that for two 
 reasons, first it wold be more wonderment and gather 
 more boyes about him, and secondly the slowe pace of 
 the asse wold prolong his punishment. . . . The King 
 findes such varietie of sports that he cannot easilie 
 leave Roiston and those quarters ; he is now fallen 
 into a great humor of catching larks, and takes as much 
 delight in it or more than in hunting."
 
 AN AMBASSADOR'S SPOILS 65 
 
 Truly a royal sport ! Did his Majesty have a courtier 
 in attendance to sprinkle salt on their tails ? 
 
 Chamberlain's story about Sir Edward Michelbourne 
 was untrue. He was an adventurer ; served in the Low 
 Countries in 1591, accompanied Essex on the Islands 
 Voyage in 1597, and was one o the numerous knights 
 made in Ireland in 1599. He was implicated in the Essex 
 rebellion, and subsequently sailed in 1604 on a voyage 
 ostensibly for trading, during which he was guilty of 
 an act of piracy in plundering a Chinese ship. He 
 returned in 1606, and probably died in 1611. 
 
 In his next letter, dated 7 November, 1605, Chamber- 
 lain naturally has a good deal to say about the notorious 
 Gunpowder Plot ; but his remarks do not cast any new 
 light on the subject, nor shall the reader be wearied by 
 conjectural or other comment in this present volume. 
 
 At the end of the letter there is rather an amusing 
 account of the unscrupulous avarice of the French 
 Ambassador on his departure : " The French Ambassa- 
 dor went homeward the first of this moneth, and hath 
 blotted his former reputation with very mecanicall 
 tricks at parting ; for" having 2000 ownces of plate 
 geven him he cavilled for 900 more, as having scene a 
 president (precedent) of the like, which being graunted 
 him he begd two horses more by name of the Kinge. 
 besides pictures great and small, with stones and Jewells 
 at his owne appointment, and not a noble man or other 
 of his acquaintance but he got horses, geldings, or some- 
 what of him ; and the impost of 60 tunne of wine of the 
 Lord Treasurer, which he sold to French marchants for 
 threescore pound ; with divers other such petti larceries, 
 as if he made no conscience to robbe the Egiptians." 
 
 Not such " petti larceries," either. Chamberlain is 
 rather quaint with his " mecanicall tricks." 
 
 On 5 March, 1606, Chamberlain writes : " Seeing 
 you mean to be here so soone, I will only tell you that 
 I heard not of your letters till Monday night late, and 
 yesterday delivered the inclosed to Sir Walter Cope
 
 66 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 who Counsailor-like gave me audience at a litle table 
 .... I wished you with us on Thursday that you might 
 have don your younge Lady Mistris (his daughter) 
 some knight service at a play, where your presence 
 might have excused me of much trouble and some cost, 
 for I was faine all alone to squire her and Sir Rowlands 
 huswifes, till I was as weary as they wanton. All the 
 comfort I had was that my Lady Cope said she wold not 
 commit her daughter to any man's care but mine, which 
 was inough to make some man prowde to have the 
 charge of such a Jewell, though he were never the richer 
 nor the wiser for it." 
 
 John Chamberlain evidently did not consider himself 
 either richer or wiser, but he probably assumed the 
 mantle of mysogonist when writing to his intimate friends. 
 
 A week later, on 12 March, he writes in evident concern 
 upon Carleton's account : " The letter sent by your 
 brother was left at my lodging, I know not how nor 
 from whom. I wish it may bring you better content- 
 ment then I can find you. On Satterday I went to Sir 
 Walter Cope to know the success of your letter, which 
 he had not yet showed to the great Lord (Salisbury), 
 but promised to do it without fayle with the next oppor- 
 tunitie. I told him by way of speach it was not inough 
 to shew a bare letter, unles he did second it with some 
 goode affection ; and that I doubted he did not use to 
 replie and urge ; yes, quoth he, as familiarly as I do now 
 with you, unles it be in a matter where I see him directly 
 bent to the contrarie. On Monday I was at him again, 
 but he had not yet delivered it, but wisht me to come 
 again the next morning, which I did, and then he told 
 me how he had moved my Lord in goode termes for your 
 travayle, which he wold in no wise here of till your Lords 
 (Northumberland) causes were ended ; then he spake 
 of your comming to the parlement, because you were 
 wearie of idlenes and doing nothing, but neither wold 
 that be graunted. Why, says Sir Walter, his fellow 
 Fraunces comes ; do you make theyre cases alike, quoth
 
 CARLETON IN PERIL 67 
 
 my Lord, when he is accused by two witnesses to be 
 privie to the hiring of the house for the maine blow ? 
 Sir Walter aunswered you stoode so much on your 
 innocencie that you did not beleve there could be any 
 such witnes produced ; nay, but I assure you there are, 
 said my Lord, and he hath been favourablie dealt with 
 that the matter hath been no further lookt into. So 
 that I see you must beare of this storme as well as you 
 may, and ride it out at anchor till the weather grow 
 more calme." 
 
 On 2 December preceding Carleton had written from 
 the Bailiff's House, Westminster, to Lord Salisbury, 
 begging that the Council " will acquit him of suspicious 
 of bearing a part in the barbarous villany. Had been 
 in restraint nine days." 
 
 In 1604 Carleton was secretary to Henry Percy, 
 ninth Earl of Northumberland ; but when, in March 
 1605, Lord Norris asked him to accompany him on a 
 tour in Spain, he consented, and resigned his secretary- 
 ship. On their way home Lord Norris was taken danger- 
 ously ill in Paris, and Carleton remained with him until 
 his recovery. Just then came the discovery of the 
 Gunpowder Plot, and evidence was adduced that 
 Carleton, as Northumberland's secretary, had actually 
 negotiated for the transfer of the vault in which the 
 powder was laid. Carleton, having mens conscia 
 recti, and never imagining that suspicion could rest 
 upon him, remained in Paris. His prolonged absence 
 from England was deemed suspicious ; he was 
 peremptorily ordered to return, and confined in the 
 Bailiff's House. He cleared himself eventually, and was 
 liberated, but his connection with Northumberland acted 
 to his prejudice for some years, and no doubt retarded 
 his advancement. 
 
 The Earl of Northumberland, by reason of his 
 relationship to Thomas Percy, who had dined with him 
 the day before the Plot came to light, was under strong 
 suspicion of being implicated therein, and was confined
 
 68 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 at Croydon, and afterwards in the Tower. On 27 June, 
 1606, he was tried for contempt and misprision of felony, 
 and was sentenced to pay a fine of 30,000, and to be kept 
 a prisoner for life ; he was liberated, however, in 1621, 
 and died in 1632. 
 
 Thomas Percy, a prime mover in the Gunpowder 
 Plot, was great grandson of Henry, fourth Earl of 
 Northumberland. He died of wounds sustained in his 
 desperate resistance to capture. 
 
 In a letter of 5 October, 1606, appear comments 
 upon the Earl of Salisbury's treatment of his son, Lord 
 Cranbourne, to whom he has, as Chamberlain puts it, 
 " half nolens volens " given almost carte blanche 
 in the matter of fine clothes, choice of friends, and 
 expensive amusements ; " there is a meaning," adds 
 Chamberlain, " that after a yeare he shall travaile 
 and Will. Lytton is like to accompanie him, wherupon 
 Sir Rowland (Lytton) casts about that it were a con- 
 venient course for you to be theyre conductor. I know 
 not how you will taste it, but me thinckes it wold not 
 be amisse if it may be compassed with good conditions." 
 
 In a letter, undated, but probably written about this 
 time to Chamberlain, Dudley Carleton says : " I have 
 sent you your papers which I may even now say I have 
 over-read, and taken no small pleasure in a revew of 
 the old world ; amongst others this one here inclosed 
 I tooke particular note of, which I send you by it self, 
 that you may, if you please, read it againe and consider 
 how well you are therin counselled. I was yesterday 
 sent unto by a goode frend of owres (who was left at home 
 in solitudine) to come and see her, and she well- 
 cummed me with so many teares that I wished I had 
 saved my jorny. I am so tender harted that I can not 
 but suffer with so goode a frend ; and I did likewise 
 beare a part in that unusual sadness I observed in you 
 at our two last meetings. I might aske, why should 
 affection produce this effect ? Why should you dis- 
 content your selve the neerer you come to that issue
 
 FRIEND OR LOVER? 69 
 
 which I have ever thought you have intended for both 
 your contentments ? But I may answeare my self by 
 the common custome, bellum pax rursam ; and I hope 
 these warrs will soone be at an end. I have somewhat 
 to say to you from the melancoly partie, but I deferre 
 it till our next meeting." 
 
 Here is obviously an allusion to some love affair 
 between Chamberlain and the " melancoly partie " ; 
 Carleton is evidently disappointed with his friend for 
 brooding and hanging fire. It may be conjectured that 
 the lady was Carleton 's sister Alice, with whom Cham- 
 berlain was for many years on very affectionate terms 
 of friendship ; but friendship it remained to the end, 
 lacking possibly but the alchemy of speech on his part 
 to convert it into more precious metal. A warrantable 
 conjecture ; that is all that can be said for it. 
 
 Carleton wrote again to Chamberlain on 10 February, 
 1607 ; the letter contains nothing of interest. Carleton 
 is ill, and Chamberlain condoles with him on the 23rd 
 of the same month. 
 
 In July, 1607, Carleton was in some suspense as to 
 his employment in the immediate future. Chamberlain 
 writes to him on 20 July : " I have neither seen nor 
 heard anything of master since your goinge, only Sir 
 Hugh Beeston meeting me this other day asked when I 
 went into the countrie ; I told him within fowre or five 
 dayes, to which he replied not, so that if hereafter I 
 shold be summoned (besides all other reasons of my 
 refusall) this alone might serve for a sufficient excuse. 
 .... The King went hence (from London) yesterday 
 in the afternoone, which old courtiers say is contra 
 usum Sarum, and the puritans thincke it a matter of 
 no goode example." 
 
 Chamberlain was writing on Sunday, and the puritans 
 no doubt affected to be scandalised at the King for 
 starting so as to involve travelling on that day. 
 
 The Ambassadors from the States General were about 
 to take their leave, and Chamberlain remarks :
 
 70 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 " Theyre best entertainment was at Marchant Taylors 
 feast, where they met the King and were placed next 
 the Prince, with many other extraordinarie favors ; 
 the Queen was not there, though she were assuredly 
 looked for, neither can there be any other reason 
 imagined of her fay ling but theyre presence ; they 
 have not yet scene her, nor can get accesse, though 
 they have sought it more than once." 
 
 The Queen was Anne of Denmark ; why she should 
 thus decline to meet the Ambassadors of the States 
 General is not clear. 
 
 Chamberlain, it will be noted, writes that he has 
 " neither scene nor heard anything of Master " ; probably 
 he intended to write " the Master" as Carleton, in a 
 letter which crossed Chamberlain's being written, in 
 fact, on the same day says : " Till I heare from you 
 and from our great Master I know not which way I 
 am like to wag when the court is gon from hence ; " 
 " the Master " was no doubt Sir Walter Cope, recently 
 appointed Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries ; 
 Carleton's " great Master " was probably ironical. 
 
 Writing from Ascot on 27 September, 1607, Chamber- 
 lain tells a wonderful story : " The greatest newes 
 of this countrie is of an ingenious fellow that in Barke- 
 shire sailed or went over a high steeple in a boat all of 
 his owne making, and without other help than himself 
 in her, conveyed her above twenty miles by land over 
 hills and dales to the river and so down to London." 
 An anticipation of our modern sea-plane ! The story 
 of the flight over a high steeple is almost certainly a 
 pure fabrication. 
 
 In his next, dated 30 December, of the same year, 
 he says : " Neither matter, my leysure nor this bitter 
 weather will suffer me to be longe, so that when I have 
 wished a goode yeare to yourself, your Lady, to Sir 
 Rowland and all his little ones, the best and greatest 
 part of this business is dispatcht ; for my part I am 
 so wearie of the old, and so tired with the continuall
 
 A KING'S FAVOURITE 71 
 
 losses and crosses of this last yeare, that if this course 
 
 shall hold on I wold not wish to see many new 
 
 Sir Robert Carre (Carr) a younge Scot and new favorite, 
 
 is lately sworne gentleman of the bedchamber 
 
 Mr. Fuller is still where he was ; he hath paide in his 
 fine, and therby thought, and was put in hope of favor, 
 but when it comes to the upshoot they tender him such 
 a submission as he cannot digest." 
 
 Of Sir Robert Carr, the new favourite from Scotland, 
 we shall no doubt hear more later on. He was a young 
 man of handsome person and very engaging manners, 
 and King James displayed from the first an almost 
 effeminate affection for him, to the disgust and envy 
 of older courtiers ; who, however, were fain afterwards 
 to enlist his good offices with the King when seeking 
 favour or advancement. 
 
 On 5 January, 1608, Chamberlain writes, after alluding 
 to some executors and their trials : " You are so neere 
 comming home yourself that me thinckes there needs 
 no mediation to such idoll saints, specially from me who 
 am like to grow every day lesse gracious and to become 
 more straunge. The best intelligence I can geve you in 
 that kinde is that you walke in couples with Mr. Jones, 
 who comming sometimes into Warwick Lane, says that 
 he and you lacke employment, but the best is you are 
 both in my Lord of Salisburies bead-rolle for the first 
 that falles. . . . Mr. Fuller is in hope to come foorth 
 this day ; his owne weakenes and want of judgement 
 hath been his greatest ennemie, for having subscribed 
 his submission and sent it to the Arch-bishop, by the 
 perswasion of his wife and others, he hath afterward 
 sought to recall it, and fained himself sicke in bed when 
 he shold come to the tilt ; his puritan bretheren likewise 
 have not dealt well with him in getting letters from him 
 of all the proceedings, and copies of his argument, which 
 they have printed to his great prejudice ; and in truth 
 he were like to be shrewdley handled, but that they see 
 him such a weather-cock that turnes with every blast,
 
 72 A JACOBEAN LETTER -WRITER 
 
 and so in some sort pittie him ; but now his best f rends 
 have so advised him that he sayes he will stand to his sub- 
 mission and confesse his errors Mr. Fuller came 
 
 forth yesterday, but I know not upon what conditions." 
 
 On 8 January he writes again : " Mr. Fuller came 
 foorth of the fleet on Monday, very frolike, and so joy- 
 full that he wold not loose so much time from home as to 
 go about, but wold needs passe over the river on foot, 
 having kist the rod and made his submission modo et 
 forma.'" 
 
 This was Nicholas Fuller, barrister of Grays' Inn. 
 He got into trouble in consequence of his argument in 
 the case of his two clients, Thomas Lad and Richard 
 Maunsell. He maintained that " the Ecclesiasticall 
 Commissioners have no power by virtue of theyre 
 Commission, to imprison, to put to the oath ex officio, 
 or to fine any of his Majesties subjects." 
 
 As Chamberlain remarks, " his puritan brethren," 
 or some person or persons, without asking his consent or 
 approval, had his argument printed in 1607 ; the printer 
 withholds his own name and address, merely stating 
 that the matter " has come to his hands." 
 
 Anthony a Wood, in " Athenae Oxonicusis," mentions 
 this Nicholas Fuller at the end of his account of another 
 much more famous Nicholas, and after stating the nature 
 of his offence, says : " Whereupon a legal advantage 
 being given to Archbishop Bancroft, Fuller was im- 
 prisoned by him, and continued in custody several years. 
 .... He died in durance on 23rd February, 1619, 
 aged 76 years." This does not, however, agree with 
 Chamberlain's account, according to which he made 
 his submission, paid his fine of 200, and went joyfully 
 home across the frozen Thames. The fine was bestowed 
 upon John Patten, Keeper of the King's Closet. 
 
 Chamberlain's statement that Mr. Fuller " wold 
 needs passe over the river on foot " must not be inter- 
 preted as a " wonder-tale," like that of the man flying 
 over a steeple ; the preceding paragraph explains it :
 
 THE THAMES FROZEN 73 
 
 " Above Westminster the Thames is quite frosen over 
 and the Archbishop came from Lambeth on twelfth day 
 over the ice to the Court. Many fantasticall experiments 
 are dayly put in practise, as certain youths burnt a 
 gallon of wine upon the ice, and made all the passengers 
 partakers ; but the best is of an honest woman (they 
 say) that had a great longing to have her husband get 
 her with child upon the Thames." A remarkable 
 ambition ! 
 
 Alluding to the preachers at Christmas, Chamberlain 
 says : " We had plenty of preaching here this Christmas. 
 The Bishop and the Deane performed theyre parts very 
 well, and D. Pasfeld was not much behind them, but 
 your brother Dove swept the Scriptures together upon 
 heapes, as one told me in that very phrase." Rather a 
 good expression ; John Dove was an evangelical parson, 
 with Calvinistic leanings, and married, as will be recol- 
 lected, to Carleton's sister Anne. 
 
 Then follows a dismal tale of petty misfortune : 
 " Sir Henry Fanshaw and his Lady inquire often after 
 you and Sir Rowland Lytton, and I do not fayle to per- 
 forme duly what you injoyne me ; yet I was not there now 
 these two dayes, being not able in a manner to stirre 
 out of doores by cutting the nail of my great tooe too 
 neere, which was my new man's new years gift, which will 
 prove but a rude and unluckie knave. I assure you I 
 feare I must be faine to go to surgerie, for I have borne it 
 out as long as I can and it proves every day worse and 
 puts me to great paine, beeing swoln extreemly. Thus 
 you see how I make my moane to you as if you could 
 helpe." 
 
 Carleton, in a letter dated 7 January, 1608, has the 
 following (after describing Christmas festivities at Kneb- 
 worth) " withall one Flaskett, a chaplen of the drie 
 handed Knights conluded our Christmas devotions with 
 a drie sermon, taking his text out of the Qananit woman's 
 disputing with our Saviour about the crumbs which the 
 dogs might pick up as they fell from the table ; and
 
 74 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 speaking in her person, concluded most of his sayings 
 with I am a dog, and I lie like a dog." 
 
 In Chamberlain's next letter, dated 11 February, 
 1608, we hear something more about Tobie Matthew : 
 " Your frend Tobie Mathew was called before the 
 Counsell table on Sonday in the afternoone, and after 
 some schooling the Earle of Salisburie told him that 
 he was not privy to his imprisonment, which he did no 
 wayes approve, as foreseeing that so light a punishment 
 wold make him rather more proude and perverse ; but 
 in conclusion they allotted him sixe weekes space to 
 get his affaires in order and depart the realme ; and 
 in the meane time willed him to make choise of some 
 frend of goode account and well affected where he might 
 remaine ; he named Mr. Jones, who was accepted and 
 is not a little proude of his prisoner." 
 
 In the same letter there is an account of a court mar- 
 riage, with an elaborate masque : " I can send you no 
 perfect relation of the mariage nor maske on Tewsday, 
 only they say all, but specially the motions were well 
 performed ; as Venus with her chariot drawne by swannes 
 comming in a cloude to grete her sonne, who with his 
 companions, Lusus, Visus and Focus, and fowre or five 
 waggs more were dauncing a matachina and acted it 
 very antiquely, before the twelve signes (who were the 
 master maskers) descended from the zodiak, and plaide 
 theyre parts more gravely, being very gracefully attired. 
 The bride dined in state accompanied by the Prince 
 (Henry, Prince of Wales) the younge Duke (of York, 
 afterwards Charles I.) the lady (Princess) Elizabeth, 
 the Countesse of Oxford, the dukes of Saxonie and other 
 States to furnish the table. In the-middest of dinner 
 the King drank a carouse in a cup of gold, which he sent 
 to the bride, together with a bason and ewer, two livery 
 pots, and three standing cuppes all very fayre and massie, 
 of silver and guilt, and withall a patent for a pension of 
 600 a year out of the exchequer, to the longer liver of 
 them, with this message that he wisht them as much joy
 
 THE DANGER OF COWRIE 75 
 
 and comfort all theyre life, as he receved that day he 
 delivered him from the daunger of Go wry." 
 
 This was the marriage 'of John Ramsay, Viscount 
 Haddington, with Lady Elizabeth Radcliffe, daughter 
 of Thomas, third Earl of Sussex. Ramsay had been a 
 favourite with James before his accession to the throne 
 of England. The King's mention of the " daunger of 
 Gowry " is an allusion to a curious and tragic incident 
 at Perth some eight years previously in the year 1600. 
 
 John Ruthven, third Earl of Gowrie, and his brother 
 Alexander, Master of Ruthven, appear to have been 
 concerned in a conspiracy against King James ; not 
 necessarily against his life, though some accounts assert 
 that it was so, while others maintain that the brothers 
 were merely bent upon intimidating the King with the 
 object of obtaining repayment of a very large sum of 
 money no less than 48,000 said to have been due 
 to Cowrie's father, as treasurer, he having disbursed 
 this amount in order to meet the current expenses of 
 government ; interest (at ten per cent.) having since 
 raised the amount to 80,000. 
 
 There are various accounts of the affair, which are 
 more or less conflicting. King James was at Falkland 
 about twelve miles south-east from Perth as the crow 
 flies on 5 August, 1600, and was setting out hunting, 
 when Alexander Ruthven came in haste from his brother 
 the Earl of Gowrie, to tell the King that Gowrie had 
 intercepted a man, supposed to be a Jesuit, with a great 
 pot of gold, whom he had confined in his (the earl's) 
 house at Perth, and wished the King to come over quickly 
 and quietly, as he doubted not but he would find booty 
 worthy of his travel. The King, in spite of Ruthven's 
 urgency, said that he would have a little hunting first, 
 which he did, Ruthven riding all the while beside him. 
 No sooner was the buck killed than the King, without 
 more ado, turned and rode with Ruthven to Perth, 
 accepting the very doubtful story about the Jesuit 
 and the pot full of money. He told the Duke of Lennox
 
 76 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 and the Earl of Mar, who were with him, that " he was 
 going to Perth to get a pose " (i.e., a hoarded or secret 
 treasure), and to dine with the Earl of Gowrie, and that 
 they should accompany him, Alexander Ruthven going 
 on before to warn his brother of the King's approach. 
 
 When the King had nearly finished his dinner, the 
 Earl, in accordance with custom, took the lords and 
 attendants to another room to dine, but Alexander 
 Ruthven remained with the King, and whispered to him 
 that now was the time to come and see the man with the 
 treasure ; Sir Thomas Erskine offered to follow the 
 King, but Ruthven put him off, saying that the King 
 desired to be alone, and so led him off by various passages, 
 locking all the doors behind him, until they entered a 
 room at the end, where there was a man standing. 
 The King naturally asked was this the man, but Ruthven 
 replied that there was " another business in hand," 
 and putting on his hat said " You remember how you 
 used my father, and now you must answer for it." 
 William, first Earl of Gowrie, was convicted chiefly 
 on his own confession of being concerned in a treason- 
 able conspiracy, and was beheaded in 1584, when James 
 was only eighteen. The King pointed this out, and 
 reproached Ruthven with having brought him there to 
 murder him. Ruthven bade him stay there quietly, 
 while he went to fetch his brother, but returned in a few 
 moments with a girdle, or garter, exclaiming " By 
 God ! there is no remedy, you must die ! " 
 
 Upon this there was a struggle between them the 
 other man, one Henderson, having decamped in terror 
 and the King, contriving to get close to a window, 
 shouted for help. 
 
 Thereupon John Ramsay, who was acquainted with 
 the house, ran up by a back way to the room ; the King 
 called upon him to strike the traitor, and Ramsay stabbed 
 Ruthven twice with his dagger ; Ruthven rushed from 
 the room, and encountered Sir Thomas Erskine, who 
 asked him how the King was ; Ruthven only replied
 
 RAMSAY KILLS COWRIE 77 
 
 that he took God to witness that he was not in fault, 
 whereupon Sir Thomas ran him through, killing him on 
 the spot. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Earl of Cowrie, collecting three or 
 four squires or servants, rushed to the chamber where 
 the King was, no doubt passing Alexander Ruthven's 
 dead body on the way. Cowrie was armed with two 
 drawn swords, and hearing a shout, " You have killed 
 the King our master, and will you also take our lives ? " 
 dropped the points of his swords in astonishment, and 
 John Ramsay promptly ran him through the heart and 
 killed him. 
 
 The titles and arms of the Ruthvens were abolished, 
 and their estates forfeited to the King ; it was also 
 decreed that no one of the name of Ruthven was per- 
 mitted thereafter to dwell in Scotland. 
 
 Ramsay received many honours from James ; in 
 1606 he was created Viscount Haddington, and was 
 granted an honourable addition to his coat of arms, 
 viz., an arm holding a naked sword piercing a human 
 heart, and supporting an imperial crown ; in 1621 he 
 was created an English peer, by the titles of Baron of 
 Kingston on Thames and Earl of Holderness ; and was 
 further granted the privilege that on 25 August every 
 year he or his heirs male should bear the sword of 
 State before the King, in commemoration of his services 
 in saving the King's life on that date. He died in 1626, 
 when, failing an heir, his honours became extinct. 
 
 Such is, briefly, the story of the " daunger of Cowry " 
 alluded to by the King at Ramsay's wedding ; there 
 are other versions of it, and long depositions of witnesses, 
 but this is not the place to reproduce them : the story 
 is a strange one, and the motives and intentions of 
 Cowrie and his brother are variously represented ; 
 King James obviously " scored," at least in the cancel- 
 lation of his debt. 
 
 " They talk of divers prodigies as well in those parts 
 as in Holland, but specially that Aerssens the Greffiers
 
 78 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 bell in his house doth often ring out two and three howres 
 together when no body is neere it, and when it is expressly 
 watched ; and the grates and barres of his windowes 
 are continually hammered and battered as if there 
 were a smith's forge, which hath almost put him out of 
 his wittes. We heare out of Italic that the Pope hath 
 expressely commanded Sir Robert Dudley to forsake his 
 mistress, who they say hath ben with child and miscarried 
 five times within the yeare." 
 
 Sir Robert Dudley was son to Robert Dudley the 
 famous Earl of Leicester, by his marriage with Douglas, 
 daughter of Lord William Howard, and widow of Lord 
 Sheffield. The marriage was celebrated privately, only 
 two days before Robert Dudley was born, and Leicester 
 subsequently refused to recognise the union or the child, 
 offering the lady 700 a year to agree to this repudiation, 
 which, however, she declined. She subsequently married 
 Sir Edward Stafford of Grafton. 
 
 Writing on 28 October, 1608, Chamberlain says : 
 " I doubt not but you have heard that the Lord Elphin- 
 ston, alias Balmerino, chief secretary or president 
 in Scotland, was lately sent from the King to the Council, 
 and by them committed to his lodgings, about a letter 
 written long since to the Pope for the making of a Scot- 
 tish Cardinal ; which letter Bellarmiri's chaplain charges 
 the King withal in his late answer to the apology for the 
 oath. But the King disavows it, and says if there be 
 any such it was foisted in by his secretary without his 
 knowledge. But he seems to stand in contestation that 
 it was done by his commandment. Once it is likely to 
 prove a Davidson's case, but we are bound to believe 
 the best. I hear a muttering of a bill put into the 
 Exchequer or some other court, concerning much land 
 that by reason of pretended bastardy in Queen Elizabeth, 
 shold descend to divers persons. The chief actors named 
 are Lady Arabella St. Leger of the West, and others. 
 If there be any such thing, methinckes the whole State 
 shold prevent and resent such an indignity."
 
 BALMERINOCK AND THE KING 79 
 
 James Elphinstone, bom about 1553, was a Catholic. 
 He was a great favourite with James, whom he accom- 
 panied to England in 1603, and in the following year 
 he was created a Baron, with the title of Balmerinoch 
 the estates of the Cistercian Abbey of that name being 
 converted into a temporal Lordship for his benefit 
 and that of his heirs male ; an act of spoliation which 
 Elphinstone, though a Catholic, appears to have accepted 
 without protest. He was Secretary of State for Scotland 
 in 1598 and following years, and in 1599 he despatched 
 to Pope Clement VIII. a letter, signed by King James, 
 requesting the Pope to give a cardinal's hat to Drum- 
 mond, Bishop of Vaizon (a relative of Elphinstone), and 
 expressing high regard for the Pope and the Catholic 
 faith. This was reported to Elizabeth by Patrick, sixth 
 Baron Gray (commonly known as Master of Gray) ; 
 the Queen asked James for an explanation, and he asserted 
 that it must be a forgery, and Balmerinoch also denied 
 all knowledge of it. In 1607, however, writing to King 
 James concerning a controversial work of the King's, 
 Cardinal Bellarmine quoted this letter in proof of 
 James's former favourable attitude towards Catholicism. 
 This was awkward for James ; but he readily found a 
 scapegoat in Balmerinoch, who confessed that he had 
 written the letter, and placed it among others for the 
 King's signature, persisting in this statement at his trial, 
 and exonerating the King of any hand in the business. 
 He was sentenced to be beheaded and attainted, but the 
 sentence was not carried out. A new version of the 
 matter apparently obtained credence, by which James 
 was said to be fully aware of the contents of the letter ; 
 finally Balmerinoch, on the promise that his life and 
 estates should remain secure, once more declared that 
 the King was not responsible for the letter. Nobody 
 believed this, but of course there was no more to be said. 
 Balmerinoch died 1612, and his son John was restored 
 in title as second baron. Chamberlain's allusion to the 
 " Davison case " is not quite clear ; he may have meant
 
 80 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 John Davidson (1549-1603) (the spelling of the name is 
 immaterial), a preacher who got into trouble with King 
 James by reason of his plain speaking : or he may 
 have referred to William Davison (154-1-1608), Eliza- 
 beth's secretary, who was made a scapegoat by the 
 Queen in the matter of the execution of Mary Queen of 
 Scots a parallel case with that of Balmerinoch and 
 James, ~but far more tragic and scandalous. 
 
 As to the rumour that some persons were scheming 
 to take advantage of the " pretended bastardy " of 
 Queen Elizabeth, there was no pretence about the 
 matter ; she was a bastard by the verdict of a Court 
 of Lawyers convened by Henry VIII. ; those who would 
 avail themselves of such bastardy in order to contest 
 her right to certain lands, or rather to assert, somewhat 
 tardily, their own rights therein, would apparently have 
 some ground by the second clause of an Act passed soon 
 after her accession, in which she was declared " inherit- 
 able " of her mother Queen Anne, malgre the invalidity 
 of the marriage. Chamberlain would, of course, ignore 
 the sentence of invalidity, as derogatory, together with 
 any such schemes as he alludes to, to the dignity of 
 the " great Queen of Saba." 
 
 On 10 November, 1608, Dudley Carleton writes to 
 Chamberlain : " The hard success of your negotiation 
 can not any way disgrace your kind and friendly endevor, 
 which is as thanckfully accepted both by my wife and 
 myself as if it had taken better place ; but what can I 
 expect otherwise from thence, where my credit is fallen 
 so low as to be putt back to my Abes, and to be taught 
 againe to write and read ; and that which is worse, 
 huic ipsi patrono opus est quern (admodo?) mihi 
 defensore paro ; and they thinck they have enough 
 to doe to wrastle with theyre owne fortune ; yet what 
 other way to the wood I know not, there being (as you 
 know) an express barr to all other passages ; but better 
 it is to wander upp and downe then allwayes sitt still, 
 and therefo/e I am like enough to be with you on Monday
 
 81 
 
 or Tuesday next for a weeke or a fortnight, though 
 uppon no more express arrand then in general to make 
 my Court, leaving the rest to God and goode fortune 
 .... I have no more to say to you, but my wife cries 
 to me owt of her warme nest to putt in enough for her ; 
 when you have hartie thancks and commendations 
 from both there needes no more ceremonie betwixt 
 frends, and therfore I commit you to God's protection." 
 
 Carleton was evidently, as we should put it nowadays, 
 " down on his luck " ; John Chamberlain replies on 
 the following day 11 November but without any 
 reference to Carleton's affairs. 
 
 Carleton writes again on 1 December, evidently still 
 in much discontent owing to his continued lack of 
 employment, and some hitch in money affairs, and con- 
 cludes : " I must now take my leave of you and the 
 towne together, wherein I have receaved so little con- 
 tentment at this time that but that you harten me I 
 should not see it againe in hast. You will visit the idle 
 oracle in the Strand some times ; and so God keepe you." 
 
 The " idle oracle " in the Strand was no doubt Sir 
 Walter Cope, through whom Carleton was hoping to 
 obtain the favourable consideration of the Earl of 
 Salisbury ; Chamberlain recounts his dealings with 
 Cope on Carleton's behalf in a letter dated 9 December, 
 1608 : " I went to the idle oracle of the Strand on 
 Satterday to see what was become of your letter, who told 
 me it was not yet delivered, for that he could find no fit 
 opportunitie, but he wold watch a time when Sir Nighell 
 Hickes should be present to second him ; but shewing 
 myself not greatly satisfied with this aunswer he added 
 that his Lordship had now many businesses in his head 
 and that he must cast out his hand before there were 
 any moving of him. I told him your letter wold grow 
 stale, and that against another time you might be redy 
 with another, and so it were goode to make as it were 
 continuall claime ; but I could get no more of him but 
 that he wold take the fittest way he could find. I deferred 
 G
 
 82 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 writing thus much on Tewsday, meaning to have another 
 bout with him, which came fitly to passe on Wensday 
 by occasion of a letter to him from Sir Rowland Lytton 
 which going to deliver I was fain to follow after him to 
 Whitehall, and yet there missing him. I returned after 
 dinner and found him in the middest of many affairs, 
 but (desirous to be rid of me) he left his business to know 
 mine errand, which having don from Sir Rowland, I 
 asked what he had don with your letter ; he saide it 
 lay yet by him, which seeming straunge to me, he said 
 he had let slip no opportunitie, and that he could loose 
 it if he wold ; I told him that were easily don, wherupon 
 seeing me discontented he brake out into this protesta- 
 tion, God is my judge I am as careful of it as yourself ; 
 and so we parted ; but as I was going his lady got a 
 glimpse of me, and called after me, to whom I complained 
 that frends were to look for litle at his handes that 
 in three weekes or a moneths space could not finde 
 meanes to deliver a letter ; she seemed to marvayle 
 at it too ; but in the end fell to excuse him with age, 
 want of memorie and multiplicitie of business ; but if 
 you wold now and then call upon her with two or three 
 prettie lines she wold continually put him in minde and 
 become your true solicitor ; for which favor I comple- 
 mented with her after my fashion ; and so leave it to 
 your discretion how far you will make use of it." 
 
 Chamberlain certainly did not spare himself where his 
 friend's welfare was at stake ; his expression of " dis- 
 content " was probably more forcible than is implied 
 by the wording of his letter, and Sir Walter Cope's cool 
 hint that he could lose the letter if he chose was certainly 
 not conciliatory. Probably Lady Cope's hint that 
 Carleton would be wise to secure her favour was a sound one. 
 
 In the same letter Chamberlain records an act of 
 lese majeste on the part of three cormorants : " The 
 King is at Thetford, where he was receaved by three 
 cormorants that had planted themselves upon the 
 church, and wold not be removed either by ringing of
 
 GODLY BRETHREN AS PRINTERS 83 
 
 bells, showting of the people or shooting of pieces at 
 them, till after much levelling one of them was taken 
 downe with a bullet, and then his fellowes flew away." 
 
 As good sport as catching larks ! 
 
 Carleton, on 11 December, writes very appreciatively 
 of Chamberlain's services : " You doe with that true 
 affection embrace my poore affaires that I perceave 
 both the prosecuting and success of them turne more 
 to your truble then I could wish. An old tired jade 
 will not mend his pase for any spurring ; and if you 
 thinck a lock of hay will draw him faster forward I will 
 not spare to trie that skill, though it must be of a short 
 crop, you know, and very fine for such choise creatures, 
 and therefore I must take time for provision." 
 
 This is perhaps in reference to Lady Cope's suggestion 
 provision of " prettie lines " for her ladyship. In the 
 same letter he commissions Chamberlain to get a bible 
 bound for him by some binders in Fetter Lane ; but 
 writing again on 15 December he says : " If my letter 
 and booke were delivered unto you on Monday last 
 you have a very trublesome commission, of which I 
 would ease you of some part, if so it may be. I doe 
 understand that the goode workemen in Fetter Lane 
 are some of the godly brethren (Calvinists) and that 
 theyr exterordinary skill they learnt at Geneva, by 
 which they presume in bibles that are putt to them to 
 leave out the Apocripha. We have here a goode worke- 
 man, but he hath commonly his hands full of worke 
 and his head full of drinck ; yet I had as leve venture 
 my worke with this goode fellow that is sometimes sober 
 
 as with them that are all way es mad Wherefore 
 
 I pray you send it back unbound." 
 
 There is further allusion both in Carleton's and Cham- 
 berlain's letters, at the close of the 1608, to Sir Walter 
 Cope and Carleton's prospects of a good diplomatic 
 appointment, but Cope is still temporising ; and Carleton, 
 about to become a father, is looking about for a suitable 
 house.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS 
 January, 1609 March, 1614 
 
 SUCCEEDING correspondence in the year 1609 deals 
 almost entirely with Carleton's hope, or desire, of 
 obtaining some post through the good offices of Sir 
 Walter Cope with Lord Salisbury. On 10 January, 
 Chamberlain mentions that, through some unaccount- 
 ably gross error in conveyance, Sir Walter Raleigh's 
 estate (of Sherborne) has passed into the King's hands, 
 and has been bestowed upon his favourite, Sir Robert 
 Carr ; " and though the Lady Raleigh have ben an 
 importunate suitor all these holy-dayes in her husband's 
 behalfe, yet is it past recalling, so that he may say with 
 Job, naked I came into the world and naked shall I go 
 out." 
 
 Very possibly the legal error which deprived Raleigh 
 of his estate was engineered by some meddler deputed 
 by the King, or by Sir Robert Carr ; nothing was too 
 good for Carr in the eyes of King James, who used to 
 fondle the young man in public, and walk about with his 
 arm round his neck, while Raleigh was by no means in 
 favour. 
 
 In the year 1610 Chamberlain embarked upon his 
 longest recorded journey. Carleton was knighted in 
 1610, and appointed Ambassador at Venice ; Chamber- 
 lain accompanied him thither, and writes to him during 
 his return journey from Augusta, dating his letter 3 
 September. 1611, and addressing Carleton, with char- 
 acteristic precision, " My Very Goode Lord," in virtue 
 
 8 4
 
 CHAMBERLAIN'S JOURNEY 85 
 
 of his status as Ambassador. " It were too long a piece 
 of worke to geve you a particular account of our hard 
 and tedious journey, beeing indeed the hardest taske 
 that ever I undertooke, by reason of the suspicion of 
 sicknes in divers places where we were to passe, so that 
 we were forced to seeke bywayes and ride sometimes 
 all night through dark and dangerous passages ; but 
 the worst of all was that when we thought ourselves 
 past daunger, there were we neerest, being stayed upon 
 the border of Bavier (Bavaria), and not suffered to passe 
 thorough any towne nor so much as a village, but were 
 faine to seek unknowne wayes and travayle over the 
 feildes, till both we and our horses were utterly tired ; 
 and yet with all these difficulties I thank God we came 
 to this towne the second of this present in reasonable 
 health, but well wearied ; and now when I hoped to 
 finde rest, I have ben all this day tired with seeing of 
 sights, which are here many well worth the seeing, and 
 tomorrow morning God willing are to go hence toward 
 Francford (Frankfort) being loth to leave this companie 
 which is reasonable goode and but indifferent drincken (?) 
 I delivered Signor Veltzer's letter and had litle confer- 
 ence with him, for that his colleague came to visit him 
 when we were newly set to it ; he seemes a man of some 
 understanding, and very courteous. Hoschelius is keper 
 of the librarie, and withall kepes a schoole ; he dined 
 with me this day, and found better entertainment 
 every way with the dutch than I could geve him for 
 
 lacke of Latin the first night we parted from you 
 
 we overtooke Ottaviv (?) Bon at Corregliano, attended 
 and guarded like a puneditor or Generall." 
 
 After the customary commendations, Chamberlain 
 concludes " Your Lordship's to command," in place 
 of his more intimate " Yours most assuredly." He was 
 extraordinarily punctilious in respect of such details 
 and what is a Puneditor ? 
 
 Augusta Vindelicorum was the ancient name of 
 Augsburg, about thirty-five miles north-west from
 
 86 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Munich ; Vindelicia was the ancient name of Bavaria. 
 Chamberlain's use of the old name of Augusta is some- 
 what quaint ; the town was surely known as Augsburg 
 in the seventeenth century. The Rathaus or Golden Hall, 
 the palace of the former prince-bishops, is one of the 
 finest old buildings in Germany ; the cathedral dates 
 from the sixth century. 
 
 A month later, on 5 October, 1611, Chamberlain 
 writes from the Hague, describing the very bad weather 
 which interfered with his journey ; " it doth nothing 
 here but raine and haile, and on Michaelmas Day it 
 snew all day long, which hath hindered us many bon- 
 viages ; yet we have ben at Delft, Riswick and Skevening, 
 and seen all the sights and curiosities here about. . . . 
 Sir Robert Rich is lately dead at Brighton, and rich 
 Sutton is gon the same way, having before his death 
 bought the Charter house of the Lord Chamberlain 
 
 for his intended hospitall The pirates have 
 
 refused the King's pardon that was offered them, and 
 as it is saide are gon for Florence to be commanded 
 by Sir Robert Dudley ; these states set out sixteen ships 
 against them, which I thincke was the principall cause 
 of theyre dislodging." 
 
 " Rich " Sutton was Thomas Sutton, the founder of 
 Charterhouse ; he made a large fortune from leases 
 of coal mines in Durham, and in 1611, shortly before his 
 death, he purchased the Charterhouse, and there estab- 
 lished and endowed a hospital for eighty inmates and a 
 school for forty boys. He was reckoned the wealthiest 
 commoner in England at that time probably he was 
 worth about 300,000. 
 
 Charterhouse was, of course, originally a Carthusian 
 monastery ; it was suppressed in 1538, and granted 
 to John Bridges and Thomas Hall ; after a good many 
 vicissitudes in ownership, it became the property of 
 Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk and Lord Chamberlain, 
 who sold it to Thomas Sutton. 
 
 Sir Robert Dudley was, as already mentioned, son
 
 CHAMBERLAIN'S RETURN 87 
 
 of the Earl of Leicester. He appears to have been of a 
 restless and adventurous temperament ; he was knighted 
 in the Cadiz expedition of 1596, when only two- 
 and-twenty ; subsequently, having married one Alice 
 Leigh, he repudiated the marriage taking a leaf out of his 
 father's book and took unto himself Elizabeth South- 
 well, with whom he retired to Florence, and there 
 established himself. He assumed without authority 
 the title of Earl of Warwick, signing himself " Warwick " 
 in letters to England, and refused to obey the summons 
 to come home and answer for it. In July, 1611, the Earl 
 of Nottingham wrote to Lord Salisbury that he feared 
 the pardon offered to pirates came too late to do any 
 good ; but there is nothing in State documents about 
 their placing themselves under Dudley, and Chamber- 
 lain's gossip seems rather vague and incredible. 
 
 Chamberlain arrived in London on 3 November, 
 1611, after a very stormy and even perilous journey, 
 of which he writes a long account, eventually being 
 driven to land at Yarmouth, where four of his fellow 
 passengers lost their lives through attempting to jump 
 on shore at the wrong moment. 
 
 Writing on 13 November, 1611, Chamberlain says : 
 " Since my last of the 6th of this present I received 
 yours of the 18th October, and the next day after my 
 writing delivered your letter to the Lord Treasurer 
 having attended fowre dayes before I could come to his 
 presence, insomuch as I was willing to have delivered 
 it to anybody that wold have taken charge of it ; and 
 indeed I am perswaded Mr. Kirkham did not his part, and 
 Mr. Finet (in his regard) was loth as he saide to put his 
 sickle into another man's harvest ; till at last an honest 
 doore keeper offered me the curtesie to bring me to my 
 Lord's presence, and I thincke performed it. My audience 
 was short and swete, with inquirie after your health 
 and my Ladies, and remembrance of old acquaintance 
 and that we were both growing gray, and that he wold 
 confer with me at more leysure, and so forth."
 
 88 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 A typical interview, engineered with difficulty, be- 
 tween an unimportant individual and a high official. 
 
 " During my waiting at my Lord Treasurer's, Signer 
 Fabritio was there among other Suiters ; there passed 
 but short salutations between us, neither was he willing 
 to talk single, but (as en passant) told stories of a certain 
 ( ?) of Verona." 
 
 " Fabritio " was a nickname for Sir Henry Wotton 
 who was Ambassador at Venice before Carleton, and 
 also later on ; the occasion or meaning of the sobriquet 
 is not clear ; it was some joke between Chamberlain and 
 Carleton, apparently. 
 
 " Sir Thomas Overberie (Overbury) by much suit is 
 restored to the Court, and there is hope in time to the 
 Quenes favor." 
 
 Sir Thomas Overbury was a friend of Sir Robert Carr, 
 by whom he was introduced at Court ; he was knighted 
 in 1608, and travelled in the Netherlands in 1609 and 
 1610 ; he was subsequently attached to Carr as some 
 sort of Secretary, and became his advisor in business and 
 other matters ; he was also a poet of some pretension. 
 There was abundant matter of gossip later on in con- 
 nection with his downfall and miserable death. 
 
 " The Ambassador of Savoy followed the King to 
 Tiballs (Theobalds), or as some say to Roiston ; for 
 ought I can learne he had but a cold answer, and yet 
 the Duke his master was so confident that he offered 
 to come in person to conduct her." This was one of the 
 various projects for the marriage of Elizabeth, daughter 
 of King James ; she eventually married Frederick, 
 Elector Palatine, in 1613. The Ambassador, it appears, 
 offered an unusual and embarrassing gift : " The 
 Ambassador brought a present of a tame ounce or 
 leopard, which had almost committed an unpardonable 
 fault at Tiballs, having seased upon a white red deer 
 calfe, nursed up there by a woman entertained for the 
 purpose, and much ado there was to save the poore 
 suckling."
 
 SOME SOUND ADVICE 89 
 
 Chamberlain and Carleton maintained a regular cor- 
 respondence during the next year or two, but there is 
 little matter of interest in Chamberlain's letters. 
 
