° SANTA BAF 3H1 » / I j^g* ^i TuiJuhei h> J.W/ieZZier, Wann'ck SptareJitfy f^'j'SJ/. THE PUBLIC CHARACTERS OF EUROPE; CONTAINING THE LIVES OF ALL THE EMINENT MEN NOW LIVING, WHO HAVE PERFORMED CONSPICUOUS PARTS IN THE POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS OF THE LAST TWENTY-FIVE YEARS. FORMING A COMPLETE History of tift £ate War. BY FRANCIS GIBBON, ESQ. EMBELLISHED WITH PORTRAITS OF THE Most Distinguished Personages. VOL. III. tonDon : PRINTED FOR A. WHELLIER, 23, WARWICK SQUARE, Paternoster Roto; AND SOLD I1Y ALL THE BOOKSELLERS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM. I LIBRARY j PUBLIC CHARACTERS, Sfc. jHematts; OF C.M.TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM, $c. UEW characters of the present day possess greater -■- talents than this distinguished statesman; and few have had more occasions to call them into action. It is said, Talleyrand was called Napoleon's right arm; Ber- thier, his military helmet; and Fouche, his revolutionary armour. To the two former were ascribed his success in the cabinet and the field ; and to the latter, the safety which he enjoyed at home against plots and conspira- cies. To Talleyrand, however, France and Napoleon were most indebted. Without Fouche, Napoleon might have escaped the plots and conspiracies of the royalists; and, without Berthier, he might have gained battles in the field : but, without Talleyrand, the fruits of victory would in some measure have been lost; and those ad- vantageous treaties, which were dictated at the point of the sword, and at the expence of the independence of the continent would never have received ratification. Few public transactions, either in France or Europe, for the last twenty-five years, have taken place, in which Talleyrand has not had a share; and his Memoirs in consequence become extremely interesting: we there- fore offer no apology for presenting them to our readers. Charles Maurice Talleyrand de Perigord was born at Paris, on the 7th of March 1754 ; and is vol. in. b descended TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, descended from one of the most ancient families in France. He is the younger son of a younger branch of the Counts of Perigord, who, three centuries ago, were sovereigns of a country in the south-western part of France, still called Perigord. Club-footed by birth, and having no hope of any fortune from his parents, he was educated and destined for the church; he was placed at the college of Louis-le-Grand, and was distinguished for his early genius. In 1767, he obtained the first prize for learning in his class : but, at the same time, he was publicly repri- manded for his glaring irregularities; which, however, seems to have had but little weight : for, during the Ea6ter week in 1768, having, with some of his licentious comrades, gone to a public brothel, he there got involved in a quarrel with some mousquetaires of the King's household troops; and, in consequence of declining to give one of them satisfaction, he was thrown from a two- pair-of-stairs into the street, and both his legs were broken in the fall. Refusing to tell the guet (at that time the police soldiers at Paris) his name and place of abode, he was carried to the hospital Hotel Dieu, where he remained four days, before the superior of the college and his friends could learn what had become of him. The lieutenant-general of the police, influenced by his relatives, gave out that the fracture was produced by accident in the street, and ordered him to be removed back to the college. But there, by the confession of one of his associates, the real cause was already known, and his re-admission refused. It has been related, that when he was informed of his disgrace, though lying on a bed of sickness, he flew into a passion, and swore that it should not be for want of his zeal if twenty-five years after- wards Christian teachers and Christian pupils were not to be found in France, or if Christian churches were not changed into theatres, and Christian colleges into bro- thels. Talleyrand's father had died two years before this ac- cident, and bequeathed nothing to bis son but his high birth. He had, however, recommended him to his elder brother, the Count de Perigord, who had his nephew secretly brought from the hospital to his palace. In the autumn of the same year he was so far recovered as to PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. to be put under the care of the same governor with bis first cousin, Prince de Chalay. The governor, whose name was Fouguet, soon observed that, notwithstanding the brightness of Talleyrand's genius, his most difficult task would be to restrain his vicious propensities. By turns, he duped his cousin by his art, and deceived his governor by his duplicity. He reigned over the former by his superior capacity, and often ruled the latter by an hypocrisy above his age, so perfect as to be mistaken for ingenuousness. Whenever he could get out alone, the bro- thel and the gaming-house were his usual places of resort. To indulge his extravagance, he robbed his cousin of his pocket-money, his governor of his books, and even made free with the scanty purses of their servants, but always in such a manner as to continue undiscovered, if not un- suspected. The following story has been related of him ; which, if true, stamps him one of the greatest monsters the world ever produced. In the vicinity of Count de Perigord's palace resided Madame Gauchier, a widow with five children, three of whom were daughters. Her husband, a Swiss by birth, had early entered the French service; and, from his merit, had risen from the ranks to be a Captain, and Knight of the order of St. Louis. Wounded in Germany during the seven years' war, he survived the peace of 1767 which, concluded it, only two years. The scanty pension al- lowed his vvuiow by government was insufficient to main- tain her family ; she therefore became a mantua-maker, and brought up her daughters to the same trade. Their industry and regularity were the common topics of con- versation, and the admiration of all their neighbours, until the spring of 176'9, when, on a fatal day, the charm3 of the girls excited the attention and inflamed the desire of Talleyrand. Poor and artless, by splendid presents and brilliant offers, their innocence was soon allured by the insidious snares of seduction. In less than six months Maria and Amy, the one aged eighteen, the other sixteen, were in a state of pregnancy, and were persuaded by their base seducer to take medicines in order to con- ceal the effects of their illicit attachment. So dreadful were their effects, that they immediately deprived Amy of life, and Maria of her reason; and the wretched mother ac- companied, on the same day, one of her daughters to the b 2 grave. fr TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, grave, and the other to the mad-house. So little did she sus- pect the real author of her misfortunes, that she continued still to receive with distinction his visits, consulted him as a friend, and revered him as a benefactor. She had, how- ever, soon occasion to repent of her simplicity, and to deplore her ignorance. Her third daughter, Sophia, on her fourteenth birth-day, during the carnival in 1770, eloped from her distressed parent. After many fruitless searches, the police was applied to : but in such a man- ner had Talleyrand planned the retreat of his new victim, that until Midsummer the police could not find out her place of concealment; and, had not a female accomplice, in whom Talleyrand trusted, betrayed his secrets, they would not even then have succeeded. Among others who interested themselves in behalf of the unfortunate mother, was the Duke of Penthievre, who generously offered a reward of 3000 livres to any person who should discover the lost child. This sum was too strong a temptation for the woman, in whose house, and under whose care, the girl had resided in the Rue St. Antoine, to resist; and poor Sophia Gauchier was taken in the arms of her seducer, being in a fair way to become a mother. In her room was a box containing pills, which were intended for the same purpose as those which had proved so fatal to her sisters. These, after being examined and compared with the drugs found in the corpse of the poisoned Amy, left but little doubt of the guilt of Talleyrand. At the recommendation of the Duke of Penthievre, Sophia was received in the convent of the Urselines, near Paris, where, notwithstanding the tenderness and consolation of the abbess, she shortly expired, in consequence of a premature delivery. Her death was, in two days afterwards, followed by that of her mother, from a broken heart; and the same tomb con- tained them both. Such was the end of this unfortunate family. When Count de Perigord was informed of his nephew's consummate infamy, a family council was convoked. Some proposed to have the young monster exiled to the colonies for life; whilst others, wishing to prevent a recurrence of like crimes and atrocities in other climates, proposed to petition the King for a lettre-de-cachet. This proposition was adopted ; and, in October I 770, Talleyrand was PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. was seized in a gaming-house in the Palais Royal, and confined in the Bastile, under the assumed name of Abb6 Boiteux. From this state-prison he was, in the following December, removed to the Castle of Vincennes, where he continued in solitary confinement for twelve months. While in prison, Talleyrand was incessantly employed in contriving means of escape. The chaplain of the Castle of Vincennes visited him in the double capacity of a comforter and instructor, and was the only person permitted to visit him. With this priest he regularly read, prayed, sighed, and wept. He often inflicted severe penances upon himself; and even expressed a desire of entering the order of La Trap, the most rigid of all monastic institutions. By these hypocritical means, he so imposed on the chaplain, that he represented to the Count de Perigord, that the life of the Abbe Boiteux was not only that of repentance, but of edification. Upon this assurance, Talleyrand was sent to finish his studies with the Jesuits of Toulouse ; where, in 1773, he was received a member of the Gallican clergy by the famous Bishop Lomenie de Brienne, afterwards so notorious in the French revolution for his religious and political apostacy, under the title of Cardinal de Brienne, Bishop of Sens. Talleyrand was now a great favourite with Madame du Barry, the mistress of Louis XV. and, with other debauchees, he was the constant attendant at her toilette in the morning, and her boudoirs in the evening. Through her recommendation, he obtained from Louis XV. two abbeys, worth 24,000 livres a year, and the survivance of the bishopric of Autun, or the King's letters patent to succeed to that see at the first vacancy. The favour of Madame du Barry was a sure letter of introduction to all other gay and fashionable companies in the French capital. He therefore no longer found it necessary, to gratify his inclination for the fair sex, to stoop to in- trigues with obscure mantua-makers: Duchesses, Mar- chionesses, Countesses, and Baronesses, were, as he said, dying by scores in love for him, or quarrelling with emu- lation to be the happy mortal that could fix their accom- plished but volatile beau. " During five years," says he, " six husbands from jealousy, on his account, had blown out their brains; and eighteen lovers had perished in duels for ladies who were his mistresses; ten wives, deserted 10 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, deserted by him, had retired in despair to convents ; twelve unmarried ladies, from doubt of his fidelity or con- stancy, had either broken their hearts, or poisoned them- selves in desperation. He had, besides, during the same short period, made twenty-four husbands happy fathers, and forty maids solitary and miserable mothers." Such is the enumeration of his shocking debaucheries, of which he so openly boasted. In some houses his dignity in the church, and in others his wit, procured him admission ; but, wherever he visited, some females or other became the victims of his artifice. Having retired to his bishopric at Autun, " in order," as he said, " that the regret occasioned by his absence might at his return procure him fresh laurels in his campaigns in the Parisian boudoirs," he was followed by the Marchioness de C , who, under pretence of visiting an estate of her husband's, expected to give an agreeable surprise to the Bishop. At the time that this lady made her appearance, a rival in the Bishop's affec- tions also appeared. Madame de M , who had been separated from her husband in consequence of her in- trigue with Talleyrand, presented herself. Her sufferings for his sake were claims her seducer seemed to acknow- ledge, by receiving her with open arms. The Mar- chioness, instead of combating this new rival, entered into a negotiation with her. They agreed to absent themselves at fixed periods from the episcopal palace at Autun. The night before this agreement was put into execution, an occurrence took place, which changed their compact into an offensive and defensive league against their common but faithless lover. The Marchioness, it seems, had placed spies about her friend as well as her rival ; by which means she discovered one evening, after she had retired to rest, that a stranger had slipt into Talleyrand's bed-room. She immediately sounded the alarm ; and, accompanied by Madame de M , passed through a secret staircase, and surprised by his side the landlady of an inn at Autun. The two ladies thought it prudent to suppress their indignation; but he soon found that he was no longer regarded as their agreeable com- panion. The Marchioness, in order to be revenged, had heard from himself his conduct towards the family of Gauchier ; and, PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. i \ and, after a number of inquiries, found that their elder brother was an adjutant in a Swiss regiment, quartered at Nancy. By a confidential person, she informed him of the outrage* committed on his family by Talleyrand, instiga- ting him to revenge, and promising all the support in the power of herself and friends. She advanced him money to proceed to Paris, where she procured him lodgings in her neighbourhood. She instructed him how to conduct himself with caution, yet with efficacy, and to punish the offender without endangering his own safety. He ac- cordingly went to Talleyrand ; and, after coolly relating his complaints, demanded 100,000 livres for not pro- ceeding against him before the tribunals, or petitioning to his temporal and spiritual sovereigns, the King of France and the Pope of Rome. Talleyrand, after excul- pating himself as well as he could, offered Gauchier a present of twenty-five loais d'ors, on condition that he would return to his regiment, and never more mention this bagatelle, as he termed it. This offer was of course rejected with disdain and indignation. From the deter- mined conduct of the young man, he suspected he was backed by some secret instructor. To disappoint them both, he went to the war-office; and, under some spe- cious pretext, he obtained an order for Gauchier, enjoin- ing him to quit Paris in five hours, and to be with his regiment within six days. -The Marchioness, with the assistance of her friends, got this order revoked ; and, the next day, Gauchier delivered a petition to the Pope's nuncio, informing him that another to the same purport would be presented to the King. The King was not en- tirely ignorant of the vicious life of Talleyrand; and it had required all the influence of his family to obtain from the court his appointment to the see of Autun: they would probably never have succeeded in their efforts, had not Louis considered it a duty to do honour to the presentation of his grandfather, Louis XV. by giving it his approbation. Talleyraud knew that if the crimes with which he was charged could be proved against him, neither his dignity in the church nor his noble birth could avert public justice. The communi- cation of Gauchier's memorial, therefore, both humbled and alarmed him. By pecuniary sacrifices he might have hushed this disagreeable affair; but his extrava- gance 1$ TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, gance with women, his profusion with men, want of order in his domestic concerns, and losses at the gaming- tables, had exhausted all his resources. He sent, how- ever, for Gauchier, who was with much difficulty per- suaded to withdraw the petition from the Nuncio, and to sign a promise of secrecy and oblivion; and he re- ceived a bond for the sum demanded. Two days after- wards, this young man was taken up dead, from the nets of St. Cloud, having been robbed, stabbed, and thrown into the Seine. The Marchioness, in advising Gauchier to ask for a sum of money, well knew the deranged circumstances of Tal- leyrand ; and, as his ruin was her only object, a bond which he would be unable to pay was the most useful instrument in her hands, where it had been deposited as a security for 12,000 livres, which she lent young Gauchier to purchase a commission in the dragoon regi- ment of Schomberg, to the Colonel of which, her relation, she had given him strong letters of recommendation. All this money, and all these papers, were probably in Gauchier's pocket when he was robbed and murdered, as they were searched for in his lodgings without success. His death was first announced to her in a note from Tal- leyrand, requesting an interview, and stating that his information came from the police. She agreed to his request, in hopes of finding some evidence to impli- cate him in the murder of Gauchier. To effect this, she concealed two persons in a closet adjoining her saloon, where they could see and hear every thing that passed. But Talleyrand was on his guard. At the three first interviews, nothing was expressed on his part but apologies, and regret for the misfortune he deplored of giving her offence: not a word of Gauchier, but what was contained in his note. Observing that her reserve decreased as his visits were repeated, Talleyrand affected more tenderness than ever. Deceived by his duplicity, a perfect reconciliation took place on her part; and, to convince him of her sincerity, she even went so far as to burn the bond given to Gauchier, which she did be- fore his face. This imprudence, by discovering her con- nexion with Gauchier, only added fresh fuel to his former hatred. But, though he had determined upon ber exposure and destruction, he continued to visit her with PRINCE OF BENEVENTURT. 13 with seemingly increased affection. The Marquis, her husband, was twenty-five years older than herself, and had married her not from love and esteem, but because her fortune was sufficient to pay off the mortgages on his estates. He was not apt to be jealous, nor did he care about her intrigues; but he hated publicity, and feared the ridicule resulting from it. Talleyrand, the better to conceal his numerous intrigues, had taken six apart- ments in different parts of Paris. His usual place of appointment with the Marchioness was a first floor in the Fauxbourg St. Honore. Knowing one night that her husband supped in the vicinity, he carried her there from the Opera: after a short supper, on some pretext or other, he made an excuse to absent himself for an hour. The Marchioness went to bed, and extinguished her taper. As soon as she was asleep, a person laid himself down by her side. Immediately she was awakened by a noise in the street, where some persons were fighting. The as- sailant, after being accused of having wounded his op- ponent, sought refuge in this house, where he was fol- lowed by both the police-guards and the mob. Under an idea that the assassin had entered the room where the Marchioness lay, the door was forced open; and she, to- gether with her bedfellow, who was no other than Tal- leyrand's valet, was arrested. Her surprise, her protes- tations, her tears, and her indignation, availed nothing. She was on the point of being dragged, half-naked, to prison; when her husband, informed by an unknown hand of her perilous situation, made his appearance, just a-propos to prevent all further disgrace and dclat. The next day, a deed of separation was signed between the Marquis and his lady, wherein it was agreed she should receive an annual pension, and bind herself to travel abroad, and not to re-visit France during her husband's life. The scandal of this plot and treachery became too notorious not to reach the ears of Louis XVI. By the King's command, Talleyrand, after being reprimanded by the Pope's nuncio in the presence of the Archbishop of* Paris, was put under the escort of two gardes- de-corps, carried back to Autun, and ordered, under pain of having his episcopal gown torn off, not to leave the diocese without the King's permission. La Flamand, his • vol. in. 6 tool 14, TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, tool and accomplice, was shut up in the house of correc- tion, called Bicetre, after signing a confession of his guilt, in which he implicated his master. During his exile at Autun, Talleyrand wrote a me- morial against Necker's financial arrangements, which he dedicated and sent to M. Calonne; who, in return, pro- cured the King's permission, with great difficulty, for him to pass a few months in the capita!. No sooner, how- ever, did M. de Calonne's favour at court decline, than Talleyrand published a refutation of his own memorial, in which he libelled the minister. This refutation, as well as the memorial, was anonymous. At the period of assembling the States-General, in 1789, Talleyrand was very assiduous in cultivating the favour of Louis XVIII. who was then styled Monsieur; but, by those who had a knowledge of his character, and who observed his conduct, he was suspected, after the resignation and retreat of M. de Calonne, of having been paid by the prime-minister Cardinal de Brienne to watch the parliament, by the parliament to watch the court, and by the court to watch both the parliament and the prime-minister. He is said to have professed friendship to the Cardinal, aud received bribes from him; at the same time he was selling his secrets to his rivals, betray- ing his plans, and plotting to supplant him with his friends. The confidence reposed in him by parliament he employed to involve it in disputes with the court; and the knowledge he had of the views of the court was communicated to the leading members of the parliament to make reconciliation impossible, that their mutual ani- mosity might finally precipitate both in the same gulf. These intrigues created a general mistrust, and obliged, after two years ef agitation, confusion, and disgust, the King to convoke the States-general, which was the first step to the accomplishment of that revolution which swept away the monarchy and every ancient institution in France. Many are supposed to be the causes of a revolution, in which Talleyrand has played such a deep and con- spicuous part; but its origin, crimes, and progress, may, with most colour of probability, be ascribed to a secret sophistical and anti-religious sect, long nourished in the academies and cities of France, connected with numerous societies PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. i 5 societies through all parts of Europe, meditating a total or partial abolition of the existing laws, customs, and modes of public worship, and projecting an entirely new distribution of power among nations, an universal change of dynasties, with a general overthrow of all established authorities. The existence and machinations of such a sect are rendered indisputable by the researches of the Abbe Barruel, Professor Robison, and other modern writers. The writers and reasoners attached to this sect succeeded in rendering religion ridiculous, and after- wards odious. From the abuses of popery, and the vices of the priests, they proceeded to a systematical assault on mysteries and miracles, and from these to the very exist- ence of a God. The attack on governments was managed with more caution: they were covertly and cautiously assailed by general declamations in favour of liberty, and on the necessity of reform ; by the ostentatious exposure of the offensive parts of modern history, and by con- tinual contrasts of the present with times past, or the system under which these writers lived with that of other nations possessed of greater freedom and less burdens. In France, the numerous publications of a band who assumed the title of Economists spread general discon- tent, and inspired a great eagerness to increase the wealth and diminish the burdens of the nation by a rigid and in- discriminate saving. Tal ley rand was one of the most subtle and active members of this sect. All exemptions from participation in the expences of the state were loudly descried, and the maintenance of the clergy was considered as a great political evil ; seignorial rights were reprobated, no less as indications of slavery, than as im- pediments to good husbandry; and the expences of the court were regarded with peculiar malignity, as an osten- tatious and useless mode of squandering away the trea- sure of the people. When, therefore, the King con- voked the States-General in 1789, every thing was in a ferment, and all the materials were ready for a general overthrow of the church and monarchy : a centre and supplies, the great requisites of a political faction aiming at important plans, were only wanting; and these were found in Paris in the wealth, rank, profligacy, and turbu- lence, of the Duke of Orleans. This Prince, a member of the Royal Family, nourished in his heart an unnatural c 2 rancorous 16 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, rancorous antipathy against the reigning branch of his family. Regardless of character, but yet ambitious of fame, he was surrounded by Talleyrand, Mirabeau, Sillery, Sieyes, &c. who led him with rapid steps to pro- mote the aims of the anti-religious and anti-social inno- vators. To the Orleans faction Talleyrand owed his nomination as a deputy to the States-General. After a lapse of 175 years, the States-General met at Versailles on the 5th of May 1789. The ceremony com- menced with an act of devotion. The deputies, preceded by the ministers of the altar, and followed by the King, repaired to the temple of the Deity amidst an immense crowd, who offered up vows for the success of their en- deavours to reform and regenerate the state. Having returned to the hall, the King, who was seated in a magnificent alcove, with the Queen on his left hand, and the Princes and Princesses of the Blood around him, de- livered an appropriate discourse in a loud and distinct voice, with all the confidence of an orator accustomed to address a numerous assembly. " The day," said his Majesty, " is at length arrived, which my heart has so long panted to behold ; and now I find myself surrounded by the representatives of a nation, which it is my glory to command. A long interval has elapsed since the last convocation of the States-General ; but, although their assemblies have not been for some time held, I have not been dissuaded, by the example of my late predecessors, from re-establishing a custom by which the nation may earnestly hope to acquire new vigour, and which may be the means of opening to it an additional source of happi- ness. A very general discontent, and a too eager desire for innovation have taken hold of the minds of the peo- ple, and will end in misleading their judgment if they do not hasten to fix it by wise and moderate counsels. It is in this confidence, Gentlemen, that I now assemble you ; and I rejoice to think that the measure has been justified by those dispositions which the two first orders of the state have shewn to renounce their own pecuniary privileges. The hope which I have cherished to see all the orders unite and concur with me in wishes for the public good, will, I am certain, not be deceived. I have already ordered very considerable retrenchments in re- spect to my own expences ; you will moreover furnish me PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 17 me with your sentiments on the subject, which I shall receive most gladly: but, in spite of the resources which the strictest economy can suggest, I fear, Gentlemen, that I shall not be able to relieve my subjects so soon as I could wish. The public spirit is in a ferment; but an assembly of the representatives of the people will cer- tainly hearken to no other counsels than those founded on wisdom and prudence. You yourselves, Gentlemen, have been able to judge, on many recent occasions, that the people have been misguided; but the spirit which will animate your deliberations, will also evince the true sen- timents of a generous nation, whose distinguished cha- racter has been their love of their prince. I shall banish from me every other sentiment. I know the authority and power of a just king, surrounded by a faithful people at all times attached to the principles of the monarchy. These have occasioned the glory and splendour of France. I ought, and I ever shall support them. But whatever; may be expected from the most tender solicitude for the public good ; whatever can be asked from a sovereign, the sincerest friend of his people, you may, you ought to hope from me. May a happy union reign in this as- sembly; and may this epocha become ever memorable by the felicity and prosperity of the country. It is the wish of my heart; it is the most ardent desire of my prayers ; it is, in short, the price which I expect for the sincerity of my intentions and my love for my people." When the King had ended his speech, the keeper of the seals, M. Barentin, arose, and paid many just compli- ments to the monarch, who had listened to the public voice in convoking the States-General. He also enlarged on the advantage of a limited government, equally re- moved from absolute monarchy on one hand, and anar- chy and absolute republicanism on the other. The comp- troller-general of the finances, Necker, succeeded M. Barentin; and, in a speech of great length, insisted on the necessity of directing the principal attention of the assembly to the state of the finances, which he allowed to be deranged : but he, at the same tune, reduced the deficit to fifty-six millions of livres, which he affected to consider as a trifle to a great and opulent nation. His harrangue, however, gave satisfaction to no party. The two first orders deemed it alike unfavourable to their rank 18 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, rank and privileges; and the third estate was astonished that nothing was said of liberty, reform, and a new con- stitution: and all were surprised, that, in respect to the great and important question of deliberation by poll, or by chambers, the speech of Necker was dark and am- biguous. Although Mirabeau and Necker were irreconcilable enemies, Talleyrand had the art to remain upon intimate terms with them both. He was the confident of the latter, and the friend of the former. It was according to his ideas and advice that the speech of the comptroller- general had been worded and composed. As this offi- cial discourse was the first blow aimed at the popularity of this purse-proud man, many believed, at this time, that Talleyrand had previously planned with Mirabeau his disgrace and removal from the head of the financial department, in hopes to succeed to his place; as, when once a member of the King's council, he could oblige, by his intrigues, M. de Montmorin, the minister of foreign affairs, to resign an office, the aim and ambition of Mi- rabeau ever since his nomination as a deputy to the states-general, it might easily induce him to expect that the court, from dread of his eloquence and immorality, would purchase his talents or quiet his turbulence by a place or a pension. Never did any people, either ancient or modern, when at perfect liberty to nominate their representatives, select such a set of profligate men, as those who repre- sented the French nation in its several assemblies. Even many of those who were of respectable families, and had some property, could otherwise claim no regard for their religious and moral principles. The most imperti-* nent, and at the same time .the most ridiculous preten- sions to dignity and wealth, to authority and advance- ment, were the primum mobile of all their actions, and the sole aim of all their machinations. As the King had it not in his power to exalt them all to the rank and grandeur of princes, ministers, governors, generals, admi- rals, bishops, judges, presidents, &c. &c. they determined to reduce rank, eminence, and merit, to a level with themselves. Accordingly, the third estate began, on the very day the States-General met, to plan the degradation of the two first orders, by forcing them, contrary to former PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 19 former ancient and invariable customs, to unite and deli- berate with them in the same hall, or, which was the same thing, to be governed and dictated to by their vast majority. Had they not been aware their cause would be supported by many accomplices both among the clergy and nobility, whom the Orleans faction had brought over to their interest, the party would not at so early a stage of their proceedings have ventured upon so bold an undertakings But Talleyrand, Sieyes, Gregoire, and others, among the clergy — and Orleans, La Fayette, the brothers La Methes, Montesquieu, with their partisans, among the nobles — either betrayed the confidential dis- cussions of their orders, or publicly opposed the wish and resolution of the majority, by joining the seditious commons. At last, on the 27th of June, both the clergy and the nobles, at the express recommendation of the King, repaired to the hall of the States-General, which was thenceforward called the National Assembly. The revolution now began to take a turn, which nei- ther its promoters nor opposers expected. Talleyrand considered a total subversion and anarchy as the only means to retrieve his affairs, and to acquire notice and consideration : this made him declare early in favour of the popular party. His name and dignity procure4 him a certain influence over some members of his order; and his example seduced a great number of the inferior clergy. Though possessing talents of the first order, his excessive immorality made him forget that his continual fluctuation and inconsistency would finally convince every body, that he knew no other laws than those of Self-interest, and had no other principles than those that led to make his fortune or to obtain advancement. On the 6th and 7th of July 1789, he proposed to the National Assembly, to declare void the contents of the instructions which the members had received from their constituents. Some few days afterwards, he spoke in favour of comedians, of Jews, and of the public