 On 27 May, 1612, he writes much concerning the death 
 of Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, and adds : " I was 
 yesterday with Sir Walter Cope, who came to towne 
 with the young Earle (of Salisbury] ; he told me that he 
 was injoyned by the late Lord Treasurer with the Lord 
 Chamberlain to overlooke his papers, which since his 
 comming he had don, and finding certain letters of yours 
 (which he shewed me) willed me to tell you that you 
 shold take no care of them, for they were in safe keeping, 
 and read me some part of them of latest date ; he wisht 
 me likewise to perswade you to cast away a letter (as 
 he called it) now and then on the Lord of Northampton, 
 as likewise to insinuate with the Lord of Rochester 
 (Robert Carr), and send him some prettie advertisements, 
 and for the first time you might do it by his meanes, 
 and so he wold make your way, or rather peradventure 
 his owne ; but if I might advise I wold you could rather 
 devise how to grow in with the Prince, and not without 
 need if all be true I have heard." 
 
 Sound advice on the part of John Chamberlain ; 
 neither the Earl of Northampton, a born and unscru- 
 pulous schemer, nor Viscount Rochester, the spoiled 
 and pampered King's favourite, was to be relied upon 
 as friend or patron ; either would throw a comrade 
 or protege to the dogs without compunction if it suited 
 his purpose. Chamberlain's hint about the Prince Henry 
 may have reference to stories which were being circulated 
 alleging that the prince was a rival of Rochester's for the 
 favours of the young Countess of Essex ; he died in 
 November following. 
 
 On 2 July, 1612, Chamberlain writes : " The Lord 
 Sanquir was arraigned on Saterday and confest the 
 inditement ; he made a long confession of his fault. 
 .... and so behaved himself there and on Monday at 
 his execution that he moved much compassion."
 
 90 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Robert Creichton, Lord Sanquhair, had procured a 
 man to murder one Turner, a fencer, who had accident- 
 ally put out Sanquhair's eye while fencing with him. 
 
 " The Countesse of Shrewsburie was called before the 
 Counsaile and judges on Tewsday at the Lord Chaun- 
 cellors, where by the Atturney and Sollicitor, and by all 
 the Lordes and judges her contempt towards the King 
 and that table was laide open and much aggravated 
 for her refusing to answer, and scornfull termes used 
 towards some at her first conventing, and her persisting 
 still in the same course, which example might prove of 
 daungerous consequence ; to all which she replied nothing 
 but the privilege of her person and nobilitie, and a rash 
 vow which she could not violate ; wherupon she was 
 sent backe to the towre, and this proceeding is thought 
 to be but a preamble (if she do not reclaime herself) 
 to a c'ensure in the Star Chamber." 
 
 This was Mary Cavendish, wife of Gilbert Talbot, 
 seventh Earl of Shrewsbury, and daughter, by her 
 second marriage, of Elizabeth, daughter of John Hard- 
 wick of Hardwick. This lady, commonly known as 
 Bess of Hardwick, was possessed of a remarkably strong 
 will, and usually succeeded in getting her own way. 
 Shortly after her daughter married Gilbert Talbot, 
 she, being then for the second time a widow, married 
 Gilbert's father, George, sixth Earl of Shrewsbury; 
 a remarkable family arrangement. 
 
 Some six or seven years later, while the Earl of 
 Shrewsbury had the custody of Mary Queen of Scots, Mar- 
 garet, Countess of Lennox, and her son Charles (younger 
 brother of Darnley),on their way to Scotland were enter- 
 tained by the wideawake Countess Elizabeth at Rufford ; 
 and there the wily lady managed to engineer a marriage 
 between young Charles and her daughter, Elizabeth Caven- 
 dish. Queen Elizabeth, of course, was furious, and sent the 
 Countess to the Tower ; but she was liberated after three 
 months; and in the following year (1575) was born to 
 Charles and Elizabeth Stuart a daughter, Arabella.
 
 LADY ARABELLA STUART 91 
 
 Later on, in 1610, being them five-and-thirty years 
 of age, Arabella thought it was time that she was liber- 
 ated from the toils of Court control, and was privately 
 married to Sir William Seymour ; but the secret was not 
 kept, and she was sent to the custody of Sir Thomas 
 Parry, at Lambeth, while Seymour was committed to 
 the Tower. They managed to escape, however, Arabella 
 in male attire ; but she was captured and lodged in the 
 Tower, where she died in 1615. Seymour remained free, 
 and eventually returning to England was pardoned by 
 King James. 
 
 Mary, Countess of Shrewsbury, was accused of assist- 
 ing Arabella to escape ; she refused to admit anything, 
 and, as Chamberlain says, by her scornful demeanour and 
 obstinate silence annoyed the Lords of the Council very 
 much. She spent some years in the Tower, but the alleged 
 offence was never proved against her. Mary was evidently 
 a worthy daughter of the redoubtable Bess of Hardwick. 
 
 There was much talk about this time of the death of 
 Henry, Prince of Wales, which took place on 6 November, 
 1612. Chamberlain has a good deal to say about it in 
 letters to Carleton of 4 and 12 November, and in the 
 latter he writes : " It was generally feared he had met 
 with ill measure, and there wanted not suspicion of 
 poison, but upon the opening of him the next day 
 toward night there was nothing found." 
 
 The wildest stories were in fact abroad about the 
 alleged murder of the Prince. The most prevalent 
 version was that Rochester was the perpetrator of the 
 crime, from jealousy of the prince's supposed passion for 
 Frances, Countess of Essex ; and some even went so 
 far as to hint that the King was accessory to the deed, 
 from jealousy of the popularity of his son. There is 
 little doubt, however, that the prince died of typhoid 
 fever, as demonstrated by Dr. Norman Moore in a little 
 volume published in 1882. 
 
 Writing on 19 November, 1612, Chamberlain says : 
 " The same day se'ennight (i.e., a week after) he died
 
 92 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 there fell out a very ridiculous accident. A very handsome 
 young fellow, much about his age and not altogether 
 unlike him, came stark naked to St. James's, while they 
 were at supper, saying he was the Prince's ghost from 
 Heaven with a message to the King ; but by no manner 
 of examination or threatening could they get more out 
 of him, or who set him at work. Some say he is simple, 
 others mad. He belongs to one of the Chancery. All 
 the penance they gave him was two or three lashes, 
 which he endured, as it seemed, without sense, and 
 keeping him naked as he was all night and the next day 
 in the Porter's Lodge, where thousands came to see 
 him. The King sent to have him dismissed without 
 more ado or inquiry." 
 
 Poor, wretched youth ! The " penance " of being 
 kept naked for twenty-four hours in November, and 
 gazed upon by a derisive mob, was a pretty severe one, 
 after all. 
 
 Chamberlain proceeds to relate the very damaging 
 stories extant concerning the late Earl of Salisbury, 
 who, he says, according to some who should know, 
 " jugled with religion, with King, Queen, theyre children, 
 with nobilitie, Parlement, with frends, foes, and gener- 
 ally with all." 
 
 De mortuis nil nisi malum ! Salisbury was too 
 powerful in his lifetime to be attacked with safety ; 
 probably his faults were greatly magnified by his post 
 mortem critics, but corruption was very rife in the days 
 of James the First, and even when as in the case of the 
 Commission upon the state of the Navy in 1608 cases 
 of flagrant abuse were clearly brought home to indi- 
 viduals, James shrugged his shoulders and " let it slide " 
 anything to save annoyance. 
 
 The King's laisser oiler methods are further exhibited 
 in a letter of 7 January. 1613 ; Christmas is over, and 
 the King is going to Royston ; the Council has repeatedly 
 begged him to appoint new officers of State, " Specially 
 Secretaries, or one at least, whomsoever he shold please,
 
 A DISCONTENTED FRIAR 93 
 
 for that the state of affaires requires it, and suffers much 
 for the want of a sufficient man that might ease his 
 ma tie ' in some part of the care and paines of that place. 
 The King tooke theyre advise in goode part, and doth 
 acknowledge as much as they say, with promise that he 
 will thincke upon it and resolve in goode time ; so that 
 we are now come to our discourses again, and the cheife 
 candidate as forward in theyre hopes as at any time 
 before." 
 
 The intolerable Stuart mafiana ! 
 
 In his next letter Chamberlain alludes to two Carmelite 
 monks who had come over to England some time 
 previously, apparently under the auspices of Carleton, 
 professing to be converts to protestantism, and evidently 
 expecting a very warm welcome. One was housed with 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other with the 
 Archbishop of York ; says Chamberlain : " Your 
 Italian frier was with me this other day with a long 
 discontented discourse for want of monie, and that 
 he was sometimes faine to make his owne bed and sweep 
 his chamber, thinges he was never put to in the place 
 whence he came. I advised him the best I could to 
 patience, and told him that seeing he was well provided 
 for food and raiment, he must fashion himself to indure 
 somwhat per amor di Christo." 
 
 Was Chamberlain indulging in a little gentle irony ? 
 It would scarcely be appreciated by the renegade 
 Carmelite. 
 
 His comrade in the north appears to have been 
 similarly discontented with his surroundings, complain- 
 ing that the Archbishop was strettisimo di danari 
 very close fisted and " that they lived in no cities nor 
 townes, but in villa, and therupon subscribed his name 
 Johannes in deserto" 
 
 Writing, on 4 February, 1613, to Alice Carleton, 
 Chamberlain says : " Your sister Williams (Elizabeth 
 Carleton, married to Alexander Williams] tells me she 
 wrote so at large to you the last weeke that she hath left
 
 94 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 nothing for me, but to give you thancks for your letter 
 of the 20th of January, which I receved upon Sonday ; 
 and to desire you to excuse me if I do not fulfill your 
 commandment in visiting your sister Underhill, unles 
 it were to more purpose then to exchange for a few fine 
 words and phrases, which I was never goode at, and 
 cannot now begin." This is an echo of the old trouble 
 with Carleton's married sisters, originating with their 
 Romish proclivities ; Bridget Carleton, it will be re- 
 membered, was the wife of Sir Hercules Underhill. 
 
 Chamberlain alludes in this same letter to the death 
 of Sir Thomas Bodley, and has a good deal to say about 
 his will, commenting upon scanty bequests to his 
 nephews, friends, servants, etc. ; " but let goode nature 
 go, if he had had regard of conscience towards his wife's 
 children, by whom he had all his wealth, but in truth he 
 hath dealt hardly with one of them who hath many 
 children and is in need and distresse, and by his meanes ; 
 the story wherof is too long for a letter ; and all this 
 for a vainglory and shew of goode deeds, for he hath 
 geven about seven thousand pound to his librarie at 
 Oxford, and two hundred pound to Merton Colledge, 
 besides mourning to all the students of that house from 
 the highest to the lowest ; this and such like makes me 
 know and esteem the world as it is, nothing but vanitie ; 
 and in that meditation I will leave and commit you to 
 God." 
 
 On 25 February Chamberlain writes to Dudley Car- 
 leton : " Sir Henry Savile shewed me the last weeke 
 his notes taken in the reading of Sir Thomas Bodley's 
 life written by himself in seven sheets of paper with 
 vanitie enough, wherin omitting not the least minutezze 
 that might turne to his glorie, he doth not so much as 
 make mention of his wife, nor that he was maried ; 
 nor of Secretarie Walsingham, nor the Earl of Leicester, 
 who were all his maine raisers, whereby may be seen what 
 mind he carried to his best benefactor." 
 
 Sir Thomas married, about the year 1587, a wealthy
 
 SIR THOMAS BODLEY'S WILL 95 
 
 widow named Ann Ball ; she died in 1611. Chamberlain 
 is certainly down upon him after his death ; the writer 
 in the Die. Nat. Bio. suggests that he was disappointed 
 at not being remembered in Bodley's will ; and there 
 is some warrant for this inference in a letter from 
 Chamberlain to Sir Ralph Winwood, dated 29 Jan- 
 uary, 1613 : " I cannot learn that he hath given any- 
 thing, no not a good word, nor so much as named an 
 old frend he hath, but Mr. Gent and Tom Allen, who like 
 a couple of Almes men must have his best and second 
 gown, and his best and second cloke ; but to cast a 
 shadow of something upon Mr. Gent he says he forgives 
 him all he owed him, which Mr. Gent protests to be never a 
 penny. I must intreat you to pardon me if I seem some- 
 what impatient in his behalf, who hath ben so servile 
 to him, and indeed such a perpetuall servant that he 
 hath deserved a better reward. Neither can I deny 
 but I have a little indignation for myself ; that having 
 been acquainted with him almost forty yeares, and 
 observed and respected him so much, I should not be 
 remembered with the value of a spoon or a mourning 
 garment ; whereas if I had gone before him (as poor 
 a man as I am) he should not have found himself for- 
 gotten." 
 
 This estimate of Bodley's character is probably un- 
 known to the many biographers and chroniclers who 
 gladly avail themselves of the valuable material provided 
 by him in the library which bears his name ; it is con- 
 soling to reflect that, whatever John Chamberlain may 
 have thought of him, his bequest remains a monument 
 of his learning and industry. 
 
 Chamberlain's letters are very full at this time of the 
 marriage of Princess Elizabeth, the fetes and masques 
 incidental thereto, etc., all the details of which he 
 delights in recording ; but they are not of much interest. 
 
 There is an amusing instance of King James's charac- 
 teristic care of the " bawbees " : " Our Gray's Inn men 
 and the Inner Templers .... on Saturday last performed
 
 96 , A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 their part (i.e., in the masque) exceeding well with great 
 applause and approbation both from the King and all the 
 companie. The next night the King invited the masquers 
 with their assistants to the number of forty to a solemn 
 supper in the new marriage room, where they were well 
 treated, and much graced with kissing his Majesty's 
 hand ; and every one having a particular accoglienza 
 (welcome) from him. The King husbanded the matter 
 so well that this supper was not at his own cost, but 
 he and his company won it upon a wager of running at 
 the ring, of the Prince and his nine followers, who paid 
 30 a man. The King, Queen, Prince Palatine, and Lady 
 Elizabeth sat at the table by themselves, and the great 
 Lords and Ladies with the maskers, above four-score in 
 all, sat at another table, so that there was not roome 
 for them that made the feast, but they were faine to be 
 lookers on." 
 
 Well " husbanded," indeed ! 
 
 On 25 March. 1613, he bewails his own sickness, with 
 considerable detail, and then has another shot at Sir 
 Thomas Bodley, on the occasion of his great funeral at 
 Oxford, " which is the last act of Sir Thomas Bodley 's 
 vanitie, which doth every day appeal e so much, that 
 though I never had any excellent conceit of him, yet I 
 did not thincke he had ben so vainly ambitious as he 
 discovers himself many wayes." 
 
 On 29 April, 1613, Chamberlain writes a long letter 
 to Carleton, in which he inevitably alludes to the arrest 
 of Sir Thomas Overbury : " I doubt not but you 
 have heard of Sir Thomas Overburies committing to 
 the towre the last weeke ; the King hath long had a 
 desire to remove him from about the Lord of Rochester, 
 as thincking it a dishonour to him that the world shold 
 have an opinion that Rochester ruled him and Overburie 
 ruled Rochester ; whereas he wold make it appeare that 
 neither Overburie nor Rochester had such a stroke with 
 him, but that he wold do what he thought fit, and what 
 he intended without acquainting either of them with his
 
 OVERBURY DECLINES AN EMBASSY 97 
 
 purposes ; and so caused the Lord Chamberlain (Thomas 
 Howard, Earl of Suffolk) and the Earle of Pembroke 
 to deale with Overburie and to tell him the King's goode 
 meaning towards him, whereby he had an intent to make 
 use of his goode parts, and to traine him for his further 
 service, and therefore they offered him his choice to be 
 employed either to the Archduke, or into Fraunce or 
 into Moscovie (upon which place we have new projects) ; 
 he excused himself as incapable of such places for divers 
 wants, and specially of language ; they aunswered 
 that he was young enough and with litle labour might 
 attain that in short time, or otherwise he might be 
 assisted and supplied by sufficient secretaries and other 
 fit persons about him ; then he alleged indisposition 
 of body and want of health as beeing much subject to the 
 spleen, whereto they replied that chaunge of ayre might 
 be a speciall remedy for such infirmities, but he stoode 
 stiffly upon it that he was not willing to forsake his 
 countrie, and at last gave them a peremptorie aunswer 
 that he could not yeeld to go, and that he hoped the 
 King neither in law nor justice could compell him to 
 leave his countrie ; with which aunswer the King was 
 so incensed that he willed the Counsaile to consider 
 what it deserved, who upon this contempt caused him 
 to be sent to the towre. Some take this as a diminution 
 of my Lord of Rochesters credit and favor, but the King 
 told the Counsaile the next day that he would not have 
 it so construed, for that he had and did still take more 
 delight in his companie and conversation then in any 
 mans living." 
 
 Surely, there was never a more transparent trap set 
 to beguile any man ; Overbury was to be got out of the 
 way ; if he persisted in declining the post which was thus 
 pressed upon him, his refusal was to be treated as con- 
 tumacious, and the alternative way of disposing of him 
 was obviously the Tower. 
 
 Chamberlain, after alluding to some other news, 
 proceeds : " There was a divorce to be sued this terme 
 
 'H
 
 98 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 twixt the Earle of Essex and his Lady, and he was 
 content (whether true or fained) to confesse insufficiencie 
 in himself; but there happened an accident of late 
 that hath altered the case ; his lady sought out and 
 had many conferences with a wise woman, who (accord- 
 ing to the course of such creatures) drew much monie 
 from her, and at last cousened her of a Jewell of great 
 value, for which beeing prosecuted and clapt in prison, 
 she accuses the Lady of divers straunge questions and 
 propositions, and in conclusion that she dealt with her to 
 make away her Lord (as ayming at another mark), upon 
 which scandall and slaunder the Lord Chamberlain and 
 other her frends thincke it not fit to proceed in the divorce." 
 
 Such was the gossips' view at the moment of the 
 imprisonment of Overbury and the proposed divorce 
 of the young Countess of Essex, who was Lady Frances 
 Howard, daughter of the Earl of Suffolk ; the incidents 
 are not connected in Chamberlain's letter, but the facts 
 came all too clearly to light later on. 
 
 Lady Frances was married to Robert Devereux at 
 seventeen years of age, the bridegroom being nearly 
 two years her junior ; he was sent abroad to travel until 
 he should attain a more suitable age for the actualities 
 of marriage, and in his absence the countess conceived 
 a violent passion for Robert Carr, Viscount Rochester, 
 with whom she had guilty intercourse. When Essex 
 returned from his travels, Lady Frances engaged the 
 " wise woman," one Mrs. Turner, a depraved character 
 and the keeper of a brothel, in the first instance to concoct 
 " philtres " which should stimulate Rochester's passion 
 and alienate the desires of Essex, and afterwards to 
 endeavour to poison the latter. 
 
 Subsequently, with the assistance of some unscrupulous 
 relatives foremost amongst whom was Henry Howard, 
 Earl of Northampton the countess brought a suit 
 for nullity of marriage, which, favoured by the King 
 and the bishops, was inevitably successful ; and she 
 was married to Rochester at the end of the year 1613.
 
 THE MURDER OF OVERBURY 99 
 
 Overbury, as Rochester's friend, while he regarded 
 without adverse comment the illicit intercourse between 
 the latter and the countess, very actively opposed Roch- 
 ester's intention of marrying her after the divorce should 
 be obtained, and was so strong and persistent in his 
 remonstrances that Rochester, at the suggestion of 
 the countess, who was furious, framed the scheme 
 whereby Overbury was trapped into laying himself 
 open ; and, once they got him safely in the Tower, 
 having paved the way by securing the appointment of 
 an amenable person Sir Gervase Elwes as Lieutenant 
 they had him cruelly done to death by poison. 
 
 Chamberlain, writing on 23 May, 1613, alludes to 
 this appointment : " On Thursday at night Sir William 
 Waade (Wade) was discharged of his lieutenancie of 
 the towre, the particular reasons wherof I cannot tell 
 you more then that their were continuall complaints of 
 him, and some speak of certain Jewells of great value 
 and certain gold embeseled from the Lady Arabella, 
 wherof either he or his lady or his daughter cannot so 
 clearly acquit themselves, but that there is suspicion. 
 One Sir Gervase Ellowayes (Elwes or Helwes) of Lincoln- 
 shire, somwhat an unknowne man, is put into the place 
 by the favor of the Lord Chamberlain or his Lady ; 
 the gentleman is of too mild and gentle a disposition 
 for such an office ; he is my old frend and acquaintance 
 in Fraunce, and lately receved here in towne, where he 
 hath not lived past a yeare, nor followed the Court 
 many a day." 
 
 Elwes was, however, just the man required by North- 
 ampton and Rochester and Countess Frances for their 
 purpose ; one who would do as he was told for a certain 
 reward, and ask no questions. 
 
 The allegation that the King was anxious to remove 
 Overbury was most probably a story trumped up by 
 Rochester to screen his own design ; but the whole 
 disgraceful business was destined to complete exposure 
 eventually.
 
 100 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Writing to Sir Ralph Winwood on 6 May, 1613, 
 Chamberlain says : " The Prince Palatine (just married 
 to the Princess Elizabeth), before his going made a suite 
 to the King for the enlargement of Lord Grey. The King 
 told him he marvailed how he shold become suiter for a 
 man whom he neither knew nor ever saw. He aunswered 
 that he was recommended to him by his unckles, the 
 Duke of Bouillon, the Prince Maurice and the Count 
 Henry, who had better knowledge of him. Then the 
 King said, Son, when I come into Germany I will promise 
 you not to importune you for any of your prisoners. 
 Since that time the Lord Grey hath ben restrained and 
 kept more straight, for having had conference with 
 one of the Lady Arabella's women ; who being strictly 
 examined was faine to confesse that it was only matter 
 of love and dalliance." 
 
 The King's new son-in-law could scarcely have 
 selected a less acceptable plea, for Lord Grey (Thomas, 
 ffieenth and last Baron Grey of Wilton) had been con- 
 fined in the Tower since the year 1603, for being con- 
 cerned in a plot to seize the King and dictate conditions 
 upon which he should be permitted to reign. IJe was 
 sentenced to death, but was reprieved on the scaffold ; 
 he died in the Tower in 1614. 
 
 On 10 June, 1613, Chamberlain writes to Carleton : 
 " Sir Robert Mansfield (Manscl) hath ben this fortnight 
 in the Marshalsea for animating the Lord Admiral to 
 stand against a commission granted to review and 
 reforme the abuses committed by the officers of the Navie, 
 and Whitelocke the lawyer is in the Fleete for speaking 
 too boldly against the authoritie of the Marshal Court ; 
 and beeing upon his release is remitted thether againe, 
 for geving his opinion (though not under his hand) 
 to Sir Robert Mansfelt that this Commission was not 
 according to law." 
 
 Allusion has already been made to the Commission 
 upon the administration of the Navy in 1608, which 
 revealed the most scandalous abuses on the part of
 
 ABUSES IN THE NAVY 101 
 
 sundry high officials, among whom was Sir Robert Mansel, 
 Treasurer of the Navy. The King, ' however, elected to 
 ignore this finding, and some court gossips provided a 
 copious fringe of embroidery to account for the royal 
 nonchalance, Sir Anthony Weldon and Godfrey Good- 
 man, Bishop of Gloucester, being foremost among them. 
 In 1613, however, there was much talk of another 
 Commission on the Navy, instigated, as before, by 
 the Earl of Northampton, who, writing to Sir Thomas 
 Lake, on 18 November, 1613, says : " It is impossible 
 to redress abuses in the Navy, whilst the pay is so much 
 in arrears that the wives and children of the sailors are 
 hardly kept from making outcries at the gate. The King 
 has already lost 100,000 by pilfering since the Com- 
 mission was given for discovery of frauds in the Navy." 
 
 From this it appears that an enquiry had already 
 been ordered ; but there is no warrant or other authority 
 for such enquiry to be found among the State Papers, 
 nor any account of its constitution or proceedings. 
 The terms of the Warrant or Order were, however, known 
 to Sir Robert Mansel and to the Lord High Admiral 
 (the Earl of Nottingham), and neither of them desired an 
 enquiry,probably because Nottingham had been neglect- 
 ing his duties, and Mansel, encouraged by his "let-off" 
 in 1608, had continued his plunderings as Treasurer. 
 
 Nottingham put Mansel forward to protest against 
 some clauses in the Warrant, and the latter engaged 
 James Whitelock, a barrister, to urge his points before 
 the Council. 
 
 One of the points submitted by Whitelock was that 
 the Warrant or Royal Commission contained threats 
 of punishment to offenders, which, he argued, was not 
 part of the object or office of such Commission probably 
 quite a valid objection ; and he advanced other ingenious 
 disabilities, based upon ancient law and privileges. 
 
 The Council, predisposed to resent the protests of 
 Mansel and Whitelock, found that the latter stated his 
 case " in a very contemptuous and disloyal manner,
 
 102 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 attacking the King's prerogative, for which he stands 
 charged, as does Sir Robert, for seeking undutifully 
 to oppose His Majesty's proceedings." 
 
 Hence confinement for both of them, from which they 
 were at length released upon giving their submission 
 to the Council in writing ; but that enquiry never took 
 place, unless all the records of its proceedings have been 
 destroyed. Perhaps Charles Howard, Earl of Notting- 
 ham, possessed sufficient interest to get it suppressed ; 
 there is no doubt but that the condition of the Navy 
 called for strong measures. 
 
 Chamberlain gives an amusing sketch of the amenities 
 of the Irish Parliament : " The last moneth the 
 parlement assembled in Ireland, but at the first meeting 
 the popish faction excepted against certain new boroughs 
 and burgesses lately erected by the King, alleging they 
 ought not to be admitted till they were allowed by 
 parlement ; then was there another difference about 
 choosing theyre Speaker, the one side making choise 
 of Sir John Davis, the other of one Sir ? Everard, 
 a very sufficient and grave man as is geven out ; they 
 got both into the chayre and there bustled awhile, 
 till Sir Richard Wingfield, Marshall of Ireland, puld 
 downe the Irishman, and so they dissolved and sent a 
 petition to the King." 
 
 Probably an exaggeration, but an excellent conceit, 
 the two Speakers-elect " bustling " for the possession 
 of the chair, until one was " pulled down " by the 
 Marshall. 
 
 In this same letter there is further allusion to the 
 Countess of Essex and her divorce suit ; Chamberlain 
 expresses the opinion that she will " make no bones " 
 of swearing to the impotence of her young husband, 
 " beeing as she presumes provided of a second, which 
 I should never have suspected, but that great folks will 
 have theyre ends without respect of frends or followers." 
 Chamberlain was singularly unsuspicious in this instance, 
 or else he was not well served by the gossips in "Powles."
 
 INDISCRETIONS OF ROCHESTER 103 
 
 The " indiscretions " of the Countess and Lord Rochester 
 were being freely discussed at Court and elsewhere. 
 Three days later he alludes to the " jury of matrons " 
 who so readily declared the verdict which was demanded 
 of them, and adds : " The world speakes liberally 
 that my Lord of Rochester and she be in love one with 
 another, which breedes a double question, whether 
 that consideration be like to hinder or set it forward." 
 
 On 14 June Rochester wrote to one Dr. Craig : 
 " Whensoever Sir Thomas Overbury shall desyre you 
 to come to him, the King is pleased you shall go. This 
 the Lief tenant will not refuse for a warrand. If there 
 should be any questione maid of the (?) of this. If your 
 owne word may be taken, you neid not sho this. I 
 pray you lett him have your best help, and as much of 
 your company as he shall requyre. So I bid you fareweal 
 and rem. your loving frend Rochester." 
 
 A fine sample of cold blooded hypocrisy ! It was sub- 
 sequently proved that Rochester was in the plot to 
 poison Overbury ; Dr. Craig was physician to the King. 
 
 In this same letter of 23 June, 1613 he also indulges 
 in further vituperation against Sir Thomas Bodley, and 
 winds up : " The truth is he was so druncke with the 
 applause and vanitie of his librarie that he made no 
 conscience to rob Peter (as they say) to pay Paul, for 
 the which he hath his reward in verses and orations 
 which the Universitie heapes upon him for the present, 
 though I make no question but they will quickly vanish, 
 and in short time come to stop mustardpots." 
 
 In a letter of 1 August, 1613, there is a pretty little 
 story about the King and Queen : " The King is in 
 progresse and the Quene gon or going after ; at theyre 
 last beeing at Tiballs, which was about a fortnight 
 since, the Quene shooting at a deere mistooke her 
 marke, and killed Jewell, the King's most principall 
 and speciall hound, at which he stormed exceedingly 
 awhile, but after he knew who did it he was soone 
 pacified, and with much kindness wisht her not to be
 
 104 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 troubled with it, for he shold love her never the worse, 
 and the next day sent her a diamond worth 2,000 as 
 a legacie from his dead degge." 
 
 In this same letter is a tale about Virginia, which 
 reads somewhat strangely at the present day : " There 
 is a ship come from Virginia with newes of theyre well 
 doing, which puts some life into that action, that before 
 was almost at the last cast ; they have taken a daughter 
 of a King that was theyre greatest ennemie, as she was 
 going a feasting upon a river to visit certain frends, 
 for whose ransome the father offers whatsoever is in 
 his power, and to become theyre frend, and to bring 
 them where they shall meet with gold mines ; they 
 propound unto him three conditions, to deliver all the 
 English fugitives, to render all manner of armes or 
 weapons of theyrs that are come to his hands, and to 
 geve them 300 quarters of corne ; the two first he 
 performed redilie, and promised the other at theyre 
 harvest, if his daughter may be well used in the meane- 
 time ; but this ship brought no commodities from 
 thence but only these fayre tales and hopes .... 
 When the business of Virginia was at the highest, in 
 that heat many gentlemen and others were drawne by 
 perswasion and importunitie of frends to underwrite 
 theyre names for adventurers, but when it came to the 
 payment (specially the second or third time) theyre 
 handes were not so redy to go to theyre purses as they 
 were to the paper, and in the end flatly refused, wherupon 
 they are sued by the companie in the Chauncerie, where 
 this action findes such favor that they have redy dis- 
 patch, and the underwriters are forced to make pay- 
 ment, which amounts to a round sumnie between three 
 and four thousand pound." 
 
 The King's daughter was certainly a very lucky 
 " catch " ; let us hope that she was well treated during 
 her captivity as a hostage. 
 
 In a letter of 9 September, 1613, as in others about 
 this time, Chamberlain alludes to the scarcity of money ;
 
 THE ESSEX DIVORCE SUIT 105 
 
 high officials at home and abroad are in arrears for their 
 salaries ; and he adds, apparently as a consequence of 
 this state of affairs : " Though there be in shew a 
 settled peace in these parts of the world yet the many 
 private quarrells among great men prognosticate troubled 
 humors which may breed daungerous diseases if they 
 be not purged and prevented " ; he gives the names 
 of several pairs of combatants, all men in high places, 
 who are seeking to cross to France or Holland to fight. 
 He also refers again to the Essex divorce suit, expressing 
 his indignation and disgust at the " undecent words 
 and deeds " which have passed in the investigation of 
 Countess Frances' claim for nullity, excusing himself 
 to his friend for giving samples of some of the questions 
 propounded by the Commission ; excuses which shall 
 here be avoided by abstention from details. On 24 
 October he writes : " The marriage twixt the Earle of 
 Essex and the Lady Frances Howard is dissolved and 
 pronounced a nullitie. . . . The morning that the 
 matter was to be decided the King sent expresse com- 
 mandment that in opining they should not argue nor 
 use any reasons, but only geve theyre assent or dissent " ; 
 a belated and futile bid for some show of decency or, 
 perhaps a device to avert public attention from the 
 scandalous and obviously manufactured plea of the 
 Countess and her relatives. 
 
 Chamberlain also writes on this date : " Sir Thomas 
 Overburie died and is buried in the towre, the manner 
 of his death is not knowne, for that there was nobody 
 with him, not so much as his keper, but the fowlness 
 of the corps gave suspicion and leaves aspersion that 
 he shold die of the poxe or somewhat worse ; he was 
 a very unfortunate man, for nobody almost pities him, 
 and his very frends speake but indifferently of him." 
 
 A very unfortunate man ; his brother-in-law, Sir 
 Thomas Lidcott, begged to be allowed to remove his 
 body, but was refused, and he was buried in great haste 
 within the precincts of the Tower. The Earl of North-
 
 106 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 ampton wrote very urgently to Sir Gervase Elwes about 
 the necessity of this immediate burial ; his original letters 
 are in the Cotton MSS., and are obviously written in 
 trembling haste ; a sorry business altogether ; nor was 
 this the last of it. 
 
 On 27 October, 1613, Chamberlain tells of certain 
 changes in judicial offices : " On Monday the Lord 
 Cooke (Sir Edward Coke) (though nere so loth) was 
 called up into the King's Bench and there sworne Cheife 
 Justice ; he parted dolefully from the common plea, 
 not only weeping himself, but followed with the teares 
 of all that bench and most of the officers of that court. 
 The next day Sir H. Herbert was made Cheife Justice 
 of the common pleas, Sir Francis Bacon Atturney and 
 Yelverton Sollicitor ; there is strong apprehension that 
 litle goode is to be expected by this chaunge, and that 
 Bacon may prove a daungerous instrument." 
 
 Sir Edward Coke was for some reason frequently 
 alluded to as Lord Coke (or Cooke), though he had no 
 claim to the title ; the display of handkerchiefs on his 
 retirement from the Common Pleas must have been most 
 affecting. 
 
 " I have heard underhand the Signer Fabritio (Sir 
 Henry Wotlon) is like to be sent into Spaine about some 
 match, which I beleve the rather for that the Spanish 
 Ambassador hath ben heard to say that he marvailes 
 we should treat or incline to Savoy or Fraunce, whereas 
 his master is able to part with more then they both. 
 Yesterday here arrived an Ambassador from the new 
 elected Emperor of Moscovie ; he had a peale of ordi- 
 nance at his landing at towre wharf, and was receved 
 by 100 citizens on horsback in velvet coats and chaines 
 of gold and most of the Aldermen in scarlet, with about 
 twenty coaches furnished with courtiers and gallants." 
 
 This was Michael Romanov, the young son of the 
 Metropolitan Philaret, who was connected with the 
 former dynasty. A crisis had arisen, owing to the attempt 
 of Sigismund III., King of Poland, to obtain the throne
 
 A PACKED COMMISSION 107 
 
 for himself, having put forward his son Ladislaus in 
 the first instance. This scheme was displeasing to all 
 parties, and resulted in a patriotic rising, a grand 
 National Assembly eventually electing young Michael ; 
 he reigned until 1645. 
 
 Writing on 11 November, 1613, Chamberlain says : 
 " Since my last of the 27th of October, the Kinge is 
 come and gon again to Roiston on Tewsday ; where 
 at his last beeing he made sixe knights though of late 
 he hath ben very daintie of this dignitie, minding to 
 raise the market and bring it to 500 for a knighthood ; 
 theyre names as I remember were Seymer (Seymour) 
 (a grandchild of the Earle of Hertfords) Udall, Bainton, 
 Clarke (a baron's sonne of the Exchequer), Line (a 
 grocer's sonne of Westminster) and Bilson the bishop of 
 Winchester's sonne, whom some idle companions call 
 commonly Sir Nullitie Bilson." 
 
 Here is an echo of public opinion concerning the 
 Essex divorce suit. There appeared to be some likelihood 
 of even voting among the commissioners, which would 
 not have been at all acceptable ; so the bishops of 
 Winchester and Rochester, who were known to be 
 in favour of the decree, were added, as Chamberlain says 
 in a previous letter, " as supernumerary " ; their votes 
 turned the scale in favour of nullity of the marriage, 
 and so the newly-made Knight was dubbed " Sir Nullitie" 
 not in admiration, we may be sure, of his father's 
 part in the business, which was fully recognised as a 
 disgraceful " job," perpetrated for the King's favourite, 
 Rochester, who, as Chamberlain tells us in this same 
 letter, was at this time November " created Baron of 
 Branspeth (Brancepeth) in Westmorland and Earle of 
 Somerset ; the action was don with much solemnitie, 
 sixe Earles assisting him, and every one dooing or 
 carieng somwhat that belonged to him, which were 
 Montgomerie, Pembroke, Southampton, Worcester, 
 Northampton, and Nottingham ; his patent was read 
 by Sir Thomas Lake, wherein among other reasons of
 
 108 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 this advancement, and besides his nobilitie and worth, 
 mention was made that partem curarum regui sustinuct 
 (he had borne a part in the cares, or offices of the King) ; 
 but it is thought he shall not stay here, but ascend one 
 step higher and shortly be made Marquis of Orkeney, 
 that his mistris may be a better woman (if it may be) 
 then she was before." 
 
 That is to say, be raised from the status of an Earl's 
 daughter to that of wife to a Marquis but Chamber- 
 lain's " if it may be " suggests and is perhaps intended 
 to suggest that " betterment " in another sense would 
 not be amiss. Carr was not, however, created Marquis 
 of Orkeney, though he probably made a bid for it. 
 
 Chamberlain, in this same letter, tells a story the moral 
 of which appears to be that gentlemen who had suits 
 in chancery against one another in those days were well 
 advised to meet only in court : " On Thursday last 
 two gentlemen, Skenington and Bray, having a sute one 
 against the other in chancerie, met by mischaunce in 
 Grayes Inne Court, and upon the first incounter were 
 both slaine, and died at one instant upon the place." 
 
 On 9 December, 1613, Chamberlain again alludes 
 to the scarcity of money : " The very guard that 
 attends the King's person now at Roiston, and the poore 
 posts that trot up and downe, are far behind hand, and 
 besides clamouring and murmurring have made many 
 fruitles petitions to the King himself for theyre pay ; 
 
 neither is there any great hope of amendment 
 
 This weeke there was 17,000 (of the last sayle of lands) 
 to come in, wherewith the Lords Commissioners for the 
 treasurie meant to have stopt some gappes, but there 
 came a restraint on Monday that all should be reserved,and 
 they say the King meanes to bestow 10,000 in Jewells 
 on the bride; the other seven is to furnish other followers." 
 
 The bride being Frances, late Countess of Essex, 
 whose marriage with Somerset was fixed for St. Stephen's 
 day ; it appears almost incredible, but everything was 
 possible with King James.
 
 UNACCEPTABLE CANDOUR 109 
 
 On 23 December, 1613, Chamberlain writes of the 
 various reports about offices, and who is to fill them. 
 This is a constant source of gossip and conjecture, the 
 King, with characteristic dalliance, preferring to leave 
 important public work neglected rather than make up 
 his mind. 
 
 " Sir Ralph Winwood, Ambassador at the Hague, 
 is in England hoping for appointment to a Secretary- 
 ship, but determined, if nothing transpires before twelfth 
 night, to return to his post ; he is told by him whom he 
 may beleve, that but for Sir Thomas Overburie he had 
 ben in the place longe since, when he was sent for in 
 sommer was twelvemoneth ; so that in reason there 
 shold be no let now, but that he seekes not to by-Saints, 
 or that he is reputed somwhat harsh, and too plain a 
 speaker for the tender eares of this age ; indeed he is 
 somwhat too quicke and nimble to kepe tune with the 
 slownes and faineautise of this time." 
 
 Plain speaking was not popular with James and his 
 ministers ; indeed, it may well be questioned whether 
 it is ever popular, save at some crisis, as a last resource. 
 Corruption was rampant in every state department, 
 ministers and their underlings feathering their own 
 nests, while the coffers were empty. It will be noticed 
 that Sir Thomas Overbury was said to have stood in 
 Winwood's way in the previous year ; this was when he 
 was understudy to Carr, who left a great deal in Over- 
 bury's hands, while he philandered with Lady Frances. 
 
 " Sir Francis Bacon prepares a maske to honor this 
 mariage which will stand him in above 2,000, and though 
 he have ben offered some helpe by the house, and specially 
 by master Sollicitor, Sir Henry Yelverton, who wold 
 have sent him 300, yet he wold not accept it, but offers 
 them the whole charge with the honor ; mary his obliga- 
 tions are such as well to his ma tlc ' as to the great Lord 
 and to the whole house of Howards as he can admit no 
 partners ; in the mean time his house and land at 
 Goramberie (Gorhambury, by St. Albans) is gon some say
 
 110 A JACOBEAN LETTER- WRITER 
 
 to the Earle of Somerset others to the Earle of Suffolk, 
 but his bountie is no whit abated, for he feasts the whole 
 Universitie of Cambridge this Christmas, and hath sent 
 warrants to his frends and acquaintance far and neere 
 to furnish him with venison to bestow on the Colleges ; 
 he caries a great port as well in his traine as in his 
 apparell and other wayes, and lives at a great charge, 
 and yet he pretends he will take no fees nor entermeddle 
 in mercenarie causes, but wholly applie himself to the 
 Kinges affaires." 
 
 Bacon was not by any means the only man whose 
 expenditure appeared to exceed all probable sources of 
 income. 
 
 Writing a few days later, on 30 December, to Alice 
 Carleton, Chamberlain naturally has a great deal to 
 say about the wedding, which took place on the 26th. 
 " The mariage was upon Sonday without any such 
 braverie as was looked for, only four of his followers 
 bestowed cost on themselves, the rest exceeded not 
 either in number or expence. She was maried in her 
 haire, and led to chappell by her bridemen, a Duke of 
 Saxonie (that is here) and the Earle of Northampton, 
 her great uncle, the Dean of Westminster preached, 
 and bestowed a great deale of commendation on the 
 young couple, on the Countesse of Salisburie, and the 
 mother vine (as he termed her) the Countesse of Suffolk ; 
 the Deane of the Chappell coupled them, which fell out 
 somwhat straungely, that the same man shold marrie 
 the same person, in the same place, upon the self same 
 day, after sixe or seven yeares (I know not whether), 
 the former partie yet living ; all the difference was that 
 the Kinge gave her the last time, and now her father ; 
 the Kinge and Quene were both present, and tasted 
 
 wafers and ypocras as at orindarie weddings 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterburie was at the mariage, but 
 not the bishop of London. Sir Rafe Winwood was there 
 likewise, and had a very fayre payre of gloves of three 
 pound price, which he well deserved, for he made a suit
 
 THE MARRIAGE OF SOMERSET 111 
 
 of apparell against this wedding of only doublet, hose 
 and cloke, all blacke and without any kinde of gold silver 
 or embroiderie, that cost him above four score pound, 
 which I write that you may see how unreasonablie 
 thinges are risen here, and what a chargeable world 
 we live in." 
 
 " Profiteering " tailors were evidently not unknown 
 in the time of James the First. 
 
 Lady Frances was married, as Chamberlain says, 
 " in her hair " i.e., with her hair hanging down of 
 set purpose, no doubt ; for this was an accepted token of 
 maidenhood, and served to illustrate and emphasise 
 the plea by means of which she secured the decree of 
 nullity ; also, she had, it is said, a very fine head of hair. 
 
 And so this outrageous union was perpetrated, with 
 high commendation of bride and bridegroom, who had 
 three months previously deliberately caused the death 
 of Sir Thomas Overbury in the Tower ; and of the 
 " mother vine," the Countess of Suffolk, who had proved 
 herself a very bad and neglectful mother, and was, no 
 doubt, accessory to the murder, together with her 
 husband the Earl, formerly well known as Lord Thomas 
 Howard, a fine fighting seaman, but now sadly deteri- 
 orated ; it is impossible that they should have been 
 blind to the villainous plotting which was going on under 
 their very noses, with Suffolk's uncle, the Earl of North- 
 ampton, at the head of it. 
 
 In a letter of 5 January, 1614, Chamberlain makes 
 further allusion to the wedding, with more details 
 concerning the presents. The Lord Mayor was ordered 
 by the King to entertain the Earl and Countess in the 
 city ; the worthy man tried to get out of it by pleading 
 the incapacity of his house for the purpose, but was told 
 that he might use the biggest hall in the city ; so he 
 and the aldermen set to work, and received them in the 
 Merchant Taylors hall, at vast expense ; and Sir Ralph 
 Winwood, being asked to lend his four fine horses to 
 draw the Countess' coach, "made answer that it was
 
 112 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 not for such a lady to use anything borrowed, and 
 therefore the next morning presented them to the great 
 Lord, who made some difficultie at first to receve them 
 of guift, but only as lent for this solemnitie of going 
 through the citie ; but in the end tooke them in very 
 goode part." 
 
 He would ; the " great Lord " was by no means above 
 taking all he could get. 
 
 A letter of 10 February, 1614, commences in very 
 characteristic terms : " My very goode Lord, because 
 I love not to be long held in suspense myself, in any 
 thing the issue wherof I am desirous to know, I make 
 the same judgement of your disposition, and therefore 
 have thought goode to acquaint you with that litle 
 (or rather nothing) that hath ben don since I wrote last 
 weeke." 
 
 Then follows a whole rigmarole of conjecture, of 
 fruitless interviews and scheming on his friend's behalf, 
 with scraps of gossip thrown in ; we hear again of 
 Heydon, who fought the bloody duel with Sir Robert 
 Mansel some thirteen years earlier : " At this wedding 
 (of Lord Roxborough and Jane Drummond) there fell 
 out a brabble or quarrell twixt the Earle of Essex and 
 younge Heydon (with one hand), which was to be decided 
 presently, but that whiles the other went to fetch his 
 sword the Earle was stayed upon the water by the 
 Archbishop of Canterburie ; the Quene tooke this as 
 an affront to her feast, and there is great fault laide on 
 Heidon, who is committed to the fleet, and if he find 
 not the better frends may pay deerly for it ; the day 
 was dismall to him and his house, for that morning 
 there was a decree in Chauncerie that the Sheriffe and 
 Justices of Norfolk shold raise the countrie and throw 
 his father out of possession (which he kept by force) 
 of all the land he hath." 
 
 In a letter of 17 February, 1614, occurs the following: 
 " Now to the later purpose of your letter of the 21th 
 of January, I know not what to aunswer nor which way
 
 TOO MANY BUSYBODIES 113 
 
 to advise, knowing how subject I am to be misconstrued 
 and misinterpreted even in my best meaning ; only I 
 could wish she had a better errand home, then to be 
 driven thence with discontent, which I know must be 
 great that should make her leave you whom she ever 
 held so deere, and the place that she seems almost in 
 all her letters to take such delight in, specially the 
 exchaunge beeing no way for the better, but unkindnes 
 will work further upon some natures then patience can 
 suffer, or Providence prevent ; and therefore I will 
 entermeddle no further in it for the present, but wish 
 her to be well advised, and will take the lesse care be- 
 cause I know she shall not want your best assistance 
 and furtherance which way soever she take." 
 
 This evidently refers to Alice Carleton, Chamberlain's 
 dear friend ; but the reason of her discontent and 
 contemplated return is not stated ; Chamberlain wrote 
 to her on the same day, but did not allude to the matter. 
 The latter was sent separate, not enclosed with her 
 brother's. 
 
 On 3 March, 1614, Chamberlain discusses another 
 canard about a successor being named to Carleton at 
 the Hague, emanating on this occasion apparently from 
 Carleton himself ; but Chamberlain is too old a hand 
 at gossip to be readily persuaded : " We have here so 
 litle busines, and so many busie-bodies that we are faine 
 to find worke by discourse." 
 
 On 31 March Chamberlain reports that Sir Ralph 
 Winwood has been made a principal Secretary of State 
 two days previously, and adds at the end of his letter: 
 "It is yet but young dayes so that I know not what is 
 like to fall out about your stay or remove ; I have put 
 him in mind of it, and I doubt not but he will do what 
 lies in him for the best, so that you shall need no better 
 sollicitor then yourself in whatsoever shall concern you." 
 
 He certainly had no better sollicitor than his friend, 
 John Chamberlain.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS 
 April, 1614 March, 1616 
 
 THE talk at this time is all about the Parliament which 
 is to assemble in April, and the important measures 
 then to be taken for the general good ; but they reckoned 
 without their James ! 
 
 Chamberlain, writing on 7 April, 1614, describes the 
 opening of Parliament : " The Kinge made a long and 
 an excellent speach, consisting of three principall parts, 
 wherein all his care lay, to continue to his subjects 
 bona animi, bona corporis, and bona fortunae, by main- 
 taining religion, preserving of peace, and seeking theyre 
 properitie by encreasing of trades and trafficke ; he 
 made many fayre promises, and that he wold not presse 
 them beyond theyre goode will ; in conclusion he wisht 
 they might not be straungers, but they they wold have 
 recourse to him in all theyre busines, at whose handes 
 they shold alwayes find easie audience and gracious 
 usage." 
 
 An excellent speech, truly ; royal speeches at the 
 opening of Parliament are usually excellent, and com- 
 monly only " royal " insomuch as they are approved 
 by the King, and read by him to the House ; this speech 
 by King James was possibly framed by Chamberlain's 
 friend, Sir Ralph Winwood, in his newly-acquired dignity 
 as a principal Secretary of State, though the hand of 
 James appears in the Latin phrases ; -he was never happy 
 unless he could introduce some classical quotation 
 or Latin aphorism. 
 
 114
 
 THE PARLIAMENT OF LOVE 115 
 
 Kings' speeches, however, though composed by some 
 accomplished permanent official, and more or less stereo- 
 typed in form, bear the Sovereign's imprimatur, and 
 their weight and significance must be gauged to some 
 extent by his capacity and personality, his sincerity of 
 purpose and his conception of his duty towards his 
 subjects. It is to be feared that this speech of James 
 the First would come badly out of the ordeal ; he was 
 destitute of all the attributes which constitute a worthy 
 monarch or efficient statesman. 
 
 Chamberlain expresses natural anxiety concerning 
 Winwood's success in his new office ; not through any 
 misgiving as to his capacity, which was probably 
 admitted on all hands, but by reason of the jealousies 
 and intrigues which beset a man in high position, until 
 he should establish himself as to be able to rise above 
 them. 
 
 In his next letter, dated 24 April, Chamberlain 
 writes : " On Saterday in the afternoone the King made 
 a speach to the whole assemblie in the great banketting 
 chamber, wherin he layde out his wants, and descended 
 as it were to intreatie to be relieved, and that they wold 
 shew theyre goode affections toward him in such sort, 
 that this parlement might be called the parlement of 
 love." 
 
 Characteristic of James ; but the sobriquet was not 
 earned. 
 
 On 26 May, 1614, Chamberlain tells of a bitter dis- 
 cussion which took place about the laying on of imposi- 
 tions or duties ; Sir Henry Wotton " made a very 
 mannerly and demure speach for the maintenance of 
 them, alleaging Spaine Fraunce and Italic for example " ; 
 he was supported by Sir Ralph Winwood and others, but 
 the motion was vigorously opposed by several members 
 in speeches which were not as " mannerly and demure " 
 as Wotton's ; " but the boldest bayard of all was 
 Wentworth (Sir Thomas, M.P. for Yorkshire, afterwards 
 Earl of Strafford), who saide that the just reward of the
 
 116 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Spaniards impositions was the losse of the Low Countries, 
 and for Fraunce that theyre late most exacting Kings 
 died like calves upon the butcher's knife, and that such 
 princes might read theyre destinie in the 45 of Ezechiell, 
 verse 7 or thereabouts, but specially in Daniell, the 11 
 chap., verse 20." 
 
 Wentworth was then only one-and-twenty. The 
 texts of Scripture to which he alludes are as follows : 
 " Thus saith the Lord God ; Let it suffice you, O Princes 
 of Israel, remove violence and spoil, and execute judg- 
 ment and justice, take away your exactions from my 
 people saith the Lord God." Ezekiel, 45, 9. 
 
 " Then shall stand up in his estate a raiser of taxes 
 in the glory of the Kingdom, but within few days he 
 shall be destroyed, neither in anger nor in battle." 
 Daniel, 11, 20. 
 
 Sir Thomas Wentworth had doubtless looked up 
 these passages beforehand ; he was determined, in spite 
 of his youth, to attract attention to himself, and achieve 
 some measure of notoriety ; he was destined later to 
 attain to a more lofty plane of fame. 
 
 It was decided to ask the Lords to confer on the 
 subject, but they voted against such conference. " This 
 refusal," says Chamberlain, " is like to breed no goode 
 bloude, and yesterday there was a new cole kindled 
 that if it be not the sooner quencht may burst out into 
 a bright flame ; it being notified to the house that in 
 the arguing of this cause the Bishop of Lincoln had 
 geven scandalous speaches of them ; as that they were 
 a factious, mutinous, seditious assemblie, that they 
 strake at the very roote of the King's prerogative and 
 did catch at his crowne, with other like speaches uttered 
 against them, diswading the Lords from the conference 
 with them. These were lowde wordes if they can be 
 proved, but I see not yet how they can take notice of 
 them ; yet they were there tossed up and downe, and 
 many glaunces and girds passed upon him and his 
 person which were too long to set downe all, but ex uno
 
 A BISHOP'S INDISCRETION 117 
 
 disce omnes it was demanded which of the Lincolns 
 it might be, whether the spirituall or temporall Lord ; 
 for they were so equal in ignorance, impudence and 
 other such honorable qualities, that it were hard to 
 distinguish them." 
 
 A " Parliament of Love ! " The dragging into the 
 controversy the name of the Earl of Lincoln Henry 
 Clinton, second Earl was a purely gratuitous piece of 
 quasi-humour ; he had nothing whatever to do with 
 the matter. He was an old man at this time, well entered 
 in his seventies ; he was one of the peers appointed 
 on the trial of Mary Queen of Scots, in 1586. 
 
 Richard Neile (or Neyle), bishop of Lincoln, was a 
 man of some note. Queen Elizabeth was pleased to 
 approve of his preaching and that lady was somewhat 
 difficult to please in such matters and he was a favourite 
 with King James. He was compelled to acknowledge, 
 however, that he had made use of strong language, 
 unwarranted by facts, towards the members of the 
 House of Commons, and is said to have apologised 
 with tears ; but further charges and recriminations 
 continued until the dissolution of Parliament. Neile 
 is said to have been a man of little learning hence 
 perhaps the banter of the Commons but of much 
 address and great business capacity. He was a Privy 
 Councillor, and sat regularly in the Star Chamber. 
 He was made Archbishop of York in 1631, and died in 
 1640. 
 
 Chamberlain, writing on 1 June, 1614, alludes further 
 to this episode, and to the delays which resulted in the 
 more important work of Parliament : " In the mean 
 time the bishop hath been well baited, and his whole 
 life and cariage laide open and anatomised." 
 
 The King was naturally annoyed over the business 
 and wrote to the Commons accusing them of having dis- 
 cussed the matter of dissolution in connection with this 
 dispute ; an accusation which appears, upon the surface, 
 wilfully disingenuous, so the Speaker with a strong
 
 118 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 deputation waited upon the King to reassure him on 
 this head ; but, as Chamberlain repeats, the delay was 
 disastrous ; and he adds " there be many bones cast 
 among them to get them at variance among them- 
 selves." 
 
 Chamberlain's next letter, dated 9 June, 1614, con- 
 tains a fair summary of the rapid disintegration and 
 downfall of this futile session : " I receved yours of 
 the 23th of May presently upon the sending away of 
 my last of the first of this present ; since which time 
 here hath ben some alteration, but still to the worse ; 
 for while the parlement was eager in pursuit of the 
 bishop of Lincoln, and wold not be satisfied with the 
 Lords aunswer, nor with the interpretation of his owne 
 meaning, and retractation of his wordes even with teares 
 in the Upper House, and grewe every day more fierie 
 and violent in theyre speaches, the King sent them 
 a letter the third of this moneth wherby he signified 
 unto them that for divers reasons and respects he meant 
 to dissolve the parlement as this day, unles in the mean 
 time they fell roundly in hand to consider and provide 
 how to relieve his wants, neither wold he expect or 
 receve other aunswer from them then the speedy effecting 
 of this busines ; this peremptorie message wrought 
 diversely with them, and made some of them put water 
 in theyre wine, seeing the time of theyre raigne so neere 
 an end ; but the greater sort grew more averse and wold 
 not descend to so sodain resolution ; many bold and 
 petulant speaches passed that day (for they sat long), 
 but above all Christopher Neville younger sonne of 
 the Lord Abergeyny (Abergavenny) was most noted 
 for a curious premeditat declamation made for some 
 other time (but shold have ben lost if not spoken now) 
 wherin among many other sentences he saide that 
 Nunc Principes ita grassantur ut potius sit mori quam 
 Vivere (nowadays Lords do so encroach that it were 
 better to be dead than to live) ; and spared not great 
 personages about the Court, calling them arrisores
 
 DISORDERLY COMMONS 119 
 
 (flatterers) and arrosores (those who bite or gnaw), 
 which he englished spaniells to the King and wolfes 
 to the people, with much other like stuffe not worth the 
 remembering ; neither were others behind in glauncing 
 at principall peeres and counselors ; and Hoskins 
 forsoth must have his oare in the boate and tell them 
 that wise Princes put away straungers, as Canute 
 when he meant to plant himself here sent back his 
 Danes, and the Palsgrave had lately dismissed all the 
 English that were about the Lady Elizabeth, and withall 
 (to what purpose he knowes best) put them in mind 
 of Vesperae Sicilianae ; you may judge of the rest of 
 these scantlings, wherupon it was thought best to stay 
 the belles ; and the next day beeing Saterday the 
 speaker was sicke and the house sat not ; and by Mon- 
 day it was knowne there was a commission out to dissolve 
 the parlement, wherupon the wiser sort propounded 
 meanes to pacific and some way to satisfie the King, but 
 there were so many difficulties in the manner, and the 
 time so short that nothing could be don, and withall 
 they were so malcontent that theyre conference about 
 the impositions was refused, the bishop protested against 
 them, and now to be so peremptorilie pressed, that 
 beeing somwhat out of frame before, this did quite 
 distemper them, and made them careles which way the 
 world went. The truth is, it shold seeme by theyre 
 cariage, and by that I have heard from some of them, 
 that there was never knowne a more disorderly house, 
 and it was many times more like a cockpit then a grave 
 counsaile, and many sat there that were more fit to 
 have ben among roaring boyes then in that assemblie. 
 Upon Tewsday they sat again, but nothing passed 
 worth the remembrance saving that Sir Henry Wotton, 
 for some indiscreet and undecent language used to 
 Sir John Savile, was cried downe and in great daunger 
 to be called to the barre, but scaped it narrowly before 
 they rose. Sir Connisbie, gentleman usher of 
 the Upper House, was sent to notifie unto them that the
 
 120 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Lords had a commission by vertue wherof they required 
 theyre presence ; when they came the commission 
 directed to the two Archbishops the Chauncellor and all 
 the privie Counsaile of that house was read, wherby 
 they had authoritie to dissolve the parlement, and so 
 they did, wherby this meeting or assemblie is to be 
 held a blancke parlement, or rather a parlee only, not 
 having so much as the name of a session, but (as the 
 wordes went) parlamentum inchoatum. Presently upon 
 the dissolution pursuivants were redy to warne divers 
 to be the next day at the Counsaile table, from whence 
 Christopher Neville, Sir Walter Churt, Hoskins and 
 Wentworth were yesterday sent to the towre, Sir John 
 Savile confined to this towne for a time ; Sir Samuel 
 and Edwin Sandes, Sir Dudley Digges, Sir Roger Owen, 
 Thomas Crew, Hackwell and others (I remember not) 
 that had parts appointed them by the house in the 
 matter of impositions, were enjoyned to bring in theyre 
 notes and papers to bee burnt sic transit gloria mundi. 
 The Lord Privy Scale (Earl of Northampton) that hath 
 languished a long time and lieu at Greenwich above 
 this moneth, came home yesterday all along towne with 
 more than forty horse, which was much noted for the 
 manner and the time." 
 
 Some further light is cast upon these incidents in a 
 letter from Sir Ralph Winwood to Dudley Carleton, 
 dated 16 June, 1614 : " The impositions were the 
 great grievance, also a speech of the Bishop of Lincoln 
 taxing the Commons with sedition, and the King's 
 messages were thought to abridge the liberty of the 
 House. The break-neck was some seditious speeches, 
 which made the King impatient, and it was whispered 
 to him that they would have his life, and that of his 
 favourites before they had done, on which he dissolved 
 them." (Cal. State Papers). 
 
 Chamberlain, in his next letter, dated 30 June, 1614, 
 says : " Upon examination it fell out there was a plot 
 discovered to overthrow all orderly proceedings in this
 
 DEATH OF NORTHAMPTON 121 
 
 parlement, and to make it utterly voyde, by insisting 
 upon daungerous points, as taking away impositions, 
 restoring of silenced Ministers, and removing the Scottes, 
 with other matters likelie to make the King loose all 
 patience ; and for this purpose Hoskins was emboucht, 
 abetted, and indeed plainly hired with monie to do that 
 he did." 
 
 John Hoskins was called to the bar in 1602 ; he was 
 well known as a wit, and was M.P. for Hereford in 1604, 
 and re-elected in 1614. His allusion to Scottish favourites, 
 and the hint of a possible repetition of the Sicilian 
 Vespers i.e., of a massacre was the ground of his 
 apprehension and consignment to the Tower ; it was 
 probably a wild and futile threat. He was a prisoner 
 for twelve months. 
 
 The Journal of the House of Commons bears witness 
 to the state of excitement and disorder described by 
 Winwood ; members were obviously shouting each 
 other down, regardless of manners or etiquette ; there 
 are pages of incoherent matter ; the first sentence of 
 an intended speech abruptly interrupted by an outburst 
 as brief. In the Lords' Journals it is recorded that the 
 Bishop of Lincoln " did express, in terms of great 
 passion, much grief that his words had been misconstrued 
 and strained further than he ever meant." 
 
 In this letter also Chamberlain mentions the death, 
 on 15 June, of Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, 
 the accomplished intriguer and flatterer ; he was seventy- 
 four years of age, and had been more or less in disfavour 
 and in difficulties until the end of Elizabeth's reign, 
 when she took him into favour, and James heaped 
 honours upon him ; he was Warden of the Cinque 
 Ports, Lord Privy Seal, and Chancellor of Cambridge 
 University. " He was so hart whole," says Chamberlain, 
 " and so little expected death that he had not made his 
 will till the day before he died, and Sir Robert Cotton 
 his old frend was the man that put him in mind of it, 
 telling him there was no other way with him ; but for
 
 122 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 his goode newes among all his frends and legacies he 
 gave him never a pennie. . . . His house by Charing 
 Crosse goes to the Earle of Suffolk." This was the well 
 known Northumberland House, which stood at the top 
 of the present Northumberland Avenue, and was 
 pulled down when that thoroughfare was made, in 
 1874. 
 
 " The day of his death, or next before, he wrote a 
 letter to the King, with this superscription, Detur 
 dignissimo ; " which is precisely what one would have 
 expected of him ; as was also his stipulation, in a letter 
 to the Earl of Somerset, that " the Earl of Pembroke 
 and the Lord Lisle shold not have any of his offices, 
 because accounting them his ennemies he wold not 
 they shold triumph over him when he was gon ; these 
 and such other passages make the world speake hardly 
 of him, and to say, ut vixit sic morixit " (an unpardon- 
 able though doubtless intentional slaughter of the verb 
 morior, for the sake of the little rhyme). 
 
 The " inchoate " parliament having failed to provide 
 for the King's pecuniary needs, we are told in this same 
 letter : " At the breaking of the Parlement the bishops 
 agreed among themselves to give theyre best peece of 
 plate, or the value of it in present monie as a speedy 
 benevolence to supplie the King's want. The Archbishop 
 of Caunterburie began with a basen and ewre, and 
 redeemed it with 240, the bishop of Winchester as 
 much, Ely 220, et sic de caeteris ; the noblemen 
 followed the example ; the Lord Chamberlain and Lord 
 Somerset gave each 200, the Earl of Salisbury 300, 
 the rest lesse but no man more," etc. 
 
 To such straits were they reduced to " raise the 
 wind." 
 
 On the same day Chamberlain wrote Alice Carleton, 
 but the greater part of the letter is devoted to problems 
 of horticulture. 
 
 On 7 July, 1614, he writes to Carleton: "We are 
 now upon a new straine, and there is question made
 
 CHAMBERLAIN WARNS CARLETON 123 
 
 whether the parlement be dissolved or no ; the reason 
 wherof is that the naturalisation of the Prince Palatin 
 passing both houses, confirmed by the King, and sent 
 away under the great Scale argues an Act, and so a 
 session, in which case many former Acts of great con- 
 sequence usually made to continue till the next session 
 being no longer authorised shold fall to the ground ; 
 and there is no other way to salve it (the case being so) 
 but by finding error in the commission of dissolution ; 
 whether this will fall out so or no I know not, but much 
 speach there is that they shall assemble again this next 
 winter." 
 
 This report is, however, contradicted in a letter of 
 22 July ; in which also Chamberlain feels it incumbent 
 upon him as a friend to warn Carleton about the fre- 
 quency and length of his despatches : " Likewise there 
 is another point which though I am loth to touch, or 
 to entermeddle with matters above my compasse, yet 
 seeing I have heard it two severall wayes from goode 
 handes I cannot conceale ; that your sedulitie and length 
 are not alwayes so welcome as perhaps you imagin, for 
 even the best things may breed satietie ; but as I saide 
 though this be beyond my reach yet I hope you will 
 thincke it no presumption, seeing it proceeds of meere 
 zeal and goode meaning." 
 
 Carleton's official letters are held to be models of 
 such documents ; probably his spontaneous fluency 
 and command of language would not always be accept- 
 able in the realms of Red Tape ; Chamberlain was not 
 afraid to exercise the highest privilege of friendship. 
 
 On 4 August Chamberlain alludes to Carleton's 
 impending translation from Venice to The Hague, which 
 had so long been discussed and schemed for ; the best 
 route is under consideration, and there is every indication 
 of an immediate move. 
 
 On 12 October, 1614, however, Chamberlain writes 
 to Mr. Isaac Wake, who was to remain as agent in Venice 
 pending the appointment of Carleton's successor
 
 124 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 " Comming to towne the last weeke I met with the 
 unexpected newes of my Lord Ambassador's removing 
 from Venice countermanded ; which I could not at 
 first beleve till Mr. Secretarie himself confirmed it unto 
 me, and that there was order gon three or fowre severall 
 wayes to stay and cause him to return e though he were 
 well advaunced in his journey (as I make no question 
 but he was) ; the reason of all which you know better 
 there then we can ayme at here at home ; though I 
 partly guess at the motives of this sodain resolution, 
 which are scant worth the trouble and disturbance it 
 brings with it, which must needes be extraordinarie, 
 having disfurnished himself of house and all thinges 
 necessarie upon his departure, and I doubt he will return 
 but slenderly accompanied if he meet with these 
 directions on this side the mountaines, for that some 
 wilbe loth to repasse them if they have once overcome 
 the worst of the journey." 
 
 Chamberlain's letter, dated 4 November, 1614, is 
 addressed to Sir Dudley Carleton at Venice, and contains 
 no allusion to the Ambassador's unexpected recall 
 thither. 
 
 The King has been thrown while hunting and badly 
 bruised ; " the fortune of Villiers (George Villiers, 
 afterwards Duke of Buckingham] the new favorit seemes 
 to be at a stande or at least not to go very fast forward, 
 for when it was expected he shold be made of the bed 
 chamber, one Carre (or Carr) a bastard kinsman of the 
 Lord Chamberlain (Earl of Somerset] is stepet in and 
 admitted to the place ; and yet most men do not beleve 
 that the world goes altogether so well on that side as it 
 was wont." 
 
 The sands were, indeed, running out ; perhaps the 
 shadow of his impending downfall was already hanging 
 over Somerset, gossips already busy under their breath ; 
 the calm sea of prosperity is apt to be ruffled by " cats- 
 paws " some time before the storm actually breaks. 
 
 In a letter, dated 1 December, 1614, Chamberlain
 
 A CURIOUS MENAGERIE 125 
 
 alludes apparently to the affairs which have occasioned 
 Carleton's recall to Venice ; he is evidently apprehensive 
 as to the nature and upshot of the business, but there is 
 no enlightenment concerning it to be obtained from his 
 letter. Carleton appears to have solicited his views on 
 the matter, so it must be assumed that Chamberlain 
 was cognisant of details, but he is very careful to avoid 
 any precise reference ; perhaps fearing the possibility 
 of official interference with his letters. 
 
 From the Venetian Papers, however, it is evident 
 that Carleton's recall was due to the menace of war with 
 Spain, and trouble in connection with the States General 
 and the Duke of Savoy. The courier met him at Padua 
 on 21 October ; Chamberlain no doubt had heard on 
 the 12th that the orders had been despatched, hence 
 his letter to Isaac Wake. His wordy and somewhat 
 apologetic explanation to Carleton on 1 December is 
 not very intelligible. 
 
 On 15 December, 1614, Chamberlain dwells further 
 upon the obscurity of the dealings of Spain with the 
 Duke of Savoy, and the anxiety consequent in England ; 
 and continues : " Mr. Finet is returned out of Spaine 
 whether he caried a rabblement of presents, as pied 
 bulles and kine, grayhounds, spaniells, water dogges, 
 cormorants, hunting horses, nagges, stone bowes, cross 
 bowes, curious peeces, truncks and many things els 
 that I remember not, and for all his reward had but a 
 chaine of 200 value, and as much monie to distribute 
 among his companie, which was so unequally devided, 
 or they so unreasonable that they fell out for it shame- 
 fully." 
 
 A curious " rabblement," indeed ; Mr. Finet and his 
 companie would appear to have merited some higher 
 reward from the King of Spain for the responsibility of 
 conveying such a menagerie. 
 
 Chamberlain is anxious about the welfare of their 
 friend Sir Ralph Winwood : " Mr. Secretarie came from 
 Newmarket this' day sevenight and went yesterday
 
 126 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 to meet the King at his comming to Tibballs ; you must 
 thincke he hath his head full, when it is certainly bruited 
 (and not unprobablie as this world goes) that Sir Fulk 
 Grivell (Greville) is to have his Chauncellorship of the 
 Exchequer, to be made a baron and principall Secretarie, 
 and to have the Scales ; but how this comes about, 
 and with what conditions, I had rather you shold heare 
 of others ; but sure if this fall out, if I were Mr. Secre- 
 tarie I shold breake up schoole and go to play ; for 
 this is no world to thrive in by plaine dealing." 
 
 An old story this ! Sir Fulke Greville was not, however, 
 created Baron Brooke until 1621. 
 
 Writing on 22 December, 1614, Chamberlain has a 
 good deal to say concerning Carleton's chances of 
 removal to The Hague, which are not ripening : " I 
 assure you I put our good frend (Winwood) in minde of 
 you as often as I come in his way, but his silence or 
 
 cold aunswers geve me no great comfort I 
 
 doubt you must seeke helpe whence you had the hurt, 
 and for ought I can learne you need not feare a winter 
 journey, it will come opportunely enough toward the 
 spring ; but the worst I gather is that Sir Harry Wotton 
 wold build his tabernacle where he is, and labours to 
 put of his extraordinarship for the ordinarie place." 
 
 Wotton had been sent to The Hague as ambassador 
 extraordinary ; like Carleton, he preferred a post 
 nearer home than Venice, and being on the spot had 
 facilities for gaining it beati possidentes ! 
 
 On 5 January, 1615, Chamberlain writes : " I never 
 knew any Christmas bring forth lesse varietie of occur- 
 rents ; the world is in motion round about us, and yet 
 we have no newes ; here at home we passe on with a 
 slowe pace, and nothing fallen out worth the remem- 
 brance ; they have playes at court every night both 
 holy dayes and working-dayes, wherin they shew great 
 patience, beeing for the most part such poore stuffe 
 that instead of delight they send the auditorie away 
 with discontent We are still upon projects, and
 
 DEVICES TO RAISE MONEY 127 
 
 every day brings forth some new devise ; there was 
 lately speach of making fifty new barons at 6,000 a 
 peece, but it quickly quailed, for though the world would 
 be as vain and ambitious as ever, yet monie goes low, 
 and I thinck they shold scant have found five at that rate. 
 Now Mr. Hackwell hath a project in special request, and 
 this day the Counsaile sit upon it, having apointed the 
 Judge and officers of the Exchequer to meet about it. 
 The matter is a kind of generall pardon of all offences 
 debts and duties owing to the crowne, which shold cost 
 every man that takes it five pound ; they make account 
 the benefit wold rise to better than 400,000 ; but I 
 doubt they will find themselves mistaken in the reckening 
 if it go forward, and that it will scant amount to a quarter 
 of the monie ; once I am sure the pardons at the King's 
 comming in came not to the twentieth of that summe, 
 and it falles out usually in this kind as with projectors 
 in chimicall busines, that commonly goes away in smoke. 
 There is a gentleman of Wiltshire commonly called the 
 black Oliver St. John committed for writing a letter 
 to the towne of Marlborow (where he was a neighbor) 
 wherin he diswaded them from geving any benevolence ; 
 a minister of Kent was likewise committed for the like 
 occasion, and there is now one Pecham (Edmond Peacham) 
 a minister of Somersetshire in the towne for that and a 
 worse quarrell, having written seditious discourses, under 
 colour of petitions to the last Parlement, and presenting 
 some of them at that time to Sir Maurice Berkeley 
 and Mr. Pawlet, that were knights for that shire ; but 
 whether they read them or were made privie to the 
 contents is the question." 
 
 Edmond Peacham, rector of Hinton St. George, 
 Somerset, to which he was instituted in 1587, was a man 
 of strong puritan opinions, and also of determined and 
 somewhat aggressive character. In 1603 he had been 
 accused of " uttering in a sermon seditious and railing 
 words against the King, and more especially against his 
 counsellors, the bishops and judges," but no serious
 
 128 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 penalty seems to have been inflicted on that occasion. 
 Encouraged, perhaps, by this leniency, he took occasion 
 in his sermons to proclaim his disgust with the policy 
 of King James in Church and State. James Montagu, 
 who became bishop of Bath and Wells in 1608, admon- 
 ished Peacham, and reprimanded him in his Consistory 
 Court. Peacham retaliated by writing a book against 
 that Court for private circulation in manuscript, and 
 also bi ought grave charges against his bishop's character. 
 When, in 1614, he was asked to subscribe to the " bene- 
 volence " to supply the King's wants, he answered, 
 with St. Peter, " Silver and gold have I none," but what 
 he had he would give, which was his prayers for the King. 
 In December, 1614, he was arrested on the charge of 
 libelling Bishop Montagu ; but on searching his house 
 some notes for a sermon and other documents were 
 discovered, in which he roundly accused James and 
 his ministers of misconduct and extravagance, and the 
 ecclesiastical courts with tyrannical exercise of their 
 powers ; but the King's sudden death and a rebellion 
 of the people would be, he said, the probable outcome 
 of these misdeeds. Peacham, it will be observed, had 
 never uttered or published these accusations ; never- 
 theless they were treated as of treasonable intent. 
 When he was examined he offered no defence, and refused 
 any explanation. Then it was recollected that the people 
 of Somerset had displayed great unwillingness to sub- 
 scribe to the benevolence. The King was very angry 
 over Peacham's remarks about himself, and urged the 
 Council to use every means to ascertain whether he had 
 been engaged in a conspiracy in Somerset to defeat the 
 King's ends ; but evidence was lacking, and the prisoner 
 maintained a stubborn silence. It was therefore deter- 
 mined to put him to the torture of the rack, which, 
 though not recognised as a legal method of extorting 
 from a prisoner evidence against himself, was declared 
 by Sir Francis Bacon to be permissible " for discovery," 
 i.e., for obtaining general information about a plot,
 
 TRIAL OF EDMOND PEACHAM 129 
 
 and name of conspirators, etc. So this elderly man 
 Chamberlain says in a later letter that he was getting 
 on for seventy was subjected to torture ; he was 
 examined " before torture, in torture, between tortures, 
 and after torture," but " nothing could be drawn from 
 him." This brutal business having failed to break down 
 his high courage, it was resolved to try him on the charge 
 of high treason. He was tried at Taunton on 7 August, 
 1615, was found guilty and sentenced to death ; the 
 sentence was not carried out, however, and on 31 August 
 he was examined afresh, when he admitted having written 
 the sermon, but declared that he had no intention of 
 publishing or preaching it. He died in Taunton prison 
 in 1616. On 27 March of that year to anticipate a little 
 Chamberlain wrote to Carleton: "Peacham, the con- 
 demned minister, is dead in the jail at Taunton, where, 
 they say, he left behind him a most wicked and desperate 
 writing, worse than that he was convicted for." 
 
 Peacham had lied freely at one time in his own defence, 
 alleging that the papers found in his house were written 
 by a namesake, who had visited him at Hinton, alluding 
 apparently to Henry Peacham, a contemporary, and a 
 scholar and writer. It was a queer incident altogether, 
 creditable to neither the King, his Council, nor the prisoner. 
 
 " Yesterday Alabaster, the double or treble turncoat, 
 preached before the King at Whitehall, where there were 
 many clergiemen that do not greatly applaud him, but 
 say he made a curious fantasticall peece of worke. . . . 
 Clement Edmonds is to go this day toward Holland 
 about the employment I wrote you of the marchants 
 busines ; Sir Harry Wotton as it seemes makes no great 
 haste thence, but could be content to tarrie by it ; in 
 the meantime here be one or two briguening (bargain- 
 ing ?) for the place, specially Lesieur (Sir Stephen Lesieur) 
 who followes it hard and claims a kind of promise of 
 the King, but I hope he shall go without. I saw not our 
 goode friend (Win-wood] since Friday last, when he told 
 me this much, and withall that he had speach with 
 K
 
 130 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 his ma tie about your comming thether, and that you 
 could there do him best service, which (he saide) he 
 beleved well ; but I perceve there wilbe no removing 
 till the busines of Savoy be better setled. I pray God 
 your frends you relie most on stick as well to you, and 
 play you not a trick of trust, which I speak not as know- 
 ing or mistrusting any thing, but only upon dayly triall 
 and experience that they are faithful and firme no 
 where, and therefore wish you not spem pretio emere, 
 to buy fayre wordes and promises too deare, nor to 
 depend too much upon theyre fickle fancies and 
 fortunes." 
 
 Sir Stephen Lesieur was a Frenchman, secretary to 
 the French Ambassador in England in 1586 ; he was 
 naturalised in 1589, and taken into the public service 
 in 1598 ; he was on several embassies in 1602 and later. 
 
 On 12 January, 1615, Chamberlain relates an incident 
 at the masque on Twelfth Night which indicates the 
 spirit of the King of Spain and his Ambassador in 
 London : " The only matter I can advertise since I 
 wrote the last weeke is the successe of the maske on 
 twelfth night, which was so well liked and applauded 
 that the King had it represented again the Sonday 
 night after .... but there fell out an accident before 
 it began that had almost marred the play ; for the 
 Spanish Ambassador being invited when he under- 
 stood that Sir Noel Caron (the States Ambassador) 
 was likewise to be there, he protested against it, saying 
 he was not to be present where a servant of his masters 
 vassalls should be covered, or appeare in qualitie of an 
 Ambassador ; against which exceptions there was much 
 dispute twixt him and the Lordes then present, and 
 many messages passed to and fro between them and 
 the King ; but in conclusion he wold by no arguments 
 nor precedents be perswaded, but saide it was contrarie 
 to his instructions, and so retiring himself went back 
 the same way he came ; wherupon Sir Noel Caron 
 was wisht to retire likewise and absent himself. The
 
 WOTTON PLAYS CUCKOO 131 
 
 next day the Spanish Ambassador required audience, 
 which was appointed him at three o'clock, and was 
 willed to bring his instructions with him, but he neither 
 came nor sent that day, which unmannerly part I know 
 not how he excused at his next audience, which was the 
 Monday or Tewsday following, nor how he justified his 
 braverie which is much spoken of, and like to breed 
 no goode bloude neither here nor in Holland, whether 
 Caron made a dispatch the same night." 
 
 There are further indications in his next letter of the 
 truculence and double dealing of Spain ; in this letter 
 also dated 26 January, 1615 Chamberlain writes : 
 " I had aunswered your letter of the 23th of December 
 the last weeke, if I had ben furnished with anything 
 worth your knowledge, or could have sent you any hope- 
 ful newes of your remove hitherwards, which I assure 
 you is generally desired of our captains and men of 
 warre that come from those parts, for Signer Fabritio 
 (Sir Henry Wotton) geves them litle satisfaction, beeing 
 very retired and nothing affable, ever busie and dis- 
 patching litle, so that they have small use or helpe of 
 him either at his boord or in theyre busines, and indeed 
 sticke not both there and here to professe that they wish 
 your presence, and expect better usage at your handes." 
 
 Very irritating to Carleton, who had actually started 
 on his journey westward in the autumn ; but Fabritio 
 was evidently resolved to emulate the cuckoo as far as 
 possible. 
 
 Then follows another dismal tirade about finance : 
 " Your brother Williams is halfe out of heart that with 
 all his paines and travayle he cannot yet procure your 
 monie, and it wold discourage any man to do as he doth, 
 omnem movere lapidem (to lift every stone) and yet 
 not promovere (make progress), for some time he flies 
 to the Chauncellor, some time to the Lord Treasurer, 
 and some time to Mr. Secretarie, whom he need not 
 sollicite if it lay in his power, for more then a fortnight 
 since he moved both the Lord Treasurer and Mr. Chaun-
 
 132 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 cellor severally and together, as well for you as Sir 
 Thomas Edmondes, who presseth hard, and protesteth 
 he can stay no longer where he is (Ambassador at Paris) 
 if he be not presently supplied, beeing brought so bare 
 that he is altogether both out of monie and credit ; 
 but the urgent necessitie neerer hand is such, that there 
 is no assurance to be made of fayre words and promises, 
 though they have never so goode meaning to performe 
 when they make them. Poore Questor the postmaster 
 runs up and down from one to another, and though they 
 have continuall and dayly use of him, yet can he not 
 get a pennie of 600 they owe him for postage, wherby 
 you may see how the world goes here, and what shifts 
 we are put to, neither do I conceave how matters shold 
 mend, which I write not to discourage you or put you 
 out of hope, for no doubt they must be driven to take 
 some other course and make better provision." 
 
 Chamberlain writes to Alice Carleton on the 16th 
 February, 1615, and after telling her, as usual, of all 
 the ladies recently brought to bed of sons or daughters, 
 he has a story about the King's beer : " Your neigh- 
 bor Bruckshaw hath lien this moneth or five weekes 
 in the Marshalsec, with sixe or seven of his companion 
 brewers, for that they will not yeeld to have theyre 
 drincke taken to serve the King without monie, for the 
 King's brewer cannot get a groat of sixteen thousand 
 pound that is owing him for beere, so that he hath neither 
 monie nor credit to hold out any longer ; this terme 
 they attempted by law to remove themselves and to 
 trie theyre cause, but they could not be relieved, for 
 that there came a mandate from the King wherby it is 
 become a matter of State, and out of the compasse of 
 law." 
 
 The King must have his beer, mat coelum \ Sixteen 
 thousand pounds represents a considerable quantity of 
 beer, including, of course, the supplies for his very large 
 household ; Kings and Queens drank beer in those times ; 
 Queen Bess was very appreciative of a good tap.
 
 FINANCIAL ANTICS 133 
 
 On 23 February, 1615, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 same difficulties are still and I feare wilbe in all publik 
 payments, the disorders wherof do multiplie dayly, 
 neither do I see any signe of remedy, the number of 
 projects beeing like a sort of idle dreames that vanish 
 away ; and yet I heare Pope HackwelPs pardons are 
 in great forwardness, and that within few days we shall 
 have a proclamation about them, but with what successe 
 God knowes ; in the mean time here is great want, and 
 the Quene's journey to the Bath (which shold have ben 
 the 27th of the next moneth) is prolonged till monie may 
 be gotten, and her turn is to be first served ; and withall 
 it is saide the recevers halfe yeares accounts that come 
 not in till our Lady Day are already assigned over for 
 other uses." 
 
 In a letter of the 2nd of March, 1615, we hear of 
 another scheme for raising money : " Mr. Hackewell's 
 pardons have daunced so long forward and backward 
 that it seemes they are now at length quite dasht, for 
 it doth not probablie appeare that they wilbe of value 
 or raise any great summe, though they shold be rated 
 double or treble in number and proportion to those 
 graunted at the King's comming in. Yet to kepe us in 
 breath there is now another project in speach, that 
 whereas in the tenth yeare of the late Quene there 
 was a decree made by the Earle Marshall and that court 
 that no armes shold be geven thence forward without 
 their allowance and consent, contrarie wherunto the 
 heralds since that time are saide to have dispensed 
 above 7,000 coates, it is propounded that all these shold 
 be disarmed or ungentilised, unles they will geve twenty 
 or thirty pound for confirmation of theyre gentrie." 
 
 There is a sort of comic opera flavour about these 
 grotesque proposals ; one is reminded of the Duke of 
 Plaza Toro in " The Gondoliers," and half expects to 
 turn the page and find the King posing as " James the 
 First, Limited " with a monopoly, of course, of paid-up 
 preference shares.
 
 134 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 And with all this ghastly lack of money, Chamberlain 
 proceeds to tell of a " job " in the matter of a fat berth 
 in the King's household : " I had almost forgotten our 
 greatest newes that on Saterday Sir Arthur Ingram 
 was sworn Coferer of the King's houshold, which was 
 caried so close that it was not vented till the very instant ; 
 but the sodainnes did no way better the cause, but 
 rather put all into such a combustion that the officers 
 of the greencloth excepted mainly against it, and pro- 
 duced the King's promise and hand to the contrarie, 
 wherby he assured that those places shold passe orderly 
 and in succession ; but say what they could he was 
 sworne in the presence of the Lords Treasurer, Admirall, 
 Chamberlain, Knolles and Wotton ; having agreed 
 
 with old Sir Varney to resign his place to him 
 
 in consideration of 1,500 redy monie, 600 a yeare 
 during his life, and 200 a yeare to his wife after his 
 decease ; but the storme was not so soone pacified, 
 for all the officers in court, even to the Blacke Garde 
 seemed to take it to hart that such an indignitie shold 
 be offered, and such a scandalous fellow set over them 
 as they paint him out to be." 
 
 Here was money available for bribing the King's 
 coferer to give up his post ; a lucrative one, no doubt, 
 to an unscrupulous man; and at that time there were 
 very few scrupulous men about, when it came to diverting 
 public money to their own pockets. The King affected 
 to be convinced, and promised " that all should be 
 redressed .... but that the King would take his owne 
 time ; the Lord Chamberlain (Earl of Somerset) promised 
 that as he had ben an instrument to do them wrong, 
 so he wold do them right ; they got the Quene likewise 
 and the Prince on their side." 
 
 They got their own way, after all, it would appear, 
 for in his next letter, dated 26 March, 1615, Chamberlain 
 writes : " Sir Arthur Ingram is in a soil desurfonne 
 for Sir Marmaduke Burrell is appointed to kepe the 
 table and discharge the busines of the Coferer, and he
 
 INGRAM SUPPLIES GOSSIP 135 
 
 only to retain the name till Michaelmas that the accounts 
 may be made up, and in the mean time order taken that 
 he may be reimboursed of such monies as he hath 
 lawfully laide out or can challenge in this cause." But 
 how about his bribe and pension to old Varney and his 
 wife? 
 
 In this letter there is a long account of the fetes on 
 the occasion of the King's visit to Cambridge, but it is 
 not very interesting, and so shall not be transcribed. 
 
 In a letter of C April, 1615, to Alice Carleton, there is 
 more about Ingram : " Sir Arthur Ingram with much 
 ado is removed, and all his brave furniture caried from 
 the court ; there were many tricks and cunning passages 
 used to kepe him in, or at least to have won time, but 
 the houshold was so mainly bent to have him out, and 
 found so many good f rends that there was no abiding." 
 
 Ingram was the son of a linen draper, and was himself 
 a wealthy merchant of Fenchurch Street. He built a 
 splendid mansion at Temple Newsham, in Yorkshire. 
 The King favoured him because he had often lent 
 or given him money ; the household probably objected 
 to him on account of his plebeian origin, besides his 
 interference with the promised promotion among its 
 members. He was knighted at Theobalds on 9 July, 
 1613. 
 
 Ingram was a perfect godsend to the gossips and 
 quidnuncs in " Paul's," as Chamberlain practically 
 acknowledges in a letter of 7 April, 1615 : " During 
 his (the King's) abode here he was troubled once or 
 twice with Sir Arthur Ingram, who is loth to dislodge or 
 leave his hold, beeing no doubt animated under hand 
 to wrangle and struggle against the King's express 
 wordes and meaning, which were that he shold only 
 retain the name and the fee till Michaelmas, when his 
 monie beeing repayed he shold leave the place ; in the 
 mean time he shold neither kepe the table nor meddle 
 with the accounts. Now having furnished his lodging 
 at Court with rich hangings, bedding and silver vessells,
 
 136 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 on Friday last he sent for his diet, which beeing refused 
 him by the officers, complained and by the assistance of 
 some great Lords prevayled thus far that it was to be 
 allowed him till this day, by the King's owne appoint- 
 ment, who said he had deserved better of him then to be 
 
 sent away utterly discountenanced If this business 
 
 of Ingram's had not ben I know not how we should have 
 entertained ourselves, for this whole moneth together 
 it hath filled both court and citie with dayly newes 
 and discourse Once Ingram himself is anatom- 
 ised in every part, and so canvassed to and fro that he 
 had ben a hundred times better to have ben without this 
 new honor, though they say he be in possibilitie to be a 
 clarissimo if (according to articles) he shold marrie 
 Mistress Clare, a faire gentle-maide that hath a fine boy 
 of her owne." 
 
 Why Ingram should become a " clarissimo," or grandee 
 by wedding Mistress Clare, " according to articles," 
 is not clear. There was one Mistress Clare concerned 
 in the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury in 1613 ; at any 
 rate she is said to have offered, in conjunction with the 
 Countess of Essex, a large bribe to one Mary Woods 
 to prepare some poison ; she is possibly identical with 
 the " faire gentle-maide that hath a fine boy of her 
 owne " ; she may have been a mistress of King James, 
 or of some " great Lord," who would seek to discharge 
 himself of the responsibility of the lady and their fine boy. 
 
 On 15 June, 1615, Chamberlain has some more to say 
 about money-raising schemes : " The project of pardons 
 was on foot again, but finally defeated the last weeke, 
 as likewise Silvanus Scorie's (or Skory) devise for inlarg- 
 ing the privileges of Baronnetts, to be no wardes, to be 
 justices of peace at 21 years of age, deputie lieutenants 
 at 25, that theyre bodies shold be free from arrests, 
 with divers other immunities for which theyre rate shold 
 rise to 3000 a man, wherby the King's wants might be 
 much relieved out of the vanitie and ambition of the 
 gentrie ; he had often accesse to his ma tie> and pleased
 
 137 
 
 himself much with the invention and hope that he and 
 his heyres (for this service) shold be perpetuall Chaun- 
 cellors of that order ; but after much discussing the 
 busines was overthrown, and he dismissed with a flowte 
 that argentum ejus versum est in scoriam, et aurum 
 mori chalcum, which, that it might be the better under- 
 stod, was thus englished, that his silver was turned to 
 drosse and his gold to alchimie." 
 
 This " flowte " in Latin, with the play upon Scory's 
 name, savours of King James himself. Baronets, at the 
 institution of the order in 1611, were required to pay for 
 the maintenance of thirty soldiers in Ireland for three 
 years, at eightpence a day per head, which amounted 
 to l per diem, or 1095 in all. 
 
 " Here is much speach of new barons to be made for 
 monie, which were the lesse to be misliked if it came to 
 King's cofers, but the Lord Sheffield (I know not for 
 what service) hath the graunt of one, and hath alredy 
 agreed with Sir Robert Dormer for 10,000, so that it 
 is passed the seales and he is to be created some time this 
 weeke, unles some litle controversie prolong it, for that 
 the King will make none but such as must first passe 
 thorough the order of baronnetts, and the question is 
 whether must beare that charge, the buyer or the seller." 
 
 A nice point ! But it was an expensive business, 
 getting a barony ; what does it cost in 1920 ? 
 
 On 29 June, 1615, Chamberlain writes, in allusion 
 to a report that the Bishop of Winchester aspired to be 
 Lord Privy Seal : " We are still in expectation what 
 will become of the Bishop of Winchester, who came to 
 towne in a close coach, lay hid a great while at Mr. 
 Deckham's, and now lately hath ben seen at Court 
 two or three dayes together, but whether he feed himself 
 or be fed with vaine hopes will shortlie appeare ; but 
 in the meane time it is thought a straunge ambition 
 for a man of his wisdome, yeares and infirmities to aspire 
 to a place with so many difficulties which he cannot long 
 in joy, and to suffer himself to be led along after other
 
 138 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 men's humors and uncertain promises ; but he hath his 
 reward, and the world doth descant on him at large, 
 and there was a hill clapt up upon the new exchange 
 that the bishop of Winchester (describing the man by 
 marks and circumstances) was privilie run out of his 
 dioces no man knew whether, but if any could bring 
 tidings of him to the crier he shold be well rewarded 
 for his labor. Sir Robert Dormer's creation hath ben 
 often deferred, and on Tewsday last when he thought 
 himself assured of it was put of till tomorrow, when it 
 is thought the Lord Haye shall beare him companie and 
 be made an English baron. This manner of making barons 
 is subject to the censure of wanton witts, that say baron- 
 nies were wont to be geven by entayle, but now they 
 go by bargain and sale ; and Scory (though he missed 
 the place he aymed at) cannot scape without an office, 
 for the wagges say he shalbe cheife churchwarden over 
 all England, and have the placing of women." 
 