execution- ers, to all of whom he proposed, by a formal decree, to give the rights of active citizens. On the 20th of August, he proposed a decree, which was adopted by the National Assembly, which declared all citizens, without distinction or exception, admissible to. public employments. Three days after, he opposed any mention being made of divine worship 20 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, worship in the Declaration of the Rights of Man; and insisted, it was only in the constitutional code where any thing concerning the sacred and holy Roman Catholic religion should be inserted. On the 27th of the same month, and on the 10th of October, he spoke on the finances of France. He acknowledged the necessity of a new loan ; but urged also the spoliation of the estates and lands of the clergy, which he insisted was both just and expedient. In the conciliabula of the Orleans faction, Mirabeau proposed, that Talleyrand should be fixed upon to bring forward in the National Assembly a motion of confis- cation, or to declare the possessions of the church na- tional property. The motive which actuated Mirabeau in this instance was twofold : by means of this apostate prelate, he intended to humble the whole body of the French clergy; and, by making Talleyrand the mover of the question, to silence, if not to remove, the scruples of a great majority of the nation, who, he well knew, even in the then perverted state of France, would look upon such an unheard-of pillage as nothing less than a sacri- lege. Accordingly, on the 2d of November, Talleyrand ascended the tribune, and produced his motion. After a debate of ten hours, it was carried by a large majority ; and the National Assembly decreed the confiscation and sale of the property of the French clergy, notwithstand- ing their offer to advance four hundred million of livres, a sum more than sufficient to restore the balance and establish the credit of the royal treasury. About this period, Talleyrand was particularly atten- tive to the financial affairs of his country ; but he declared himself strongly against the plans presented by Necker to the National Assembly : instead of which he recom- mended state bills. This recommendation, notwith- standing the assembly's previous and solemn declaration, " that the creditors of the state were placed under the protection of the honour and loyalty of the French na- tion," was not listened to. Towards the latter end of November, Talleyrand was appointed by the National Assembly, one of its commis- sioners to examine into the real situation of the Caisse d'Escompte, or Discount Bank, established by Necker during the American war, and exclusively favoured by that PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 21 this minister; and in January 1790 he became a member of the Committee of Imposts. It was he who digested the famous Address to the French Nation, which the National Assembly ordered to be published. During the same month, he was elected President of the Na- tional Assembly. The mobs rising every where and on every occasion, and threatening the most fatal conse- quences — the tumultuous proceedings of the National Assembly — the seduction of the soldiery— and the man-' Ceuvres, clamours, and calumnies, against the King and Queen — may be truly ascribed to the Duke of Orleans, to Mirabeau, Talleyrand, and other subordinate agents, or venal mercenaries, of the same faction. At the grand national confederation, on the 14th of July, Talleyrand was entrusted by the municipality of Paris to officiate pontifically in the splendid ceremony on the occasion, in the Champ de Mars. He appeared at the head of more than two hundred priests, all dressed m white linen, and adorned with the tri-coloured rib- bauds. When about to officiate, a storm of wind "took place, followed by a deluge of rain. Without any re- gard to this event, which many would have thought ex^ tremely ominous, he proceeded in the celebration of the mass; after which he pronounced a benediction and consecration on the royal standard of France, and on the eighty-three banners of the departments which waved around it before the altar of the country. Among other ceremonies of this celebrated confederation, Talleyrand administered to the representatives of the people, and to the federal deputies sent by the departments, a new oath (the fourth within twelve months) of fidelity to the Na- tion, to the King, and to the Law. In this solemn oath, by which the French bound themselves, it was antici- pated that domestic tranquillity would return; but those who looked closer into events only anticipated a vast scene of unqualified perjury, and it was with reason dreaded that the people would not be satisfied with the advantages they had acquired. The people heard with distrust the assurances of Louis; and, while he was anxious only to preserve the power that was left him, the multitude were taught to consider the right they had asserted as precarious, unless fortified with the ruins of the throne and the altar. vol. in- T> The TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, The labours of Talleyrand in the several Committees were not without their profit. They were particularly well rewarded when a member of the Diplomatic Com- mittee, that proposed the decree agreed to by the Na- tional Assembly, which changed the family compact between the French and Spanish Bourbons into a na- tional alliance between the French and Spanish nations. England was then arming to defend her ju&t right to Nootka Sound, and demanded satisfaction fcr the vio- lence committed there en British navigatcrs and traders. Unab.e, with any prospect of success, to combat this country without the succours of an ally, the Spanish ambassador at Paris was instructed to distribute 2,000,000 of dollars among the members of the diplomatic com- mittee, for the renewal and confirmation of former trea- ties with France by the National Assembly. Of this sum, it is said that Talleyrand shared 100,000 dollars. In August, Talleyrand was elected one of the secre- taries to the famous Jacobin club, of which he was one of the founders. The origin of this club was as fol- lows: — In the spring of the year 1789, the rage for po- litical discussion had induced some factious members to form a society, which they called Le Club Br:ton. Wher the assembly, in the autumn of the same year, removed to Paris, it was augmented by all the opposition bodies in that city, and by a great number of political adven- turers, speculatists, and economists. They hired, as a place of meeting, a building Formerly appropriated to the religious order of the Jacobins, which afterward* gave the name to the society. This club soon became the centre of intrigue and all manner of plots. It maintained extensive correspondence with affiliated societies through- out the kingdom, amounting at first to 2000, but afterward.-, augmented under Robespierre to 44,000. All the pro- vincial and affiliated societies received an impulse from the parent club; by which means insurrections and dis- content were with great facility propagated throughout all parts of the kingdom. By this club every measure of the legislature was either prepared or resisted — its way smoothed by petitions and acclamations, or impeded by clamours, menaces, and riots. It maintained a cor- respondence with various foreign countries all over Eu- rope; and, by the secret influence of its members, exer- cised PRINCE OF benevei:tum. s.g eised in a great variety of ways, it threatened to spread among all classes the contagion of its principles. Every principal town, and almost every considerable village, in Franco, furnished an association, with which the club at Paris held a correspondence. It encouraged denuncia- tion, and offered support. It listened to complaints, and suggested means of redress. It affected to console, and promised to chastise; but its language of consolation was reserved for those who violated, and its chastisements directed against those who supported the Jaws. During the whole of 1790, and until September 1791, Talleyrand continued a perpetual member of the Ja- cobin committee for propagating the Rights of Man, and inspected and directed all the secret correspondence car- ried on in every part of Europe and America. Several reports respecting the finances were presented by him to the National Assembly, during the months of August and September 1790, in all of which he strongly recom- mended the issuing of assign a ts, as the only means of rel'eving the people, and of satisfying the creditors of the state. Assignats- were accordingly decreed; and the confiscated estates and lands were ordered to be disposed of, and paid for in assignats. The decrees of the National Assembly, instigated principally by Talleyrand, were so replete with tyranny iga:::st the clergy, that the intention of reducing them to misery, or instigating them to resistance, could not be disguised. After confiscating their established revenues, •aws were made declaring all benefices elective; admit- ting all persons of every sect, even those who were not Christians, to vote in these elections; and totally altering the extent and limits of dioceses. The clergy respect- fully contended, t'.iat, whatever right the Assembly might claim to their endowments, they could not assume a dominion over the discipline and spiritual government of the church; and they therefore demanded a national council, to decide the points involved in these decrees. This proposition excited the indignation of the National Assembly; and, on the 26th of November, after the discussion of a long complaint preferred by Talleyrand against the Bishop of Nantes, the Deputy Voidel made a report from four committees, inveighing against the supposed crimes of the clergy, proposing a decree by d 2 which 24 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, which all members of the church should be compelled to swear adherence and submission to the civil constitu- tion of the clergy on pain of forfeiting their livings, and denouncing public and criminal prosecutions against those who, after refusing the oaths, should retain their benefices or exercise their functions. This decree, which was strongly supported by Talleyrand, was ably com- bated by the Abbe Maury, the Abbe Montesquieu, and the Bishop of Clermont: but their arguments were of little avail against the previous determination of the Assembly; and the decree, with another still more ri- gorous proposed by Mirabeau, was adopted. The King had already received from the Pope a brief, expressing his Holiness's disapprobation of the civil con- stitution of the clergy ; and the King was too sincerely attached to the forms of church government to approve of any innovation which the Roman pontiff declared repugnant to the ecclesiastical constitution. The As- sembly having pressed Louis to sanction their decree, he for some time refused, until threats and clamour ob- tained what the force of reason was unable to do: on the 2tith of December, he reluctantly wrote a long letter to the Assembly, announcing his acceptance of it. To enforce its execution with greater certainty, the National Assembly fixed the 4th of January 1791 as the day on which every ecclesiastical member of their Body must peremptorily take the oath or resign their benefices. To inspire them at the same time with apprehension for their personal safety, on the Sunday preceding, accord- ing to a plan of Talleyrand, the Orleans faction caused a false copy of the decree to be posted up at Paris, de- claring those ecclesiastics not complying with its terms disturbers of the public tranquillity, and as such deserv- ing the punishment