 Thus the money-raising schemes and the more or less 
 obscure individuals who invented them became alike 
 the butts of the gossips ; and nothing was effected 
 towards any emergence from the dismal financial morass 
 in which the nation had sunk to the neck. 
 
 We learn from a letter of 13 July, 1615, that Sir 
 Robert Dormer, having presumably paid down his 
 10,000 like a man, and settled with the licensed pur- 
 veyor of baronies about the baronetcy fee, was created 
 Baron Dormer of \Vyng on 30 June ; " and the Lord 
 Haye was made an English baron by patent of a place 
 in Lancashire, but I have forgot the name." 
 
 Sir Robert Dormer was not a man of any note ; his 
 claim to a peerage lay merely in his capacity to pay the 
 price demanded ; he died on 8 November, 1616, having 
 enjoyed his honours only a little more than one year. 
 His grandson, Robert Dormer, acquired some fame as a 
 loyal and skilful Royalist soldier ; he was created Earl 
 of Carnarvon in 1628, and was killed at the first battle 
 of Newbury, 20 September, 1643.
 
 A BISHOP'S AMBITION 139 
 
 James Hay came to England with King James in 
 1603 as gentleman of the Bedchamber, and was created 
 Lord Hay on 21 June, 1606, but without a seat in the 
 House of Lords ; on 29 June, 1615, he was created 
 Baron Hay of Sawley, Co. York (not Lancashire, as 
 stated by Chamberlain) ; on 5 July, 1618, he was 
 created Viscount Doncaster, and on 13 September, 
 1622, Earl of Carlisle. 
 
 Thomas Bilson, bishop of Winchester, is said to have 
 been a very learned man, and wrote several important 
 controversial treatises ; why he should have wished 
 to quit his episcopal surroundings in order to undertake 
 a troublesome office of State one cannot imagine ; he 
 was about seventy years of age at the time, and died 
 on 18 June, 1616. 
 
 Both in this and the succeeding letter of 20 July, 
 there is further mention of Sir Arthur Ingram ; the 
 King and the gossips appear to find it equally difficult 
 to shake him off : " Sir Arthur Ingram is at last quite 
 cassiered, and on Monday Sir Marmaduke Dorrell 
 sworn coferer, and the rest of the officers rise in theyre 
 order. I heare his great frends and he are fallen out 
 about the reckening, and that they account him an 
 unfortunat and ominous knave to them." 
 
 Chamberlain is still busy over the matter of Carleton's 
 promised removal to The Hague, which continues to 
 hang fire, frequently calling upon Sir Ralph Winwood 
 to press his friend's claims : " Indeed, if I were not so 
 much at his elbow to put him in remembrance of you, 
 I shold excuse his backwardness, beeing so overladen 
 with continuall business, that I am very welcome to him 
 as one that troubles him not with any serious affaires, 
 more then at fit times to put him in mind of your busines, 
 wherein though I have not so full successe as I wish, 
 yet I must not complaine, seeing he useth me otherwise 
 with such extraordinarie favor and familiaritie that I 
 cannot grow sullen." 
 
 One may be permitted to doubt whether Chamberlain
 
 140 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 was so welcome a visitor to the busy Secretary of State 
 as he makes out ; he was fortunate in not receiving 
 a snub for his importunity. 
 
 " They have missed the mark they shot at in seking 
 to make the bishop of Winchester Lord Privie Seale, 
 whom the King hath dismissed with goode wordes, that 
 he thought well of him, and perhaps meant to bestow 
 the place upon him, but he wold take his own time, 
 and not do it at other men's instance, so that he shold 
 do well to go home, and when there were use of him he 
 wold send for him." King James's customary formula, 
 when he had already, " at other men's instance," decided 
 otherwise. 
 
 Another scandal hinted at in connection with the 
 Earl of Somerset : " Young Gibb of the bedchamber 
 is willed to absent himself, which is taken for an ill sign 
 and crosseblow to somebody els ; all the reason I can 
 heare is for carrieing a scandalous message and some 
 say a letter to Mistress Murry of the Quene's bedchamber 
 from the Lord Chamberlain." 
 
 On 24 August, 1615, Chamberlain, writing as usual 
 to Carleton, begins to realise that he is not as young as 
 he was : " I come now from reading your letter of the 
 4th of this present, wherby I understand your safe return 
 to Venice, having since Sonday last heard of your de- 
 parture from Turin by a letter of Mr. Secretaries to his 
 Lady at Ditton, whether I was invited by three or fowre 
 messages (besides that I was ingaged by promise), and 
 stayed there a whole weeke, which though I were never 
 so welcome, was a penance to me, beeing growne so in love 
 with home (or that which I make account of as home) 
 that I love no stragling journies abrode, because travayl- 
 ing by horse (for want of use) is become wearisome to 
 me." 
 
 Chamberlain was then about sixty-two years of age ; 
 " that which he made account of as home " was no 
 doubt a pretty snug bachelor " diggings," in which he 
 had grown accustomed to his little daily routine ; his
 
 DEATH OF GEORGE CHAMBERLAIN 141 
 
 breakfast at an easy hour, his gossip at " Paul's," and 
 his letter-writing. There is nothing so far in his letters 
 to indicate whether or not he had taken to smoking, 
 which came into vogue some twenty years previously ; 
 he would have found one of those curiously shaped clay 
 pipes then in use a consolation, perhaps, and a help in 
 composing his letters. 
 
 " The Lord Chamberlain lies much at Graies (Grays) 
 a house of the Lord Knolles by Henley, where his Lady 
 makes account to lie in, and they say lookes howrely, 
 yet the world is so incredulous or so malicious that the 
 most part will scant beleve there is any such matter." 
 
 This is an echo from the scandal of the Countess's 
 plea for nullity of her marriage with the young Earl of 
 Essex ; " the world " is not too ready to credit her 
 with any great desire of maternity. She did, however, 
 achieve it, and her daughter, Anne, married William 
 Russell, fifth Earl and first Duke of Bedford. She is 
 said to have been an admirable woman, and to have 
 been ignorant of her mother's misdoings until after she 
 was grown up, when, coming upon some pamphlet or 
 document which enlightened her, she fell senseless under 
 the shock, and was thus discovered with the evidence 
 beside her. 
 
 Writing on 27 March, Chamberlain, after alluding 
 to the death of Sir Henry Fanshawe, says : " I have 
 had likewise another neere losse, God having taken 
 away my brother George this last weeke, who linger- 
 ing ever since Christmas of a consumption, placide 
 obdormivit in Domino. Among other discommodities 
 of age and long life, this is not the least, to loose our 
 best friends."
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS 
 
 April, 1616 February, 1618 
 
 IN the autumn of 1615 the first rumours of foul play 
 in the matter of the death of Sir Thomas Overbury 
 had got about, and evidence speedily developed, involv- 
 ing Sir Gervase Elwes, Mrs. Turner and others, who 
 were readily convicted ; the depositions, however, cast 
 strong suspicion upon the Countess of Somerset, who 
 eventually confessed to having instigated and taken an 
 active part in the murder ; further evidence involved 
 her husband, and in the Spring of 1616 they were brought 
 to trial. 
 
 Writing on 6 April, 1616, Chamberlain says : " All 
 the alteration we have since I wrote last is that the 
 very same day the Lady of Somerset was committed 
 to the Towre upon so short warning that she had scant 
 leysure to shed a few teares over her little daughter 
 at the parting ; otherwise she caried herself every 
 way constantly enough, saving that she did passionately 
 deprecat and intreat the Lieutenant that she might not 
 be lodged in Sir Thomas Overburie's lodging, so that he 
 was faine to remove himself out of his owne chamber 
 for two or three nights till Sir Walter Raleigh's lodging 
 might be furnished and made fit for her. It is thought 
 the Lady of Suffolkes (Lady Somerset's mother) unex- 
 pected comming to towne the Saterday before did her 
 no goode, but rather hastened her commitment ; her 
 arraignment was fully resolved shold be the 15th of this 
 present, and her Lord's the day following, being the 
 Monday and Tewsday before the terme .... but 
 
 142
 
 143 
 
 since it is put of till the Monday after St. George's Day. 
 .... There is great meanes (they say) made for them, 
 and the Quene is an earnest suitor for her, whatsoever 
 the successe wilbe." 
 
 This letter is addressed to Carleton at The Hague, 
 where he was at length installed ; Chamberlain alludes 
 to the proposed surrender of the " cautionarie " towns 
 in Flanders, i.e., the towns of Brielle (or The Brill), 
 Flushing, Ostend and Rammekins, held in security for 
 the loan to the Low Countries in 1584. The Council 
 could arrive at no conclusion in the matter, " so," says 
 Chamberlain, " that now the whole resolution lies in 
 the Kinges brest, who hath had this matter in considera- 
 tion and speach with Sir Noell Caron (States Ambas- 
 sador] almost fowre yeares, and though he shold 
 be loth to let them go, yet as the case standes knowes 
 not how we shall kepe them, for monie here is none to 
 maintain them, and the souldiers are so far behind hand 
 alredy that they are redy to starve ; the States will 
 furnish them no longer, so that of necessitie they must 
 fall to oppresse the burgers, the issue wherof is easilie 
 foreseen." 
 
 On 20 April, 1616, Chamberlain writes : " The Lord 
 of Somersets and his Ladies arraignment shold hold 
 the 29th of this present, but I heare it is deferred to the 
 6th of May, or God knows when, for the world appre- 
 hends that these delayes are to some such end," i.e., 
 to allow the matter to " fizzle out " so far as the Earl and 
 Countess are concerned ; by no means an unheard-of 
 thing in those times, but it was not possible in this case 
 even had it been in contemplation. 
 
 " The business of the cautionarie townes goes forward, 
 and hath been debated again at the counsaile table, 
 where litle was saide against it, but only the respect of 
 the Kinges honor, whereto much was aunswered, but 
 specially that where the profit of the warre goes there 
 goes the honor ; I have dealt often and freely with our 
 good frend (Sir Ralph Winwood), but in truth the case
 
 144 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 stands so that lupum auribus tenemus, neither knowing 
 well how to hold nor how to let go, and for his part I 
 find him resolved and to make profession to be validus 
 contra rumor es" 
 
 On 25 May, 1616, Chamberlain writes : " I come 
 tired from hearing a peece of the Earle of Somerset's 
 arraignment, who I thincke is but now (at 8 p.m.] in 
 the middest of his aunswer, the proceeding against him 
 having continued ever since ten o'clock in the morning 
 till five that he .began to aunswer for himself, which how 
 it will succeed I cannot certainly say, for he denies all, 
 even his owne letters, saying they be counterfeited, 
 and will not be brought to write wherby to shew the 
 conformitie of the character, but sayes it is against 
 law that he shold be put to it ; he had pen and ink 
 allowed h>m to take notes, which is more then ever I 
 knew any to have heretofore. I was there by sixe o'clock 
 in the morning and for ten shillings had a reasonable 
 place, but the weather is so hot and I grew so faint 
 with fasting that I could hold out no longer ; especially 
 when I heard they had sent to provide torches, so that 
 it is verely thought he will hold them till midnight. 
 .... His Lady was arraigned yesterday and made 
 shorter worke by confessing the inditement so that all 
 was don before noone. She won pitie by her sober 
 demeanour, which in my opinion was more curious and 
 confident then was fit for a lady in such distresse, and 
 yet she shed or made shew of some few teares divers 
 times. She was used with more respect then is usual, 
 nothing being aggravated against her by any circum- 
 stances nor any invective used, but only touching the 
 maine offence of murther ; as likewise it was saide 
 to-day to be the King's pleasure that no odious or uncivil 
 speaches shold be geven ; the generall opinion is that 
 she shall not die, and many goode wordes were geven 
 to put her in hope of the King's mercie, wherin the Lord 
 Steward with the rest of the peeres promised theyre 
 best mediation. The Earle of Essex was at her arraign-
 
 NEW DIGNITIES 145 
 
 ment, but somwhat more privately then this day, when 
 he stode full in his face." 
 
 But enough of this nauseous cause celebre : " The 
 Great Oyer of Poisoning," as it was termed in a pamphlet 
 published soon afterwards ; it may be dismissed with 
 the expression of some surprise and regret that the 
 prime mover in the matter Frances, Countess of 
 Somerset and her husband and abettor did not share 
 the fate of their more humble tools and accomplices ; 
 if Sir Gervase Elwes, and Weston, and Mrs. Turner 
 deserved to be hanged, it is very certain that the Earl 
 and Countess of Somerset merited no better fate. 
 
 On 22 June, 1616, Chamberlain writes : " As I wrote 
 in my last (of 8 June) the Kinge dined that day at 
 Alderman Coquins, where he was presented with a bason 
 of gold, and as many peeces in it as together made up 
 the summe of 1,000, the Prince after the same manner 
 with 500 ; so that the whole charge of that feast stoode 
 the new companie in more then 5,200, the thanckes 
 remaining wholy with the Alderman, who at parting 
 was knighted with the citie sword." 
 
 Chamberlain is more inaccurate than usual in the 
 spelling of the Alderman's name ; it was William 
 Cokayne ; he came of an ancient family, and was a 
 wealthy and influential citizen. The banquet was given 
 at Cokayne House, in Broad Street (now the City Club). 
 
 " The mint of new dignities beeing now to be set on 
 worke, and much hammering (they say) for the Lord 
 Chauncellor to be Earle of Cambridge, Flint or Bucking- 
 ham, the Lord Lisle to be Earle of Warwick, Sir George 
 Villers (Villiers) Viscount Viilers and Earle of Leicester, 
 Sir . . . Tufton, Sir John Roper, Sir William Pope, 
 and Sir William Cope to be barrens ; but these last are 
 rather potentia then acta ; Sir ... Thin (Thynne) 
 and Sir John Hollis beeing in best possibilitie, who are 
 set downe alredy at 20,000 a peece ; and if it fall out 
 right the later s to come to our good frend's shUre, 
 who had rather have met with sombody els and set me 
 L
 
 146 A JACOBEAN LETTER- WRITER 
 
 on \vorke to win the drie-handcd knight (you know 
 whom I mean) who though he be ambitious enough, 
 yet covetousness is the more predominant." 
 
 " Our goode frend " is, of course, Sir Ralph Winwood ; 
 the " drie-handed Knight " has been previously alluded 
 to, but his identity is not clear ; Dr. Birch, in " The 
 Court and Times of James I." says he was probably 
 Sir Edward Norris. 
 
 " The Lord Cooke (Sir Edward Coke) hath had much 
 ado to beare of the storm, and whether he be yet well 
 cleered of it is a question, though the generall voyce 
 goes that on Wensday night he made his peace with the 
 King who had him coram and in longe confession ; but 
 the next day the King comming to the Star Chamber, 
 and passing him over in silence makes the world judge 
 the best of his case ; the truth is that his Lady hath 
 stoode him in great steade both in solliciting for him in 
 private and pleading for him at the Counsaile table. 
 .... This is thought not to be the least motive of his 
 safetie, that it was told the King that he could not do 
 him a greater honor then to take him downe now, for 
 wheras he was nothing well-beloved before, if he shold 
 suffer in this cause he wold be accounted the martir 
 of the commonwealth. 
 
 " Sir Thomas Dale is arrived from Virginia and 
 brought with him some ten or twelve old and younge 
 of that countrie, among whom the most remarquable 
 person is Pocahuntas (daughter to Powatan a Kinge or 
 Cacique of that countrie), maried to one Rolfe an 
 Englishman." 
 
 This Virginian princess attracted considerable atten- 
 tion. Her husband, John Rolfe, came of a Norfolk 
 family, and sailed with his wife for Virginia in June, 
 1609 ; his wife died in the following year. Rolfe was the 
 first Englishman to introduce the regular cultivation 
 of tobacco in Virginia, and became a leading settler. 
 On 5 April, 1613, he, rather astonishingly, married 
 Pocahontas (or Matoaka) a younger daughter of the
 
 PRINCESS POCAHONTAS 147 
 
 Chief or King Powhattan, who had probably been 
 concerned in the murder of some earlier colonists about 
 the year 1585. However, he seems to have been quite 
 willing that his daughter, then about eighteen, should 
 marry Rolfe ; she had meanwhile been converted to 
 Christianity, and re-named Rebecca. They had a son 
 born in 1615, who was named Thomas, and subsequently, 
 after being brought up by his uncle in England, returned 
 to Virginia and settled there. 
 
 Probably with the idea that he would thereby promote 
 good relations in Virginia, and prompted perhaps by 
 Sir Thomas Dale, King James received Pocahontas at 
 Court, and he and the Queen were very kind to her. 
 She was present in English Court dress at the Twelfth 
 night masque, with the Queen, and her portrait was 
 engraved by Simon de Passe ; her features are said 
 to have been agreeable, and the expression of her face 
 modest and not undignified. 
 
 Pocahontas, flattered and pleased by her reception, 
 and finding much attraction in the sights and society 
 of London, would willingly have remained there ; but 
 the climate was too much for her, and she went to 
 Gravesend in March, 1617, to embark for Virginia ; 
 she died, however, before the ship sailed, and was 
 buried in St. George's Church at Gravesend, where there 
 was an entry in the Parish Register " 1616 (?), May 21, 
 Rebecca Wrothe (or Wrolfe it has been transcribed 
 both ways), wyff of Thomas (John ?) Wroth, gent. 
 A Virginia lady, borne, was buried in the Chauncle." 
 
 Here there are obviously some errors in transcription ; 
 Pocahontas could not have been buried in May, 1616, 
 as there is no doubt but that she arrived in London 
 in June of that year. St. George's Church was destroyed 
 by fire in 1727, but the register may have been pre- 
 served. Probably the date of her burial should be 21 
 March, 1616 17 ; such a slip is quite feasible in copying 
 an old register ; also, her husband's name was John. 
 
 Chamberlain has more to say about Sir Edward Coke
 
 148 A JACOBEAN LETTER- WRITER 
 
 in subsequent letters ; on 6 July he writes : " On 
 Sonday last the Lord Cooke (by the Kinges expresse 
 order delivered by Secretarie W nwood) was sequestered 
 from the Counsaile table and from riding his circuit, 
 and willed to revise and correct his reports as many wayes 
 faulty and full of novelties in points of law. This was 
 the summe of the censure for his corrupt dealing with 
 Sir Robert Rich and Sir Christopher Hatton in the 
 extent of theyre lands and instalment of the debt due 
 to the King, and for wordes spoken touching the prae- 
 munire the last day of Easter terme, and for his insolent 
 behaviour when he and the Judges were before the 
 King at Whitehall .... the world discourses diversely 
 how he shold run so far into the King's displeasure, 
 and will not take these alleaged causes for sound pay- 
 ment, but stick not to say that he was too busie in the 
 late busines (i.e., the Overbury murder), and dived further 
 into secrets then there was need, and so perhaps might 
 see nudam sine veste Dianam." 
 
 Of which more anon. On the same date Chamberlain 
 writes : " The King is now at Windsor where the 
 instalment of the new Knights of the Garter is to be 
 to-morrow upon the King's charge, and this afternoone 
 there is a chapter to be held about the Earle of Somer- 
 set's armes or hachements (as they call them) whether 
 they are to be taken away or left as they are, once he 
 weares his garter still and his George, by what privilege 
 I know not, but he findes every way great favor and hath 
 alredy the libertie of the towre with the lieutenant's 
 
 companie The Lord Hay is upon parting having 
 
 lingered thus long in hope to be made of the Garter, 
 the successe wherof cannot be held now in suspense 
 beyond this day. He goes with great pompe, but they 
 say is like to be shrewdly disapointed, for having made 
 twenty special suits of apparell for so many dayes abode 
 (besides his travayling robes), newes is very lately com 
 that the French have newly chaunged or altered theyre 
 fashion, wherby he must needs be out of countenance,
 
 SOMERSET AND THE GARTER 149 
 
 if he be not set out after the last edition ; but the 
 Lady Haddington hath bestowed a favor upon him 
 that will not easilie fall to the ground, for she says the 
 flowre and bewtie of his ambassage consists in three 
 mignards (dandies), three daunsers, and three fooles 
 or buffons ; the mignards are himself, Sir Harry Rich 
 and Sir George Goring, the daunsers Sir Gilbert Hawton, 
 Ackmoutie (Auchmuty) and Aber-Crommie (Aber- 
 crombie), the fooles or buffons Sir Thomas German, 
 Sir Rofe Shelton and Sir Thomas Badger." 
 
 Lady Haddington's " favor " would certainly stick 
 to him. It appears impossible to get away from the 
 Somerset scandal. On 20 July, Chamberlain writes : 
 " The new Knights of the Garter, the Earle of Rutland, 
 Sir George Villars (Villiers) and the Lord Lisle were 
 installed at Windsor the seventh of this present, and 
 there was a chapter held about the taking downe or 
 continueng of the Earle of Somerset's hachements or 
 armes, but after long dispute, by warrant under the 
 King's owne hande they were removed higher as the 
 manner is when new come in. ... Yesterday he had 
 the libertie of the towre graunted him and Henrickson 
 and his wife had the fortune to see him with his Garter 
 and George about his necke walking and talking with the 
 Earle of Northumberland, and he and his lady saluting 
 at the window. It is much spoken of how foraign princes 
 of that order (to let our owne passe) can disgest to be 
 coupled in societie with a man lawfully and publikly 
 convicted of so fowle a fact, or how a man civilly dead 
 and corrupt in bloude, and so no gentleman shold 
 continue a Knight of the Garter, but this age affords 
 things as straunge and incompatible." 
 
 Strange enough ; but, if we are to accept the dictum 
 of Elias Ashmole, Windsor Herald, in his History of the 
 Order of the Garter, a Knight of the Garter could only 
 be degraded if guilty of heresy, treason, or flying from 
 battle ; felony does not constitute a disability ; hence 
 the retention of Somerset's hatchment was strictly
 
 150 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 within the rules of the Order. His coat-of-arms was as 
 follows : Gules, on a chevron argent three mullets 
 sable, in the dexter chief a lion passant guardant or ; 
 Supporters, dexter a lion guardant gules ; sinister a 
 stag or, attired and hoofed argent. Crest, a stag's head 
 erased, or, attired argent. His Motto was Probitas sibi 
 ipsi securitias ; like too many other folk with admirable 
 mottoes, Somerset made no attempt to illustrate it in 
 his conduct. 
 
 From a letter of 3 September, 1616, we learn that the 
 King's favourite, Sir George Villiers, was created baron 
 of Whaddon, and immediately afterwards Viscount 
 Villiers, and it is believed that he will shortly be made 
 Earl of Leicester. 
 
 On 26 October, 1616, Chamberlain writes again about 
 the case of Sir Edward Coke, who it appears disposed 
 of more than twenty of the objections to his reports, 
 leaving only five to be referred to the King : " It is 
 not the least part of his humiliation to be convented 
 in these points befor such judges as Sergeant Crew, 
 Serg. Montague and Serg. Finch, the Atturney and 
 Sollicitor, wherof the greater part (excepting the Sol- 
 licitor) are held no great men of law ; and withall to 
 find so course usage, as not to be once offered to sit 
 downe, and so unrespective and uncivil cariage from the 
 Lord Chauncellor's men, that not one of them did move 
 a hat or make any other sign of regard towards him ; 
 wherof the Quene taking notice his ma tie- hath since 
 sent word that he wold have him well used." 
 
 In the same letter occurs the following : " I heard 
 yesternight that Sir Henry Rich was gon into the feild 
 with Sir Rafe Shelton ; we shall heare this day if any 
 thing be fallen out." 
 
 A duel between a " mignard " and a " buff on " of 
 Lord Haye's embassage ; can Lady Haddington's skit 
 have been at the bottom of it ? The gentlemen may have 
 taken to calling each other names. 
 
 On 14 November, 1616, Chamberlain writes :
 
 ILL-BEHAVED KNIGHTS 151 
 
 " The Lord Cooke (Sir Edward Coke) is now quite of 
 the Nookes, and order geven to send him a supersedeas 
 from executing his place ; the common speach is that 
 fowre pp's have overthrown and put him down, that is 
 Pride, Prohibitions, Praemunire, and Prerogative " ; 
 a shrewd and probably accurate comment. 
 
 " On Saterday night the Knights of the Bath were 
 entertained by the Lord Mayor at Drapers Hall with a 
 supper and a play, where some of them were so rude and 
 unruly and carried themselves so insolently divers wayes, 
 but specially in putting citizens' wifes to the squeake, 
 so far forth that one of the Sheriffes brake open a doore 
 upon Sir Edward Sackville, which gave such occasion 
 of scandall, that they went away without the banket, 
 though it were redy and prepared for them." 
 
 It would seem as though these unruly Knights had 
 already been dining not wisely but too well. 
 
 Here is a dismal story of a murder by a " comly grave 
 man " approaching four-score years : " On Tewsday 
 one Bertram, an aged gentleman, killed Sir John Tindall, 
 a Master of the Chauncerie with a pistol charged with 
 three bullets in Lincoln's Inne, pretending he had 
 wronged him in the report of a cause to his utter undoing 
 (as indeed he was not held for integerrimus), and after- 
 wards stabbed himself once or twice, but not mortally, 
 and beeing apprehended and examined, shewed no 
 signe of remorse, saying that howsoever he had cast 
 away himself yet he had don the common- wealth good. 
 The cause breeds much discourse, the man beeing neere 
 fowrescore years old that did it, and a comly grave man 
 as is to be scene ; but the strangenes and desperatenes of 
 the fact cuts of all commiseration. Mine author Ned 
 Wimark cites Sir William Walter for saying that the 
 fellow mistooke his marke, and shold rather have shot 
 hailshot at the whole court " ; i.e., the Court of Chancery, 
 which had recently been granted wide powers in 
 reviewing sentences, etc., of the Courts of Law, to the 
 disgust of lawyers.
 
 152 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Poor old Bertram, we learn from another letter, 
 hanged himself in the King's Bench prison, dreading 
 examination and possible torture. 
 
 In a letter of 23 November, 1616, Chamberlain tells 
 of the formal installation as Chief Justice of Sir Edward 
 Coke's successor, Sir Henry Montagu ; and adds " If 
 Sir Edward Cooke could beare this misfortune constantly 
 it were no great disgrace to him, for he goes away with 
 a generall applause and goode opinion, and the King 
 himself when he told his resolution at the Counsaile 
 table to remove him, yet gave him this testimonie, that 
 he thought him no way corrupt but a good justicer, 
 with so many other goode wordes as if he meant to hang 
 him with a silken halter " but a halter, all the same ! 
 
 Chamberlain, however, adds in a postscript : " Here 
 is a bald rime of our younge gallants of Inns of Court 
 against theyre old benchers ; and a prettie epigram 
 upon the Lord Cooke, and no doubt more will follow, 
 for when men are downe the very drunkards make rimes 
 and songes upon them." 
 
 Chamberlain frequently mentions enclosures of verses 
 or quips upon prominent persons and current events, 
 but unhappily these have not been preserved. 
 
 In a letter of 7 December, 1616, he says that there 
 is a rumour afloat that " the biasing Star at court " 
 i.e., Viscount Villiers appears to be tending towards 
 an eclipse, " and that there is some glimpse or sparkling 
 of a lesse comet of the Lord of Montgomerie's lighting ; " 
 this " bruit " was, however, quite premature and 
 unfounded. 
 
 There is talk of the King's contemplated visit to 
 Scotland, and of furniture, etc., which has been sent 
 north in anticipation of it, " but," says Chamberlain 
 " all the difficulties wilbe for monie to beare the journey, 
 which how to compasse all projects must be employed, 
 and every man feares where it will light, beeing not a 
 litle terrified with a precedent of dangerous consequence 
 of one Roberts of Cornwall or Devonshire, whose father,
 
 MORE MONEY TROUBLES 153 
 
 an obscure fellow, dienge exceeding rich they say by longe 
 use of interest, there was a privie scale sent to him for 
 20,000 with intimation that as by the law the King 
 could sease on all gotten by those usurious courses, he 
 was of his clemency content to borrow but this summe 
 without interest." 
 
 A rascally business all round ! 
 
 On 21 December we hear that Sir Edward Coke has 
 twice been received by the King at Newmarket, with 
 every mark of favour, and is " as jocund and joviall 
 as ever he was ; it is generally saide he shall shortly be 
 made a baron." 
 
 On 4 January, 1617, Chamberlain writes again about 
 the scarcity of money : " I moved Mr. Secretarie 
 about your monie and he remembered well what you had 
 written to him touching that point, but sayes there can 
 no more be don then hath ben, to put the Lord Treasurer 
 and the King in mind of it, but all is one, for it is Surdo 
 canere (singing to the deaf) to either, and as the case 
 stands it is commune malum, which God knowes how 
 or when to remove, beeing past the wit of man." 
 
 King James and his advisers do not appear to have 
 contemplated the issue of paper money, that refuge of 
 the unthrifty ; what would they have thought of the 
 issue during and after the great war ? 
 
 " The Earle of Arimdell receved the Communion on 
 Christmas Day in the King's Chappell, where there were 
 two excellent sermons made that day by the bishop of 
 
 Winchester and the bishop of Ely Yesterday 
 
 there fell a great mischaunce to the Earle of Arimdell 
 by the burning of his house (built and left him by the 
 Earle of Northampton) at Greenwich, where he likewise 
 left a great deale of houshold stuffe and rich furniture. 
 . . . No doubt the Papists will ascribe and publish it as 
 a punishment for his dissembling, or falling from them." 
 
 The reconciliation of Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, 
 to the State religion occasioned a great deal of comment ; 
 his father, Philip Howard, had given his life for his
 
 154 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Faith under Queen Elizabeth, and his mother remained 
 absolutely staunch to Rome. Arundel's renunciation of 
 the old Faith was, of course, entirely a matter of policy. 
 As a Catholic he was debarred from any office of State, 
 and compelled to remain in a condition of comparative 
 obscurity ; the result of his change was speedily apparent 
 in the bestowal of sundry favours of a more or less 
 lucrative character. 
 
 On the 18th January, 1617, Chamberlain writes :- 
 " The Lord Treasurer makes account to have don a 
 great peece of service in bringing the King's revenue to 
 surmount his ordinarie expenses more then 2,000 a 
 yeare ; but Mr. Chauncellor geves out that the reconning 
 is mistaken for a very great summe." 
 
 The Lord Treasurer was the Earl of Suffolk ; he was 
 destined not long after to be accused of extensive 
 misrepresentations, in which also the Countess was 
 involved. 
 
 Chamberlain also mentions in this letter that Viscount 
 Villiers has been created Earl of Buckingham, and in the 
 following letter, dated 8 February, 1617, he writes : 
 " The Earle of Buckingham was sworne of the Counsaile 
 beeing (they say) the youngest that hath ben seen sit 
 
 at that board (Buckingham was jive-and-twenty] 
 
 His brother Christopher is come to be of the bedchamber, 
 but whether in qualitie of gentleman or groome I cannot 
 yet learne. I cannot but commend that Lord's goode 
 dispositions in doing goode to his kindred and frends, 
 though some riming companions do not forbeare to 
 taxe him for it, as one by way of a prognostication says, 
 Above in skies shall Gemini rise, and twinns the Court 
 shall pester, George shall call up his brother Jacke, 
 and Jacke his brother Kester " (Christopher ?) 
 
 Chamberlain's somewhat nctive or is it cyncial ? 
 commendation of Buckingham for his " goode dis- 
 positions : ' in finding jobs about the Court for his 
 relatives is rather quaint. 
 
 On 25 March, 1617 : " On Tewsday Sir Robert
 
 BACON, LORD KEEPER 155 
 
 Mansfeld (Mansel) married his old Mistris Roper, one 
 of the Quene's auncient maides of honor ; the wedding 
 was kept at Denmark House at the Quene's charge, 
 who gave them a fayre cupbord of plate, besides many 
 goode and rich presents." 
 
 This was Sir Robert's second marriage ; his first wife 
 was Elizabeth, sister of Sir Nicholas Bacon of Redgrave, 
 and widow of Justice Windham. The wording of Cham- 
 berlain's announcement is somewhat ambiguous, and 
 admits of an interpretation discreditable to the Admiral 
 and the lady ; it is probably accidental. 
 
 On 10 May, 1617, Chamberlain describes the ceremony 
 on the occasion of the installation of the new Lord 
 Keeper Sir Francis Bacon : " We came to towne 
 (from Ware Park) after the old manner the day before 
 the terme, and the rather to see the new Lord Keper 
 ride in pompe to Westminster as he did the next day 
 accompanied by most of the Counsaile and nobilitie 
 about this towne, with other gallants to the number 
 of more than 200 horse, besides the Judges and Inns of 
 Court ; there was a great deale more braverie and better 
 shew of horse then was expected in the King's absence, 
 but both Quene and Prince sent all theyre followers, 
 and his other frends did theyre best to honor him." 
 
 Bacon afterwards entertained the greater part of his 
 following at a feast which cost him 700 ; quite a common 
 episode at this time, while officials at home and am- 
 bassadors abroad pleaded in vain for payment of their 
 salaries, and the King was spending all the money he 
 could raise on his visit to Scotland. 
 
 " On Easter Monday the Counsaile went all to the 
 Spittle sermon and dined with the Lord Mayor." 
 
 The Spittle (or Spital) sermons were preached on 
 Easter Monday and Tuesday from a special pulpit at 
 St. Mary Spital, outside Bishopsgate ; afterwards at 
 St. Bride's, and finally at Christ Church in the city. 
 
 " I heare that the Archbishop of York (or at leastwise 
 his wife) hath obtained of the King that theyre sonne
 
 156 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Tobie Mathew may returne, but yet so that he is to be 
 under some restraint." 
 
 He did return, after an absence of about ten years, 
 and Chamberlain met him in May at Winwood's house. 
 He had, it is said, been ordained priest in 1614. Sir 
 Francis Bacon was very friendly to him, and took him 
 to his house at Gorhambury ; but Matthew persistently 
 refused to take the oath of allegiance, and was again 
 banished in January, 1619. 
 
 " The Earle of Northumberland could not divert his 
 daughter the Lady Lucie from the Lord Haye, for while 
 he had her in the towre, geving her leave dayly to visit 
 the Lady of Somerset (therby to have the better accesse 
 himself) the matter was so plotted that where he thought 
 he had safest there he lost her, and so was faine to send 
 her away seeing he could prevaile no more with her ; 
 her mother would not receve her neither, so that she 
 retired to her sister at Baynard's Castle, and since the 
 Lord Hayes going into Scotland continues at the ward- 
 robe, he having left her 2000 for her maintenance till 
 his return." 
 
 The Earl of Northumberland, it will be recollected, 
 had been in the Tower for eleven years, for complicity 
 in the Gunpowder Plot ; he is said to have been very 
 indifferent to the inconvenience of this restraint, and no 
 doubt, having the " liberty of the Tower," would not 
 be averse from having some intercourse, and perhaps 
 flirtation with Frances, Countess Somerset ; but he 
 probably made a very bad shot when he encouraged 
 his daughter to visit that lady as a safeguard against 
 the development of her intrigue with Lord Hay ; the 
 Countess, one can well imagine, would be ready enough 
 to beguile the time by encouraging and helping Lady 
 Lucy Percy to outwit her father ; and her intimacy 
 with Lord Hay must have reached a tolerably acute 
 stage when he left two thousand pounds for her main- 
 tenance during his absence. 
 
 Writing on 4 June, 1617, Chamberlain says :
 
 MANY NEW KNIGHTS 157 
 
 " We heare litle out of Scotland but that the parlement 
 is now beginning, and that our English are extraordin- 
 arilie respected, especially the nobles, to whom the 
 King makes much caresses and useth them as his guests. 
 The Earle of Buckingham is made of the Counsaile 
 there, and hath his place above the rest as master of 
 the horse ; the speach goes he shall be made Marquis 
 of Scotland, and the Lord Compton an Earle, to counter- 
 poise the Scottes that have ben ennobled here ; as 
 likewise that the Lord Haye shalbe made Earle of 
 Orkeney, and the Lord Haddington and Lord Fenton 
 of other places." 
 
 All very probable and suitable ; but then follows 
 the inevitable comic opera tale of incongruous and 
 miscellaneous bestowal of honours : " All our pen- 
 cionners that went with the King are knighted there 
 that were undubd before, and all the gentlemen of 
 Yorkshire, so that there is scant left an esquire to 
 uphold the race ; and the order is descended somwhat 
 lower, even to Adam Hill that was the Earle of Mont- 
 gomeries barber and to one Greene, husband to the 
 Queue's laundresse, an host of Doncaster, and to another 
 that lately kept an inne at Rumford, and a youth, one 
 Conie is come into consideration as to become a peece 
 of a favorite brought in by the Earle of Buckingham, 
 and the wagges talk as if he were in possibilitie to be 
 made Vicount Conie, and they play knavishly upon his 
 name, with newes, newes out of the North, and yet 
 none ; the King loves a Conie and yet loves not one. 
 All the meane officers of the houshold are likewise saide 
 to be knighted, so that Ladies are like to be in litle 
 request." 
 
 This account is fully confirmed in Shaw's Knights, 
 where the names of Adam Hill and Richard Green (or 
 Greene) duly appear as having been dubbed about this 
 date, and the names of pensioners and others similarly 
 honoured fill several pages. 
 
 " There is a great falling out of late twixt the Earle
 
 158 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 of Somerset and his Lady in the towre, but it is not yet 
 so publike that I can learne the originall or particulars." 
 
 This is scarcely surprising ; it is easy to imagine 
 that the guilty couple would get squabbling over their 
 respective share in the murder and subsequent catas- 
 trophe ; and perhaps the Earl of Northumberland 
 might have been a source of disagreement. 
 
 On 21 June, 1617, Chamberlain gives an amusing 
 account of religious amenities in Scotland : " Our 
 Churchmen and ceremonies are not so well allowed of, 
 the rather by an accident that fell out at the buriall of 
 one of the guard who died there and was buried after 
 the English manner, and the Deane of Powles preaching 
 desired all the assemblie to recommend with him the 
 soule of theyre deceased brother into the hands of 
 Almighty God, which was so ill taken that he was driven 
 to retract it openly and to confesse he did it in a kind 
 of civilitie rather then according to the perfect rule of 
 Divinitie ; another exception was taken at Dr. Lawdes 
 putting on a surplis when the corps was to be laide in 
 the ground." 
 
 The Dean's " civilitie " to the poor soldier's soul is 
 excellent ! 
 
 On 9 August, 1617, Chamberlain writes from London, 
 and he does not, as in so many other instances, com- 
 mence by bewailing the scantiness of news ; nor is there 
 any need of such excuses, for the letter is a thoroughly 
 typical specimen of the gossip's effusions, covering 
 eight of the large pages then in vogue, and touching 
 upon many topics. 
 
 He is enthusiastic about the improvements at Sir 
 Ralph Winwood's place at Ditton : " Whether Mr. 
 Secretarie caried me and kept me ten or twelve days, 
 though himself made no long stay there at any time, 
 but was still going and coming as occasions called him." 
 While the Secretarie was busy over affairs of State, 
 however, his wife was displaying her aptitude for 
 enlarging and beautifying their home. " They have
 
 ARUNDEL IN IRELAND 159 
 
 brought that place to a very goode passe, wherin my 
 Lady challengeth the cheife part as well in building a 
 new dove house, in paving the court, in bringing a spring 
 or conduit of excellent water, in making of fayre and 
 large pondes, in damming or filling up the mote, in 
 planting a great orchard, in making a reasonable spacious 
 garden with delicat arboures and fencing it with as fayre 
 a brick wall as I have lightly scene, as also in furnishing 
 the house very sufficiently, though without any great 
 cost or curiositie, and all this (besides other conveniences 
 of offices within doores, and of utter courts and out- 
 housing abrode), in so short time, that the speedie 
 dispatch deserves as much commendation as the con- 
 triving or cost." 
 
 A notable woman, evidently, and also with consider- 
 able funds at command. 
 
 " The King came to Carlisle the 4th of this present, 
 where the Earle of Arundell met him comming out of 
 Ireland, where he had ben about a bargain or exchange 
 of land with the Lord Dingwell ; he was made much of 
 there and often feasted, and sworne a Counsailor of 
 that State, so that he is now of the Counsaile in all three 
 Kingdoms." Arundel was being recognised as a man of 
 ability and prudence, and was subsequently entrusted 
 with many important missions. He was conspicuous 
 at Court for the almost austere simplicity of his dress, 
 but his dignified carriage and honourable life ensured 
 him the respect of all. 
 
 Winwood, permitted a certain latitude by the King, 
 defers his departure until the Court has reached Wood- 
 stock on the return journey, with the approval of the 
 Council : " Soone after my last to you," says Chamber- 
 lain, " there came new letters out of Scotland to approve 
 all his (Winwood's) dealings in the Lord Cooke's busines 
 .... and order was taken that his daughter shold 
 be delivered him, and disposed of as he shold thincke 
 fit." Sir Edward Coke, at this time, in addition to all 
 his trouble with the King and Council, had a bitter
 
 160 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 quarrel with his wife concerning the marriage of their 
 daughter. He married, in 1598, Lady Elizabeth Cecil, 
 grand-daughter of Lord Burleigh and widow of Sir 
 William Hatton. Curiously enough, though she had been 
 so long married to Coke, she is constantly alluded to by 
 Chamberlain and others as " Lady Hatton." 
 
 Coke sent his daughter to Kingston in care of his son, 
 Sir Robert Coke ; " her mother having permission to 
 resort unto her (but not lie in the house), she hired a 
 lodging in the towne and kept her such companie all 
 day that nobody els could have accesse, wherupon 
 her comming is moderated, and divers of her instruments 
 in conveghing her away are called in question ; wherupon 
 finding herself forsaken of her frends, who dare not shew 
 themselves too far in the busines, and seeing she struggles 
 in vaine, she begins to come about, and upon a letter to 
 her from my Lord of Buckingham hath returned aunswer, 
 as I heare, that if this course had ben taken with her at 
 first things might have proceeded better, and upon 
 some conditions can be content to double the portion 
 her husband hath offered, and so make up the match 
 and geve it her blessing. The Lady Compton and her 
 sonne have been at Kingston these two or three dayes, 
 which makes the world thincke they grow to conclusion ; 
 but it seemes the Lady Hatton wold have all the honor 
 and thancks, and so defeat her husband's purpose, 
 towards whom of late she hath caried herselfe very 
 straungely, and indeed neither like a wife nor a wise 
 woman." 
 
 The match proposed was with John Villiers, elder 
 brother to the Earl of Buckingham ; it eventually took 
 place, after much wrangling, on 29 September, 1617, 
 at Hampton Court, King James giving the bride away 
 she was only fifteen. The marriage turned out a 
 tragedy. Villiers created in 1619 Viscount Purbeck 
 of Dorset was frail in body and weak of intellect, 
 and in 1621 completely lost his reason. His wife deserted 
 him and became the mistress of Sir Robert Howard
 
 THE BOISTEROUS SECRETARY 161 
 
 (fifth son of the first Earl of Suffolk), by whom she had a 
 son. She died in 1645. 
 
 " The Lord Keper (Sir Francis Bacon] hath ben this 
 fortnight at Goramberrie, and meanes to continue 
 there a fortnight or three weekes longer ; the world 
 begins alredy to complaine of some incroaching courses, 
 and say if things shold thus precede and hold on, that 
 one shold have as it were all men's estates in scrinio 
 pectoris (i.e., in the casket or shrine of the bosom, or 
 mind ; not very intelligible}. The distasts continue 
 still twixt him and the boistrous Secretarie as he ternies 
 him, though some friends have mediated a reconciliation, 
 but at the worst the world is of opinion that if they shold 
 come to jostle, both of them are made of as brittle mettall 
 the one as the other." 
 
 If the " boistrous Secretarie " is Sir Ralph Winwood, 
 the phrase " brittle mettall " appears to be scarcely 
 applicable, unless it is intended to signify that, as Bacon 
 acknowledged later, they were both proud, " standoffish " 
 men. 
 
 " There is an untoward peice of worke newly fallen 
 out for our goode frend, about a warrant (they say) 
 under his hand wherby certain Scottish men go prolling 
 (prowling) up and downe Northamptonshire to borrow 
 monie for the King, and how they have used or abused 
 it I know not, but a generall complaint is come from the 
 gentlemen thereabout, and his illwillers take advantage 
 of it, so that whether the thing be counterfeit or true 
 (as perhaps he had some secret warrant for it), yet it 
 sounds ill, and upon the first noise he hath shot away his 
 litle flight John Moore and sent him downe post to 
 fetch up the fellowes and hush the busines. When he 
 returnes (as he is looked for every howre) we shall see 
 how the matter hath ben caried." 
 
 Another of the countless expedients resorted to in order 
 to " raise the wind " ; probably initiated by Winwood 
 since lie appears to have been in such haste to hush it up. 
 
 More about Lord Hay and his forthcoming marriage 
 M
 
 162 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 with the Earl of Northumberland's daughter : " The 
 Lord Hayes thinckes long till the Kinges comming 
 that he may consummat his mariage, for the King hath 
 promised to geve the bride ; he is wonderfull observant 
 and obsequious to her and her mother, and spends most 
 part of his time there, having taken Sir Francis Darcies 
 house by Sion, where he makes solemne feastes twise a 
 weeke at least, with that cost and expence that the Lady 
 of Northumberland dares not so much as once invite 
 him by reason of his curiositie, though he be commonly 
 in her house from morning till dinner, from after dinner 
 till supper, from after supper till late in the night .... 
 the like feasting he kept during his abode in Scotland, 
 where his ordinary rate for his table was 300 a weeke, 
 besides feastes which were very frequent, both to the 
 Counsaile, our clergie and chaplains, the houshold, the 
 pencionners, the guard, the chappell, and his owne 
 countrie nobilitie and gentrie." 
 
 Lord Hay was famous for his lavish hospitality ; 
 his gift of two thousand pounds to Lady Lucy Percy 
 for her maintenance during his absence in Scotland, 
 already alluded to, was no doubt the outcome also of 
 this predilection for a display of generosity ; one would 
 imagine that there would be no lack of the means to 
 support her. 
 
 At the commencement of this long letter Chamberlain 
 alludes to a gift a " daintie token " sent him by Lady 
 Carleton, and he concludes with this characteristic 
 effusion : " And now I had don if I could tell how to 
 thanck my lady for her fine and bountifull present, 
 which hath made me finer then ever I was or ever meant 
 to have ben, but seeing it is her pleasure I will make 
 use of her favor, the rather for that they come in a time 
 when I was even the next day going about the like 
 provision, I meane of that kind though not of that 
 worth ; I beseech you let me intreat you to supplie and 
 excuse my weaknes that way, for you know how 
 awkwardly and untowardly complements come from
 
 JEWELLED SHOE BUCKLES 163 
 
 me, and if I had the meanes I shold rather shew my 
 thankfulnes with real deeds then formall words ; and 
 I assure you it is the greatest worldly want I find not to 
 be able in any proportion to requite such frendly kindnes." 
 