of death. The Bishop of Clermont, desirous, by a last effort, to convince the people of the pure and disinterested motives of the clergy, proposed a modification of the test; but it was peremptorily re- fused. On the 4th of January, in expectation of the great event, the galleries were early filled, and the hallsur- rounded by an outrageous mob. The clergy attended in their places; and some time was passed in attempting to modify the requisition of the Assembly, but without effect. PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 25 effect. At length, the president informed the ecclesias- tical members that he would proceed to call their names, and that they were bound to answer. The silence which now ensued lasted for some minutes, and was only inter- rupted by the clamours of the galleries, who exclaimed that the non-jurors should immediately be hung to the lamp-post. When these clamours were with difficulty appeased, the president began his list with the Bishop of Agen ; and this venerable prelate having, with diffi- culty, obtained permission to speak, expressed himself as follows : — " I feel no regret at the loss of my prefer- ment— I feel none for my fortune; but I should regret the loss of your esteem, which I am determined to de- serve: I beg you, then, to believe that it is extremely painful to me not to be able to take the oath you re- quire." Several other members of the church returned similar answers ; when their enemies, fearful that so many heroic examples would convert the triumph they had expected into a disgrace, made the president desist from calling the names, and confine himself to a general summons to the ecclesiastics to take the oath or re- nounce their benefices. After much delay, this definitive appeal produced only one instance of compliance, in the person of a curate named Laudrin. All the rest heard the decree with singular resignation, and were ejected from their livings. All the bishops, except Talleyrand and two others, were thus suddenly displaced, and their benefices supplied by others. Talleyrand, to palliate his apostacy, had, under date of the 29th December 1790, published an address to the French clergy; and, in re- lating his motives for subscribing the constitutional oath, he invited all ecclesiastics to follow his example: but this, instead of having the desired effect, only tended to render his conduct more culpable, and his apostacy more glaring. The decrees for altering the establishment of the church had already been put in force ; and the election of new bishops and pastors, in lieu of those who refused to take the oaths, was carried on with great activity throughout the kingdom ; and the Pope's decision against the new constitution of the clergy was publicly known, Considerable difficulties, however, arose in obtaining consecration from a constitutional prelate for those who had 26 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGOKC, had been newly raised to episcopal sees : even the apostate Bishops of Sens and Orleans refused the office, but Talk yrand, the Bishop of Autun, was not so deli- cate or scrupulous. The bishopric of Paris was not at first declared vacant, because the incumbent, M. de Juigne, was out of France: but his resolution not to takr the constitutional oath being made known, his see was conferred on a priest of the name of Gobei* ; who was installed with great pomp, receiving canonical in- stitution at the same time from Bishop Talleyrand and from the Jacobins of the municipality of Paris. Notwithstanding these measures against the French clergy, the triumph of the anti-religious party was not complete. They saw, with regret and indignation, that the constitutional clergy were viewed with general con- tempt, whilst the ejected and nonjuring priests were every where treated with the utmost regard. The mu- nicipality of Paris forbad the reading of prayers in any parish-church, except by the new priests; and they en- joined the convents and hospitals not to permit the pub- lic to attend divine service in their chapels. Ou the 13th of April 1791, the Pope published a mo- nitory against the civil constitution of the French clergy, in which his Holiness complained loudly against the Bishop of Autun (Talleyrand), as " an impious wretch, who had imposed his sacrilegious hands on intruding clergymen ; and suspended him from all his episcopal functions, declaring him excommunicated unless he re- canted his errors in forty days." In return, Talleyrand encouraged the Parisians to burn the sovereign Pontiff in elfigy ; and, on the 10th of June, the National Con- vention passed a decree, declaring all briefs, bulls, and rescripts from the court of Rome, void in France, unless sanctioned and formally adopted by the National As- sembly. Pursuant to a motion of Talleyrand, the church plate was ordered to be coined into money. * In order that the reader may form an estimate of this prelate • character, and of the new French clergy, we insert the following. On the 7 th of November 1793, at the a^e of seventy, he declared at the bar of the Natioiml Convention, " That he had, during sixty years of his life, been an hypocrite and impostor, in professing the Christian religion, which he knew had no other basis than falsehood and error." Such were the sentiments of this metropolitan bishop. After PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 27 After the death of Mirabeau, with whom Talleyrand had been intimately connected, the latter united himself more closely with La Fayette, the two brothers La Methe, and other partisans of the constitutional faction. Their principal object was directed to the compelling the King to attend divine service, and receive the sacrament from the hands of one of the new priests. For this purpose the assembly, the clubs, and the populace, were assailed with perpetual declamations, and the Jacobin journals were filled with seditious addresses, and profane para- graphs. La Fayette and Talleyrand carried their insults even into the royal cabinet; while the mob and National ( luard, without, made the palace re-echo with their threats and execrations. Elated by their triumphs, boldness, and numbers, the faction continued their violences against the noujuring clergy; and the King, feeling for fcheir situation, accepted, in an evil hour, the tender of counsel and assistance which was offered to him by the two brothers La Methe, secretly prompted by Talley- rand, who as yet was not allowed a personal interview with his sovereign. Accordingly, to save the unfortunate ecclesiastics, who were exposed to every danger, he was persuaded to dismiss them from his presence, and even to do violence to his own conscience by hearing mass performed on Easter-day, at the church of St. Germain Auxerre, by an apostate priest. In compliance with another piece of advice from the same persons, he adopted the fatal and impolitic measure of writing, on the «3d of April, to all his ministers, at foreign courts, a letter of instructions from the pen of Talleyrand, enabling them to declare his entire approbation of the revolu- tion, his desire to maintain the constitution, and a:i avowal that he considered himself entirely free and happy. The National Assembly heard this document read with expressions of rapture ; and sent, pursuant to a motion of Talleyrand, a deputation to congratulate the King upon it. The royalists, more clear-sighted and more sincere, took no share in these transports; and the King had the mortification, the next day, to find the en- thusiasm of the moment subsided, anil a party gaining ground by declaring that his professions were too exten- sive to be sincere. The influence which the La Methes, Talleyrand, and other 28 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, other persons of the ruling faction, had acquired at court, began to alarm the Jacobins, who, in consequence, caused a decree to be passed importing that no member of the existing legislature should be eligible to a seat in the next; a necessary consequence of which was, that those who framed the constitution would have no power of explaining or enforcing its laws, and all the experience which they had acquired in the transaction of business was thrown aside in order to make way for fresh innova- tors, new speculatists, and new systems. They also de- creed, that no member of any legislative body should accept a place in administration till four years after its dissolution. This greatly disappointed Talleyrand, who was now in a fair way of seeing his ambition gratified, and his wishes realized, in becoming the superintendant of the finances, a place which in France was always united with that of prime-minister. After the flight of the Royal Family, Talleyrand had the offer of being one of the deputies to escort them to Paris ; but, for reasons best known to himself, he declined the office : and it has been pretty strongly alleged, that he was the principal promoter of their flight. After their arrival at Paris, the National Assembly, upon the motion of Talleyrand, decreed that the examinations of the King and Queen should be taken by commissioners from their body, but those of the other persons arrested by the commissions of the sections of the Thuilleries. The King would not submit to an examination, but consented to explain the facts referred to in the decree. He assigned, as motives of his departure, the insults he had been exposed to on the 18th of April, and the pamphlets published to excite violence against himself and family. As these insults remained unpunished, and he expected neither safety nor common decency while he re- mained at Paris, he wished to leave it, but was obliged to quit the palace privately and without attendants, be- „, cause it would have been impossible to do it publicly. He did not intend to fly the kingdom, nor had he con- certed his plans with foreign powers, or with his rela- tions, or any other Frenchman who had quitted the king- dom. As a proof that he did not mean to leave France, he observed, that apartments were prepared for him at at Montmedy, a place which was fortified and near the frontiers, PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. g$ frontiers, and where he could repel any invasion, if at- tempted. He explained these complaints in a memorial which he had left behind him, referring to the manner in •which the constitutional decree had been separately pre- sented to him ; but declared that, having in the course of his journey found the public opinion decidedly in favour of the constitution, he had become convinced how neces- sary it was for this constitution to give force to the powers established to maintain public order. The mo- ment he was acquainted with the public will, he did not hesitate to sacrifice his own individual feelings and inte- rests to the happiness of the people ; and he would will- ingly forget his own sufferings to restore tranquillity to the people. The declaration of the Queen, which was short, corroborated in some points what had been ex- plained by the King; and it expressed her firm resolution to accompany him on every occasion — but, had he de- signed to quit the kingdom, she would have used all her influence in dissuading him. The declarations of the King and Queen were composed by Talleyrand, for which he received 60,000 livres; and he was promised an equal sum for causing these declarations not only to be approved by the other leaders of the constitutional party, but for persuading them to accompany their approbation with a threat, as the only means of averting a design which was openly professed of bringing the King and Queen to trial. The task of framing a report on the events of the 21st of