 Shoe buckles ? Note that " they" come ; and he was 
 just going to buy a pair, of paste, no doubt, when these 
 resplendent ones with real jewels arrived ; but he might 
 have written her a nice little note, instead of expressing 
 his gratitude so laboriously through her husband ; 
 who would believe that his practised pen was incapable 
 of such an effort ? 
 
 In his next letter, dated 11 October, 1617, Chamberlain 
 has more to say about the relations between Sir Edward 
 Coke and his wife, wherein the latter has placed herself 
 entirely in the wrong ; and adds : " He is admitted 
 again to the Counsaile, but his frends cannot yet foresee 
 any further advancement." 
 
 Here is a contrast between two ladies recently wedded 
 in respect of their attitude towards their husbands : 
 " The Lord Rich is saide to be in great perplexitie, or 
 rather erased in braine, to see himself overeacht by his 
 new wife, who hath so conveyed her estate that he is 
 litle or nothing the better by her, and if she overlive him 
 like to carrie away a great part of his ; her sister the 
 Lady Bowes hath dealt cleane contrarie, beeing lately 
 maried to the Lord Darcy of the North, and bringing 
 a great estate whole and entire, and refusing any jointure 
 or other advantage, saying it is sufficient for her to have 
 the honor without any hinderance to the house." 
 
 The coldness or worse between Sir Francis Bacon 
 and Sir Ralph Winwood attracted the Queen's notice : 
 " The Quene lately asked the Lord Keper what occasion 
 the Secretaire had geven him to oppose himself so 
 violently against him, who aunswered prettely, Madame, 
 I can say no more but he is prowde and I am prowde ; 
 but the King according to his pacificall disposition hath 
 made all frends, and in the admonition he gave some of 
 them did him this honor to say, You may perhaps
 
 164 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 thinck that he hath informed these and these things 
 against you, but I assure you in the word of a prince, 
 that neither by word nor writing did he ever suggest 
 ought to any particular man's prejudice, either to me, or 
 to Buckingham, as he is here redy to protest before you." 
 
 This eulogy of their " good friend " would be very 
 pleasing to Chamberlain and Carleton ; a fortnight 
 later, however, on 25 October, 1617, Chamberlain 
 writes in great distress about Winwood's dangerous 
 illness, which indeed proved fatal, as related in a letter 
 of 31 October, in which Chamberlain enlarges in great 
 detail upon all the symptoms and the disclosures of the 
 post-mortem. 
 
 The King and Buckingham wrote very kindly to 
 Winwood, and the many callers of rank caused him some 
 disquietude and fatigue ; " And," says Chamberlain, 
 " seeing it was God's pleasure to call him, he could never 
 go in a better time then when he was in his highest 
 favor with the King, Quene, Prince and principall 
 favorite, and was generally growne into so good opinion, 
 that his sicknes first and then his death was as much 
 lamented as ever I knew any of his rancke ; though I 
 will not say but he had some illwillers that are as glad 
 he is gone as most are sory. We buried him privately 
 yesternight at ten o'clock with as litle noise or shew as 
 might be ; only his houshold and some few frends and 
 kinsmen had mourning." 
 
 Winwood was, in truth, likely to be much missed 
 as an accomplished statesman and a man of unblemished 
 character and strict probity ; there were too many of a 
 different sort about King James. 
 
 Then comes the question of Winwood's successor, 
 which Chamberlain discusses at considerable length, 
 naming several aspirants for the place, and adding : 
 " I must not forget that you are not the last nor the 
 least spoken of, but I doubt your absence is your greatest 
 hinderance, unles the Lady Hatton (Lady Coke, that is) 
 have the grace to have you in remembrance ; for if it
 
 LADY HATTON IN FAVOUR 165 
 
 be as I heare, it was never in her power to stand you 
 in so much stead." 
 
 That is to say, being now mother-in-law to Buckingham's 
 brother, the King's favourite was prepared to make much 
 of the lady, and pave the way for her to obtain what 
 favours she might crave of his Majesty. There appears, 
 indeed, to have been a conspiracy to make much of her. 
 
 Writing on 8 November, 1617, Chamberlain says : 
 " Your brother Harrison is in towne, and upon Wensday 
 came Sir Henry Savile. They do all apprehend how much 
 the Lady Hatton might prevaile if she wold set her whole 
 minde and strength to it, and I thincke they have and 
 will finde meanes to put her in remembrance ; but the 
 voyce goes that place is not like to be disposed of in 
 haste, for the King sayes he was never so well served as 
 when he was his owne Secretaire, and to that end hath 
 delivered the Scales that were belonging to Sir Rafe 
 Winwod to the custodie of the Earle of Buckingham, 
 and there perhaps they shall remain till they both grow 
 wearie of the trouble." 
 
 Quite a characteristic proceeding on the part of King 
 James, to save himself the trouble of deciding immediately 
 upon Winwood's successor ; the business of the State 
 meanwhile being more or less at a standstill, for he would 
 certainly not exert himself to unite the functions of 
 King and Secretary. 
 
 " On the first of this moneth beeing so solemne a 
 day and the streets full by reason of the Lord Mayor's 
 passage to Powles, the Earle of Buckingham accom- 
 panied with the Marquis Hamilton, the Lord Compton, 
 the Lord Haye, Sir Edward Cecill and I know not how 
 many more, to the number of twelve coaches went to 
 fetch the Lady Hatton from Sir William Craven's, and 
 brought her to her father's at Cecill House in the Strand, 
 where she hath continued ever since, save that on 
 Tewsday she went with like state to the Court, and there 
 was much graced by the King, who likewise reconciled 
 her to the Quene, and made at the same time an atone-
 
 166 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 ment twixt her and the Lady Compton, and a perfect 
 peace twixt her and her daughter, who wold not be 
 perswaded that she could forgeve and forget, till at parting 
 she got the King to mak her sweare that she loved her 
 
 as dearely as ever she did in her life It is hoped 
 
 he will likewise mediate a peace twixt her and Sir Edward 
 Cooke, which was mentioned and motioned at the 
 generall pacification, but the King saide that was a 
 matter of more difficultie and more time, and when all 
 were don I doubt that would prove but a palliated 
 cure, the wound beeing so deepe. ... So that he is as 
 it were in statu quo prius, save that he comes to the Star 
 Chamber and to the Counsaile table ; and thus you 
 see the revolutions of these times." 
 
 These state progresses of Lady Coke's appear to 
 demand some explanation, but there is none which 
 suggests itself as in any degree adequate. 
 
 " On Thursday the Lord Haye maried his mistris the 
 Lady Lucie Percy, and that night the King and Prince 
 honoured his wedding supper with theyre presence." 
 
 Carleton writes to Chamberlain on the same day 
 8 November that he has received many letters 
 concerning his chances of obtaining the vacant Secretary- 
 ship, and assurances of the goodwill of many influential 
 persons ; but he does not think he will get it, being 
 absent, and not well known to the King. 
 
 On 15 November, 1617, Chamberlain has more to 
 say about Lady Coke's possible intervention on behalf 
 of Carleton, but is not hopeful about the matter. The 
 good lady appears, indeed, to have busied herself chiefly 
 over giving feasts to the King and others : " The 
 Lady Hatton's feast was very magnificall, and the King 
 graced her every way, and made fowre of her creatures 
 
 knights There were some errors at the Lady 
 
 Hatton's feast (if it were not of purpose) that the Lord 
 Chamberlain and the Lord of Arundell were not invited, 
 but went away to theyre owne dinner and came back 
 to wait on the King and Prince ; but the greatest error
 
 MR. SIMPSON'S SERMON 167 
 
 was that the goodman of the house was neither invited 
 nor spoken of, but dined that day at the Temple." 
 
 Truly a very glaring " error " on the part of this 
 insolent and court-spoiled lady. 
 
 " Here is a speach that the Earle of Buckingham 
 meanes to resigne the mastership of the horse to the 
 Marquis Hamilton, and is to compound with the Lord 
 Admiral (the Earl of Nottingham) for his place " ; which 
 duly came to pass. 
 
 On 20 December, 1617, Chamberlain writes : "The 
 King hath ben at Tiballs ever since Wensday, and comes 
 to towne this day, and unles his presence bringe us some 
 newes we are like to have but a dull and dead Christmas. 
 I am sory to heare that he growes every day more fro ward 
 and with such a kind of morositie that doth either argue 
 a great discontent in minde, or a distemper of humors 
 in his body, yet he is never so out of tune but the very 
 sight of my Lord of Buckingham doth settle and quiet 
 all. At his last going hence one Simpson of Trinitie 
 College in Cambridge preaching before him at Roiston 
 fell upon a point of Arminius doctrine touching universal - 
 itie of grace, and so handled it that he was much 
 displeased, and sent to the Doctors and heads of houses 
 in Cambridge to convent him and examine his sermon ; 
 they returned a favourable censure that this and this 
 may be saide, which was so far from satisfieing the King 
 that he sent for them all (or the most part) to Newmarket, 
 where the question was so narrowly discussed that he 
 was injoyned to retract what he had saide, in the same 
 place at the Kings return thether after Christmas." 
 
 It was no joke preaching before the King in those days. 
 
 " The Lord Admirall .... hath resigned his old 
 patent (as Lord High Admiral), which is renewed and 
 the Lord of Buckingham joyned with him in it." 
 
 The condition of the Navy was once more attracting 
 attention ; Nottingham was an old man he was born 
 in 1536 and had allowed things to drift ; abuses were 
 rampant, wages in arrears, ships few and inefficient,
 
 168 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 and the prospect of a Commission to investigate matters 
 was very unwelcome ; the dual patent was but a 
 temporary expedient, Nottingham's retirement being 
 already decided upon. 
 
 " Your frend Tobie Mathew shall remain here as it 
 is bruited, and be dispensed withall for taking the oath 
 of allegeance, which were it not in him I shold thincke 
 it might prove a case of strange consequences. His 
 grand frend and protector (Sir Francis Bacon) cannot 
 forbeare pugnare cum larvis (to fight with ghosts), and 
 is still glauncing at the memorie of our late deceased 
 frend (Sir Ralph Winwood}" Bacon was not a generous 
 man more vain than, as he termed himself, proud and 
 his post mortem depreciation of Winwood was character- 
 istic ; the latter would never have so treated him. 
 
 In a letter of 3 January, 1618, dwelling upon the 
 unsatisfactory postal service, Chamberlain says : 
 " Indeed I know that stale letters are like crambe bis 
 coda (cabbage twice boiled), that have no taste." His 
 little Latin interpolations are sometimes quaint. 
 
 In this same letter he writes : " The greatest noveltie 
 is that on New Years Day, when there was no such 
 matter spoken of or expected, the Earle of Buckingham 
 was created Marquis Buckingham, a dignity the King 
 hath not bestowed since his comming to this crowne, 
 but he professed to do for the affection he bare him, 
 more then ever he did to any man, and for the like 
 affection, faith, and modestie that he had found in him." 
 
 King James was addicted to this sort of gushing over 
 his favourites ; he had professed more affection for 
 Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset, than for any living man. 
 
 Lady Hay, in emulation of the lavishness of her Lord 
 and Master, had planned a masque for twelfth night to 
 be performed by nine ladies ; she was to appear as 
 Queen of the Amazons, and they had diligently learned 
 their parts ; but the King and Queen got wind of it, 
 and apparently were averse from ladies appearing in 
 such guise, " And so all is dasht." We should say
 
 BUCKINGHAM'S BANQUET 169 
 
 nowadays that their Majesties were too " early Victorian" 
 in their notions ; they were, perhaps, too " Jacobean." 
 
 We learn from a letter of the 10th January, 1618, 
 that the Marquis of Buckingham gave a feast in honor 
 of his promotion in rank : " The King and Prince were 
 present, with Lords and Ladies sans number ; you may 
 guesse at the rest of the cheere by this scantling, that 
 there were saide to be 27 dousen of fesants, and twelve 
 partriches in a dish thorough out, which methincks 
 were rather spoyle then largesse ; yet for all the plenty 
 of presents the supper cost 600." 
 
 Three hundred and twenty-four pheasants ! And 
 these and the partridges were only, as Chamberlain 
 puts it, a " scantling " of the feast. 
 
 " The Lord Keper (Sir Francis Bacon) is made Lord 
 Chauncellor, wherin (besides the title) he hath this 
 advantage, that it is for life, with 600 a yeare increase. 
 The speach goes he shalbe made a baron, and hath the 
 making of another to discharge his debts, which in 
 curtesie he hath offered to his eldest brother (Sir Nicholas) 
 for 2000 lesse then another shold geve, which he will 
 not accept, mindfull perhaps of his father's (Sir Nicholas) 
 motto or posie, mediocria firma" 
 
 Sir Nicholas Bacon (the younger) was the premier 
 baronet made in 1611, at the institution of the Order. 
 
 On 17 January, 1618, Chamberlain writes : " Sir 
 Thomas Lake's baronnie is at a stand, for having 
 obtained the making of one, he found meanes to name 
 himself, which the King yeelded to ; but when it was 
 remonstrated to the King how unfit it was that a man of 
 his fashion and education shold have precedence of all 
 the barons in England (as by virtue of his office he was 
 to have) the Kinge saide that was not his meaning, 
 but because he had promised, he shold be a baron if he 
 wold, so that he left his office of Secretarie." 
 
 Probably an unique instance of a man proposing himself 
 as a baron when he had the making of one ; the privilege 
 was always bestowed as a means of making money.
 
 170 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 On 7 February, 1618, we hear of a great misfortune 
 to Sir Henry Wootton, whose house at Venice appears 
 to have been completely consumed by fire : " He is in 
 pitifull plight if his case be such as the Venetian 
 Ambassador pointed it out to an English gentleman, 
 that he is there senza robba (or roba ?), senza danari 
 senza fede " without clothes, without money, without 
 faith ; " which," says Chamberlain, " I hope he takes 
 for credit," meaning, no doubt, that " Fabritio " is 
 just as well without the faith professed by the Venetians. 
 Chamberlain was a very thorough Protestant ; he 
 has a hit at Tobie Matthew in the same letter : 
 " Yesterday I met Mr. Tobie Mathew whom I had not 
 scene these sixe moneths, since which time to my 
 seeming he is much defected ; he told me he was going 
 to a play at the Blackfriers, but meethinckes playeing 
 and Fridayes fasting agree not so well together as 
 prayeing in a man of so much profession." 
 
 On 14 February, 1618, Chamberlain writes : " I 
 thancke you very much for the papers, which I will 
 return when I have thoroughly read and perused them, 
 which I have not yet don by reason of our lectures at 
 Paules this terme time, and after I once go out of doores 
 in the morning I seldom come home till late at night ; 
 you need not misdoubt the passing of them thorough 
 many hands, for I am now come to that passe that I 
 kepe not any companie that cares for such matters, or 
 that indeed are capable of them, saving only Mr. Camden 
 who makes a journey once a weeke the more into Powles 
 to meet and shew me such occurrents as he hath from 
 Mr. Beecher and others out of Fraunce, which together 
 with what I have from you, is now in a manner all the 
 intertainment I have." 
 
 This, no doubt, was William Camden, the well-known 
 antiquary and historian, as industrious a collector of 
 news as Chamberlain himself ; indeed, his history 
 savours much of the tone of the gossip.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS 
 
 May, 1618 November, 1621 
 
 THERE is but little of interest in Chamberlain's letters 
 in the Spring of 1618 ; on 5 May he alludes to the 
 purchase, by Sir William Russell, from Sir Robert 
 Mansel, of the office of Treasurer of the Navy : one of 
 those disgraceful jobs which were constantly and 
 shamelessly perpetrated at that time. It had already 
 been determined to hold a Commission of Enquiry 
 into the state of the Navy, and probably Sir Robert 
 Mansel was ready enough to resign his post, as he had 
 not been free from blame in the matter of filling his own 
 pocket with the public money, and the Commission would 
 perhaps have dismissed him from his office. He was 
 made Vice-Admiral of the United Kingdom, an office 
 of some honour, but not of much gain otherwise. The 
 Commission sat in the autumn, and resulted in some 
 drastic measures for securing economy and probity in 
 administration ; but Sir Robert Mansel subsequently 
 made application for no less a sum than 10,000, which 
 he alleged was due to him for additional travelling 
 expenses as Treasurer, having been previously over- 
 looked ! So easy to overlook a trifle like that ! 
 
 On 20 August, 1618, Chamberlain writes : " Sir 
 John Bingley is like enough (for ought I heare) to passe 
 well through his busines, and so may the Lord Suffolk, 
 seeing there passe many letters twixt the King and 
 
 him We talk still of a new Treasurer." 
 
 171
 
 172 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 The Earl of Suffolk was, indeed, under very grave 
 suspicion of having grievously abused his position as 
 Lord Treasurer ; he was accused before the Star Chamber 
 of having embezzled large sums in money and jewelry, 
 and wrongfully extorted money from various persons. 
 Probably his wife was at the bottom of the business. 
 She had a Spanish pension of 1,000 a year, a fact 
 sufficient in itself to discount seriously her loyalty and 
 integrity ; and she was definitely accused of having, 
 in collusion with Sir John Bingley, Remembrancer of 
 the Exchequer, extorted money from those who had 
 business at the Treasury. Suffolk may have been more 
 weak than guilty ; his wife was held up to scorn in the 
 Star Chamber by Bacon, as a shopwoman, while Sir 
 John Bingley figured as her assistant, crying " What 
 d'ye lack ? " A sorry business altogether ; but it 
 appears to have been hushed up more or less, though 
 the Earl of Suffolk was heavily fined, and was confined 
 with his wife in the Tower but only for about ten days, 
 and he was afterwards again received into royal favour, 
 the King and Buckingham standing sponsors for his 
 son in the following year. 
 
 On 24 October, 1618, Chamberlain writes : " It 
 were current all this weeke that Sir Walter Raleigh 
 had the libertie of the towre, but it grew only upon the 
 discharge of his guardian Sir Thomas Wilson ; but for 
 ought I heare he is not secure yet, though he have now 
 goode meanes to redeeme his demerits if he can speake 
 to the purpose in a cause wherin he was lately examined 
 about the conveyance of Jewells and such like matters 
 at the King's first comming, and for which and other 
 abuses in sale of lands, et cet. there is a commission 
 come forth which is thought will shrewdly reflect upon 
 the Earles of Suffolk, Salisburie and others." 
 
 Raleigh was not, indeed, secure ; he was arrested 
 on his return from the Orinoco expedition for warring 
 upon the Spaniards and destroying the Spanish settle- 
 ment of San Tomas on the Rinoco ; he had already,
 
 DEATH OF RALEIGH 173 
 
 when he set out, spent thirteen years in the Tower, 
 on the charge of plotting against the King, having been 
 reprieved from death on the scaffold at Winchester 
 in 1603 ; in a letter of 31 October, 1618, Chamberlain 
 writes : " I remember that in my last letter I saide 
 that Sir Walter Raleigh was not secure, but now he is 
 past all peradventure for on Thursday morning he was 
 beheaded in the old palace at Westminster twixt the 
 parlement house and the church. On Wensday he was 
 brought from the towre to the King's Bench barre 
 (as the manner is when a man lives above a yeare and 
 a day after he is condemned), and there demaunded 
 what he could say for himself why the sentence pro- 
 nounced against him at Winchester shold not be put in 
 execution. The summe of his aunswer was, that the King 
 had imployed him in his service and geven him a com- 
 mission wherein he stiled him his loyall subject, and 
 withall geven him potestatem vitae et necis, which did 
 amount to a pardon, for in all reason he must be master of 
 his owne life that hath power over other men's." 
 
 Surely a reasonable and logical plea ! But his death 
 was resolved upon, and he suffered as described by 
 Chamberlain, who gives a long account of his behaviour 
 and sayings on the scaffold, adding, " the people were 
 much affected at the sight, insomuch that one was 
 heard say that we had not such another head to cut of." 
 Not too many, certainly. 
 
 On 7 November, 1618, we are told of the death of 
 Richard Martin the Recorder, after but a short enjoy- 
 ment of office ; upon which, of course, the King and 
 Buckingham had a protege" to put forward as his 
 successor ; but the Aldermen made a fuss about it, and 
 objected to the candidate by reason of his youth and lack 
 of "' gravitie," and begged that they might enjoy their 
 privilege of electing a man ; upon which the King 
 received a deputation of Aldermen, told them that he 
 loved them, and he knew that they loved him, and he 
 would on no account interfere with their privileges,
 
 174 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 " and so left them to theyre owne election ; yet withall 
 asked them how they could like one Heath." 
 
 In his next letter, on 14 November, Chamberlain 
 writes : " After some consultation we have at last a 
 new Recorder, Mr. Heath, a man generalie approved 
 and well spoken of ; the King's recommendation stoode 
 him in stead, for though they were left to a free election, 
 yet it was told them they must choose none whom the 
 King should refuse." No compulsion, but you must ! 
 And Sir Lionel Cranfield, who had invested 1,500 
 in the reversion of the office, thought he should be 
 reimbursed by the new Recorder ; but Mr. Heath, in 
 modern parlance, was " not taking any." Chamberlain 
 thinks " it seemed reasonable " that he should be so 
 reimbuised, which shows how thoroughly the corrupt 
 practices and distorted notions of the time permeated 
 society. 
 
 Here is a story of an ingenious and daring swindler : 
 " One Robinson, that had somtime ben a clarke in an 
 office, was arraigned at the King's Bench and con- 
 demned for counterfeiting the great scale, and under 
 the colour of letters patents exacting summes of monie 
 of ale-house keepers, and of fellowes that let out monie 
 at use in the countrie ; for which and such other abuses 
 he was yesterday hanged, drawne and quartered about 
 Charing Crosse. Another course of his (they say) was 
 by vertue of this commission to take up with rich 
 yeoman's daughters (or drive them to compound) 
 to serve his ma tie for breeders in Virginia." Truly, a 
 very resourceful young man. 
 
 On 21 November, 1618, Chamberlain writes : 
 " On Wensday we had no Star Chamber by reason of 
 the Lord Chauncellor's indisposition ; that was the 
 first day we tooke notice here of the great biasing star, 
 though it was observed at Oxford a full weeke before ; 
 it is now the only subject almost of our discourse, and 
 not so much as litle children but as they go to schoole 
 talke in the streets that it foreshews the death of a
 
 A ROYAL PICNIC 175 
 
 King or a Quene, or some great warre towards. Upon 
 which occasion (I thincke) it was geven out all this 
 towne over that the Quene was dead on Thursday ; 
 but yesterday I heard for certain that she is in a fayre 
 way of amendment." 
 
 This was the great comet of 1618 ; it is mentioned 
 by Arthur Wilson, in his History of James the First, 
 as portending some great disaster. It is described in 
 astronomical treatises, but appears to have moved in a 
 parabolic orbit, never appearing again. 
 
 On 28 November, 1618, we hear of more royal 
 diversions in the country : " We have litle or nothing 
 from Newmarket, but that they devise all the meanes 
 they can to make themselves merrie ; as of late there 
 was a feast apointed at a farme house not far of, whether 
 every man should bring his dish ; the King brought a 
 great chine of beefe, the Marquis Hamilton fowre pigges 
 incircled with sausiges, the Earle of Southampton two 
 turkies, another sixe partridges, and one a whole trey 
 full of buttered egges, and so all passed very pleasantly." 
 
 There was no stint of food, at any rate. One cannot 
 avoid being struck by the preponderance of gossip 
 concerning the King's sports and picnics and futile 
 " progresses," his promiscuous dubbing of knights, 
 and so forth, and the lack of any efficient discharge of 
 kingly offices and affairs of State ; when there is a 
 question of filling an important office, we find King 
 James ready enough to perpetrate a glaring piece of 
 favouritism, with a contribution to the privy purse 
 distinctly indicated in many instances, directly or 
 indirectly, but otherwise procrastination is the pre- 
 dominant note. 
 
 Here is another instance, in a letter dated 9 January, 
 1619 : " The King went yesterday to Tiballs, this day 
 to Roiston, and so on Monday to Newmarket, without 
 naming a Lord Treasurer or altering any other matter 
 of moment as was generally and continually expected ; 
 the reason wherof is saide to be for that he meanes to
 
 176 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 geve a reason of displacing the Earle of Suffolk before 
 he put any other in his place." The gossips, of course, 
 are bound to find a reason ; but in James's character 
 lies the real explanation. 
 
 All this time George Villiers, Marquis of Buckingham, 
 the King's favourite, remained a bachelor ; but now 
 on 9 January, 1619, we hear that the King wishes him 
 to marry. Lady Hatton (really Lady Coke) gave a great 
 supper and a masque, " where were all the gallants and 
 great ones about the court, but specially the Howards, 
 whom she wold faine soder and lincke fast again with the 
 Marquis Buckingham and that side, and withall to see 
 if he might be wrought to cast an eye toward Diana 
 Cecill (the younger of the Lord Burghlies daughters) 
 that for her more grace was made mistrris of the feast ; 
 for it is like there wilbe much angling after him now it is 
 bruited that the King wishes him to take a wife ; which 
 of divers is diversely construed." Diana Cecill was 
 Lady Hatton's niece, but Buckingham did not rise 
 to this bait. 
 
 On 16 January, 1619, Chamberlain reports the 
 destruction by fire of the banqueting house in Whitehall, 
 and on 23 January gives a dismal account of the spread 
 of small pox. 
 
 In a letter of 30 January, 1619, Chamberlain cites a 
 speech of the King to William Knollys, Viscount W T alling- 
 ford, on his supercession by Sir Lionel Cranfield as 
 Master of Wards and Liveries : " His predecessor the 
 
 Lord of Wallingford is retired into the countrie 
 
 When he delivered up his patent the King told him 
 that having been a long servant to Queen Elizabeth 
 and him, he was loth to remove him, neither wold he 
 accuse him of negligence, insufficiency, or corruption, 
 but only he had one fault common to him with divers 
 other of his frends and fellowes, which could not stand 
 with his service of the State, that he was altogether 
 guided and overruled by an arch-wife." 
 
 Good word, that " arch-wife." Many a man has
 
 A HUMAN COMET 177 
 
 lost a billet through the same cause, even though the 
 lady may have been a most estimable and well- 
 intentioned person. 
 
 " The King went lately from Newmarket to Sir 
 Nicholas Bacon's to see a fine young gentlewoman, 
 his grandchild, daughter to one Sir Bassingbourne 
 Gawdye that is dead long since ; the gentlewoman is 
 marvailously commended both by the King, Prince 
 and Lord of Buckingham, and much made of by them 
 all ; the Prince is saide to be so far in liking that these 
 verses I send you are fathered upon him, wherin she is 
 compared to the late biasing starre ; but the chief grace 
 and curiositie (they say) consists in new and gaye, 
 which is the anagram of her name : 
 
 Heaven's wonder late, but now earth's glorious raye 
 With wonder shines, that's gon, this new and gaye, 
 Still gazed on, in this more than the heavens light, 
 Day obscured that, this makes the daye more bright 
 
 The lady's name was Anne Gawdye, and the anagram 
 is apparent in the second line. Like a genuine comet, 
 she acquired additional radiance from proximity to the 
 Sun of Royalty ; but such human comets necessarily 
 travel on an open orbit, and swiftly recede, never to 
 return. 
 
 On 23 February, 1619, Chamberlain has as in some 
 previous letters a great deal to say about the suit of 
 the Countess of Exeter against Sir Thomas Lake and 
 his wife and others ; the King attended five days in the 
 Star Chamber. The traducers of the Countess of Exeter 
 were severely punished with fines and imprisonment, 
 and one Sara, maid to Lady Lake, was sentenced to pay 
 200, to be publicly whipped, and to be branded 
 on the face with the letters F and A " false accuser." 
 A great crowd assembled at the pillory to see her whipped 
 and branded, but Sara cheated them by prudently turn- 
 ing King's evidence, and was eventually let off with a 
 free confession of her guilt, and humble submission. 
 
 N
 
 178 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 On 20 February, 1619, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 King went to Tiballs on Tewsday, but before his going 
 Sir George Calvert was sworne Secretarie. . . . The 
 King asked him many questions, most about his wife ; 
 his aunswer was that she was a goode woman and had 
 brought him ten children, and wold assure his ma tie- 
 that she was not a wife with a witnes ; this and some 
 other passages of this kind seeme to shew that the King 
 is in a great vaine of taking downe high-handed women." 
 No more " arch-wives " to be tolerated ! 
 
 The next letter, dated 6 March 1619, records the 
 death of the Queen, with considerable detail, and also 
 states that " The King continues still at Newmarket, 
 and so is saide will do till the funerall be past." 
 
 On 27 March, 1619, we hear that the King is detained 
 at Royston by illness the Queen's funeral having been 
 postponed until 29 April and Chamberlain remarks 
 " I am glad to see the world so tenderly affected toward 
 him, for I assure you all men apprehend what a losse 
 we shold have if God shold take him from us." 
 
 James may have had qualities, as a man, which 
 endeared him to his subjects ; as a King, he was an 
 absolute failure, and John Chamberlain unconsciously 
 testifies in his letters to the futility of his rule. ^ 
 
 The next few letters are chiefly about the King's 
 illness and progress in recovery ; Chamberlain seems 
 to revel in medical details, and never spares himself 
 or Carleton in this wise. The Queen's funeral is further 
 postponed until the 13th of May she died on the 1st 
 of March and it appears to be taken for granted that 
 the King will not appear at the ceremony. 
 
 His illness appears to have inspired some fanatical 
 or crazy gentlemen to approach him with alleged 
 warnings from God : " They have been once or twice 
 troubled at Tiballs with odde fellowes that watching 
 the King's going abrode have brought him messages and 
 admonitions from God ; one was a pretty younge 
 fellow that had ben Secretarie to the Lord Willouby
 
 THE QUEEN'S FUNERAL 179 
 
 in Denmark (his name is Weekes), but for his labour 
 he is sent to Bedlam and there remaines, though divers 
 that have ben to see him can perceave no spice of 
 madnes in his ordnarie speach and conversation ; but 
 Williams (that wrote the libell of Balaam's asse and the 
 commentary upon it to the King) could not scape so 
 goode cheape, for he was arraigned on Monday last 
 at the King's Bench, and on Wensday hangd, drawne 
 and quartered over against the mewes at Charing 
 Crosse." 
 
 Kings and Queens are especially liable to this kind 
 of attention. It is probably in most instances undertaken 
 as a means to notoriety, or the mere gratification of 
 sanctimonious vanity ; but it is a risky business, and 
 scarcely seems worth the price. 
 
 On 14 May, 1619, Chamberlain alludes to the Queen's 
 funeral on the day previous : " It were to no purpose 
 to make any long description of the funerall, which 
 was but a drawling tedious sight, more remarquable 
 for number then for any other singularitie, there beeing 
 280 poore women besides an army of meane fellowes 
 that were servants to the Lordes and others of the 
 traine, and though the number of Lordes and Ladies 
 were very great, yet me thought altogether they made 
 but a poor shew, which perhaps was because they were 
 apparelled all alike, or that they came laggering all 
 along even tired with the length of the way and waight 
 of their clothes, every lady having twelve yardes of 
 broade cloth about her and the countesses sixteen." 
 
 Poor ladies ! No wonder they came " laggering along " 
 under such an incubus of drapery. 
 
 On 31 May, 1619, Chamberlain writes that Paul's 
 Cross was draped in black, and the Aldermen and others, 
 who had been neglected for some reason at the 
 Queen's funeral, came in black to pay their respects to 
 her memory : " Only the Lord Mayor was not there, 
 beeing very sicke, and surfeted upon messages sent him 
 by the King about his only daughter, who the Countesse
 
 180 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 of Buckingham will needs have for her sonne Christofer ; 
 and the Mayor beeing a wilfull and dogged man will not 
 yeeld by any meanes fayre nor fowle as yet, and wishes 
 himself and his daughter both dead rather then to be 
 compelled ; the truth is she is not past fowreteen, and 
 very litle of growth, so that he protests he will not marrie 
 her these fowre or five yeares by his will ; but yet he 
 hath taken the King's messages so to heart that he hath 
 ben at death's door." 
 
 This was one of those abominable intereferences by 
 the Sovereign and his favourites which were common 
 in those times. The favourite's mother wanted her son 
 to marry this child, who, no doubt, would have a goodly 
 marriage portion ; and her father, though he was a 
 " wilfull and dogged man," knew that if the matter 
 were pressed home he would probably be compelled to 
 yield, and deliver up his child to slaughter. No wonder 
 it made him sick. There are some gruesome stories 
 extant anent these horrible child marriages ; one 
 comes across them sometimes when seeking data for 
 other matters. 
 
 When the King returned to London the first week in 
 June, and the Recorder in his speech made excuses 
 for the Lord Mayor's absence, " the King gave no great 
 heed, making little shew of beeing pleased, as beeing 
 geven to understand that he is more sullen then sicke." 
 
 The King on this occasion appeared, we are told, 
 " very fresh in a suit of watchet (pale blue) satten laide 
 with silver lace, with a bleu and white feather, as also 
 his horse was furnished with the like both before and 
 behind ; insomuch that all the companie was glad to 
 see him so gallant, and more like a wooer then a mourner." 
 Very much more, indeed. " But," Chamberlain adds, 
 " what decorum it will be when Ambassadors come to 
 condole (as here is one now from the Duke of Lorrain 
 with three or fowre and twenty followers all in black) " ; 
 he gets out of it, however " let them consider whom it 
 more concernes."
 
 A GRUESOME REMEDY 181 
 
 On 26 June we learn that the King's legs and feet 
 " are come prettelie well to him, having found out a 
 very good expedient of late to bath them in every buck's 
 and stagg's bellie in the place where he kills them, which 
 is counted an excellent remedic to strengthen and restore 
 the sinewes." 
 
 A very unpleasant remedy ; one is reminded of the 
 jargon of the Master of Bucklaw, in the " Bride of 
 Lammermoor." 
 
 The Lord Mayor was not to be let off so easily 
 by reason of his sickness. On 15 July Chamberlain 
 writes : " The King was in towne on Tewsday 
 in the afternoone at the Lord Mayor's, and sent for 
 him, his Lady and daughter from dinner at the 
 marchant taylors' hall to recommend Christofer 
 Villers for a suitor to his daughter ; it is odds, 
 but he must speed, when the King pleades and 
 workes so openly for him." 
 
 The King expected to make some money out of it ; 
 there was always some way of making the negotiation 
 of a marriage profitable at that time. The Lord Mayor 
 was Sir Sebastian Harvey, a wealthy Alderman ; his 
 doggedness prevailed in the end, and Christopher Villiers 
 married Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Sheldon of 
 Howley, Leicester. 
 
 On 11 September, 1619, Chamberlain writes : 
 " The King is now at Wanstead, where this day he feasts 
 the new French Ambassador, and so from thence to 
 
 Tiballs He was very noblie entertained at the 
 
 Lord St. John's, which he tooke in so goode part that he 
 professes he will not forget so honorable usage ; Mr. 
 Atturney likewise for one dinner entertained him and 
 all the court very bountifully, which made the Earle of 
 Northampton's penurie the more misliked, and got 
 Archie the better audience, who upon an old grudge 
 told the King that now the Earle had obtained what he 
 sought for, he might see what account he made of him 
 and his followers."
 
 182 A JACOBEAN LETTER- WRITER 
 
 This was William Compton, the first Earl of the new 
 creation of 2 August, 1618. He married the only child 
 of Sir John Spencer, a man of immense wealth, and it is 
 said that on the death of his father-in-law he was so 
 " oppressed with the greatness of his soudaine fortunes " 
 that he went mad for a time. " Archie " was the Court 
 jester. 
 
 On 30 October we learn that the case of the Earl and 
 Countess of Suffolk, and Sir John Bingley is occupying 
 the Star Chamber tribunal day after day, and that the 
 charges against them are very heavy ; the King was 
 anxious to have it over, and intended to be present 
 himself at the finding, but he did not put in an appear- 
 ance, and on 20 November, 1619, the Earl and Countess 
 went to the Tower and Sir John Bingley to the Fleet ; 
 but before the 4th of December Suffolk and his wife 
 were liberated, and half of the fine remitted ; and the 
 King stood sponsor for his grandchild, son of Lord Howard 
 of Walden, soon afterwards. 
 
 On 25 January, 1620, occurs a passage in Chamber- 
 lain's letter which seems to find an echo in these present 
 times : " Yesterday the bishop of London called 
 together all his clergie about this towne, and told them 
 he had expresse commandment from the King to will 
 them to inveigh vehemently against the insolencie of 
 our women, and theyre wearing of brode brimed hats, 
 pointed dublets, theyre haire cut short or shorne, and 
 some of them stilettoes or poniards, and such other 
 trinckets of like moment ; adding withall that if pulpit 
 admonitions will not reforme them he wold proceed 
 by another course ; the truth is the world is very much 
 out of order, but whether this will mende it God knowes." 
 
 And again on 12 February : " Our pulpits ring 
 continually of the insolence and impudence of women, 
 and to helpe the matter forward the players have like- 
 wise taken them to taske, and so to the ballades and 
 ballad-singers, so that they can come nowhere but theyre 
 eares tingle ; and if all this will not serve, the King
 
 LIVELY LADIES 183 
 
 threatens to fall upon theyre husbands, parents or 
 frends that have or shold have power over them, and 
 make them pay for it." 
 
 A tax upon unruly female relatives ! What would the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer reap from it nowadays ? 
 
 On 26 February, 1620, Chamberlain writes : " One 
 Peacocke, sometimes a schoolemaster and a minister 
 (but a very busie braind fellow) was the last weeke 
 committed to the towre for practising to infatuate the 
 King's judgment by sorcerie (they say) in the busines 
 of Sir Thomas Lake and the Lady of Excester (Exeter) ; 
 he hath ben strictly examined by the Lord Chancellor, 
 the Lord Cooke, the Lord Cheif Justice, the Atturney, 
 Sollicitor, and others, and on Tewsday was hanged up 
 by the wrists, and though he were very impatient of the 
 torture and swoned once or twice, yet I cannot learne 
 that they have wrunge any great matter out of him." 
 
 It was not likely that they would ; but Chamberlain 
 evidently deems it quite just and fitting that this poor 
 wretch should be tortured on suspicion of attempting 
 an impossible feat. 
 
 On 11 March, 1620, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 King came hither the Saterday before Shrovetide, and 
 the two dayes following here was much feasting and 
 jollitie, and the Christmas maske repeated on Shrove 
 Tewsday night. On Saterday last the Prince made a 
 bal and a banket at Denmark House, which he had lost 
 at tennis to the Marquis Buckingham, who invited 
 thether a number of ladies, mistresses and valentines, a 
 ceremonie come lately in request, and growne so costly 
 that it is saide he hath cast away this yeare 2,000 
 that way, among whom a daughter of Sir John Croftes 
 that is unmarried had a carcanet of 500 for her share." 
 
 Gay doings, indeed ! A carcanet is a collar of gold ; 
 the King, it is said, was hugely taken with the idea, and 
 bespoke a number of these lively ladies for the Christmas 
 festivities at Court. 
 
 At the masques, tourneys, etc., we are constantly
 
 184 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 hearing of the jealousy of the foreign Ambassadors 
 in the matter of precedence ; on 1 April, 1620, Chamber- 
 lain writes that at the tilting in honour of the anniversary 
 of the King's accession on 24 March the French 
 Ambassador gave a great deal of trouble in this con- 
 nection, until King James " wearie of these disputes, 
 told him he had no reason to be so careful of him, seeing 
 his master had not declared for him nor his pretence in 
 the same cause " ; which was a " facer " for the French- 
 man, who went home. Furthermore, in the same letter, 
 there is an account of the squabbles for precedence among 
 the courtiers who were to accompany the King to Paul's 
 Cross to hear the bishop's sermon, which so worried the 
 King that he " was redy to turn backe when he was 
 getting on horseback, but in conclusion he left the 
 matter as he found it, with order that none of the 
 arguers on either side shold accompanie him " ; which 
 was a very good way out of the business, but there 
 appears to have been some laxity or want of knowledge 
 in the Earl Marshal's department ; precedence has since 
 then been established with great nicety. 
 
 On 29 April, 1620, Chamberlain writes of his appoint- 
 ment on a Commission his sole public office, so far as is 
 known concerning the repairs to St. Paul's Cathedral: 
 " We have here a great commission come forth for 
 the busines of Powles, comprehending all the Counsaile, 
 divers bishops with the residentiaries of that church, 
 divers Aldermen and other citizens, and for want of 
 better Mr. Wimark and myself, that am very unfit for 
 any such employment, and I know not how I came in 
 unles it be for my love to the place. The whole number 
 is 66, and the first day of sitting was this day sevenight, 
 when there was litle or nothing don but order taken how 
 to proceed. I have not ben among them since, so litle 
 joy I take in the office ; the King is very earnest to 
 set it forward, and they begin hotly, but I doubt when 
 all is don it will prove (as they say) Powles worke. 
 All the commissioners were invited to dine that day
 
 185 
 
 with the Lord Mayor, but (because I love not such 
 confusion of companie) I went not ; yet if I had knowne 
 we shold have met there with such a bride as my Lord 
 Mayor's daughter, maried that morning to the Lord 
 Effingam, it might chaunce have tempted me." 
 
 The Lord Mayor was Sir William Cokayne ; he 
 was, as already described, knighted by the King in 
 1616. His daughter married Charles, Lord Howard 
 of Effingham, son and heir to Charles Howard, Earl of 
 Nottingham ; the wedding was a very splendid affair, 
 and quite the talk of the town at the moment. 
 
 From a letter of 8 July, 1620, we learn that Chamber- 
 lain did not console himself with a pipe in his bachelor 
 seclusion : " As for proclamations and patents, they 
 are become so ordinarie that there is no end, every day 
 bringing forth some new project or other, as within these 
 two dayes here is one come forth for tobacco, wholly 
 ingrossed by Sir Thomas Rowe and his partners, which 
 if they can kepe and maintaine against the general 
 clamour, willbe a matter of great commoditie, unles 
 peradventure indignation (rather then all other reasons) 
 may bringe that filthie weede out of use." 
 
 There is a good deal of indignation against tobacco 
 " trusts " nowadays, but the " filthie weede " is in great 
 demand notwithstanding. 
 
 On 27 July, 1620, Chamberlain deplores the decision 
 of the Commission on St. Paul's that a number of houses 
 must be immediately demolished ; he is not a busy or 
 enthusiastic member of the Commission ; in his next 
 letter, on 4 August, he says that the inhabitants of the 
 condemned houses appear to discredit the edict, and 
 treat it as a joke, and one of them wrote on his door 
 " Stet quaeso candide lector " " Prythee, gentle reader, 
 let it stand." 
 
 On 9 September : " Sir Robert Mansfeld (Mansel) 
 with all his sea-faring captaines that go in this fleet 
 went to Windsor yesterday in their highest braverie 
 to take theyre leave, which complement (not usual),
 
 186 A JACOBEAN LETTER- WRITER 
 
 together with other provisions of rich foot clothes and 
 such like makes many wonder what their emploiment 
 shold be, and cannot be persuaded that such furniture 
 shold be for fight with pirates or for Argier (Algiers) ; 
 their ships be all now in the Downes and neglect a faire 
 winde (if their business require any haste) to follow 
 these ceremonious courses." 
 
 This was the Algiers expedition, concerning which 
 much has been written ; it was somewhat of a fiasco, 
 but Mansel was not so much to blame as most writers 
 make out ; he was unfairly handicapped by the King's 
 instructions, and was even in ignorance of an ulterior 
 purpose in sending the expedition ; also, he was treach- 
 erously dealt with by the Spaniards, and badly served 
 in the matter of provisions, etc., promised from 
 England 1 . 
 
 In the same letter, alluding to various " interesting 
 events," he says : " My short returne from Ware 
 Park was upon the like occasion that my Lady Fan- 
 shawe's eldest daughter Mrs. Bedells had the same 
 fortune, for I am growne somwhat childish and bashfull, 
 and care not for gossipping nor much companie." 
 
 " Gossipping " in this instance signifies, of course, 
 standing sponsor, or at least being present at the 
 christening of Mrs. Bedell's daughter ; one could scarcely 
 imagine John Chamberlain declaring, with any sort of 
 sincerity, that he " cared not for gossipping " in the 
 usual sense. 
 
 On 14 October, 1620, we hear that " The Earle of 
 Suffolk growes still in grace, and it was verely thought 
 and saide this weeke that he shold recover the Counsaile 
 table ; thus we see how it pleases fortune to play fast 
 and loose." 
 
 1 The Algiers Expedition is very fully dealt with by Commander 
 Statham in "The History of the Family of Maunsell (Mansell, Mansel)," 
 Vol. I., pp. 494 et seq. : this is the only account in which the pros and 
 ions are fully set forth, with due reference to authorities.
 
 A PITHY CRITICISM 187 
 
 For " fortune " read " King James." Suffolk was let 
 off almost the whole of his fine ; in fact, was scarcely 
 punished at all, though he had been guilty of the most 
 flagrant breach of trust in his high and responsible 
 office of Treasurer. 
 
 On 28 October, 1620, Chamberlain is very strong 
 on the subject of monopolies, which indeed had become 
 a national scandal ; he mentions some, but not that of 
 glass, granted to Sir Robert Mansel, which was one of 
 the most glaring ; in the same letter he writes : 
 " This weeke the Lord Chauncellor (Bacon) hath set 
 forth his new worke called Instauratis Magna, or a kind 
 of new organum of all philosophic ; in sending it to the 
 King he wrote that he wisht his ma tie ' might be as long 
 in reading it as he hath ben in compiling and polishing 
 it, which is well neere thirteen yeares. I have read no 
 more then the bare title, and am not greatly incouraged 
 by Mr. Cuffe's judgement, who having long since perused 
 it gave this censure, that a foole could not have written 
 such a worke, and a wise man wold not." 
 
 Admirable Mr. Cuffe ! How many pretentious and 
 pedantic volumes are there to which his epigrammatic 
 verdict is applicable ! 
 
 On 4 November, 1620, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 King came hither on Tewsday and went away yesterday 
 to Tiballs, on Monday to Roiston and so to Newmarket 
 till toward Christmas ; so little time did he afford to so 
 much busines as depends here upon his presence, besides 
 audience to ambassadors that watch their opportunitie ; " 
 a reflection which presents itself to anyone who reads the 
 records, either in these letters or elsewhere, of the doings 
 of this very trivial monarch ; " yet," says Chamberlain, 
 " in this short moment he resolved on a parlement to 
 begin the 16 of January, and hath taken order for 
 a commission and proclamation, as it were two 
 gentleman ushers to go before it ; the commission 
 to survay all monopolies and patents that are greivous 
 to the commonwealth ; the proclamation to geve
 
 188 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 encouragement for a free election of knights and 
 burgesses," etc. 
 
 The monopolies assuredly demanded a survey ; but 
 the evils thereof were not destined to be removed in 
 this reign ; vested interests and laisser aller were too 
 strong. 
 
 On 9 November, Lady Carleton being then in England, 
 partly on her husband's business, Chamberlain declares 
 himself unable to advise her whether to return to The 
 Hague, or to await Sir Dudley's rumoured return ; 
 and warns Carleton not to take any action upon private 
 letters or gossip, which caused the overthrow of Sir 
 Thomas Bodley ; and proceeds : " One thing I must 
 not forget, that as I wrote you last yeare that it was 
 straunge we shold complaine of plentie, so now I must 
 
 tell you that plentie hath made us poore Corne 
 
 and cattell were never at so low a rate since I can 
 remember, wheat at two shillings a bushell, barley at 
 seven shillings a quarter, etc., and yet can they get no 
 riddance at that price, so that land falls everywhere 
 .... and yet I know three or four noblemen that 
 within these last five dayes had letters for a new con- 
 tribution to the Palatinate " ; which was perfectly 
 true ; the Council issued a circular letter on 25 October 
 to that effect ; " the Palatinate being the ancient heritage 
 of his Majesty's son-in-law is now invaded by a foreign 
 enemy " ; and so the lords and commons are to subscribe 
 for an intervening army ; the whole business is so hope- 
 lessly unbusinesslike ! 
 
 Chamberlain encloses a copy of the proclamation 
 concerning the summoning of parliament ; this is to 
 be found, printed in full, in the volume of Proclamation 
 Collections in the Record Office. King James was at 
 some pains to indicate the sorts of persons whom the 
 electors were to return, and likewise those who were 
 not to be returned to wit " Bankrupts and necessitous 
 persons that may desire long parliaments for their 
 private protections ; or young and inexperienced men
 
 A RASH PROCLAMATION 189 
 
 that are not ripe and mature for so grave a Councell ; 
 or men of meane qualities in themselves, who may onely 
 serve to applaud the opinion of others on whom they 
 depend, or curious and wrangling lawyers, who may seek 
 reputation by stirring needlesse questions," etc. 
 
 The King was skating upon thin ice with his " curious 
 and wrangling lawyers," a stupid and undignified 
 phrase to find place in a proclamation, and bound to 
 give offence, as was pointed out to him ; but Chamber- 
 lain says that he obstinately adhered to it, " and wold 
 not be intreated by the Lord Chauncellor (Bacon) 
 and Lord Chamberlain (the Earl of Pembroke) to leave 
 out the words " ; so there they stand, a monument of 
 regal indiscretion. 
 
 On 10 February, 1621, Chamberlain writes : " I 
 know the eyes of all Europe are upon us and our parle- 
 ment, but I pray God it fall not out that parturiunt 
 monies, for they undertake so much busines at once that 
 it will be hard demesler so many fusees (to disentangle 
 so many skeins)." A sad mixture of metaphors and 
 languages, Mr. Chamberlain ! 
 
 First there was a squabble as to which church the 
 House should resort for the Communion ; then the 
 question was raised as to freedom of speech, the winding 
 up of the last parliament being very much in recollection ; 
 but the difficulty of supply was naturally paramount, 
 and in his next letter (of 17 February) Chamberlain 
 tells us that subsidies have been ordered ; for which 
 the King summoned the House to Whitehall to receive 
 his thanks. 
 
 In his next letter, dated 17 February, 1621, Chamber- 
 lain tells us of the death of Sir Sebastian Harvey, at 
 one time Lord Mayor, whose daughter, as a child of 
 fourteen, it will be recollected, was sought as a wife 
 for Christopher Villiers ; says Chamberlain : " Sir 
 Sebastian Harvey died the last weeke without a will, 
 having a good time before, as they say, made deede 
 of guift of all he had lands and goods, to his wife, thereby
 
 190 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 to defeat his daughter's suters, if that will serve and 
 may stand goode." 
 
 Sir Sebastian was determined that his daughter 
 should not be victimised by fortune hunters. 
 
 Writing on 20 March, 1621, Chamberlain says : 
 " We heare that Sir Robert Mansfeld and his fleet have 
 don just nothing but negotiated with those of Argier 
 (Algiers) for certain slaves, and they complaine of 
 theyre usage on the coast of Spaine, that they are faine 
 to buy theyre water, and could not be suffered to carrie 
 aboard a thousand ducats they had taken up at Malaga, 
 to provide fresh vitayles for their sicke and weak men, 
 with a number of other discourtesies and indignities." 
 
 Sir Robert Mansel certainly suffered much from the 
 treachery of the Spaniards, who were supposed to be 
 acting in concert with him ; but, being very jealous 
 of the presence of an English fleet " up the Straits," 
 they thwarted him at every opportunity, and spread 
 false reports against him ; while the authorities at 
 Algiers with whom he was bidden to treat on behalf of 
 King James, were in league with the pirates whom he 
 was sent out to destroy, and who, in fact, so to speak, 
 " ran the whole show." 
 
 But Chamberlain says these matters must not be too 
 freely discussed, on pain of possible imprisonment and 
 fine, citing instances of preachers who had been " clapt 
 up " for discoursing on the proposed " Spanish match " 
 and such like affairs from their pulpits. 
 
 " Touching the parlement they are very busie about 
 Sir Giles Mompesson and the rest of that crue, in which 
 number they are willing to spare none, no not Sir Edward 
 Villers (Villiers), nor the referrees, be they never so 
 great." 
 
 Sir Giles Mompesson had been delivered into the 
 charge of the Sergeant-at-Arms for some rascality in 
 connection with the license for charcoal, which was 
 bestowed upon him in the preceding year ; " the rest 
 of that crue " were men of position who were guilty of
 
 BACON'S DISHONESTIES 191 
 
 similar impositions and dishonesty. Sir Giles, as 
 Chamberlain relates, contrived to escape to France, 
 for the moment ; he was captured, however, and 
 severely punished. 
 
 Chamberlain's signature to this letter is very carefully 
 deleted, as is also a sentence at the commencement of 
 his next letter of 24 March, 1621, in which he has a good 
 deal to say upon matters of considerable interest. 
 " The Polonian (Polish) Ambassador arrived on Saterday. 
 
 .... he went to Court next day His request 
 
 was for men to resist the Turke, wherin he had a goode 
 and favourable aunswer that the King wold maintain 
 his word and promise, and geve all assistance that lay 
 in him against the common ennemie " ; it is alleged 
 that there are more than thirty thousand Scottish 
 families in Poland. As for the Parliament, " they plie 
 the business very hard, and for the most part sit both 
 before and after dinner, besides many conferences and 
 committees ; for they find it more then Hercules' 
 labour purgare hoc stabulum Augiae of monopolies, 
 patents, and the like ; and they are now fallen into 
 another labirinth (whence they see no way out) of 
 briberies and extortions in matters of justice, and the 
 first tempest is fallen upon my Lord Chauncellor 
 (Francis Bacon, Baron Verulam and Viscount St. Albans), 
 against whom there come in daylie more petitions and 
 accusations then they can overcome, wherin his owne 
 frends are made speciall instruments against him." 
 
 Then follow some details of the various scandalous 
 impostures perpetrated by this man of genius, which 
 need not be gone into here. 
 
 " He hath absented himself from the Upper House 
 these eight or ten days, so that the Lord of Buckingham 
 and others came to him on Sonday last to seeke a com- 
 mission for the new Lord Cheife Justice to be speaker 
 in his place. It seemes he doth either dissemble or not 
 feele the ignominie that hangs over him, but caries 
 himself as he was wont ; yet his frends give out that
 
 192 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 he is very sicke, and so wold move commiseration, but 
 all men approve the Lord Cooke, who upon discoverie 
 of these matters exclaimed that a corrupt judge was 
 the grevance of greevances. For mine owne part I assure 
 you I do much lament that a man of so excellent parts 
 should prove so fowle and faultie as is pretended 
 
 (i.e., set forth) God send him patience, and that 
 
 he may make the best use of this affliction." 
 
 Chamberlain tells in his next letter, of 28 March, 1621, 
 of the excellent feeling between the two Houses of 
 Parliament, and of the King's gracious speeches when 
 they rose for the Easter recess. There was apparently 
 a genuine attempt to deal with the corruption which had 
 been rife for so many years, and by which so many public 
 men had enriched themselves to an almost incredible 
 extent ; but, as Chamberlain remarks, the cleansing 
 of such an Augean stable was necessarily a work of time. 
 
 There are further references to sundry delinquents, 
 but they are not of much interest. Sir Henry Yelverton, 
 Attorney-General, who was accused of having officially 
 passed a charter to the City of London containing 
 unauthorised provisions, made a great noise in the 
 House over his defence, and spoke so intemperately 
 that he was removed to the Tower upon the intervention 
 of Prince Charles, and the King was greatly incensed 
 against him ; upon which Chamberlain treats us to 
 another of his quaint mixtures of language : " Now if 
 Principis ira be mors, what a mad man he is to run his 
 head thus against the wall." 
 
 Meanwhile Francis Bacon was temporising to the 
 utmost of his power, " knowing," as Chamberlain says, 
 " that the first apprehensions are most violent, and 
 that time mollifies many things." 
 
 In a letter of 29 May, 1621, Chamberlain alludes to a 
 passage-of-arms between Lord Spencer and the Earl 
 of Arundel in the House of Lords. Arundel, with some 
 others, urged that Sir Henry Yelverton should receive 
 a more severe sentence in that house for having spoken in
 
 TWO IRATE EARLS 193 
 
 derogation of the King's honour. Arundel was of a 
 somewhat domineering disposition, and perhaps ex- 
 pressed himself in an irritating fashion, and Lord 
 Spencer first Baron Spencer of Wormleighton took 
 exception to his speech, remarking that " he marvailed 
 he shold be so earnest, since he had heard that he and 
 his house (the Howards] had taken exception that two 
 of their noble and worthie auncestors were in this place 
 sentenced in that sort ; to which the Earle replied that 
 whatsoever had befallen bis auncestors, he was sure 
 that in those times when they did great and honorable 
 service to theyre Prince and countrie, his were shepherds." 
 
 Spencer came, in fact, of a family which had made 
 an immense amount of money by rearing sheep. Such 
 an interchange could not, of course, be allowed to pass ; 
 Arundel was called upon to apologise to the House and 
 to Spencer, at the bar ; he refused to apologise to Lord 
 Spencer, and was sent to the Tower ; but he was not 
 detained there many days. 
 
 Another version of this story attributes the initial 
 attack to Arundel, who exclaimed: "My Lord, when 
 these things you speak of were doing, your ancestors 
 were keeping sheep ! " " And yours," retorted Spencer, 
 " were plotting treason ! " This is more probably the 
 correct version ; it is confirmed by William Camden, 
 the Antiquary, a friend of Chamberlain's ; perhaps 
 each heard his own story from some gossip in "Powle's." 
 
 On 2 June, 1621, we hear of another of those terrible 
 sentences which seem to have been inflicted for very 
 trifling offences. One Floyde, an obscure lawyer, who 
 was accused of having used " lewd and contemptuous 
 wordes against the King and Quene of Bohemie," 
 while in the Fleet prison, and whose case had been 
 under consideration for a month, " was sentenced in the 
 higher house to pay 5,000, to be ungentilised (or to 
 beare no armes), to ride with his face to the horse taile 
 (and the taile in his hand) to the pillorie in Cheapside 
 there to have the letter K branded in his forehead with
 
 194 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 a hot iron ; all which was performed on Monday last ; 
 then as yesterday the first day of the terme to ride in like 
 sort to the pillorie at Westminster, from thence to be 
 whipt all the way to Newgate, and there to lie in the 
 dungeon during life ; all which he did undergo saving 
 whipping, which was remitted in regard of his age 
 (beeing about threescore), and of the countenance he 
 had carried of a Justice of Peace in his countrie." 
 
 Chamberlain says that there was much discussion 
 over the severity of this sentence, and " divers were 
 called in question for speaking so liberally against it." 
 
 Bacon, malgre his temporising, went to the Tower 
 during the week. 
 
 The King astonished Parliament, which had only 
 been sitting four days since the recess, by announcing 
 his intention of dissolving a week later ; various reasons 
 were alleged for this " sodain breaking of " ; but after 
 noting them the loyal Chamberlain remarks " For 
 my part I do relie upon the King's reasons and goode 
 pleasure without further inquirie into what I cannot 
 reach." In the end the Parliament was adjourned until 
 14 November. 
 
 " The King, at his beeing in the house on Saturday, 
 made a kind of petition (as he termed it) that the earle 
 of Arundell making his submission to the house might 
 be released (and for what concerned the Lord Spencer 
 the Prince shold compound it between them), which 
 was easily yeelded unto, and he set at libertie the same 
 day." 
 
 This incident is not mentioned in the Lords' Journals, 
 though Sir Henry Yelverton's case and defence is fully 
 set forth. 
 
 On 23 June, 1621, Chamberlain relates how that 
 Sir Francis Michell has been degraded from his knight- 
 hood. He was a commissioner for enforcing monopolies 
 a most demoralising office ! and being found guilty 
 of corruption was haled before the Commissioners of 
 the Marshal's Court to be degraded: "which ceremonie
 
 DEGRADING A KNIGHT 195 
 
 was performed by the breaking of his sword over his 
 head, and throwing the peices severall waves, as likewise 
 his spurrres, and pronouncing him to be no more Sir 
 Fraunces Michell, knight, but a person infamous and a 
 knave and so he was sent away like a pauvre diable." 
 
 A poor devil, indeed ! But as to corruptions well, 
 he happened to be found out ; there were a goodly 
 number who escaped. The King announced through the 
 Star Chamber that he intended to issue a declaration 
 concerning the abuse of monopolies, etc. 
 
 " The late Lord Chauncellor (Bacon) hath lien now 
 a goode while at Fulham in that was Sir Thomas Smith's 
 house, but is gon this day (as I heare) to his owne house 
 at Goramberrie (Gorhambury), having (as shold seeme) 
 no manner of feeling of his fall, but continueng as vaine 
 and idle in all his humors as when he was at highest, 
 and his fine of 40,000 to the King is so far from hurting 
 him that it serves for a bulwarke and protection against 
 his creditors." 
 
 Compare Lawyer Floyd's punishment for unwary 
 speech, and Sir Francis Michell's for probably far less 
 flagrant extortions. 
 
 The King's proclamation was duly issued on 10 July, 
 1621 ; it is a long affair, covering a good deal of ground ; 
 but it does not touch some of the most glaring monopolies 
 
 On 14 July Chamberlain records the unusual bestowal 
 of the great Seal upon an ecclesiastic below the rank of 
 bishop to wit, the Dean of Westminster " and that 
 afternoone he went to his Church in pontificalibus, 
 with the purse and mace borne before him." 
 
 This was John Williams ; he was in great favour with 
 Buckingham, and became a person of considerable 
 influence. He was made bishop of Lincoln in 1621, and 
 Archbishop of York in 1641. 
 
 On 21 July we learn that Thomas Howard, Earl of 
 Arundel, was made Earl Marshall ; Chamberlain says 
 that " the King would have geven him 2000 a yeare 
 pension withall, but (whatsoever the reason was) he
 
 196 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 wold not accept but the ordinarie fee, which is 20 per 
 annum " ; but there is another version likewise of this 
 story ; namely, that Williams, lately appointed Lord 
 Keeper, was no friend to Arundel ; that it was through his 
 instrumentality that the pension was denied, and that 
 he actually delayed the patent passing the seal for three 
 or four months. It is highly improbable that Arundel 
 would have refused to accept 2,000 a year by no means 
 an excessive sum, considering the rank and importance 
 of the office when he had been so impoverished by the 
 unjust and infamous treatment of his father and grand- 
 father by the Tudor Sovereigns, and was compelled, as 
 we have seen, to pay 4,000 in order to obtain possession 
 of his own house. 
 
 In this letter Chamberlain records the release of a 
 number of persons under restraint in the Tower and 
 elsewhere ; a sort of general amnesty in fact, preceded 
 by a long private conference between the King, Bucking- 
 ham and the Lord Keeper. Among others the Earl of 
 Northumberland was released, after fifteen years in the 
 Tower for alleged complicity in the Gunpowder Plot ; 
 " the warders of the towre make great moane that they 
 have lost such a benefactor.*' The wretched lawyer, 
 Floyd, was also released from Newgate but still 
 indelibly branded with " K " (for " knave ") on his 
 forehead. 
 
 In a letter of 28 July, 1621, we learn that Dr. Hackwell, 
 Chaplain to the Prince of Wales, had been dissuading 
 the Prince from marrying an idolater, and that the 
 Bishop of Winchester, being called upon for his opinion, 
 expressed the view that all Roman Catholics are not 
 idolaters. 
 
 " Sir Robert Mansell and his fleet are called home, 
 some say to kepe the soveraigntie of the narrow seas, 
 which our neighbours on all sides begin to incroach very 
 fast upon ; " but this was not precisely the reason ; 
 the expedition against the Barbary corsairs had almost 
 entirely failed, from causes already indicated.
 
 THE ARCHBISHOP'S SHOT 197 
 
 " This weeke a great misfortune is befallen the Arch- 
 bishop of Caunterburie, for going into Hampshire to 
 consecrate a chappell at the Lord Zouches, and beeing 
 (for pleasure) set up in a stand to shoote at a deare, 
 instead of a bucke he hath killed the keper." 
 
 A " great misfortune," indeed and what about the 
 unlucky keeper ? Archbishops should not be allowed 
 to shoot at " deares " or deers either ! Sir Dudley 
 Digges, in a letter to Sir Dudley Carleton, says it was 
 the keeper's own fault, and the coroner's jury found 
 verdict to that effect. 
 
 Chamberlain has more to say about the incident in 
 his next letter, dated 4 August, 1621 : " Sir Dudley 
 
 Digges was in towne on Sonday His errand was 
 
 to condole and comfort the Lord of Caunterburie for 
 
 that heavie mishap For ought I can learne 
 
 there is no more sorrow than needes, and I could wish 
 they were somwhat more sensible of such a disaster, 
 for howsoever mischaunces may light anywhere and 
 cannot be prevented, yet what shold a man of his place 
 
 and profession be meddling with such edge tools 
 
 He sent away to inform his ma tie- who returned a gracious 
 aunswer that such an accident might befall any man, 
 that himself had the ill lucke once to kill the keper's 
 horse under him ; and that his Quene in like sort killed 
 him the best brache (bitch hound) that ever he had, 
 and therefore willed him not to discomfort himself " 
 over killing a man ! Chamberlain was quite right in 
 saying that there was " no more sorow than needes " 
 over the business. However, the Archbishop Dr. 
 George Abbot was formally pardoned by the King, 
 and undertook to provide for the widow and children 
 of the keeper. 
 
 On 18 August, 1621, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 King was so pleased and taken with his entertainment 
 at the Lord Marques (of Buckingham, at Burly in 
 Rutlandshire) that he could not forbeare to expresse his 
 contentment in certain verses he made there, to this
 
 198 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 effect, that the ayre, the weather (though it were not 
 so here) and everything els, even the staggs and buckes 
 in their fall did seeme to smile, so that there was hope 
 of a smiling boy within a while, to which end he concluded 
 with a wish or votum for the felicitie and fruitfulness 
 of that vertuous and blessed couple ; and in way of 
 Amen caused the bishop of London in his presence to 
 geve them a benediction " ; a much more fitting epis- 
 copal office than shooting keepers ! Buckingham had 
 married in the previous year Lady Katherine Manners, 
 daughter of the Earl of Rutland ; she was a Catholic, 
 but is said to have thrown her faith overboard in order 
 to become Marchioness of Buckingham. 
 
 The Earl of Arundell is to have his 2,000 a year after 
 all, secured to himself and his son. 
 
 " Though the Archbishop of Caunterburie had that 
 gracious aunswer upon the first newes of his misfortune, 
 that I wrote you, yet I heare since that faire weather 
 begins to overcast, and cloudes to gather against him." 
 
 This was very true ; the feeling was so strong against 
 him that bishops elect were unwilling to be consecrated 
 by him ; at length a commission was appointed to sit 
 upon his case ; eventually the King confirmed his 
 pardon. 
 
 In a letter of 13 October, 1621, Chamberlain tells of 
 the removal of the Earl of Suffolk from the office of Lord 
 Treasurer, "when he least looked for it"; he is made 
 Lord President of the Council, but there was some talk 
 of corruption, probably not without foundation ; 
 Suffolk had become thoroughly demoralised since he 
 exchanged the position of naval officer for that of courtier. 
 
 On 20 October, 1621, Chamberlain writes : " Two 
 dayes since we had newes that the pirates have lately 
 
 taken 57 saile of ours It seemes our fleet that 
 
 set out against them the last yeare did litle goode, and 
 went neither to Gravesend, nor Ostend, nor to no end 
 (as they saide in the play) but irritare crabrones (to stir 
 up the hornets.)"
 
 LORD MAYOR BOLTS 199 
 
 On 10 November, 1621, there is further comment upon 
 the financial situation : " I forbare the last weeke 
 because here was nothing to write but of my new Lord 
 Maiors pageants, and the old Mayors failing, who the 
 night befor he shold have accompanied his successor 
 to Westminster did sgombrare (whatever that may mean), 
 conveying all of worth out of his house, and himself 
 with his wife into some secret corner in the countrie, 
 where ever since he hath plaide least in sight ; he is 
 one of the farmers (of customs) and always esteemed 
 
 a man of great wealth You may guesse in what 
 
 case we are and how sound at heart (for all our faire 
 shewes), when neither Lord Major, Aldermen, farmers, 
 no nor whole companies, as the East Indian, Moscovie 
 and others are not able to hold out and pay their debts." 
 
 For this, or some other emergency, the reassembling 
 of Parliament was hastened by proclamation to take 
 place on 20 November instead of 8 February.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 JACOBEAN LETTERS 
 
 November, 1621 April, 1624 
 
 THE House duly assembled, and one of the first things 
 accomplished was the levying of a subsidy to be paid 
 in February, " concluding that all recusants (or whose 
 wives, children or servants are so) shold pay double, 
 and be counted as aliens ; and that they shold not be 
 rated by the ordinarie sessors but by the Commissioners ; 
 .... Hal the lawier wold have a proviso inserted for 
 the Archbishop of Yorke in respect of his spnne, by which 
 unseasonable jest he hath gained nothing but the 
 reputation to favor or savour of that sect." But the 
 suggestion was quite logical ; Tobie Matthew, the 
 Archbishop's son, was a " recusant," though he had 
 been spared the penalty. 
 
 King James got at loggerheads with his Parliament 
 in December, 1621, with the result that the House of 
 Commons, on 18 December, sent him a protestation, 
 which may be summarised as follows : " That their 
 liberties are their ancient and undoubted birthright ; 
 that affairs concerning the King, State, defence of the 
 realm and church, making laws, redressing grievances, 
 etc., are proper subjects of debate in Parliament, and 
 that each member has entire freedom of speech therein, 
 and cannot be censured except by the House itself, 
 which is to complain of any member to the King, before 
 he gives credence to private informations." 
 
 To which the King replied by a commission adjourning
 
 KING VERSUS COMMONS 201 
 
 Parliament until 8 February ; and on 30 December, 
 in the presence of the Council, he called for the Journal 
 of the House of Commons, and with his own hand 
 deleted the protestation from the records. None but 
 the Stuarts could do this kind of thing ! 
 
 On 4 January, 1622, Chamberlain writes that Sir 
 Edward Coke is again in trouble, and adds : " The 
 King is exceedingly distasted with the protestation, 
 and doth challenge and blame his servants, who all or 
 
 the most part pleade absence There was a 
 
 proclamation expected to come foorth the second of 
 this moneth for the dissolving of the parlement " ; he 
 enumerates certain reasons against this : " these with 
 many other reasons represented by the Counsaile are 
 thought to have stayed it hitherto, but at the King 
 going hence we shall see the successe." 
 
 They " saw the success " a day or two later, in the 
 form of a long proclamation, setting forth the relations 
 between King and Parliament, and how that " its 
 happy beginnings being thwarted by the turbulence 
 of certain unruly spirits, his Majesty now concludes to 
 dissolve it " and dissolved it was. 
 
 " Yesterday the Lord of Buckingham, Mr. Wraye 
 of the bedchamber, Sir John Finet and some others, 
 together with the Lady Marques, Countesse of Buck- 
 ingham, and others dined with our bishop of London, 
 and before dinner were all confirmed or bishopt, as 
 children used to be, in his chappell, where they had 
 choise musicke and all the ceremonies belonging to that 
 action " ; an unusual incident ; the Marchioness of 
 Buckingham had probably been previously confirmed 
 as a Catholic, but anything to please her Marquess ! 
 
 On 19 January, 1622, Chamberlain has again a great 
 deal to say about the scarcity of money and the means 
 proposed for raising it. 
 
 " The Marques Buckingham hath contracted with the 
 Lord and Lady Wallingford for their house neere 
 Whitehall, for some monie, and the making of Sir
 
 202 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Thomas Howard, baron of Charleton and Vicount 
 Andover, and some thincke the deliverie of the Lord of 
 Somerset and his Lady out of the towre was part of the 
 bargain ; I heare they came out severally on Thursday 
 in the evening." 
 
 Sir Thomas Howard was brother to Frances, Countess 
 of Somerset ; William Knollys, Viscount Wallingford 
 and Earl of Banbury, married, as his second wife, her 
 sister Elizabeth ; so here was the making of a little 
 family arrangement. 
 
 On 16 February, 1622, Chamberlain writes : " Your 
 nephew came to you so well stored that I doubt not 
 but he hath made a full relation and furnished you with 
 whatsoever is here stirring ; whiles he was here I was 
 the lesse diligent, and shall not be very forward here- 
 after, as beeing discouraged divers wayes, for the times 
 are daungerous and the world growes tender and jealous 
 of free speach. The uncertaintie likewise and varietie 
 of reports is such that we know not what to beleve of 
 that is don here under our nose, and what is geven 
 out to-day for certain is tomorrow contradicted ; for 
 since two yeares that the forge or mint was set up at 
 Amsterdam we have never left coyning, so apish are 
 we in imitation of what is worst. Another reason I will 
 not dissemble that I waxe idle and unwilling to take 
 any paines more then needes." 
 
 Coining falsehoods, or canards, presumably, though 
 why Amsterdam is credited with the initiation of the 
 practice is not clear. 
 
 " Your brother Carleton .... writes that letters 
 are come downe to the Coroner that the evidence 
 touching the Earl of Berkshires manner of death must 
 not be urged, but the matter made as faire as may be ; 
 it is generally thought that Kit Villers shall cary away 
 his daughter ; for all I have heard or can learne I see 
 no cause of so desperate a resolution, but that he had 
 laesum principium (torn or violated principle), and the 
 want of God's grace."
 
 DEAN CORBET'S SERMON 203 
 
 This was Francis Norris, created Viscount Thame 
 and Earl of Berkshire in 1621. A year previously, just 
 after his creation, he was sent to the Fleet for striking 
 Lord Scrope in the House of Lords, but was released 
 in a week. 
 
 About 4 February, 1622, he shot himself with a cross- 
 bow, turning it against his heart while he released the 
 string. As Chamberlain says, there does not appear 
 to be any reason for the act, though the Die. Nat. Bio. 
 says it was " from mortification " ; twelve months 
 after the incident. 
 
 " Here be certain verses of Dr. Corbet deane of 
 Christehurch, who preaching before the King at Wood- 
 stocke last sommer was so gravelled that he was faine 
 to geve over ; neither had he better lucke in his play 
 then in his preaching, for thincking to mend the matter 
 with a corned ie of the mariage of the Arts, it proved 
 so tedious, as well for the matter as the action, that 
 the King indured it with great impatience, wherupon the 
 very boyes and children flouted it with a rime. A mariage 
 we had but offering there was none, save that the King 
 offered twise or thrise to be gone." 
 
 Poor Dean Corbet ! One cannot but pity him, in being 
 " gravelled for lack of matter " before so keen a critic 
 as King James, and a preacher is denied either of the 
 shifts prescribed by gentle Rosalind ! 
 
 On 30 March, 1622, Chamberlain writes that there is 
 again an alarm of a great Armada in preparation in 
 Spain for the invasion of England. 
 
 " On Tewsday or Wensday morning the Lady Marques 
 (of Buckingham) was brought abed of a daughter (not 
 a " smiling boy," as prophesied by the King), and on 
 Thursday the King kept her companie all the afternoone 
 at cardes " ; but in a postscript Chamberlain says that 
 the poor Marchioness " is overtaken with the small 
 pockes in her child bed." 
 
 On 8 June, 1622, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 Countesse of Buckingham hath recanted again, and
 
 204 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 is come home to her mother church The world 
 
 says the daunger of leaving the court was the greatest 
 and most pregnant motive " ; most probably ; but 
 what about her son, John Villiers, Viscount Purbeck ? 
 " He," says Chamberlain, " is out of order, for this day 
 sevennight, getting into a room next the street in 
 Wallingford House, he beat downe the glasse windowes 
 with his bare fists, and all bloodied cried out to the 
 people that passed by that he was a Catholique, and 
 wold spend his blood in the cause ; " " out of order," 
 no doubt, in the eyes of James and his courtiers, and he 
 was certainly of weak intellect ; but this outburst 
 may have been caused by his mother's defection from 
 her adopted faith ; that lady is said to have received 
 a present of 2,000 from the King ? " for reward 
 of her devotion and conformitie." 
 
 In the next letter, dated 1 July, 1622, we learn that 
 " on Tewsday 25 June the King and the Ladies 
 went to Rochester to see the Navie, where I do not 
 heare what passed more then the knighting of one or 
 two of litle name, as indeed they are growne so familiar 
 that baronnetts themselves are brought downe to 200 
 or 250 " ; from 1,095 originally ; the supply exceeded 
 the demand ! 
 
 Sir Edward Coke is charged with having defrauded 
 the King of a great sum of money, and is in the Tower ; 
 he has been allowed to see his son and daughter ; he 
 was, however, acquitted shortly afterwards of all blame. 
 
 On 13 July, 1622, Chamberlain tells of bad news from 
 Virginia : " The savages have by surprise slain above 
 350 of our people there one and other ; it was by their 
 supine negligence that lived as careles and securely 
 there as if they had ben in England, in scattered and 
 
 stragling houses far asunder The disgrace and 
 
 shame is as much as the losse, for no other nation wold 
 have ben so grossely overtaken " ; too true, Mr. 
 Chamberlain ! It is an apparently incurable national 
 failing.
 
 THE KING AND CATHOLICS 205 
 
 In a letter of 10 August, 1622, Chamberlain alludes 
 to King James's new policy of leniency towards Catholics. 
 He resolved, " for State reasons, and from hope of favour 
 by foreign Princes to Protestants, to grant some grace 
 to English Papists, and has ordered the issue of writs 
 for their enlargement, and wishes no nicenesse nor 
 difficulty to be made in showing favour to all accused 
 of refusing the Oath of Supremacy .... or any point 
 of recusancy which concerns religion only, and not 
 matters of State." 
 
 A purely politic move, of course ; but it might 
 reasonably have been expected that it would pave 
 the way for increasing tolerance, and the removal of 
 disabilities ; it had, however, no such result ; nor 
 was it, apparently, of universal application, for Chamber- 
 lain writes, on 25 September, 1622, " The Countesse of 
 Buckingham is relapsed to Poperie, and makes open 
 profession, wherupon she is sent from court (and as 
 is saide) confined to her house at Dalbie in Leicester- 
 shire." 
 
 In this same letter Chamberlain again alludes to his 
 realisation of the gradual encroachment of time, and 
 its effect upon him : "I am growne to that passe that 
 as I am loth to leave home, so when I am once abrode 
 and find myself well, I make no great haste to returne." 
 He was then in his seventieth year. 
 
 On 16 November, 1622, Chamberlain relates how that 
 the pricking of the Sheriffs by the King was so hastily 
 performed at Theobalds that great alterations had to 
 be made afterwards ; the office was a somewhat thankless 
 one, and not sought after in those days ; so, says 
 Chamberlain, " it is become the safest course to be one 
 of the three named in the first bill, for they commonly 
 scape best, and some fourth that never dreamt of the 
 matter is put in place ; it is observed this yeare that 
 many Londoners that have lands in the countrie are 
 specially pickt out, and for the rest either men of meane 
 account, or such as have ben sheriffes alredy, or els
 
 206 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 (for a kind of gentle correction) such as were too forward 
 in the parlement or too backward in the benevolence." 
 
 Tricks even in the making of Sheriffs. 
 
 On 7 December, 1622, Chamberlain writes : " Here 
 is a strict proclamation come foorth that all Lords 
 spirituall and temporall that are not of the Counsaile, 
 all lieutenants, Justices of peace, and gentlemen of 
 qualitie shold repaire to their houses and places of abode 
 and there kepe hospitalitie this Christmas, upon paine 
 and perill may fall thereon " ; in his next letter of 22 
 December he tells us that " divers Lords and persons 
 of qualitie have made meanes to be dispensed withall 
 for going into the countrie this Christmas, but it will 
 not be graunted, so that they packe away on all sides 
 for feare of the worst " ; a tyrannical sort of business, 
 one would say ; it was not by any means the first time 
 it had been done in James's reign. 
 
 Another peremptory order is recorded in Chamber- 
 lain's letter of 4 January, 1623 : " Some new orders 
 that no man shall come booted and spurd into the 
 presence or privie chamber on holydayes or festivalls, 
 nor likewise into the chappell, where all men must 
 continue uncovered during divine service." 
 
 And then another preacher discredited : " Somwhat 
 in the bishop of London's sermon on Christmas Day 
 gave the King so litle content that he grew lowde, 
 and the bishop was driven to end abruptly ; I cannot 
 learne but he strove to be smooth and plausible enough 
 (whatsoever it was that offended) unles perhaps it 
 were too much." 
 
 Some more humble folk might perchance be disposed 
 to envy the King his prerogative of ending a tedious 
 sermon abruptly ; the temptation to " grow lowde " 
 is sometimes difficult to resist. 
 
 " On the second of this moneth the bishop of London 
 together with the Archbishop of Caunterburie and other 
 prelates with great concourse went to consecrate or 
 dedicate a new church built by the citie in the Duke's
 
 GOSSIP GROWS WEARY 207 
 
 place (as it is called) neere Aldgate ; which action was 
 performed (besides other ceremonies) with solemn 
 service, a sermon and a christening of a meane man's 
 child borne hard by, that was named James as likewise 
 the church beares the name of St. James." 
 
 This is St. James's, Aldgate, built upon the site of 
 the wealthy priory of the Holy Trinity, which was be- 
 stowed by Henry VIII. upon Sir Thomas Audley, 
 whose daughter married Thomas Howard, fourth Duke 
 of Norfolk ; the estate passed to Thomas Howard, 
 Earl of Suffolk, who sold it to the Mayor and citizens 
 of London. The church was built from the material of 
 the old priory, and escaped in the great fire of 1666 ; 
 but the body was rebuilt in 1727. 
 
 On 25 January, 1623, Chamberlain wrote a long letter 
 full of gossip about dances and revels and the chances of 
 individuals obtaining sundry appointments ; the Spanish 
 marriage i.e., of the Prince of Wales with the Infanta 
 Maria was being very much talked about at this time, 
 but Chamberlain says it is hanging fire ; the Ambassadors 
 from the States General had been in England for many 
 months, endeavouring to arrive at an understanding 
 upon certain matters. " I heare the States went yesterday 
 to take theyre leave at Court, and have made a kind 
 of end, but I know not what it is, neither indeed am I 
 greatly inquisitive after that or any other newes more 
 then comes in my way, whether it be that continuall 
 bad tidings hath taken away my tast, or that infirmitie 
 of age growes fast upon me, and makes me not to regard 
 how the world goes, seeing I am like to have so litle 
 part of it, for about the middle of this moneth I began 
 to be septuagenarius." 
 
 On 10 February, 1623, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 last weeke here were straunge tides, for in a very calme 
 time it ebbed and flowed thrise in twelve howres, but 
 the greatest wonder was that it continued for two or 
 three dayes, which I have not knowne nor heard of 
 before."
 
 208 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Similar irregularities were observed in 1608, 1641, 
 and 1756 ; no mention appears in any records of this 
 instance mentioned by Chamberlain, nor is it probable 
 that the tide ebbed and flowed thrice in twelve hours. 
 Probably there are frequently small irregularities in. 
 the tides on rivers, not noticeable ; they occur from 
 various causes, and occasionally are sufficiently pro- 
 nounced to attract attention. At Southampton and 
 some other ports there is always a double tide, due to 
 formation of the land and other local causes. 
 
 The wife of the French Ambassador had brought 
 over a niece, Mdlle St. Luc, evidently a charming 
 young French girl, who turned the heads of all the men 
 about the Court : " Mademoiselle St. Luc went away 
 with her aunt with a great deale of grace and favor, 
 and great regret as it seemed on all sides, for many 
 complements and teares were shed at parting ; the King 
 gave her a chaine of diamonds (but nothing to the 
 Ambassadesse for feare of bringing an ill custome) 
 and offered her if she wold stay and make choise of a 
 husband here either the Lord Percy, the Lord Mount joy, 
 or any other, to advance him and make him an earle, 
 et cet. ; but they say she is bespoken at home and goes 
 over for that purpose ; the Prince gave her a faire 
 Jewell, so did the Duchesse with her picture ; the Lord 
 Marquis with his Lady and the Lord of Carlile and his 
 Lady did likewise present her with rich Jewells besides 
 others, and divers prime courtiers brought her a dosen 
 miles on her way." 
 
 Small wonder if mademoiselle's own pretty head was 
 turned, with regret, as she parted from her courtty 
 escort. 
 
 On 22 February, 1623, Chamberlain tells us that the 
 King had intended to visit Cambridge in order to be 
 present at a masque got up by the junior fellows and 
 scholars ; but the Heads objected, so the matter was 
 referred to the King : " Certain of both sides were sent 
 for about Christmas to shew their reasons, which beeing
 
 PRINCE AS JACK SMITH 209 
 
 not admitted on the Seniors' side, but willed to bring 
 better or more pregnant, the auncientest of them saide 
 that these times required rather prayer and fasting 
 then playes and feasting, which was ill taken, and order 
 geven for the playes to go on." 
 
 The " auncientest," it must be admitted, had some 
 foundation for his protest, but neither Kings nor scholars 
 will ever lend a patient ear to such remonstrances, and 
 the old man might as well have spared his breath. 
 
 Then follows an account of the secret journey of Prince 
 Charles and Buckingham to Madrid, in the hope of 
 clinching the marriage with the Infanta, with whom 
 the Prince was apparently in love. Chamberlain says 
 they disguised themselves with false beards (" wherof 
 one fell off at Gravesend ") and by other means ; it 
 proved, however, a futile mission. Chamberlain's next 
 letter of 8 March, 1623, is full of stories and conjectures 
 on this subject, and on 22 March he sends some verses 
 upon " Jack and Tom's " journey, the Prince and 
 Buckingham having travelled in England under the 
 names of Jack and Tom Smith. A messenger from the 
 Earl of Bristol, arriving from Spain, brings news " that 
 the Prince was not expected there, but that it wilbe as 
 straunge hewes to them as it was to us, and withall 
 that thinges are not so forward and ripe there as we take 
 them .... the young Lord Compton hath charge of 
 the Jewells that are to be sent and presented, which 
 are the choise of all in the towre, estimated by some at 
 200,000, but by the more moderate at 80,000 ; there 
 is continuall posting likewise through Fraunce, which 
 together with the expense that the other must make 
 from the sea side to Madrid, will so exhaust our coyne 
 (that is so scant aired y) that it is feared we shalbe driven 
 to use blacke monie (as they call it), which is now in a 
 manner altogether current in Spaine." (" Black money " : 
 copper, or debased silver coinage). 
 
 Preachers, says Chamberlain, find it hard to restrain 
 their tongues over this business, and " on Sonday last 
 p
 
 210 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 at the parish church next to us, one went so far that the 
 parson of the church caused the clarke to sing him downe 
 with a psalme before he had half don " ; a broad hint ! 
 
 On 5 April, 1623, Chamberlain reports, " here by 
 commandment was bonfires and ringing of bells for the 
 welcome newes of the Prince's safe arrival at Madrid ; 
 God send we may praise at parting " ; many folk were 
 uttering the same aspiration, but on 29 April there was 
 no sign, according to Chamberlain, of a favourable 
 issue, though the King was apparently quite confident, 
 and was rubbing his hands over it, and recounting 
 with glee the adventures of his son and Buckingham 
 on their journey ; Chamberlain misdoubts sorely the 
 whole business. 
 
 The Provostship of Eton is vacant by the death of 
 Thomas Murray, and there is great discussion as to his 
 successor : " Sir Robert Naunton laide in hard for it, 
 offering to quit all pensions, promises and pretentions 
 whatsoever." 
 
 According to a history of Eton College, published 
 in 1816, Sir Thomas Wyatt, the poet, once told King 
 Henry VIII. " that he had found out a living of 100 
 a year, more than enough, and prayed that it might 
 be bestowed on him. Truly, said the King, we have 
 no such in England. Yes, Sir, replied Sir Thomas, 
 the Provostship of Eton, where a man has his diet, his 
 lodging, his horse-meat, his servant's wages, his riding 
 charges, and 100 per annum." 
 
 If it were worth the same in King James's time, it 
 seems strange that Sir Robert Naunton and some other 
 courtiers should deem it worth while to throw up all 
 else in order to obtain it ; Sir Dudley Carleton was 
 one of the candidates. 
 
 Letters of 3 and 17 May, 1623, are almost entirely 
 taken up with the matter of the Spanish marriage ; 
 tn the last letter Chamberlain writes : " It was expected 
 the Earle of Arundell wold have ben raised to the same 
 rancke (of duke), but they say he stands upon restitution
 
 JOYS OF BEAR BAITING 211 
 
 rather then creation " ; this no doubt was true ; the 
 dukedom had been in abeyance since the death and 
 attainder of his grandfather, Thomas Howard, fourth 
 Duke, whose guilt was doubted by many outside his 
 own family. The title was eventually restored, with 
 original precedence, in ArundePs grandson, but not 
 until nearly forty years later. 
 
 On 28 June we hear that the Pope has written to 
 Prince Charles, who " made a faire aunswer to the 
 messenger otherwise, saving that he said he kist his 
 Holines feet, if all be true that is reported " ; which of 
 course shocked Chamberlain very much. " Marques of 
 Hynojosa (Inijosa) arrived here the 16th of this moneth 
 reasonablie well accompanied with thirty or forty fol- 
 lowers in goode equipage, but whether it be so indeed 
 or out of knaverie, our boyes will not allow their gold 
 lace, but by touching and smelling to it will needes 
 persuade it is copper." 
 
 This, of course, by way of belittling the Spanish 
 match, which " our boyes " by no means favoured. 
 Chamberlain describes later, on 12 July, 1623, some of 
 the entertainment provided for him : " The Spanish 
 Ambassador is much delighted in beare baiting ; he 
 was the last weeke at Paris garden, where they shewed 
 him all the pleasure they could both with bull beare and 
 horse, besides jackanapes ; and then turned a white 
 beare into the Thames, where the dogges baited him 
 swimming, which was the best sport of all." 
 
 In the same letter Chamberlain says that the Prince 
 wishes to return, and has written to the Duke of Rich- 
 mond to obtain leave from the King for him to do so. 
 
 " The Countesse of Arundel is now upon her returne, 
 for she hath sent some forerunners before, three Italian 
 massaras (wherof one is a blackamore) and a gondola, 
 which I doubt will not so well brooke our river, where 
 there is commonly so much winde." 
 
 " Massara " is a superior female servant ; an Italian 
 servant could scarcely be a " blackamore." The Countess
 
 212 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 of Arundel was Alathea, daughter of Gilbert, seventh 
 Earl of Shrewsbury. She had been abroad for a long 
 while, and in the previous year some busy gossips in 
 Venice had spread a report that she had afforded the 
 rebel and criminal Antonio Foscarini opportunities of 
 conferring with ministers, etc., at her house. Sir Henry 
 Wotton, the English Ambassador, being somewhat too 
 ready to credit these stories, and hearing that the Countess 
 would probably be requested to quit the State, sent one 
 of his secretaries to her at her house outside Venice 
 to warn her ; Wotton was, in truth, in something of a 
 fluster over the business. The Countess, however, 
 immediately drove into Venice and demanded an inter- 
 view with the Doge and Council, which was accorded 
 on the following day, and she emerged with complete 
 triumph and many obsequious attentions and com- 
 pliments. Had she been a different sort of woman, she 
 might have remained indefinitely under the imputation ; 
 but she would have none of " Fabritio's " pusillanimous 
 tactics. 
 
 On 26 July, 1623, Chamberlain writes : " The Lords 
 of the Counsaile were sent for to Tibballs the 16th of 
 this moneth to be made acquainted with the articles 
 concerning the Spanish match, where (it is saide) there 
 was some sticking upon points of religion, specially 
 by the Scottish Lords, but it was aunswered that it was 
 not now to be disputed what was of convenience, but 
 what of necessitie, the Prince being in their hands, 
 and the King's children dispoyled of their patrimonie, 
 which was not to be recovered but by this meanes, or 
 by a bloudie and uncertain warre, and setting all 
 Christendom by the eares." 
 
 The King's children alluded to are, of course, the 
 Princess Elizabeth and her husband ; the Palatinate 
 could be assured to them by agreement with Spain ; 
 there is much more in this letter concerning the progress 
 of agreement on the marriage, but it is not of any 
 interest, seeing that it all fell through in the end.
 
 JOUST WITH A JESTER 213 
 
 On 11 October, 1623, Chamberlain reports the return 
 of the Prince, amidst great rejoicings, bonfires and feast- 
 ings, and the singing of a new anthem in St. Paul's 
 with the words " When Israel came out of Egypt and 
 the house of Jacob from among the barbarous people," 
 which is not very complimentary nor very politic, seeing 
 that Prince Charles still hoped to marry one of the 
 " barbarous people," and imagine the joy of a Spaniard 
 at being alluded to as a barbarous person ! 
 
 " Tobie Mathew is come home with the Prince, and 
 we heare of some incounters twixt him and Archie in 
 Spaine wherwith he was so much distasted that once at 
 a dinner he was faine to forsake the table." A joust 
 with a jester is usually a parlous business for the ordinary 
 man, though Point, the jester in The Yeomen of the Guard, 
 would have us regard the " Family Fool " as a somewhat 
 suppressed and injured person. 
 