June, was referred, on the motion of Talleyrand, to the united committees; and the 13th of July was ap- pointed for hearing the report. Muguet de Nanthou recited all the facts drawn from the declarations of the King and Queen, and the examinations of the other per- sons. He discussed at length the question, whether the King should be brought to trial. The report was de- bated with great fierceness, during two days. A decree was at length adopted on the Kith, enacting that, if the King, after having sworn to the constitution, should re- tract, or if he should put himself at the head of a mili- tary force, or direct his generals to act against the nation. or forbear to oppose any such attempt by an authentic- act, he should be judged to have abdicated the throne; and should then be considered as a simple citizen, and vol. in. e subject 30 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, subject to impeachment in the ordinary way, for all crimes committed after his abdication. This decree was penned by Talleyrand; and, immediately after, the as- sembly proceeded to the vote on that relative to the events of the 2lst of June, and decided exactly in the mode pre- scribed by the -report of the committees. The National Assembly having proceeded in the com- pletion of the constitution, its revision produced long debates; Talleyrand spoke after, and always in favour of the court, for which he was handsomely paid: bat nei- ther he nor his party had sufficient virtue or magnani- mity to procure the King the requisite authority for preserving the monarchy. The mode in which the con- stitution was to be presented to the King for his accept- ance, occasioned warm debates, in which Talleyrand took an active part: it was at length determined that the new code should be presented for his simple accept- ance or rejection. A deputation of sixty members, one of whom was Talleyrand, waited on him for this purpose. All comment and explanation was forbidden; and, on the 13th of September, he accepted it in writing, and two days afterwards he bound himself to mantain it by oath. With regard to this constitution, the first-born of La Fayette, Talleyrand, &c. it has been observed by a po- pular French writer, that " never did the union of folly and madness beget a more monstrous offspring. This pretended constitution presented to the eye a mishapen machine, whimsically composed of an infinity of wheeh without any mutual relation or dependence. Experience has shewn that it was not in the power of man to put its grotesque springs in motion. The government framed by these presumptuous legislators was neither monarchical, aristocratical, nor popular. Their constitutional act might at best be considered as the basis of an anarchical monarchy, that is, a real chimera — for death and life can- not subsist in the same body. Had that monster been able to live, those who begot it took great precautions that it might be strangled in the cradle. They had taken from the kingdom its religion; they had annihilated the public force, disorganized the military, and armed those who ought to contribute to the exigencies of the state; and, that nothing might be wanting to the deformity of their PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 31 their work, they carefully destroyed every barrier which could prevent the attacks of usurpation or despotism." Immediately after his acceptance of the constitution, Louis, by the advice of Talleyrand, informed foreign states of the event. During the remaining part of the autumn, Talleyrand continued secretly to influence the King's councils. It appears he took every means to involve France in a fo- reign war, being convinced that that alone could prevent a civil one; and that hostilities would preserve and ex- tend, and a long peace destroy, the revolution and its promoters, together with their plans and prospects. Un- der the disguise of candour and concord, he did every thing at court to mislead and embroil the nation, though contrary to the wishes and interests of the King. The place of a French ambassador in England had been va- cant since the death of the Marquis de la Lucerne, in the summer of 1791 ; but the secretary of the embassy, M. de Barthelemy, acted as a charge-d' affaires. His known moderation, however, did not suit the views of the French republicans. He received, therefore, as a kind of assistant, or rather spy, an apostate Abbe Noel, who had been for some time a Jacobin emissary in Holland. Talleyrand was, however, considered as the fittest person for the office, by those who had revolutionary views to promote; his talents and principles were both known and avowed: but the constitution presented an insur- mountable obstacle against his employment in a public character; it was therefore resolved to appoint M. Chau- velin minister, and Talleyrand his assistant; and this ap- pointment was made on the 1st of May. In their private instructions from the King, in pro- fessing an alliance with England, Talleyrand andChauvelin were ordered not to listen to any proposals, accept of any plan, or enter into any plots, of the factious and sedi- tious in Great Britain, that could there bring about those scenes of horror witnessed in France. They were to decline all communication concerning the state, except with persons in official situations. Even if overtures should be made by any members of the opposition, they should prudently, and, without giving offence, signify, that, without farther orders from France, they were not prepared or permitted to hear any suggestions unsanc- E 2 tioned 32 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, tioned by, or offensive to the British administration. They had credit for 400,000 livres to pay the salaries clue to the secret agents employed by the late French am- bassador, and for other occasional and unavoidable occurrences. They could engage no new agents at any higher salary than 6000 livres, without first obtaining the permission of the minister of the foreign department. The strictest economy was enjoined. Besides these secret instructions from the French go- vernment, Talleyrand had also his private instructions from the different leading factions which divided that unhappy country. Those from the Duke of Orleans recommended him to maintain a good understanding with the P — of and the members of the opposition, and the Whig Club. He was to insinuate to them the probability of the Duke being declared Regent, or even proclaimed a Constitutional King of the French, in con- sequence of the incapacity or perfidy of Louis XVI. In that event the Duke promised to assist them with all his political influence, military forces, or pecuniary resources, in order to bring about a change in the English constitu- tion, congenial with, and favourable to their wishes, wants, and ambition. Should he find them backward, he was, through his inferior agents, to address himself to the popular leaders of the d liferent clubs and societies; inform them that the Duke would accept of no other place in the French commonwealth than that of an elec- tive President, as in America ; and that they might de- pend upon his succours to establish a republic in Eng- land, formed, as in France, on liberty and equality. The Duke gave him credit for 600,000 livres, to be used ac- cording to his own discretion. He was desired to distri- bute among the popular favourites, money for celebrating with splendour the glorious epochs of the French revolu- tion, and othi r patriotic feasts. He was to pay the ex- penses of the journeys of those men, or their agents, made as propagators for information, or from policy. His instructions from Petion, which were digested by Brissot and Roland, were in substance — That he was to be furnished with 3,000,000 of livres; which sum was to be empioy d in a manner best suited to the views and attempts of the English patriots, either in providing depots of arms and ammunition, or in rewarding authors for PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 33 for composing works, sermons, addresses, pamphlets, speeches, songs, plays, bailads, &c. in favour of Imerty and equality. He was to pay all the expences of the popular leaders, at their meetings, in taverns, cubs, or in committees, and what they laid out for their travelling agents, their correspondents, &c. He was to encourage the British patriots to enter into a subscription for the expences the war of liberty caused the French patriots in their resistance against despotism ; and, on that a count, advance the principal ones a certain sum, to be sub- scribed in their name, as an example for others. The most popular men, who possessed talent, he was to send over to Pans, before the 14th of July 1792, to deliberate in the united Gallo-Britannic convention with the French, as the representatives of the British, Scotch, and Irish republics, on the best means to crush every where tne triple aristocracy of the nobility, clergy, and the capi- talists; and to find out the safest and most expeditious way to plant the trees of liberty through the universe, and to erect the cap of equality upon the ruins of thrones and altars. He was ordered to reward with liberality all agents in the British army and navy who preached the doc- trine of the Rights of Man. He was to spare no expence in having translated and circulated in all quarters, barracks, on board men of war, and houses of rendezvous, copies of those popular addresses and songs that in 1789 electri- fied the French military. He should try to find out and to instruct some female patriots, who, from their personal charms, amiable zeal, or natural capacity, could possi- bly make the greatest impression among the soldiers and sailors. He was to employ them constantly, and always to pay them liberally, either as secret propagators, lite- rary pedlars, ballad-singers, or under any other suitable, unsuspected, and useful avocation. Even those most distinguished he might establish, in purchasing for them those public houses chiefly resorted to by the military, not only in London, but in all sea-ports or towns win re the garrisons were numerous. Besides the Argus, al- ready in the service and pay of the French patriots, he was to purchase or set up other newspapers in London, Edinburgh, Dublin, Birmingham, Sheffield, Manchester, Glasgow, Nottingham, Leeds, Norwich, and other ma- nufacturing towns or populous cities. These papers might, 34 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, might, to a certain extent, and when containing any thing particularly striking, be distributed gratis among the lower classes, and in public-houses frequented by them. These papers were instructed to palliate the mis- taken or exaggerated zeal of some patriots, and to excul- pate the bloody scenes of well-meaning but misled pa- triotism. They were to contradict every thing published by aristocrats against liberty, and the sovereignty of the people. At all times, and on all occasions, the example of France was to be held up to admiration and imitation. In this, as well as in every thing else, especially if any depots of arms and ammunition were formed, Beau- marchais would be of great utility to him. As, however, during the existence of Capet (Louis XVI.), Talleyrand was to avoid giving umbrage to the English aristocrats, he was, besides Beaumarcbais, Noel, Chaubert, Audi- bert, and Danoux, to empioy and direct in the most peri- lous enterprises, other inferior English, Scotch, or Irish agents, recommended to him by the patriots of those countries. Should he, nevertheless, be discovered or disgraced before the great blow was struck, he might depend upon the powerful protection of the patriots in France. Should