 In his next letter of 25 October, 1623, Chamberlain 
 says : " Tobie Mathew was knighted at Roiston not 
 long since, but for what service God knowes." 
 
 " The poet Owen's monument in Powles begins to 
 serve for a Pasquin to any merrie or malicious com- 
 panion, that fasten daylie some odde rime or other 
 foolish paper upon it, and it is doubted there wilbe 
 some further disgrace don it in time, for it is much 
 maligned as an honor far beyond the man's merit." 
 John Owen was an epigrammatist, chiefly in Latin ; 
 he was headmaster of King Henry VIII. 's school at 
 Warwick. His Latin epigrams were collected in 1624, 
 and translated into English, French, German and 
 Spanish. 
 
 On 8 November, 1623, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 next day after I wrote last here fell out a pittiful accident 
 in the black friers, where the papists had hired a house 
 next to the French Ambassadors (that so they might 
 be as it were under his protection) to hold their assem- 
 blies, say masse, meet at sermons, and perform all other 
 their exercises and rites after the Romish manner ;
 
 214 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 a great multitude beeing met there on the 26th of the 
 last month to heare father Drurie a famous Jesuite among 
 them preach in an upper roome, the floore sunke under 
 them, or rather the beames and joysts not able to beare 
 
 the weight brake in the midst Many perished, 
 
 partly battered and bruised, but most part smothered, 
 for the first floore fell with such violence that it brake 
 
 down a second under it A number were hurt 
 
 maimed and lost their limmes, which found litle helpe 
 or comfort at first, our people beeing growne so savage 
 and barbarous that they refused to assist them with 
 drinck, aqua vitse or any other cordials in their necessitie, 
 but rather insulted upon them with taunts and gibes 
 in their affliction as they were carried away all that 
 evening and the night following, and even in Cheapside 
 where they shold be more civill they were redy to pull 
 and teare them out of the coaches as they passed to 
 their lodgings, or to the surgeons ; but there was as 
 much goode order taken as might be on the sodain 
 to represse the insolencie and inhumanitie of the mul- 
 titude, and for reliefe of the distressed." 
 
 A fine example for the " barbarous " Spaniards ! 
 
 " The speach of the Spanish match growes daylie 
 more coole, and now we begin to have a fresh alarme 
 of another as far of as Vienna ; the daunger of the 
 Prince's journey into Spaine is daylie apprehended more 
 then it was at first, insomuch that even wise men 
 marvaile how he got so easilie thence, but the conclusion 
 is that (as a great man congratulating his returne told 
 him) he might thanck God he was come safe, and he 
 might thanck his sister too." 
 
 What was the danger ? Assassination ? Or was it 
 imaginary ? 
 
 On 15 November, 1623, Chamberlain reports the 
 burning of Sir William Cokayne's house, with heavy 
 loss to him, involving also the total or partial destruction 
 of adjoining property : " I have seldome knowne a 
 man lesse pitied, as well in respect of his great wealth,
 
 MONUMENTAL EULOGY 215 
 
 as for his severitie, and specially for that busines of 
 clothing (wherin all England hath and is like to suffer 
 so much) which was his only plot and project, and 
 procured him many a curse from poore people, which is 
 not to be contemned when it is deserved." Sir William 
 died in 1626, and had an imposing monument in St. 
 Paul's Cathedral, with a long inscription setting forth 
 his transcendent virtues in every path of life ; the 
 reader is enjoined to imitate him, but is given to under- 
 stand that it will be rather a tough job ; so here is a 
 striking contrast with Chamberlain's estimate of his 
 character, which was probably the popular one ; 
 monumental inscriptions in those days were more 
 " gushing " than they are now which is saying a good 
 deal. 
 
 Chamberlain reports in this same letter the death of 
 William Camdcn, the antiquary and historian, and on 
 21 November, 1623, his imposing funeral. 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham had been entertaining the 
 King, the Prince and the Spanish Ambassadors at 
 York House ; the feast cost three hundred pounds, and 
 there is the old story of twelve pheasants in a dish, forty 
 dozen partridges, as many quails, " et sic de caeteris 
 in all kinds of provisions, which ostentation of mag- 
 nificence is to no purpose when it is to so litle use, but 
 only to bring a scarcitie, and as it were to trample God's 
 goode blessings under foot." Very good sense ; there 
 must have been great gluttony at these banquets, and 
 appalling waste besides. This was followed by a masque, 
 the chief argument of which was congratulation upon the 
 Prince's safe return which naturally did not greatly 
 please the Spaniards. 
 
 On 3 January, 1624, Chamberlain alludes to the 
 Spanish match as " not quite off," which is practically 
 equivalent to saying that it soon will be, and there is 
 much talk of the anger and presumption of the Spanish 
 Ambassadors ; but on 17 January, Chamberlain writes : 
 " In two or three dayes the whole frame of the busines
 
 216 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 suffered great alteration, and the proverb that Totnam 
 is turned French 1 quite chaunged into Spanish ; 
 for they are saide to promise monts et merveilles, and 
 make so many faire offers that we knowe not how to 
 refuse them, they come so fast upon us .... and 
 surely unles God set to his helping hand we are like to 
 be caried away by these sirens songs and suffer ship- 
 wrecke in calme and faire weather ; but spero meliora, 
 and I have some reason that I dare not brag of." 
 
 On 22 February, 1624, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 extremities of the wether kept me from writing the last 
 weeke, besides another impediment of more consequence 
 (to me) the decease of my brother (Richard), who left 
 this world the 10th day of this present ; his great age 
 of 76 and many infirmities made his losse the lesse 
 lamented, beeing deprived of his sight, and in a manner 
 of his hearing, feeling, taste, and all other senses save 
 smelling, which with his memorie continued perfect to 
 the last gaspe ; so that his life was not of late time 
 vita vitalis, and a man might verefie in him, non est 
 vivere sed valere vita (not to live, but to be in health, is 
 life) ; now am I left alone of all my father's children, 
 the last of eight brothers and sisters, and left to a troubled 
 estate, not knowing how to wrestle with suites and law 
 busines and such tempestuous courses after so much 
 tranquillitie as I have hitherto lived in, and which worst 
 of all in a weake botome as no other was to be expected 
 from a man that for twelve or fourteen yeares never lookt 
 to his reckenings, and therefore according to the proverb 
 they have lookt to themselves and left litle or nothing ; 
 but I must passe it over as I may and bid all goode dayes 
 
 1 " Totnam (Tottenham) is turned French"; a saying probably 
 derived from the fact that in the reign of Henry VIII. French 
 mechanics swarmed in London and elsewhere, and, as is usually the 
 case under such circumstances, a large number followed the lead of 
 some pioneer, and settled near one another ; Tottenham seems to have 
 been selected as such a rendezvous, hence the proverb, which has an 
 inimical bias at the back of it.
 
 CHAMBERLAIN FAILING 217 
 
 adieu in this world when I have most need of rest and 
 quiet. This is but a melancholy discourse, and therefore 
 will dwell no longer upon it, only adding this that I doubt 
 I shall not be hereafter at so much leysure as I have 
 ben." 
 
 Having discharged himself of this melancholy news, 
 he goes off into the usual gossip : " This terme brought 
 foorth no greater matters than the censuring of one 
 Moore, an Atturney, for speaking very lewdly and 
 scandalously of Quene Elizabeth and Henry the Eight ; 
 his judgment was to loose both his eares, imprisonment 
 during the King's pleasure, and other such like punish- 
 ments, which was executed accordingly this weeke in 
 Cheapside, where he laughed all the while." 
 
 A courageous attorney, at all events ; it was somewhat 
 harsh measure for the offence, and he might have said 
 many scandalous things about the two sovereigns, 
 without being guilty of false accusation ! 
 
 Parliament assembled on 19 February, and the King 
 went with great pomp to open the session ; the chief 
 matter for discussion in the first instance being, of 
 course, the Spanish marriage, from which the Prince is 
 now said to be averse. 
 
 On 20 March, 1624, Chamberlain is still overwhelmed 
 with business connected with his brother's affairs : 
 " and withall I find myselfe to faile so fast every way 
 (especially one of my legges) that I see not how I shalbe 
 able to hold out." 
 
 He says the parliament displays very good will towards 
 the King and the welfare of the nation, but nothing 
 decisive is recorded. 
 
 On 10 April, 1624, Chamberlain has a great deal to say 
 about the Lord Treasurer (Sir Lionel Cranfield, created 
 Earl of Middlesex in 1622), who was also Master of the 
 Wards. He is accused of extensive frauds, and is to 
 be arraigned before Parliament, but carries himself 
 defiantly. The office of Lord Treasurer appears to have 
 more or less demoralised every holder of it ; the oppor-
 
 218 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 tunities of self-enrichment were too obvious and facile 
 to be resisted. Chamberlain says : " He was at Tiballs 
 on Wensday before seven o'clock in the morning with the 
 King in the Park, and though the Duke of Buckingham 
 were there yet he went away before he could come ; 
 it shold seeme by all we can guesse that the King gives 
 only the looking on, and leaves him to his fortune 
 which he follows with all industrie, and when he cannot 
 go himself sends his Lady great with child to solicit for 
 him." And so on 30 April he continues to write all the 
 gossip about the Treasurer ; but it is the merest gossip 
 and no more.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 JACOBEAN AND LATER LETTERS 
 
 May, 1624 March, 1626 
 
 CHAMBERLAIN mentions the cordial reception of Count 
 Mansfeldt, who came over in the interests of the 
 Palatinate, and the consequent irritation of the Spanish 
 Ambassadors ; " but that which most galled the Span- 
 iards, and which they take for the greatest affront was, 
 that he was lodged at St. James in the lodgings apointed 
 for the Infanta." 
 
 On 23 May, 1624, there is more about the Earl of 
 Middlesex, who seems to have kept the Lords and 
 Commons busy over his case for a month or more : 
 " The King came this way to Greenwich on Ascension 
 Eve, and made a speach to the Lords in favor of the 
 Lord Treasurer (as is conceved), though some say it was 
 so ambiguous that it might receve a contrarie con- 
 struction, for it began with mercie and ended with 
 judgement." Middlesex pleaded sickness a day or two 
 later as excuse for further delay in his pleading ; " but 
 the house, not willing to protract the busines any longer, 
 sent two carles, two bishops and two barons, with a 
 physician or two to see in what case he was " ; which 
 was awkward for the Lord Treasurer, who was in truth 
 malingering. However, on the 23rd May sentence was 
 pronounced to be a prisoner in the Tower during 
 the King's pleasure, to lose all his offices and to be 
 incapable of bearing any, to pay 50,000, not to come 
 
 219
 
 220 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 to Court, nor to sit in Parliament during his life. 
 Chamberlain says : " It is marvailed they proceeded 
 no further to degrade him upon so many just reasons," 
 and thinks he may give trouble in future ; the sequel 
 showed that Chamberlain's presage was not without 
 foundation. 
 
 On 5 June, 1624, Chamberlain writes : " Our par- 
 lement ended on Saterday with the passing of three or 
 four and thirty acts, though divers were stopped that 
 were much desired ; the parting was with no more 
 contentment then needed on either side. The King 
 spared them not a whit for undertaking more then 
 belonged to them in many matters, and for aunswer 
 to their grevances which were presented in two very 
 long and tedious scrowles, he saide that having perused 
 them he thancked God with all his heart that they were 
 no worse. He gave them thanckes for their care and 
 charge towards his children, but withall told them in a 
 sort that they had geven him nothing ; and this was the 
 course of his whole speach to pay them in such coine. 
 Though he passed the bill for the sale of the Lord of 
 Middlesex lands toward the payment of his debts and 
 raising of his fine, yet he saide he would review their 
 sentence and confirme it as he saw cause, wherin he 
 made goode what he insinuated in a speach he made 
 in his behalfe, that in such cases the nether house was 
 but as informers, the Lords as the jury, and himself 
 the Judge ; geving them likewise to understand that 
 he tooke it not well nor would indure it hereafter that 
 they shold meddle with his servants, from the highest 
 in place to the lowest skull in the kitchen, but if they 
 had ought against any they shold complaine to him, 
 and he wold see it redrest according to right. The Lord 
 of Middlesex was set at libertie out of the towre on 
 Tewsday and continues yet at Chelsey ; some say he 
 is to be confined to one of his houses in Sussex or Hart- 
 fordshire, but there goes a voyce that he is in possibilitie 
 or rather probabilitie to be sworne a gentleman of the
 
 WORLD WELL AMENDED 221 
 
 bedchamber ; and then the world is well amended. 
 It is geven out (how truly I know not) that his deliverie 
 out of the towre stoode him in 6000, and that he gave 
 great summes to kepe of this tempest if it might have 
 ben." 
 
 And then the world is well amended ! The King 
 takes the part of a nobleman who has grossly abused 
 a position of trust, and says that he will not have his 
 " servants " interfered with ; probably the story about 
 the 6000 was quite true in substance ; and into whose 
 pocket did the money go ? 
 
 Middlesex, however, rather overdid it in his request 
 to the King, a few days later, to be allowed to retire 
 to one of his country houses ; the King sent him back 
 a considerable snub by his own messenger ; in a later 
 letter of 3 July, 1624, Chamberlain says : " The 
 Earle of Middlesex is saide to begin to understand 
 himself and to see where he is, being commanded to 
 remove from Chelsey to his house in Sussex, and for 
 ought wee know like to pay all his fine." 
 
 In the same letter he writes : " Sombody is come 
 lately out of Spaine with no pleasing newes, and they 
 say brought backe the Prince's letter to the Infanta 
 unopened " ; and then alludes to our being " in treatie 
 for the French match," i.e., the marriage of Prince 
 Charles with Henrietta Maria of France. 
 
 Meanwhile levies were being raised to fight with the 
 States General against the King of Spain and the Arch- 
 duchess (i.e., Isabella Clara Eugenia, Infanta of Spain 
 and Archduchess Regent of Flanders) ; " but the next 
 day and since the stile is altered, and no more mention 
 of Spaine or Archduchess, but only to serve the States 
 of the Low Countries in their warres .... in the 
 mean time here is great expedition used to raise monie 
 and make redy payment, insomuch that since Monday 
 was sevennight the Counsaile have sat thrise at Guild- 
 hall about the subsidies, and at the first sitting the Lord 
 Keper (John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln) among other
 
 222 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 perswasions to advance the payments told them that 
 for any man to disable himself or disguise his wealth 
 was to sinne against the Holy Ghost and as the sinne of 
 Ananias and Saphira, but it was scant receved as Catholic 
 doctrine." 
 
 On 25 July, 1624, Chamberlain is very hot about 
 the aggressions of the Hollanders against our merchant 
 ships ; he gives no details of the instance which has 
 just then aroused his indignation, but apparently an 
 attempt was made to fix the fault upon English seamen. 
 " The case is much commiserated by all sorts of people, 
 and hath so much alienated our affections that we crie 
 out mainly for revenge of such injustice and indignitie ; 
 and the King takes it so to heart that he speakes somwhat 
 exuberantly, and I wish he wold say lesse so he wold 
 do more. For my part I shot my bolt at first, that if 
 there were no wiser then I we shold stay or arrest the 
 first Indian ship that comes in our way, and hang up 
 upon Dover cliff es as many as we shold find faultie or 
 actors in this busines, and then dispute the matter 
 afterwards, for there is no other course to be held with 
 such manner of men as neither regard law nor justice 
 nor any other respect of equitie or humanitie, but only 
 make gaine their God." 
 
 There is a good deal to be said for this method 
 provided you are quite sure you are in the right. 
 
 " I doubt not but you have heard how Arthur Brett 
 presented himself on the sodain in Waltham forrest, 
 and laide hand on the King's bridle, or stirrop (as others 
 say), wherat the King was much offended, and spurring 
 away commanded the Erie of Warwick to forbid him 
 from comming any more in his presence, and withall 
 sent word that the Earle Middlesex shold remove out 
 
 of the verge according to his sentence Brett 
 
 was yesternight (by a warrant from the King to the 
 Atturny Generall) committed to the Fleet without any 
 cause exprest." 
 
 Brett was brother-in-law to the Earl of Middlesex ;
 
 MOTTO FOR JAMES 223 
 
 he and his sister the Countess were very persistent in 
 their solicitations for the Earl. 
 
 On 7 August, 1624, Chamberlain writes : " This is 
 more of course and custome then for anything I can 
 send worth your reading ; we are now in a dead and 
 dull vacation, nobody almost in towne but myself, 
 neither had I ben here now but for an infirmitie that 
 growes fast upon me, wherof though I have had some 
 sense and feeling many a day, yet it never came to any 
 extremitie till now, so that I see age will shew itself at 
 last, howsoever it trifle and linger for a while ; but 
 the worst is there is no remedie, nor scant any reliefe 
 to be had but by strict rules and diet, which to me is 
 as bad as the disease." 
 
 Here also is further animadversion upon the damage 
 to our shipping : " The St. George, one of the best 
 marchant ships of England of four or five hundred 
 tunne with 32 peeces of ordinance is seased upon at 
 Naples, whether she was fraught by one Ricot a straunger 
 (that hath all the factorie Burlamachi was wont to have) 
 upon pretence that the Marquis Hinojosa had bargained 
 with him and bought it at his beeing here, which he 
 denies, but howsoever they juggle between them the 
 ship is lost for us, and we, according to the old motto, 
 video et taceo, see it and say nothing, as likewise the 
 Dunkirkers rifle our ships at sea as familiarly as if open 
 warres were proclaimed, whiles we protect theirs in the 
 Downes." 
 
 " Video et taceo " I look on and say nothing 
 would have been a good motto for James the First, 
 and his government caught the infection, maintaining 
 a masterly inactivity when prompt action was demanded, 
 even at the cost of some odium abroad ; but perhaps 
 we should not be too glib concerning the failings of 
 James and his ministers there are too many motes 
 and beams floating about ! 
 
 On 21 August, 1624, Chamberlain writes : " I 
 perceve by your nephew's letter that all our Lords and
 
 224 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 gallants are arrived, and that the sicknes increaseth 
 at Delft and elswhere ; we had here 328 died this weeke 
 (a greater number then hath ben knowne these 15 or 16 
 yeares), and yet no mention of the plague ; God kepe 
 it from among us, for we are neere daunger ; but this 
 spotted feaver is cousin german to it at least, and makes 
 as quicke riddance almost." Was this " spotted fever " 
 akin to a disease which has been so named in these 
 times ? 
 
 Chamberlain alludes also in this letter to a masque 
 which was being played to crowded audiences, apparently 
 in ridicule of the Conde de Gondomar, late Spanish 
 Ambassador in London ; a very astute and domineering 
 individual, who made much mischief at different times. 
 " They counterfeit his person to the life, with all his 
 graces and faces, and had gotten (they say) a caste sute 
 of his apparel for the purpose, with his lytter, wherin 
 the world says lackt nothing but a couple of asses to 
 carrie it, and Sir G. Peter or Sir T. (Tobie) Mathew 
 to beare him companie." Sir G. Peter is an obscure 
 person ; Sir Tobie Matthew is of course our old friend, 
 who displayed his sympathy with Spanish aims somewhat 
 too openly. 
 
 On 4 September, 1624, there is more talk of the 
 sickness, and of the prominent persons who have fallen 
 to it ; but this does not interfere with the King's sport : 
 " There was great sport at Woodstock with the hunting 
 of Crop-eare, a noted and notorious stagge, whose death 
 was solemnised with so much joy and triumphe as if it 
 had been some great conquest, there wanting nothing 
 but bells and bonfires." 
 
 Arthur Brett is released from the Fleet, but neither 
 he nor Lord Middlesex is to come with ten miles of the 
 Court ; but on 9 October, 1624, we learn that his fine 
 is reduced to 20,000, " and so he shalbe quit." 
 
 " There hath ben a rumor these three or four dayes 
 that Gondomar is to come hither again, but I cannot 
 beleve it unles I see it, for though perhaps they thincke
 
 A RESOLUTE LADY 225 
 
 no man knowes the length of our foot so well as he, yet 
 no sufficient provision can be made but that he wilbe 
 busseld by the people." Very likely ; he had made 
 himself cordially hated over here. 
 
 " Toward the end of last moneth the Lady Wake 
 (wife of Sir Isaac Wake, Agent at Venice) tooke her 
 journey for Venice, attended by Grace, Faith, and For- 
 tune, her three maides, which is a goode omen to be so 
 accompanied. I de,alt with her before my going into the 
 countrie to forbeare the viage till the Spring .... 
 but she was so resolute that she wold not be perswaded, 
 but saide she wold go though she were sure to die at 
 Dover, for if God tooke her he shold finde her in her way, 
 which was a goode meditation and worthie of a vertuous 
 wife." 
 
 On 23 October, 1624, Chamberlain is anxious about 
 Breda holding out against the Spanish siege ; he has 
 a hit at entrenching : " Now the warres are come to 
 that passe that they are managed more by the spade 
 
 then by the sword, we begin to mistrust Breda 
 
 Touching the enterprise of Antwerp it is no marvaile 
 if it did not succeed, seeing scant one of twentie of 
 such surprises hit right, yet he must shoote our bolt 
 and say that if it had been committed to any other but 
 that dull nation, it had ben in a faire way. Thus you see 
 that the greatest souldiers are subject to the vulgars 
 censure, who with Phormio dare undertake to read a 
 lecture of warre even before Hanibal." 
 
 The French king wished to divert the expedition to 
 the relief of Breda, besieged by Spinola ; but James 
 refused, and Mansfeldt's force of English soldiers was 
 devoted to the recovery of the Palatinate. It was a sorry 
 force, as described hereafter, and the whole expedition 
 eventually collapsed for lack of money and supplies. 
 
 " The French match goes on by fitt, and the Lord 
 
 of Carlile growes so wearie that he hath written for leave 
 
 to come home ; the younge Lady is forward and this 
 
 weeke sent one over with her picture to the Prince, and 
 
 Q
 
 226 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 when any rub or stop comes in the way she growes 
 melancolike and kepes her chamber." 
 
 On 6 November, 1624, he hears that " the French 
 king is backward in the busines," but the match proceeds 
 nevertheless, and on 4 December he writes : " The 
 next day after I wrote last we had here great triumph 
 and rejoycing for the goode forwardnes of the French 
 match, by public commandment, the organs in Paules 
 playde two howres on their lowdest pipes, and so began 
 to the bells, the bells to the bonfires, the bonfires to a 
 great peake of ordinance at the towre ; God graunt it 
 may prove worth all this noise ; it was solemnised at 
 Court the Friday before, where it was the more welcome 
 because the newes came on the Princes birthday ; Tom 
 Gary, a privado of the Princes bedchamber was dispatcht 
 two dayes since into Fraunce with a love letter and 
 some rich and rare Jewell to the Sposa ; we expect her 
 here about the end of January." 
 
 " The organs in Paules playde their lowdest " 
 who was the organist ? He would scarcely feel flattered. 
 A great many years later, on the occasion of a bazaar 
 in St. George's Hall, Liverpool, the announcement 
 appeared on the bills " The organ will play at intervals 
 during the afternoon," but the organist was found 
 strolling about among the bazaar stalls. Upon being 
 questioned, he replied " I see it announced that the 
 organ will play ; I'm waiting to hear it begin ! " After 
 that they put his name in their announcements. 
 
 After dwelling upon the costly entertainment of the 
 French Secretary and Ambassador and others, Chamber- 
 lain adds : " We say this Secretarie is to have audience 
 at Cambridge, where the schollers must find out new 
 flatterie, or feed him with crambe bis cocta that was 
 served to the Spaniards there not long since upon like 
 occasion. These continual entertainments, with am- 
 bassages, maskes, manages and Mansfeld are like to 
 kepe us bare enough, yet if the conclusion prove well 
 we cannot thincke much of the cost The ren-
 
 CRITERION OF GRIEF 227 
 
 dezvous (for troops to fight under Count Mansfeldt) is 
 
 now at Dover the 24th of this moneth I am not 
 
 willing to shoote my bolt, but I am sorry to see we shold 
 follow them and fight with them at their owne weapon, 
 when God hath given us so many advantages by a shorter 
 safer and lesse chargeable course. You may thincke 
 I am as sullen or melancolike as he whom Paulus Junius 
 mentions that when Charles the Fifth came to Rome 
 and passed by his window wold not vouchsafe to looke 
 out, because he had not decimated his souldiers that 
 sackt the towne. So all the world here running after 
 Mansfeld and wondering at him like an owle, I could 
 not be drawne to make one step to see him, but was 
 satisfied with the report of divers frends and acquain- 
 tance that describe him to be as like your brother 
 Carleton as a man may be." 
 
 What about twenty or thirty years ago, Mr. Chamber- 
 lain ? This scorn of window gazing is pure Anno Domini, 
 if we are not much mistaken. 
 
 On 28 December, 1624, Chamberlain, writing about 
 the French Ambassadors, says : " They had audience 
 both public and private (at Cambridge), the articles were 
 
 agreed and signed On Thursday they were 
 
 feasted by the Earle of Warwicke, and that afternoone 
 
 visited the Duchesse of Richmond I cannot 
 
 forget one goode passage of hers (though not at that time) 
 that in discourse of the Lady of Southampton's losse and 
 how grevously she tooke it, she used this argument to 
 prove her owne greife was the greater ; for, quoth she, 
 I blasphemed." 
 
 " Our souldiers are marching on all sides to Dover, 
 God send them goode shipping and goode successe, 
 but such a rabble of rau and poore rascalls have not 
 lightly ben scene, and go so unwillingly that they must 
 rather be driven then led. You may guesse how base 
 we are growne when one that was prest hung himself 
 for feare or curst hart, another ran into the Thames, 
 and after much debating with the constable and officers,
 
 228 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 when he could not be dismist drowned himself ; another 
 cut of all his fingers of one hand, and another put out 
 his owne eyes with salt." 
 
 A lively lookout indeed ! 
 
 On 8 January, 1C25, Chamberlain writes : " The 
 Duke of Brunswick went hence on new yeares day 
 after he had tarried a just weeke and performed many 
 
 visits The Duches of Richmond admitted him 
 
 with a proviso that he must not offer to kisse her, but 
 what was wanting in herself was supplied in her attend- 
 ants and followers, who were all kist over twise in lesse 
 then a quarter of an howre." 
 
 " Our souldiers about Dover and in their way thither 
 commit many fowle outrages and live as they say at 
 discretion, and all the way as they passed spoyled as 
 if it had ben in an ennemies countrie, which was not 
 wont to be so, but either our people are growne more 
 barbarous, or there is no goode order taken to provide 
 for them ; howsoever it be it shewes we are but young 
 warriers, and there goes more to the furnishing and 
 setting out of an army then bare pen and incke. We 
 heare they have mutined alredy so that Count Mansfeld 
 
 durst not shew himself among them We wish 
 
 him gon and in action for many reasons." 
 
 This is a sorry picture of our levies for continental 
 service ; Chamberlain is probably right in ascribing 
 their lawlessness and contempt of discipline to the laxity 
 of the times everyone was lax, from the King down- 
 wards. 
 
 On 12 February, 1625, Chamberlain writes that his 
 law suit following upon the death of his brother 
 Richard is concluded at last, not as favourably as he 
 could have wished, " yet it was such as I will not greatly 
 complaine of, seeing I am rid and released from a great 
 deale of trouble with so litle losse as for 567 to go away 
 with 400." He was rather lucky on the whole. 
 
 " I doubt not but you have heard of the Lady Purbecke 
 and her faire issue, which busines hath exercised this
 
 whole towne now a goode while, and will pose them all 
 that deale in it if she sticke- still to her tackling and 
 maintain her ground that it is her husband's, specially 
 if he continue to avow it as they say he doth. There be 
 many passages too long to recite, but this must not be 
 omitted that the Lady of Suffolk geves out her sonne 
 Robert (the reputed father) to be insufficient and so not 
 liable to such a scandal." 
 
 John Villiers, Viscount Purbeck, it will be recollected 
 married a daughter of Sir Edward Coke ; Villiers was 
 feeble in body and mind, and she deserted him. for a 
 time at least, and became mistress to Sir Robert Howard. 
 Chamberlain speaks of her " fair issue " as though it 
 were a daughter ; as a matter of fact she had a son by 
 Sir Robert. " The lady," Chamberlain says, " is kept 
 somwhat straightly so that none of her frends or acquain- 
 tance come neere her, yet she carries herself with such 
 resolution that she shews herself to be her mother's owne 
 daughter." 
 
 There is more about this affair in a letter of 26 
 February, 1625 : " The Lady Purbecke, with her young 
 son, and Sir Robert Howard are committed to the 
 custodie of Generall Aldermen Barkham and Freeman 
 to be close kept ; when she was carried to Sergeant's 
 Inne to be examined by the new Lord Chief Justice 
 and others she saide she marvayled what those poore old 
 cockolds had to say to her " ; a very brazen young 
 woman. She was further accused of practising upon her 
 husband with potions and powders, and so forth. 
 
 Chamberlain is, however, much more exercised in 
 mind about public affairs at home and abroad than the 
 adventures of Lady Purbeck and her paramour : " We 
 heare that Mansfeld's troups are almost half starved, 
 if it be so majus peccatum habent that should have made 
 better provision and taken better order for them ; it 
 will quite discourage our people to be thus sent to the 
 slaughter, or rather to famine and pestilence ; the time 
 hath ben when so many English as have ben sent into
 
 230 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 those parts within these sixe or eight moneths wold have 
 don somwhat, and made the world talk of them ; but 
 I know not how we that have ben estemed in that kind 
 more than other nations do begin to grow by degrees 
 lesse then the least, when the basest of people in matter 
 of courage dare brave and trample upon us ; I have 
 knowiie the time when they durst not have offered the 
 least of those indignities we have lately swallowed and 
 indured ; but they (i.e., the Dutch) presume upon our 
 patience and somwhat els, otherwise they wold have 
 shewed some resentment, or geven some sign of their 
 dislike of such barbarous crueltie by some notorious 
 example upon the authors and actors, and not suffer the 
 cheife instrument the Fiscall to walk up and downe 
 Amsterdam untoucht and without anything saide to 
 him, as we heare he doth, and turne us over for satis- 
 faction till the return of I know not whom out of the 
 
 Indies God knows when Now forsoth here be 
 
 letters of mart (marque) geven out against the East 
 Indian Companie, but I doubt our ships will see them 
 (i.e., the Dutch privateers) and not see them, and upon 
 far fetcht considerations forbeare." 
 
 Chamberlain is very bitter, and with good cause. 
 The affair to which he particularly alludes was the torture 
 and murder of ten English subjects at Amboyna a 
 small but very fertile island of the Molucca group, 
 between Celebes and New Guinea by the Hollanders, 
 on a flimsy pretext. The East India Company petitioned 
 the King for redress and protection ; compensation was 
 promised by the Dutch, but was withheld, as Chamber- 
 lain complains, indefinitely. 
 
 Writing on 12 March, 1625, Chamberlain tells of an 
 extraordinary high tide, which did much damage in 
 certain coastal counties ; Westminster Hall, he says, 
 " was full three feet deep in water all over," which 
 gives some idea of the remarkable rise. 
 
 There is more talk of Gondomar's return, and the 
 French match hangs fire unaccountably.
 
 DEATH OF JAMES 231 
 
 ' The King was overtaken on Sonday with a tertian 
 ague, which continues yet, but without any manner of 
 daunger if he wold suffer himself to be ordered and 
 governed by phisicall rules." 
 
 On 23 March, 1625, " there is great hope but no 
 assurance " of the King's perfect recovery. 
 
 The Lady Purbeck's case still excites great interest. 
 She " aquits herself reasonablie well " before the 
 Commission ; but " Sir Robert Howard was excommuni- 
 cated openly at Paules Crosse on Sonday last, for 
 contempt in refusing to answer " ; probably he refused, 
 as many men similarly situated have done, from chival- 
 rous motives ; but after all, silence can mean but one 
 thing. 
 
 On 9 April, 1625, Chamberlain writes of the death 
 of King James, but spares the medical details, in which 
 he is usually wont to revel. Of King Charles he says : 
 " The King shews himself every way very gracious and 
 affable, but the Court is kept more strait and privat 
 then in the former time ; he is very attentive and devout 
 at prayers and sermons, gracing the preachers and 
 assemblie with amiable and cheerfull countenance, 
 which gives much satisfaction, and there is great hope 
 conceved that the world will every way amend, if the 
 necessitie of the time constrain not the contrarie now 
 at the first." 
 
 On 23 April, 1625, Chamberlain writes : " I have 
 not yet had the fortune to meet with the messenger 
 that brought your letter of the 14th of this present ; 
 and though he made goode speede yet here was a generall 
 notice of the Prince of Oranges decease before he came ; 
 I cannot greatly blame the Portugal Jew for putting it 
 in adventure to dispatch him quickly if his case were 
 so desperate. He is nothing so much lamented here as 
 if he had died a yeare or two since, for we say he hath don 
 nothing of late like himself, but hath brought his men 
 to that passe, that instead of souldiers he hath made 
 them altogether spademen and pioneers."
 
 232 A JACOBEAN LETTER -WRITER 
 
 This was Maurice, Prince of Orange, who reigned 
 from 1618 to 1625 ; he is said to have been a very able 
 general. Chamberlain writes as though Maurice had 
 been assassinated, or his death at least hastened by the 
 " Portugal Jew," whoever he may have been, but the 
 biographies mention no such incident, alluding to his 
 death as though it were quite natural. 
 
 " I send you here certain verses of our Dean of Paules 
 (Dr. John Donne) upon the death of the Marquis Hamil- 
 ton, which though they be reasonable wittie and well 
 don, yet I could wish a man of his yeares and place to 
 give over versifieing." The Dean was only fifty -two 
 at the time ; it seems hard if a man at that age may not 
 indulge in a little versifying ! 
 
 On 6 May, 1625, we hear of the marriage by proxy 
 of Henrietta Maria of France with King Charles ; " the 
 (French) King bringes her to Amiens, the Queue Regnant 
 and Quene mother to Bollein (Boulogne), where it is 
 thought our King will meet and receve her at theire 
 hand." 
 
 " Secretarie Morton is now in a faire way of thriving, 
 the King having this last weeke bestowed upon him 
 500 a yeare pension during his life. The Lord of Andover 
 is to have 20,000 in lieu of his mastership of the horse, 
 besides beeing to be made an earle and a privie coun- 
 saillor as the voyce goes ; these, and such like large 
 allowances, do somwhat deminish the opinion conceved 
 of the King's goode husbandrie ; I pray God we take it 
 
 not too high at first, for then we cannot hold 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham was never in greater favor, 
 and all thinges passe by him," i.e., through him. 
 Chamberlain misdoubts the King's " good husbandry," 
 not without cause : no Stuart was ever a decent 
 economist. 
 
 King James's funeral took place on 7 May, 1625 ; 
 " the greatest funerall," Chamberlain says, on 14 May, 
 " that ever was knowne in England. . . . The Lord 
 Keper (Bishop John Williams] tooke up two howres
 
 EPITAPH ON JAMES 233 
 
 in the sermon .... in summe all was performed with 
 great magnificence, but the order was very confused 
 and disorderly ; the whole charge is saide to arise to 
 above 50,000." 
 
 In a postscript to this letter Chamberlain writes : 
 " Among many epitaphs and funerall elegies set out by 
 Cambridge and Oxford and other choise witts upon the 
 late King's death, I send you this short one, which I 
 take to be Sir Isaac Wake's for it came thence in his 
 hand." 
 
 The enclosure is, for once in a way, preserved in 
 the State Papers, and runs as follows: 
 
 " Can a King die and we no Comet see ? 
 Tell me, Astrologers, how this can be ? 
 Heaven's Beacons burne not but to give alarme 
 Unto a State of some ensuing harme. 
 The Angells carrying up our blessed King 
 Did with still musique his sweete Requiem sing. 
 No Innovation being to be heard 
 
 Why should Heaven summon men unto their guard ? 
 His Spirit was redoubled on his sonne 
 And that was scene at his Assumption." 
 
 On 21 May Chamberlain writes : " The wind hanges 
 so at Northwest that I doubt neither our letters nor 
 yours can find passage ; els should we not be thus longe 
 in suspense, by reason of a rumor that hath held these 
 eight or nine dayes that our side (in the Palatinate war) 
 hath receved a great blow " ; there is no confirmation 
 of this in State Papers at the time. 
 
 " Our parlement that was to begin on Tewsday is 
 proroged till the last of this moneth, and it is doubted 
 whether or where it will hold then, for if the sicknes 
 increase as it begins, it is thought both that and the 
 next terme shalbe removed to Oxford or Winchester ; 
 our whole number this weeke was 379 ; of the plague 72 ; 
 
 parishes infected 27 The King's funerall sermon 
 
 is come forth, wherin the Lord Keper hath shewed 
 a great deale of witt and learning in comparing King
 
 234 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 James to King Solomon in all his actions, saving his 
 vices." 
 
 Well, well ! John Williams had to remember that he 
 was a courtier as well as a bishop. 
 
 Carleton apparently wrote confirming the rumour 
 of disaster in the Palatinate, as Chamberlain writes on 
 28 May, 1625 : " I am sory to see our ill newes so fully 
 confirmed by yours of the 7th of this present, but 
 more sory for your niece Dakers, whose case is every 
 way to be pitied ; I cannot so much lament the rest 
 whose lives were well bestowed to redeeme us out of so 
 dull a lethargic, and so make the world see our wonted 
 courage is not quite lost." 
 
 This was in reference to an incident at Breda. After 
 the death of Prince Maurice of Orange in April, the chief 
 action in relief of the garrison fell upon Sir Horace Vere, 
 in command of the English levies. On 13 May, 1625, 
 in accordance with a suggestion of Prince Frederic 
 Henry, successor to Maurice, Vere led out 6,000 men 
 at daybreak on a desperate enterprise, the capture of 
 one of the principal redoubts which commanded the 
 town. Under Vere's leadership the troops behaved 
 splendidly, and succeeded in their object ; but they were 
 subsequently driven out again by overwhelming numbers, 
 fighting every inch of the way, and suffering heavy 
 losses ; but, as Carleton says, their splendid conduct 
 served to redeem the character of our soldiers, which 
 had deteriorated. 
 
 Chamberlain writes again on 12 June, 1625, about the 
 delay and uncertainty of the new Queen's advent ; but 
 before he closes he hears that she has arrived at Boulogne. 
 
 " The sickness increaseth and is spred far and neere 
 so that 25 parishes in this towne are infected alredy, 
 and this weekes bill ariseth to 434 in all, of the plague 
 92 ; so that if God be not mercifull to us, this towne is 
 like to suffer much and be halfe undon ; and that which 
 makes us the more afraid is that the sicknes increaseth 
 so fast when we have had for a moneth together the
 
 THE PLAGUE INCREASES 235 
 
 extremest cold weather that ever I knew in this season ; 
 what are we then to looke for when heats come and 
 
 fruits grow ripe Orlando Gibbon (Gibbons) the 
 
 organist of the chappell (that had the best hand in 
 England) died the last weeke at Caunterburie, not 
 without suspicion of the sickness." 
 
 In Orlando Gibbons, England lost a " sweet singer " ; 
 his refined and scholarly compositions still delight 
 musicians, and some of his five-part madrigals in par- 
 ticular "The Silver Swan " are held to be the finest 
 masterpieces ever produced in that category. He was 
 organist of the Chapel Royal for more than twenty years. 
 
 On 25 June, 1625, Chamberlain writes : " The sick- 
 nes increaseth shrewdly upon us, so that this weeke 
 died 640 in all, of the plague 239, and though this terme 
 be abridged to the three first dayes and to the three 
 last, yet we cannot find in our hearts to leave this towne 
 as long as here is such doings by reason of the Quene's 
 arrivall, and the sitting of the parlement. The feast that 
 should have ben on Sonday was deferred till Tewsday, 
 when the publication and confirmation of the articles 
 was solemnised in the great rooms at Whitehall, where 
 also the Ambassadors and all the French were then 
 feasted, but neither King nor Quene present, nor likewise 
 the next night at Yorke house whether they were all 
 invited by the Duke of Buckingham and entertained 
 with such magnificence and prodigall plentie both for 
 curious cheere and banket that the like hath not ben 
 seen nor knowne in these parts ; one rare dish came 
 by mere chaunce, a sturgeon of full sixe foot long that 
 afternoon not far from the place leaping into a scullers 
 boat was served in at supper ; in all these shewes and 
 feastings here hath ben such excessive braverie on all 
 sides as bred rather a surfet then any delight in them 
 that saw it ; and it were more fit and wold better become 
 us to compare and dispute with such pompous kind of 
 people in iron and steele then in gold and Jewells, 
 wherin we come not neere them."
 
 236 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 There is much sound common sense in Chamberlain's 
 views about public affairs ; the sums of money spent 
 over these gluttonous banquets would have gone some 
 way towards discharging national liabilities and so forth. 
 
 " In the meane time there is much urging and spurring 
 the parlement for supplie and expedition, in both which 
 I feare they will prove somwhat restive, though there 
 be great cause and almost necessitie for both. It began 
 the 28th of this moneth ; the King's speach was short, 
 and the Lord Keper's not long. Among other thinges 
 he told them they had drawne him into a warre and they 
 must find meanes to maintain it, and that they need not 
 doubt nor suspect his religion, seeing he was brought 
 up at the feet of Gamaliel .... they begin to mutter 
 about matters of religion, that the King promised them 
 when he was Prince that he wold never contract any 
 mariage with conditions derogatorie to that we professe ; 
 they desire to understand what hath passed in that 
 point, and the keeping of them close makes them suspect 
 the move." 
 
 There is a long interval of seven months between this 
 and the next letter which is preserved in the Record 
 Office ; it is dated 19 January, 1626. 
 
 " I was glad to understand by your letter of the 13th 
 of this present of your safe arrivall at Paris, but shold 
 have ben more glad to have ben at hand to congratulate 
 your first comming after so long absence. I came to 
 towne the day of the date of your letter and was wel- 
 commed with a sad accident, for that morning our 
 house was on fire by the negligence of servants, but 
 thanckes be to God though there were great feare and 
 
 daunger yet there was no great losse I shalbe 
 
 willing to waite upon my Lady Carleton when she 
 returnes, though I know not well how to do it, being 
 altogether unable to go so far on foote or in coach by 
 reason of my infirmitie ; neither indeed do I take any 
 pleasure in going abrode to see the decay and desolation 
 of this towne, without hope almost in my time to see it
 
 VISCOUNT SITSTILL 237 
 
 better ; the coronation holds on Candlemas day, but 
 privat without any shew or feast at Westminster hall. 
 .... Great store of Scottish nobilitie is now at Court, 
 and they say have offered in the name of that Kingdom 
 to maintain 5000 men for the recoverie of the Palatinat, 
 but they will have the paying and disposing of them 
 themselves. We talk of great preparations to sea ; God 
 send better successe then we have had hitherto ; some 
 lay the blame on the desseign or counsell, the souldiers 
 on their General Vicount Sitstill (Edward Cecil, Viscount 
 Wimbledon) (as they now stile him), he on the seamen, 
 but most on his Grace (Buckingham), and he on Sir 
 Thomas Love, and so from post to pillar." 
 
 This was the futile expedition against Cadiz, which 
 was badly conceived and organised from the first, and 
 placed under command of Edward Cecil, who was 
 created Viscount Wimbledon when on the point of 
 sailing from Plymouth. He was a man totally unfitted 
 for such an enterprise, and the expedition turned out a 
 ghastly and costly failure. Some charges against Wimble- 
 don were placed before the Council, but Buckingham, 
 upon whom the selection of leaders and the whole 
 organisation had been laid by the King, caused the 
 matter to be hushed up. 
 
 On 7 March, 1626, Chamberlain wrote again to Sir 
 Dudley Carleton, who was now Ambassador at Paris : 
 " On Sunday I receved your letter without date, which was 
 the more welcome bringing so much hope of a goode 
 conclusion, which hath ben since seconded by a generall 
 report that all is well agreed, wherin I cannot but con- 
 gratulate your goode successe in so knottie and difficult 
 business." 
 
 It is to be regretted that more of Carleton's letters 
 to his friend have not been preserved, as the allusions 
 in Chamberlain's letters as in this instance are not 
 very intelligible. 
 
 " Our parlement talkes much but doth litle, yet they 
 are now entered into deep points and have called the
 
 238 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 Counsaile of Warre to account for their proceedings, 
 and issueing the monies otherwise then was prescribed 
 them ; they tooke time till this day to aunswer, what 
 is passed I know not, for I have kept house these two 
 dayes and taken a litle phisicke, more then I have don 
 in a dousen yeares before ; but I presume the matter 
 wilbe pacified, as well as that other yesterday, for having 
 called for the Duke of Buckingham to aunswer for the 
 managing of these French affaires, the upper house 
 not allowing so peremptorie summons wold not suffer 
 him to go in person, so that he sent the Atturney and 
 another lawier to pleade and justify his manner of 
 proceeding, who after many arguments and reasons 
 made this finall conclusion, that what he had don was 
 by the King's direct commandment." 
 
 This was King Charles's idea of a " Constitutional 
 Monarchy," which subsequently developed considerably. 
 
 Buckingham had, as Chamberlain says, " one feather 
 pluckt from his wing in the upper house in the matter 
 of proxies of those that be absent, whereof he having 
 eleven it was thought inconvenient that one or two men 
 by that meanes might sway the house ; it was much 
 disputed but in the end overruled that none shold have 
 more then one besides his owne." 
 
 " Here is a Persian Ambassador that had audience 
 yesterday and should have had it a fortnight since 
 but for an accident twixt him and Sir Robert Sherly, 
 who comming to visit him accompanied with the Earle of 
 Cleveland and others, after some few wordes the Persian 
 fell upon him in a barbarous fashion and so beat him 
 that he had almost worried him ; the reason of this 
 outrage he sayes to be for that he is an impostor and 
 abuses his Prince's name ; how it will fall out we shall 
 see hereafter, but in the meane time most of our courtiers 
 favor and run with Sir Robert Sherly." 
 
 A curious incident ; Sir Robert Sherly was officially 
 concerned in the trade with Persia, and subsequently 
 it was arranged that he should sail with the pugnacious.
 
 A RASH MARRIAGE 239 
 
 Ambassador in one of the East India Company's ships ; 
 but the Persian and his suite perhaps purposely 
 missed their passage, and Sherly proceeded without 
 them. 
 
 " On Sunday the Earle of Arundell was committed 
 to the towre for a match made by his sonne Lord Mal- 
 travers with the Duchesse of Lennox daughter, which 
 lady the King had designed to the Earle Argiles sonne 
 for many important considerations, and was gon so far 
 that in a manner all articles and conditions were agreed 
 and nothing wanted but consummation, yet the younge 
 couple by prevention (i.e., by previous action) were 
 wedded and bedded." 
 
 There was a great stir about this business ; Arundel 
 had encouraged the match, but the young people were 
 married without his knowledge. He refused to admit 
 fault on his own part, and so was, as Chamberlain says, 
 despatched to the Tower. 
 
 The Lords, however, resented the King's action in 
 arresting a member of their house while it was sitting, 
 as a breach of their privileges, and took occasion to 
 point this out to his Majesty ; the King replied that the 
 Earl was confined for a matter concerning himself, and 
 not on any public grounds ; the Lords put forward their 
 case again, and so continued, Charles sending evasive 
 replies, until they got tired of it, and passed a resolution 
 that the business of the house should cease until Arundel 
 was restored to his place ; this was early in June, the 
 quarrel having lasted since March ; in three days the 
 Earl was liberated. It is somewhat remarkable that the 
 Earl of Arundel's name appears in the Lords' Journal 
 as having been present during the whole period of his 
 confinement ; this must have been done deliberately, 
 in denial of the King's right to restrain him. 
 
 " I send weekely to Westminster to heare of my Lady 
 Carleton, but she hath not ben in towne now a goode 
 while, nor I thincke will not appeare till your return, 
 which I shold be glad to heare of for many good reasons,
 
 240 A JACOBEAN LETTER-WRITER 
 
 among the rest I have a litle commoditie of white 
 muscadell, which I wold be sory should decay in colour 
 or tast by longe lieng ; I have geven notice of it to my 
 Lady to know how she wold have it disposed of, but have 
 not yet heard from her. So wishing all health and 
 happiness to your Lordship I commend you to the 
 protection of the Almighty. From London this 7th of 
 March, 1625 (26). 
 
 " Your Lordships most assuredly at command, 
 
 " JOHN CHAMBERLAIN." 
 
 Thus ends the last letter extant of John Chamberlain ; 
 he may have written more, indeed it is probable that he 
 did, but they have not been preserved. He died just 
 two years later, and was buried as already recorded. 
 
 There is no mention of any monument or tablet having 
 been erected in his memory ; if there was such a memorial 
 in St. Olave's, Jewry, it was of course destroyed in the 
 great fire. 
 
 The deficiency may perhaps be not inaptly supplied 
 at the conclusion of this survey of his life and times ; 
 the reader will probably not quarrel with it : 
 
 John Chamberlain ; most assuredly an upright man 
 and a faithful friend.
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 INQUISITIONES POST MORTEM. 
 
 AT an inquest held on 20 June, 1539, concerning the will and estate of 
 Richard Stace, who died many years previously, it was found that 
 Wynne Chamberleyn was Rector of the Church of St. Christopher 
 in the year 1433. l Probably he was of the same family as John 
 Chamberlain ; being a cleric, he would not have any direct descendants. 
 
 Richard Chamberlayne (or Chamberleyn) died 28 August, 1496; 
 at the inquest held 4 March, 1497, it was found that he was seised of a 
 wharf called Haywharf and some tenements in Battyslane in the Ward 
 of Dowegate ; worth ^13 6s. 8d. per annum ; and that Edward, aged 
 1 6 years and more, was his son and heir. 2 
 
 At the inquest on William Coope, 15 June, 1513 Edward Chamberleyn 
 is named as having been enfeoffed by Coope of certain messuages, etc., 
 in 1512 ; this is most probably Edward, son of Richard, mentioned in 
 the former inquest ; he would be about thirty-two years of age. 8 
 
 Thomas Chamberleyn was a juror on inquisitions at the Guildhall, 
 23 March 1493, 23 July 1498, 9 June 1502.* 
 
 At the inquisition on Luke Wyborne, 16 July, 1540, it was stated that 
 Luke was an idiot, incapable of managing his own affairs, and that 
 since the death of his father, Nicholas, the profits of the business have 
 been taken by Thomas Chamberleyn, pewterer of London. 5 This 
 may or may not be the same Thomas ; the two inquisitions, 1493 and 
 1540, cover a good deal of ground. 
 
 William Chamberleyn was a juror in London i October, I489. 6 
 
 At an inquistion held at the Guildhall, n March, 1566 (i.e., 1567), 
 on Richard Chamberlaine, citizen and Alderman of London, allusion 
 is made to the will of Robert Downe in which he leaves certain property 
 to his wife, Margery, " if she remain sole and unmarried " ; afterwards 
 to " my son-in-law, Richard Chamberlaine, and my daughter his wife, 
 for their lives ; after their decease the same to remain to their children 
 and their heirs for ever, as they shall declare by their will." Robert 
 Downe died 30 November, 1556 ; the date of his wife Margery's death 
 is not stated, but Richard Chamberleyn and his wife, Anne (or Anna) 
 then entered into possession of the estate. Anne died 27 March, 1561, 
 aged 38 ; Richard died 19 November, 1566 ; his age is not stated. 
 Robert was his son and heir, aged 21 years and more. He had issue 
 Robert, Thomas, Richard, Alexander, John, and George; Elizabeth, 
 wife of Hugh Stuklie, and Margery. 7 
 
 At an inquisition on William Chapman, citizen and ironmonger, 
 28 November, 1580, it was stated that, long before the death of William 
 Chapman, Robert Chamberleyn, citizen and ironmonger, sold to William 
 certain messuages, etc. 8 This was almost certainly Richard Chamber- 
 leyn's eldest son, who had succeeded to his father's business ; and 
 
 1 Inq. P. Mortem, London (1485 1561), p. 72. 
 
 2 Ibid p. 13. 
 
 * Ibid p. 28. 
 
 * Ibid pp. 9, 10, 14, 18. 
 Ibid p. 67. 
 
 Ibid p. 6. 
 
 * Ibid (1561 1577) p. 66 et seq. 
 Ibid (15771603) pp. 37, 3S.
 
 242 APPENDIX II 
 
 probably it is this same Robert who is mentioned at an inquisition on 
 William Skidmore, 7 October, idoi. 1 
 
 There is mention, also, at an inquisition on 8 June, 1543, of Leonard 
 Chamberlayne, of Woodstock, in the County of Oxford ; he and Richard 
 Andrewe were seised of a messuage, etc., m the parish of St. Botolph. 2 
 He may very possibly have been of the same family, as he was seised 
 of property in London. 
 
 There was likewise one William Chamberlayne who was granted a 
 license 22 November, 1546, for his marriage with Katharine Lambe ; 
 he is described as " of the King's houshold " ; 3 and Thomas (or Sir 
 Thomas) appears many times in State Papers at the end of the reign of 
 Henry VIII., as " Governor of the English merchants at Antwerp " ; 
 he would be a contemporary of Richard (died 1566), but there is no 
 clue to any relationship between them. 
 
 1 Ibid p. 309. 
 
 * Ibid (14851561) pp. 64, 65. 
 
 Marriage Licenses (Harl. Soc.), Vol. XXIV., p. 8. 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 The Will of John Chamberlain, of the parish of St. Mary Alderman- 
 bury ; dated 18 June, 1627. 
 
 His soul to God, etc. 
 
 My body to be buried in the parish of St. Olave's in the old Jewry, 
 where I was born and christened, and where my father, my mother, my 
 brother Robert and other friends are interred. My funeral I would 
 have performed with as little trouble and charge as may be answerable 
 to the still and quiet course I have always sought to follow in my life 
 time ; and for my goods I dispose them in this manner : I give and 
 bequeath to the poor of the parish of St. Olave's in the old Jewry where 
 I was born five pounds lawful money of England, and to the poor of 
 St. Mary Aldermanbury ten pounds, to be distributed as my executor 
 shall think fit ; further, I bequeath to the poor prisoners in Ludgate 
 ten pounds, to the poor prisoners in the Counter in the Poultry five 
 pounds, to the poor prisoners in the Counter in Wood Street five pounds, 
 and to the poor distracted people in Bedlam five pounds. Item I give 
 and bequeath to the Rt. Hon. the Lord Carleton, Baron of Imbercourt, 
 a bason and ewer of silver of one hundred ounces or thereabout to the 
 value of thirty pounds of English money, likewise to the Lady Winwood, 
 late wife of Sir Ralph Winwood, Knight, principal Secretary to King 
 James, and to the Lady Fanshawe, late wife to Sir Henry Fanshawe, 
 to each of them a bason and ewer of silver to the same value of thirty 
 pounds. 
 
 To Sir William Borlas (Borlase ?) the elder a ring of gold ; to my sister 
 Poole a ring of gold, to Mr. Alexander Williams of the Pipe Office 
 and his wife to each a ring of gold, to Mr. Dudley Carleton son of 
 George Carleton Esq. a ring of gold, and to Mrs. Anne Smith sister 
 
 to Doctor Gilbert and wife to Smith gentleman a ring of gold. 
 
 To my nephew Sir Thomas Stewkeley Knt. the sum of two hundred 
 pounds and to his eldest son Sir Hugh Stewkeley Knight and Baronet
 
 APPENDIX II 243 
 
 and to his second son Thomas Stewkeley to each of them twenty 
 pounds ; and to my niece the Lady Drewrie late wife of Sir Henry 
 Drewry (sic) twenty pounds, and to my nephews Edmond, John, Zack- 
 arie, Francis, George sons of my sister Windham deceased, and to 
 my niece the Lady Stroode their sister to each of them the sum of 
 twenty pounds ; and to my cousin Edmund Windham (eldest son of 
 my nephew Thomas Windham) the like sum of twenty pounds. Item I 
 give and bequeath to my goddaughter Rebecca Tothill daughter to 
 my cousin Tothill dwelling in the parish of St. Giles without Cripple- 
 gate the sum of twenty pounds. To Anne late wife of my brother 
 George deceased and now wife of John Poole Esquire and Alderman 
 one annuity or yearly rent of fifty pounds for the terra of her natural 
 life, to be issuing out of all that my manor or Lordship of Sutton 
 Cannocke with appurtenances in the county of Lincoln and out of all 
 my lands, tenements, and hereditaments in Sutton Cannocke in the 
 same county of Lincoln, to be paid to her or her assigns at the Feast of 
 the Annunciation of the Blessed Virgin St. Mary, and St. Michael the 
 Archangel every year during her natural life, by even and equal portions, 
 the first payment to be made upon such of the said Feasts as shall 
 happen next after my death ; which said annuity or rent charge I do 
 give and bequeath to the said Anne Poole in lieu and recompense of one 
 annuity of fifty pounds heretofore usually paid to her by my late 
 brother Richard Chamberlain deceased during his life in consideration 
 of accounts cleared between my said brother George Chamberlain and 
 my said brother Richard Chamberlain as being joint executors of the 
 last will and testament of my late brother Robert Chamberlain deceased. 
 I give and bequeath to my dearest friend Mrs. Alice Carleton one 
 annuity of forty pounds for the term of her natural life, to be issuing 
 out of that my manor and Lordship (etc. , as above, and to be paid at the 
 same times). Further I give and bequeath to Mrs. Alice Carleton 
 six hundred pounds and my inlaid cabinet that usually stands upon the 
 low shelf next my bed, with all that shall be in it at the time of my 
 decease, and whatsoever else she hath of mine in her custody ; and this 
 
 I do in regard of the ( ?) goodwill and honest affection I bear her 
 
 out of the true and long continued friendship between us, for a testi- 
 mony of that further good I intended to her if God had given me means. 
 To my nephew Thomas Windham of Knefford in the County of 
 Somerset Esquire all that manor of Minsterworth in the County of 
 Gloucester and the manor of Etloe in the same county (both which 
 are holden of the King in fee farme) to him and his heirs for ever. 
 Also I give to the said Thomas Windham the sum of two hundred 
 pounds ; to John Cuffe, sometime servant to my brother Richard 
 twenty pounds and one part or share in the Bermudas or Somers 
 Islands ; a part or share in the same to my servant, Richard Keene 
 also the sum of forty pounds and all my wearing apparel, if he be in my 
 service at the time of my death ; if not, then so much of the money 
 and wearing apparel as the executor may see fit to the servant then 
 attending on me. To each of the servants in my nephew Hugh Windham 's 
 house the sum of forty shillings. To Hugh Windham my manor or 
 Lordship of Sutton Cannocke, Lincoln, with all the appurtenances 
 (charged with the annuities above mentioned) as likewise all other 
 lands that I shall leave undisposed, or houses in Greenwich, Sollihill, 
 Studlie or elsewhere and likewise all my parts and shares, title and 
 interest in the Bermudas or Somers Islands or in Virginia to have and 
 to hold to him and his heirs for ever. 
 
 All these legacies and sums of money mentioned and given by this 
 my last will and testament I will to be paid in six months after my
 
 244 APPENDIX III 
 
 decease. The rest of my goods undisposed my debts legacies and 
 funeral discharged to my said nephew Hugh Windham, whom I do 
 likewise make and appoint my whole and sole executor, desiring him 
 and charging him upon his conscience to see this my last will and 
 testament performed etc. And this I have devised and written with 
 mine own hand, hoping it will serve to express my meaning, and that 
 my executor will truly and readily perform it as my trust is in him. 
 
 Witnesses Anthony Ouldfield, Lawrence Chambers, John Burton, 
 Richard Keene. 
 
 Proved on 13 March, 1627 28. 
 
 APPENDIX III 
 
 I. Thomas Chamberleyn 
 
 living 1502 (Inq. P. Mortem). 
 II. William Chamberlyn 
 
 living 1489 (Inq. P. Mortem). 
 III. Richard Chamberlyn ; married S ibilla ; 
 
 d. 28 Aug., 1496 (Inq. P. Mortem) ; had issue 
 
 (i) Edward Chamberleyn ; b. circa 1481; living 1513 (Inq. P. 
 
 Mortem) ; had issue 
 
 (i) Richard Chamberleyn, Ironmonger and Alderman of 
 
 London ; married, 3 Jan., 1542, Anne, dau. of 
 
 Robert Downe, citizen and Ironmonger of London 
 
 (b. 1523, buried 3 March, 1562) ; d. 19 Nov., 1566 
 
 (Inq. P. Mortem, Mon. Inser. St. Olave's) ; had issue 
 
 I. Elizabeth, bap. 5 Jan., 1543 ; married Hugh 
 
 Stukeley ; d. before 1627 ; had issue Sir 
 
 Thomas Stukeley, Knt. ; he had issue Sir 
 
 Hugh Stukeley, Bart., and Thomas. 
 
 II. Margery, bap. 2 May, 1544, died in infancy. 
 
 III. Robert, bap. i Feb., 1546 ; bur. 19 Dec., 1607. 
 
 IV. Thomas, bap. 28 May, 1547 ; d. before 1627. 
 V. Richard, bap. 2 Aug., 1548 ; d. xoFeb., 1624. 
 
 VI. Alexander, bap. 24 Feb., 1550 ; d. before 1627. 
 
 VII. Margery, bap. 4 March, 1551 ; married 
 
 Edmund Windham ; d. before 1627 ; had 
 
 issue Thomas, Edmund, John, Zachary, 
 
 Francis, George ; Thomas had issue, Edmund. 
 
 VIII. Anne, bap. 13 July, 1552 ; d. before 1627. 
 
 IX. JOHN CHAMBERLAIN, Letter Writer ; b. 
 
 15 Jan., 1554 ; bur. 20 March, 1628. 
 X. Alice, bap. 3 Nov., 1556 ; bur. 3 Jan., 1558. 
 XI. George, bap. 14 June, 1558 ; married Anne 
 (living 1627 ; she afterwards married John 
 Poole) ; d. circa 25 March, 1616. 
 Richard Chamberleyn married, secondly, Margaret, a widow. 
 
 NOTE. All the dates of baptisms and burials are from the Register 
 of St. Olave's, Jewry.
 
 INDEX OF PERSONS 
 
 Abbot, George, Archbishop of Canterbury 
 '" 
 
 -__. 
 
 Abercrombie, Sir 
 
 Abergavenny, Lord 
 Adrian, Emperor . . 
 Aerssens, the Greffier 
 Alabaster, William 
 Albert, Archduke . . 
 Allen, Thomas . . 
 Anne, Queen of James I. 
 
 35, 197, 19 
 
 2O6 
 
 149 
 118 
 
 54 
 
 77 
 24, 25, 129 
 
 14 
 
 95 
 70, g5, 103, no, 
 
 10, 15, 18 
 .. 9 
 .. 56 
 .. 107 
 .. 6r 
 .. 61 
 35, 72, 73 
 33 
 53 
 
 133, 143, 147, 150, 155, 164, 165, 168, 175, 
 178, 179, 197 
 
 Archie, a Jester 181, 182 
 
 Argyle, Earl of 239 
 
 Arundel, Alatheia, Countess of .. 211, 212 
 Ashmole, Elias . . . . . . . . 149 
 
 Audley, Sir Thomas . . . . . . 206 
 
 Auchmuty, 149 
 
 Bacon, Elizabeth 155 
 
 Sir Francis (Lord Verulain and 
 
 Viscount St. Albans) 106, 109, no, 128, 
 145, 155, 156, i6r, 163, 168, 169, 172, 187, 
 
 188, 191, 192, 194, 195 
 
 Sir Nicholas . . 155, 169, 177 
 
 Badger, Sir Thomas 
 
 Bagenal, Sir Henry . . 9 
 
 Mabel 
 
 Bainham, Sir Edward 
 Bainton, . 
 
 Ball, Elizabeth 
 
 Nicholas 
 
 Bancroft, Richard, Archbishop . 
 Barbary, Kins of . . 
 
 Barker, Robert , 
 
 Barnevelt, 16 
 
 Bedells, Mrs. 186 
 
 Beecher, Mr. 170 
 
 Beeston, Hugh 3, 69 
 
 Bellannine, Cardinal . . . . 78, 79 
 Berkeley, Sir Maurice . . . . . . 127 
 
 Bertram, . 151, 152 
 
 Bilson, . . . . . . . . . . . 207 
 
 Bishop Thomas . . 107, 139, 140 
 
 Bingham, Sir Richard 15 
 
 Bingley, Sir John .. .. 171, 172, 182 
 Birch, Thomas sv. (and n) xvi., 12, 146 
 Bodley, Sir Thomas 10, 61, 94, 95, 96, 103, 188 
 Bo'eyn, Anne 57, 80 
 
 Mary 57 
 
 Borlase, Sir William 243 
 
 Borrough, Lord . . . . . . . . 2 
 
 Bouillon, Duke of . . . . . . 100 
 
 Bowes, Lady 163 
 
 Bracciano, Duke of . . . . 34 
 
 Bray, . . . . . . . . . . . 108 
 
 Brett, Arthur 222 
 
 Bridges, John . . . . . . . . 86 
 
 Bristol, Earl of 209 
 
 Bromby, Sir Henry . . . . . . 56 
 
 Brooke, Calisthenes . . . . . . 2 
 
 Bruce, John . . . . . . . . xiv. 
 
 Bruckshaw, 132 
 
 Brunswick, Duke of . . . . . . 228 
 
 Brydges, Sir Samuel E 
 
 Brysto, John, 
 
 Buckhurst, Thomas Sackville, Lord 
 
 Buckingham, Countess of 
 
 Bucklaw, Master of 
 
 Burlamachi, . 
 
 Burghley, Lord . . 13, 14, 16, 17, 160, 176 
 
 Burrell, Sir Mannaduke . . . . . . 134 
 
 Burton, John . . . . . . . . 244 
 
 Calvert, Sir George . . . . . . 178 
 
 Camden, William .. 7, 170, 193 215 
 Carew, George, Lord . . . . . 30 
 
 Carey, George, Lord Huusdon 
 
 Henry, Lord Hunsdon 
 
 Mr 
 
 58 
 241 
 
 10 
 1 80 
 181 
 223 
 
 -- Sir Robert . . . . 55, 57. g so 
 
 ..,..,. Jjt jit J^t jy 
 
 - William ........ 57 
 
 Carleton, Alice, xiii., 4, 42, 69, 93, no, 113, 
 
 122, I3 2, 13 5, 244 
 
 - 555 t ' ' ' ' 42 ' 43, 73 
 
 t" et ,,i 42> 43> 94 
 
 -- Sir Dudley, is., x., xiv., xv., i, 5, 
 6, 7, 8, 37, 40, 42, 43, 47, 51, 52, 53, 62, 64, 
 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 73, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 91, 
 94, 113, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 
 J3i, 143, 164, 178, 188, 237, 243 
 
 - Dudley (junr.) ...... 243 
 
 - George . . 2, 16, 29, 141, 202, 243 
 
 - Lady . . 162, 188, 236, 239, 240 
 Carr, ........... J2 
 
 Anne 
 
 -- Sir Robert (afterwards Earl of Somer- 
 
 set) 71, 84, 88, 89, 91, 96, 97, 103, 107, icS, 
 
 109, no, 112, 122, 124, 134, 140, 141, 143, 
 
 144, 145, 148, 149, 150, 158, 168, 202 
 
 Carlisle, Countess of ...... 208 
 
 Caron, Sir Noel ...... 130, 143 
 
 Gary, Mrs. . . . . . . . . . . 38 
 
 - Thomas . . . . . . . . 326 
 
 Cavendish, Elizabeth ...... 90 
 
 Cecil, LaJy Diana . . . . . . . . 176 
 
 - Sir Edward(Viscount Wimbledon) 165,237 
 
 - Sir Robert (afterwards Earl of Salis- 
 bury) 8, 9, 13, 22, 25, 26, 66, 67, 68, 71, 74, 
 
 84, 87, 89, 92 
 
 -- William, Earl of Salisbury 1:2, 172 
 Challoner, Sir Thomas . . . . . . 56 
 
 Chamberlain, Alexander (brother of John) 
 
 241, 345 
 
 - Alice ...... 245 
 
 - Anne . . . . . . 245 
 
 -- Elizabeth (wife of H. Stuke- 
 
 ley) 38, 241, 245 
 
 - George (brother of John) . . 
 
 241, 244, 245 
 
 - John, his birth, parentage, 
 
 letters, travels, etc., and 
 
 death ix. 245 passim. 
 
 - Margery (wife of Edmund 
 Windham) ...... 6, 241, 243, 245 
 
 - Margery d. in infancy) 241, 245 
 -- Richard (brother of John) . . 
 
 216, 228, 241, 244, 245 
 
 - Robert (brother of John) . . 
 
 xii., 241, 244, 243, 245 
 
 -- Thomas (brother of John) 241,245 
 
 Chamber-lay ne, Andrew ..... . 242 
 
 Edward (living 1489) .. 241 
 
 - Leonard . . . . . . 242 
 
 Richard (d. 1496) . . 
 
 x., 241, 244. 245 
 
 - fcimon . . . . 12 
 
 Sir Thomas . . . . 242 
 
 - William . . . . . . 243 
 
 Edward (living 1513) x., 245 
 Margaret . . . . xi., 241 
 
 - (Chanbeilain), (father of 
 John) x., xi., xii., xiii., 241, 245 
 Sibiila ...... 245 
 
 Thomas (living 1502) 241, 245 
 William (living 1489) 241, 245 
 Wynne . . . . . . 241 
 
 Chambers, Lawrence ...... 244 
 
 Chapman, William ........ 242 
 
 Charles I. xiv., 59, 74, 155, 164, 166, 169, 177, 
 
 183, 192, 196, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 
 
 213, 214, 215, 23r, 232, 235, 236, 238, 239 
 
 Cheyney, Kate ........ 38 
 
 Chichester, Sir John ...... 18 
 
 Churt, Sir Walter ........ 120 
 
 Clare, Mistress ........ 136 
 
 Clarke, ........... 107 
 
 Clement VIII., Pope ...... 79
 
 Cleveland, Earl of 238 
 
 Clinton, Henry, Earl of Lincoln .. ..117 
 Cobham, Lord . . . . . . 15, 59 
 
 Cocke, Sir Henry 4 
 
 Cokayne, Sir William . . 145, 185, 214, 215 
 
 Coke, Sir Edward 49, 53, 106, 146, 147, 148, 
 
 150, 151, 153, 159, 160, 163, 166, 183, 192, 
 
 201, 204, 229 
 
 Lady (sometimes styled Lady 
 
 Hatton) t6o, 163, 164, 165, 166, 176 
 
 Sir Robert . . . . . . . . 160 
 
 Compton, Lady 160, 166 
 
 Lord . . . . 3, 157, 165, 209 
 
 William, Earl of Northampton 
 
 181, 182 
 Conie, . . . . . . . . . . . 157 
 
 Connisbie, Sir . .. .. .. ..119 
 
 Cope, Lady . . . . 66, 82, 83 
 
 Sir Walter 62, 65, 66, 67, 70, 81, 82, 83, 
 
 84, 89 
 
 Sir William 145 
 
 Coope, William 241 
 
 Corbet, Dean 203 
 
 Craig, Dr 103 
 
 Cranbourne, Lord 68 
 
 Cranfield, Sir Lionel (Earl of Middlesex) . . 
 
 174, 176, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224 
 
 Craven, Sir William 165 
 
 Creichton, Robert, Lord Sanquhair . . 90 
 
 Crew, Sergeant 150 
 
 Thomas 120 
 
 Crofte, Sir John 183 
 
 Cromwell, Edward, Lord .. .. 14 
 
 Cuffe, John . . . . . . . . 244 
 
 Mr 187 
 
 Cumberland, Earl of 23 
 
 Dale, Sir Thomas .. .. .. 146, 147 
 
 Danvers, Sir Charles 16 
 
 Sir Henry .. .. 16, 56 
 
 Darcy, Sir Charles 55 
 
 Sir Francis . . . . . . 162 
 
 Lord 163 
 
 Darnley, James . . . . . . . . 90 
 
 Davidson, John . . . . . . . . 80 
 
 Davies, John 56 
 
 Davis, Sir J-ohn . . . . . . . . 102 
 
 Davison, William 80 
 
 Derby, Earl of 3 
 
 Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex (2) 
 
 98, 105, rt2, 141, 144 
 
 Digges, Sir Dudley 120,197 
 
 Dingwell, Lord 159 
 
 Donne, Dr John . . . . . . . . 232 
 
 Dormer, Mighell 3, 60 
 
 Robert (afterwards Earl of Car- 
 narvon) . . . . . . 138 
 
 Sir Robert 137 138 
 
 Dorrell, Sir Marmaduke 139 
 
 Dove, John 42, 73 
 
 Downe, Ann, wife of Richard Chamber- 
 
 leyn xii , 245 
 
 Margery . . . . . . . 241 
 
 Robert .. .. xii., 241, 245 
 
 Drewry, Sir Henry., .. .. .. 243 
 
 Lady . . . . . . . . 243 
 
 Drummond, Bishop 79 
 
 Jane 112 
 
 Lord . . . . . . 62 
 
 Dudley, Anne 30 
 
 Sir Robert .. ..78, 86, 87 
 
 Duns, . . . . . . . . . . 4 
 
 Edmondes, Sir Thomas . . n, 51, 132 
 
 Edmonds, Clement . . . . . . 129 
 
 Edmunds, Mr 38 
 
 Edward 1 35 
 
 Effingham, Lord . . . . . . . . 62 
 
 Eleanor, Queen . . . . . . 35 
 
 Elizabeth, Princess 74, 95, 96, 100, 119, 193, 212 
 
 Queen ix., xv., 16, 17, 19, 20, 2r, 
 
 23, 25, 27, 34, 35, 37, 4, 4S, 49, 5, Si, 54, 
 
 55, 56, 57, 58, 78, 80, 90, 132, 154, 176. 217 
 
 Elphinstone, James . . . . 78, 79 
 
 Elwes, Sir Gervasse . . 99, 106, 142, 145 
 
 Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of . . 
 
 3, , 7, 13, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 
 
 27, 32, 36, 65 
 
 Everard, Sir 102 
 
 Evers, Mr 2 
 
 Sir Peter 4 
 
 Exeter, Countess of .. .. 177, 183 
 Fanshawe, Lady 186, 243 
 
 Sir Henry . . . . 141, 243 
 
 Fefle, Mackhugh 2 
 
 Fenton, Lord .. 157 
 
 Finch, Sergeant 150 
 
 Finet, Sir John 201 
 
 Mr , . . 87, 125 
 
 Flaskett, Chaplain 73 
 
 Floyde, 193, 195, 196 
 
 Foscarini, Antonio 212 
 
 Fuller, Nicholas (barrister) . . 71, 72 
 
 Nicholas (writer) . . . . 72 
 
 Fullerton, Sir James 58 
 
 Garrett, a Jester . . . . . . . . 47 
 
 Gawdye, Anne .. .. .. ..177 
 
 Sir Bassingbourne . . 32, 177 
 
 Gent, Mr 12, 53, 95 
 
 German, Sir Thomas .. .. -.149 
 
 Gerrard, Sir Thomas . . . . 23 
 
 Gibb, . . . . . . . . . . . 140 
 
 Gibbons, Orlando . . . . . . . . 235 
 
 Giflord, Sir Richard 30 
 
 Gilbert, Dr. William . .4, 5, 8, 37, 38, 243 
 Gcndomar, Conde de . . . , . . 224 
 Goodman, Biship Godfrey . . . . lot 
 
 Goodwin, George 2 
 
 Gordon, Dean . . . . . . . . 62 
 
 Goore, Thomas . . . . . . xi., xiii 
 
 Goring, Sir George 149 
 
 Gray, Patrick, 6th Baron . . . . 79 
 
 Green, Richard . . . . . . . . 1 57 
 
 Greville, Sir Fulke . . . . 44, 126 
 
 Grey of Wilton, Lord . . 3, 59, 100 
 Hackwell, Pope .. 120, 127, 133, 196 
 
 Haddingion, Lady . . . . . . 149, 150 
 
 Haddock, Richard . . . . . . 62, 63 
 
 Hal (" the lawyer ") . . . . . . 200 
 
 Ha'l, Thomas 86 
 
 Hamilton, Marquis of .-165, 167, 175, 232 
 Hardwick, Elizabeth . . . . 90, 91 
 
 John . . . . . . . . 90 
 
 Harrison, . .. .. .. .. 165 
 
 Harvey, Lady .. .. .. .. 181 
 
 Sir Sebastian (Lord Mayor) 
 
 179, 180, 181, 189, 190 
 
 Hatton, Sir Christopher 148 
 
 Hawton, Sir Gilbert . . . . . . 149 
 
 Hay, James (afterwards Earl of Carlisle) 
 i3 8 , 139, 148 150, 156, 157, 161, 162, 165, 
 1 66. 208 
 
 Heath, Mr 
 
 Henri ckson, . 
 Henrietta Maria of France 
 Henry IV. of France 
 VI. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 17, 
 
 -I74 
 ..149 
 
 221, 232, 234, 235 
 
 34 
 
 35 
 
 38, 80, 2O6, 210, 213, 
 217 
 
 . . too 
 
 74, 89, 91, 92 
 106 
 
 3133, us 
 ..157 
 145 
 
 Count 
 
 Prince of Wales 
 
 Herbert, Sir Henry 
 Heydon, Sir John 
 Hill, Adam .. 
 
 Hollis, Sir John 
 
 Hoschelius, 85 
 
 Hoskins, John . . . . 119, 120, 121 
 Howard, Charles, Lord Effingham. . .. 185 
 
 Charles, Earl of Nottingham . . 
 
 1 7, 24, 32, 46, 49, 50, 52, 61, 62, 87, xor, 102, 
 107, 134, 167, 168, 185 
 
 Lady Frances (Countess of Essex 
 
 and Somerset) 98, 99, 102, 103, 105, 108, 
 no, 136, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 156, 158, 202
 
 Howard, Lord Henry (afterwards Earl of 
 Northampton) 59, 60, 89, 98, 101, 105, 106, 
 107, no, in, 120, 121, 122, 153 
 
 Philip, Earl of Arundel 49, 50, 153, 154 
 
 Sir Robert . . 160, 229, 230 
 
 Theopbilus, Lord of Walden 62,182 
 
 Thomas, 4th Duke of Norfolk . . 
 
 59, 60, 206, 211 
 
 Thomas, Earl of Arundel 
 
 50, 153, 154, 159, i fi 6, 192, 193, 194, 195, 
 
 196, 198, 2IO, 211, 239 
 
 Lord Thomas (afterwards Ear) of 
 
 Suffolk) 3, 15, 49, 86, 97, 98, in, 122, 134, 
 154, 161, 171, 172, 176, 182, 186, 187, 198, 206 
 Thomas, Viscount Andover 202, 232 
 
 Sir William 78 
 
 Ingram, Sir Arthur .. 134, 135, 136, 139 
 
 Inijosa, Marquis of .. .. 211, 223 
 
 Isabella, Infanta 14, 221 
 
 James I. . . ix., xv., 11, 48, 55, 57, 5, 59, 
 
 60, 63, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 
 84, 9 1 , 9 2 > 95, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 
 107, 108, 109, iio, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 
 121, 122, 123, 126, 128, 129, 130, 132, 133, 
 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 14, 145, 146, 147, 
 148, 150, 152, 153, 155, 157, 159, 160, 163, 
 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172, 173, 174, 
 175, J 7 6 > J 77, J/ 8 , i79, 180, 181, 183, 184, 
 185, 187, 188, 189, 190, 192, 194, 195, 197, 
 200, 203, 204, 105, 108, 109, 210, 217, 218, 
 
 219, 220, 221, 225, 228, 231, 233, 243 
 
 Jones, Mr 71, 74 
 
 Keene, R'chard 244 
 
 Kirkham, Mr 87 
 
 Knolles, Lord 134, 141 
 
 Knollys, William, Viscount Wallingford. . 176 
 
 Lad, Thomas 
 
 Ladislaus, Prince of Poland 
 
 Lake, Lady 
 
 Sir Thomas 101, 107, 169, 177, 183 
 
 Lakes, Mr 55 
 
 Leicester, Robert Dudley. Earl of 
 Lennox, Duchess of 
 
 Margaret, Countess of 
 
 Lesieur, Sir Stephen 
 Leveson, Sir Richard 
 Lidcott, Sir Rhomas 
 
 Lisle, Lord 
 
 Longe, Captain 
 Lorrain, Duke of . . 
 Lovell, Mrs. 
 Lytton, Mrs. 
 
 Rowland 
 
 7, 13, 21, 23, 29, 30, 38, 60, 68. 82 
 
 William 68 
 
 Maltravers, Lord 239 
 
 Manners, Lady Katherine (Marchioness 
 
 01 Buckingham* . . . . 198, 201, 203, 208 
 Mansel, Sir Edward 31 
 
 Captain Rhys 18 
 
 (Mansfield), Sir Robert 31, 32, 33, 46, 
 
 100, 101, ic2, 155, 171, 185, 186, 187, 190, 196 
 
 Mansfeldt, Count . . 219, 225, 226, 228, 229 
 Maria, Infanta of Spain . .206, 209, 219, 221 
 
 Marie de Medici 34 
 
 Martin, Richard 173 
 
 Mary, Queen of Scots . . . . 57, 60, 90 
 Mathew, Tobias (Archbiship of York) . . 
 
 5, 15.5, 200 
 
 Tobie 
 
 2, 5, 74, 156, 168, 170, 200, 213, 224 
 
 Maunsell, Richard 72 
 
 Maynard, Henry 14 
 
 McDonnell, Sir James 18 
 
 Michelbourue, Sir Edward . . . . 65 
 
 Micbell, Sir Francis . . . . 194, 195 
 
 Mildmay, Sir Anthony 2 
 
 Milwoode, Dr 63 
 
 Mompesson, Sir Giles . . . . . . 190 
 
 Monday, William 21 
 
 Monson, Sir William . . . . 43 45 
 
 7-2 
 107 
 197 
 
 78, 87, 94 
 239 
 .. go 
 129, 130 
 4345 
 .. 105 
 
 122, 
 
 149 
 
 [80 
 
 4 
 
 29 
 
 Montagu, Sir Henry 152 
 
 Bishop James 128 
 
 Montagu, Sergeant 150 
 
 Montgomery, Earl of .. 107, 152, 157 
 Moore, . . . . . . . . . . . 217 
 
 John 161 
 
 Dr. Norman . . . . . . 91 
 
 i:orton, Secretary 232 
 
 Mountjoy, Ixsrd . . . . . . 3, 208 
 
 Muly, Hamet Xarife 33 
 
 Murray, Earl of . . . . . . . . 62 
 
 Thomas . . . . . . . . 209 
 
 Murry (Murray ?) Mistress . . . . 140 
 
 Naunton, Sir Robert 210 
 
 Neile, Richard, Bishop oi Lincoln 
 
 116, 117, 120, 121 
 
 Nevill (Lord Latimer) 56 
 
 Nevule, Christopher .. .. 118, 120 
 
 Nichols, John G. . . . . . . 30, 31 
 
 Norris, Sir Edward 8, 14, 50, 51, 52, 146 
 Francis, Earl of Berkshire 202, 203 
 
 Sir John . . . . . . . . 2 
 
 Lady 3, 64 
 
 Lord 62, 64 
 
 Sir Thomas .. .. -.2,3 
 
 North, Sir John . . . . . . . . 4 
 
 Orange, Frederic Henry, Prince of . . 234 
 Orange, Maurice, Prince of 100, 231, 232, 234 
 Ormond, Earl of . . . . . . 18 
 
 Ouldfield, Anthony. . . . . . . . 244 
 
 Overbury, Sir Thomas 
 
 88, 96, 97, 98, 99, 105, 109, in, 136, 148 
 Owen, John . . . . . . . . 213 
 
 Sir Roger . . . . . . . . 120 
 
 Palatine, Henry, Prince of 96, 100, 123, 193, 212 
 50, 51, 52 
 
 Parry, Sir Thomas 
 Pasfield, Dr. 
 Patten, John 
 Pawlet, Mr. 
 Pay ton, . . . 
 
 Sir John . 
 
 Peacham, Edmond 
 
 Henry 
 
 Peacocke, 
 Pelham, Sir John . 
 
 Lady 
 Pembroke, Earl of 
 Pepys, Samuel 
 
 73 
 72 
 ..127 
 ..56 
 
 127, 128, 129 
 ..129 
 ..183 
 
 107, 122, l8S 
 
 xii, (n) 
 Percy, Henry, Earl of Northumberland.. 
 
 IO , 39, 4, 66, 67, 68, 156, 158, 162, 196 
 
 Lord . . . . . . . . 208 
 
 Lady Lucy (w'fe of James. Lord 
 
 Hay) . . . . 156, 162, 166, 168 
 
 Thomas 67 68 
 
 Peter (Petre ?) Sir George . . . . 224 
 
 Philaret, Metropolitan .. .. .. 160 
 
 Philip I. of Spain 3> 6 
 
 II. of Spain 14,15 130 
 
 HI* of Spain .. .. .. 221 
 
 Pine, John 52 
 
 146, 147 
 243, 244 
 243 
 - 145 
 .- 32 
 146, 147 
 
 Pocahoutas, Virginian Princess 
 Poole, Anne 
 
 John 
 
 Pope, Sir William 
 Popham, Chief Justice 
 PowhatUn, Virginian Chief 
 
 Purbeck, Viscountess . . 228, 229, 231 
 Questor, Postmaster . . . . . . 132 
 
 Radclifle, Lady Elizabeth .. ..75 
 
 Raleigh, Lady 84 
 
 Sir Walter xvi , 3, 16, 59, 84, 172, 173 
 
 Ramsay, John (afterwards Earl of Holder- 
 
 ness) 
 Rich, Sir Henry . . 
 
 Lord .. 
 
 Sir Robert . . 
 
 Richmond, Duchess of 
 
 Duke of 
 
 Ricot, - . . 
 
 Robinson, 
 Roe, Sir Thomas 
 
 75, 76, 77, 157 
 
 149, 150 
 
 3, 163 
 
 86, 87, 148 
 
 . 227, 228 
 
 . . 211 
 
 223 
 
 .. 174 
 
 .- 30
 
 Rolfe, John . . . . . . . . 146, 147 
 
 Udall, . . 107 
 
 Thomas . . . . . . . . 147 
 
 Umpton, Lady . . . . . . . 16 
 
 Romanov, Michael, Emperor of Russia 106, 107 
 Room, Henry C -52 
 
 Underbill, Sir Hercules . . . . 42, 94 
 Veltzer, Signor . . . . . . 85 
 
 Roper, Ann . . . . . . . . . . 155 
 
 Venner (Vennar) Richard . . 47 48 
 
 Sir John . . . . . . . . 145 
 Rowe, Sir Thomas 185 
 
 Vere, Sir Francis . . . . . . 3, 39, 40 
 
 Roxborougb, Lord 112 
 Russell, Sir William . . . . 2, 171 
 William, 5th Earl of Bedford.. 141 
 Ruthven, Alexander . . . . 75, 76, 77 
 John, Earl of Cowrie . . 75, 76, 77 
 Rutland, Earl of 149, 198 
 St. John, Oliver, Lord .. .. at, iSi 
 " Black " Oliver . . . . 127 
 St. Ledger, Lady Arabella . . . . 78 
 St. Luc, Mdlle 208 
 Sackville, Sir Edward . . . . 151, 152 
 Salisbury, Countess of .. .. ..no 
 Sandes, Edwin .. .. .. .. 120 
 
 Vernon, Elizabeth (Countess of South- 
 ampton) .. .. 16, 20, 227 
 Sir John . . . . . . . . 20 
 Villiers, Christopher 154, 180, 181, 189, 202 
 George (afterwards Duke of Buck- 
 ingham) .. .. 124,145,149,150,152, 
 i54i 157. 160, 163, 164, 165, 167, 168, 172, 
 176, 177, 183, 191, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201. 
 208, 209, 215, 218, 232, 235, 237, 238 
 John (Viscount Purbeck) 
 160, 165, 204, 229 
 Wade, Sir William 99 
 Wake, Sir Isaac . . 123, 125, 225, 233 
 
 Sara, a maid . . . . . . . . 1 77 
 Savile, Sir Henry .. .. .. 94, 165 
 Sir John .. .. .. 119, 120 
 Savoy, Duke of 125 
 Scorie, Silvanus .. .. .. ..136 
 
 Wallingford, Lady . . . . . . 201, 202 
 William, Viscount . . . . 201 
 Wallop, Sir Henry .. .. 28, 30 
 Lady 29, 38 
 Mr. . . . . . . . . 4 
 
 Scrope, Lady 58 
 Lord 203 
 
 Scudamore, Sir James 16 
 Lady .. .. .. 16 
 
 Winifred 28 31 
 Walpole, Edward . . . . . . 21, 22 
 Walsingham, Sir Francis . . . . . . 94 
 Walter, Sir William .. .. 151 
 
 Philip 4 
 Serle Mr 60 
 
 Walthall, Anthony . . . . xi., 241 
 
 Seymour, . . . . . . . 107 
 Sir William . . . . ..91 
 
 Weekes, .' 179 
 We!don, Sir Aathony . . . . . . 101 
 
 Sheffield, Lord 78 
 Sheldon, Elizabeth 181 
 Thomas 181 
 Shelton, Sir Rafe .. .. 149, 150 
 Sherly, George 4 
 Sir Robert . . . . 238, 239 
 Shrewsbury, Countess of . . . 90, 91 
 Sigismund III., King of Poland . . 106 
 
 Wentworth, Sir Thomas .. 115, 116, 120 
 Weston, Thomas . . . . . . . . 145 
 Whitelock, James TOO, roi 
 Williams, . .. .. .. .. 179 
 Alexander 2, 21, 41, 42, 93, 243 
 Elizabeth 2, 21, 41, 42, 93, 243 
 John (Bishop) 
 r 95. 196. 221, 232, 234, 236 
 
 Skenington, . . . . . . . . . 108 
 
 Captain Thomas . . 15 18, 19 
 
 Skidmore, William 242 
 Smith . . . . . . . . . . . 243 
 
 Willoughby, Lord 62, 178 
 Wilson Arthur .. .. .. 175 
 
 Mrs. Annie . . . . . . . . 243 
 Somerset, Thomas . . . . . . 55 
 Southampton, Earl of . .3, 16, 20, 107, 175 
 Southwell, Elizabeth 87 
 Spencer, Sir John 182 
 Lord 192, 193 
 Sir William . . . . 16, 20 
 
 Sir Thomas . . . . . 172 
 Wimark, Edward .. .. .. 151 184 
 Winchester, Marquis of . . . 10 
 Windebank, Thomas 26 
 Windham, Edmund . . . . 243 245 
 Edmund (junr.) . . 243 245 
 Edward . . . . 7 
 
 Squire Edward . . . . . . 21 
 
 
 Stace, Richard .. .. .. .. 241 
 
 
 Stanhope, Sir John 16 
 Stanley, 3i, 22 
 Stone, a Jester . . . . . . . . 62 
 Stuart, Lady Arabella . . oo, 91, 99, 100 
 Charles 90 
 Stukcley, Hugh 2.15 
 (Stewkeley), Sir Hugh . . 243, 245 
 (Stewkeley, Thomas .. 243, 245 
 Sir Thomas . . 18, 24.7, 24.5 
 Suffolk, Countess of no, ru, 142, 172, 182, 229 
 Sussex, Thomas, Earl of 75 
 Sutton, Thomas 86 
 Talbot, George, 6th Earl of Shrewsbury . . 90 
 Gilbert, 7th Earl of Shrewsbury 10,90 
 Thynne, Sir 145 
 Tindall, Sir John 151 
 Tothill, 243 
 
 John . . . . . 243, 245 
 Justice .. .. . ..155 
 Thomas . . . . 243, 244 
 Zachary . . . . 243, 245 
 Windsor, Lord . . . . . . . . 3 
 Wingfield, Sir Richard . . . . . . 102 
 Thomas . . . . . . a 
 Winwood, Lady 159, 243 
 Sir Ralph . . 50, 51, 53, 60, 
 61, 62, 95, 100, 109, no, in, 113, 114, 115, 
 120, 121, 125, 126, 129, 139, 143, 146, 148, 
 J53, 158, 159, 161, 163, 164, 165, 168, 243 
 Wood, Anthony & 72 
 Woode, Mr 38 
 Worcester, Earl of . . . . . . 107 
 Wotton, Sir Henry . . 88, 106, 115, 
 119, 126, 129 131, 134, 170, 212 
 Wraye, Mr . . . . . . . 201 
 
 Trevor, Sir Richard 2 
 
 V/roughton, Sir Thomas . . . . . 4 
 
 Turkey, Sultan of 33 
 Turner, Mrs. 98, 143 
 Tyrone, Hugh O'Neill.Earl of 9,15,18,19,20,31 
 
 Wybome, Luke . . . . . . . 241 
 Nicholas . . . . . 241 
 Yelverton, Sir Henry .106, 109, 192, 194 
 
 Printed in Great Britain by W. & J. MACKAV & Co., LTD., Chatham.
 
 A 000 676 849 3