the credit he possessed be insufficient for all expences, he was to call on those French patriots in England or Holland, who, with the permission of the republican executive council at Paris, had es- tablished manufactories of forged assignats in those countries, and they would remit him good bills to any amount. Such were the secret and private instructions that Tal- leyrand was furnished with by the different French fac- tions. But he had not been in England more than a fortnight, when, in one of his letters written on the 24th of May to his mistress, he complained both of the Eng- lish democrats and aristocrats ; the former for their avarice and want of principle, and the latter for their haughtiness and want of good behaviour. His reception jn England he found very different from what he ex- pected from Petion's boasting and exertions. Though formerly acquainted with several English gentlemen of rank and fortune, he was, on presenting himself, either received with coolness, neglect, or contempt. " Either," he writes, " Petion is imposed upon, or has imposed upon PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 35 upon me. By men of birth and eminence, the French revolution is far from being approved of, or its chief actors applauded, in England: it is not comprehended by them ; they see nothing but its inevitable crimes, and forget its certain and innumerable future benefits. Was it not known to me, that the English nobility and gentry are as forgetful and insolent against foreigners visiting their country, as they are presumptuous and full of im- pertinent pretensions to civilities abroad, I should sup- pose that the part I have acted these last three years de- served the disrespect and hauteur (to say no worse) ex- perienced by me in calling on persons to whom I be- haved very differently when in France. I am very sorry to say — but so it is — that the friends of liberty here are of the same description with most of our own : pursued by creditors they are unable to pay — tormented by an ambition they cannot gratify — or trembling for the laws of their country which they have violated — they cover themselves, their passions, their fears, and their sins, with the cloak of patriotism, and speak of reducing a rank they can never approach, to dispose of a property to which they have no right, and to protect a constitu- tion, with the ruins of which they intend to elevate and enrich themselves. Of fifty of the most popular pa- triots, the oracles of newspapers, the toasts of taverns, and the heroes of clubs, who have waited on me, or whom I have met elsewhere, there was not one who did not begin his conversation with relating his disinterested- ness, praising his great zeal, and extolling his great ser- vices in the cause of liberty, but who did not also finish by announcing his great distress, complaining of his great losses, and demanding great sums of money. As to the English ministers, they are reserved, stitf, and distant, either from fear of discovering their own weakuess or ignorance, or from dreading my penetration, or disliking my principles. Of the opposition members, I have not yet seen many, and none without a witness. The only consolation I have for these and other unpleasant occur- rences, is, that, from my situation and information, I am enabled to speculate in the public funds with advantage, and, at the expence of this covetous nation, enrich myself and friends." On the 7th of July, Talleyrand left London for Paris, where he arrived on the 11th. The 36 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, The second confederation was now approaching; and it was rendered additionally alarming by the arrival of large bands of the Federes from the departments, who were selected from the most furious or fanatical members of clubs, and who presented petitions of the most in- flammatory tendency, openly avowing their determination of dethroning the King, and demanding his immediate trial and death. Among these men, those called the Marseillois Federes particularly distinguished themselves by their violent and sanguinary threats: they were headed by some revolutionists from that city; and they consisted chiefly of Piedmontese vagabonds, or brigands, engaged in the service of some of the faction, by the pro- mise of pillage. A plot formed by the inhuman Santerre to murder the Queen was also betrayed; and the public were kept in continual alarm by reports of conspiracies to be executed on the day of the confederation. The barracks of the Military School were searched on account of this suspicion, and the troops of the line compelled to leave Paris. The people were even agitated by a report that gunpowder was deposited under the altar to blow up the National Assembly in the act of taking the oath, and were only undeceived by an examination on the spot. Talleyrand was present, but did not officiate at this con- federation. The Royal Family were placed in a balcony covered with crimson velvet, which gave rise to some petulant exclamations from the mob ; and the cries of *' Vive le Roi!" were drowned with " Vive Petion /" " Vivent les Jacobins /" "A has le Veto!" The King, however, taking the oath on the altar, instead of remain- ing in his place as on the former occasion, completely gratified the people; and he quitted the Champ de Mars amidst loud and general acclamations. But, the very next day, the Federes again petitioned for the deposition of the King; and declared their fixed determination to adopt no part of the constitution but the Rights of Man. They also required the convocation of the primary assemblies, at which all but mendicants and vagrants should vote, for the purpose of fixing the number of representatives competent to form a National Assembly, and of confirming the deposition of the King. Talleyrand, of all the leading men of the French revo- lution, had the least to fear from a new convulsion. If the PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 37 the Royalists were victorious, he was perfectly safe; and if the Orleanists or Republicans got the better, the services he had rendered them promised him a reward instead of proscription : besides which, his known talents, and the services he could render to any party, were sure safeguards to his person. After the ceremony of the confederation, he hastened back to England, and landed at Dover on the 21st of July; and, from a letter which he wrote to his mistress on the same day, his sentiments of the recent event which had taken place may be gathered. " Though labouring," says he, " under a severe indisposition, in consequence of a boisterous passage, I shall endeavour to forget the pains of my body, in confiding to my friends the troubles of my mind. I have certainly seen the last king of the French for the last time. This event, you will say, is what I have long wished for. True: but I expected some sort of government, either a dictator- ship or a republic, to be prepared to succeed imme- diately; whilst I have found no plans for the establish- ment of anew system, though I have been so long plot- ting the destruction of the old one. Of this improvi- dence, anarchists, destitute of virtue and patriotism, will take advantage: they will wade through seas of blood, and through ruins of cities and towns, of trade and agri* culture, to a tyranny which must necessarily cause the dissolution of civilized society. In that vortex of con- fusion and crimes, what patriotism can be safe, and what innocence respected? Who can prevent our countrymen from butchering each other in civil wars? or what means have we to oppose to foreign enemies, who, after van- quishing our divided forces, will partition our country, and dispose of Frenchmen like the unfortunate Poles to proud, unmerciful, and tyrannical neighbours? These ideas are gloomy, and I sincerely wish they may prove erroneous; but, for my part, I would this moment rather live in the forests of Africa and America, than in France. On one hand we see the King deserted by those who ought to be his friends, and deprived of his au- thority, a willing sacrifice to his earnest endeavours to preserve the constitution; the Duke of Orleans deter- mined to annihilate the throne, without the means to raise a new fabric on its ruins: whilst Petion, Brissot, vol. hi. f and 38 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, and their partisans, are without any other union of views than the removal of Louis XVI. But they all mistrust each other; and, as far as they have let me into the secret, these republicans have not yet agreed to declare France a republic. Have I not therefore reason to be alarmed, whilst every thing is left to chance, and nothing is fixed ? The destiny of France (compared with other states) has hitherto been singularly prosperous. This is my only consolation for her present critical situation, and my sole hope that she will escape the present nu- merous internal and external dangers, which now threaten an almost inevitable ruin. I think myself, however, ex-* tremely fortunate in having a plausible pretext for being absent; and I conjure you, should any proposal for re- calling me come to your knowledge, to endeavour to dissuade it, or let me know it in time that I may prepare some excuse for not obeying, which I am resolved to do, let the consequences be what they will. The contents of this letter I intended to communicate to you, in person, before I left Paris ; but, on the day of my departure, when I promised to call upon you, Petion remained with me until eleven o'clock at night, nor did he quit me be- fore he saw me into my carriage on my return ; whether he thus acted from suspicion, or merely from attention, I am at a loss to divine, but I trust, through my friends' in- genuity, to be able to solve this mystery. You must be more regular and more particular in your letters than formerly: the times are much altered for the worse. Spare no expencesin couriers, or for private information. From the great fermentation among the people, at this mo- mentous crisis, something terrible may be expected ; you will therefore easily judge of my impatience and anxiety to hear from you. I have now brought over with me (with the exception of the 120,000 livres laid out in na- tional property) my whole fortune. As I employed a man in whom I do not much confide to procure me bills on London, this precaution may come to the ears of the patriots, and incur their censure. Should this be the case, you may say, that this operation was merely a financial speculation, in consequence of the lowness of the exchange; and that I intend to remit my money over again, and deposit it in our funds, when the exchange be- comes more in our favour, which must happen when the patriots PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 39 patriots have seized on the government, and begin to dis- play their usual energy." In the month of October 1792, it being known that Dumourier had successfully intimidated the King of Prussia from pursuing his offensive operations in Cham- pagne, Talleyrand sent Le Brune, the minister for the foreign department in the French Executive Council, a confidential letter extremely interesting, as it shews the reality and the activity of those plots and conspiracies which were carrying on in this country at the commence- ment of the French revolution. Considering the unpre- pared and secure state in which the government stood, the numerous revolutionary incendiaries that dissemi- nated every where their pernicious doctrines, the tu- multuous conduct of the lower orders, and the agitation which prevailed in Great Britain as well as in other countries, it was truly fortunate that the treacherous and insidious counsels of Talleyrand were not adopted by the National Convention. He begins — " Citizen Minister — Permit me to request the fa- vour of you to communicate to the other members of the Executive Council some remarks concerning the real and relative situation of Great Britain and Ireland. I am well aware, that many of them have not escaped your wisdom and penetration, or their's; but, knowing also the numerous and various occupations which must di- vert and divide your attentions, and being upon the spot, I think it my duty to enter into some details, though my capacity is far from being equal to my patriotism and zeal to serve the cause of liberty and equality. That, in the British nation, the far greater part of the inhabitants call loudly for a reform, and desire a revolution, is un- deniable: but the British patriots possess neither our activity, our disinterestedness, nor our energy, philo- sophy, or elevated views; and they have not yet been able to acquire, for a support and rallying point, a ma- jority in the legislature. They may, however, and they certainly do intend to resort to arms, in supporting their petitions for reform, and their attempt to recover their lost liberties: but, as long as the strength and resources of the present government continue unimpaired, they may distress it, and even shake it; but I fear, without aid from France, they will be unable to change or to f 2 H crush 40 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, crush it. The ministers even expect to be reinforced with the interest and talents of all those violent alarmists, terrified by the eloquent sophistry of the fanatic Burke, who will add additional weight to the scale of the Eng- lish aristocracy. Every thing indicates that the King of England will not long continue his present neutrality. All the colonels have lately received orders to hasten the com- pietement of their regiments. A report is prevalent of the militia being immediately called out. Societies against republicans and levellers are talked of as en- couraged by government; and the ministerial papers are instructed to hold a language insulting to the French republic, and hostile to our present government. I have also obtained information from a most authentic source, that, immediately after the arrival here of a courier from Lord Elgin at Brussels, with the information of the Duke of Brunswick's retreat from Champagne, fast-sailing cutters were sent to the East and West Indies, with in- structions for their respective governors to prepare for hostilities, and, in the mean time, to intrigue with the disaffected in our colonial possessions, for their surrender to Great Britain the instant of a rupture being announced. Is it, besides, probable that England will remain neutral, should the efforts and valour of our armies be crowned with success ; or, if encountering defeats, will she not take advantage of our disasters by dividing our spoils with our foes. We have it this moment in our power to command, not only the neutrality of Great Britain and Ireland, but, if it be thought politic, to form an offensive and defensive alliance with the English, Scotch, and Irish commonwealths, established by our arms, and there- fore naturally connected with the French republic by the strongest of all ties — a common interest, a common danger, or a common safety. According to the inclosed extracts of the last returns sent to the war-office, the regular troops in England do not amount to 20,000 men complete. Of these, 8000 are in or near London ; 1500 at Portsmouth; 1800 at Plymouth; 1100 at Dover; 900at Chatham ; 1800 at Tilbury Fort, Sheerness, and other places on the banks of the Thames. The remainder are quartered either in some manufacturing towns, where insurrections are apprehended, or in the several sea- ports, so dispersed, that in no parts do 1000 men garrison the PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. %\ the same place. By the last official return from the Executive Committee, you see that England alone con- tains 166,000 registered patriots, of whom 33,600 may be provided with fire-arms from our depots, and the re- mainder in four days armed with pikes. Our travelling agents assure us, that, besides these, as many more are ready to declare themselves in our favour, were we once landed, and able to support them effectually. In Scot- land, there are no more than 9500 regular troops, of whom, 5000 garrison Edinburgh, where government ap- prehend an insurrection during an approaching fair at the latter end of this month; 2200 are quartered at or near Glasgow; and the rest form the garrisons in some small forts or sea-ports. In the same country, the last officiaj return makes the patriots amount to 44,200 registered, and double that number, who, from different motives, have not yet dared to declare themselves. In Ireland, the regular troops amount to 10,400 men ; and the re- gistered patriots to 131,500, who expect to be joined by almost every Roman Catholic in the island, should any thing be undertaken by us for their deliverance from their present oppressive yoke. " All these encouraging circumstances duly consi- dered, my humble proposal is, that our fleet at Toulon, now nearly ready for sea, on an expedition in the Mediter- ranean, after taking on board 20 or 25,000 men, and arms for 100,000 more, change its destination, pass the Straits of Gibraltar, and land in Ireland, as an ally of the nu- merous oppressed patriots in that country. These forces are more than sufficient to deprive Great Britain for ever of that important island, or at least to enable us to keep it as a depot during the war, and a security for her neutrality in case our attempt? to revolutionize England should not meet with an equal success. I am, however, not too sanguine in my expressions or expectations, when I assert that, at this period, even in England and Scot- land, we shall meet with less resistance, and fewer ob- stacles, than many may suppose, if we are only discreet and prudent, but above all expeditious. At three times, in forty-eight hours, we may without opposition land 50 or 60,000 men, in twenty or thirty different points, under the name of emigrants, and seize on the principal dock-yards, arsenals, and naval stations. With the as- sistance 42 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, sistance of our numerous secret adherents, we may even occupy London itself; and, what is certain, and may be depended upon, our landing will be the signal for a ge- neral revolt. The government, terrified by invaders from abroad, and harassed by insurgents in the bosom of the country — without confidence in its troops, or re- liance on the fidelity of the people — would never, with its trifling forces, be able at the same time to repel an enemy and crush rebellion. Once masters of the prin- cipal sea-ports, with the British navy in our power, we may easily obtain from France what succours we judge necessary. As proclamations in the name of the Sove- reign People in France, as an ally of the Sovereign Peo- ple in Great Britain and Ireland, will precede our marches, after being dispersed at our landing, I cannot be mis- taken in my hope of a revolution being effected now in this country much quicker than in 1688. Nay, I am po- sitive, that not so many weeks will be required to change this monarchy into a republic, as it has required years since the revolution to produce the same change in France. Even in those regiments on which government most depend, disaffection has crept in. In the Guards, some officers of rank have already openly avowed their at- tachment to our cause; and among the men, a fermenta- tion has been created that must be useful to our views. Great Britain has, at this time, no other continental allies than Prussia and Holland. From the spirit and pa- triotism of our troops, and the abilities of our generals, the bondage of the latter country must soon cease; and its resources, with those we already command, will ena- ble us to prevent the King of Prussia, and all other despots, from assisting the King of England. " Should, Citizen Minister, this plan obtain the appro- bation of the Executive Council, no time is to be lost in carrying it into execution, and in informing me of its determination, that the English patriots may be pre- pared to rise at a moment's warning, and unite with us in our glorious undertaking of delivering the world from the double tyranny of religion and monarchy. But if, unfortunately, any unforeseen, or to me unknown rea- sons, or impediments, prevail to prevent it from being carried into effect, pardon me when I fear that centuries will elapse before another such an opportunity offers for France PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 43 France to seize on Ireland, to invade England and Scot- land, and, with their riches and power, maintain an un- disturbed sway over the universe, in proclaiming an uni- versal republic. " Health and fraternity. " Charles M. Talleyrand." This confidential letter, according to Talleyrand's de- sire, was laid before the Executive Council by Le Brune. After a long discussion, it was communicated to the Di- plomatic and Military Committees, together with the opi- nions of each minister. Paine, and the other English patriots then at Paris, were consulted by the members of the committees: but they were against all foreign succours to establish liberty and equality in Great Bri- tain and Ireland ; the native friends of freedom being very numerous there, and more than sufficiently strong of themselves to erect a republic on the ruins of mo- narchy. Carnot, then a member of the military com- mittee, and now a confidential adviser of Napoleon, warmly recommended the adoption of Talleyrand's pro- posal, and even drew a plan for the intended invasion of these islands. He was, however, overruled by the ma- jority, upon a declaration of the Diplomatic Committee, that it was so certain of a revolution in this country within six months, that it was then negotiating a treaty, offensive and defensive, with the leading patriots of Eng- land, Scotland, and Ireland. In another letter to Le Brune, of the 15th of Novem- ber, Talleyrand deplores that his proposal had not been accepted. He suspects some of the English patriots of infidelity, and others of being lukewarm and terrified, as the English government had caught the alarm, and were preparing extensive defensive measures against the friends of liberty. He declines the offer of being ac- credited abroad, as a public diplomatic agent of the French commonwealth, being convinced he could be of more service were his name on the list of proscribed emigrants, than were he to appear officially as employed and trusted by the government of his country. No where could he be of greater utility than in Great Bri- tain; but then he must reside there as an emigrant, and as a person disaffected and disgraced, who neither could nor would return to France during a republic. He de- sires. 44 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, sires, therefore, that a decree of banishment may, under some pretext or other, be pronounced against him by the National Convention. He finishes with declaring, that if the English patriots continued their present inactivity for a month to come, all their future efforts will be in vain; the aristocrats of rank, as well as of property, be- ginning to rally with cordiality round the throne. In the following month, according to his desire, an act of accusation was decreed against him by the Na- tional Convention, and his name was placed amongst those of the loyal emigrants. When the execution of Louis XVI. was known in London, so great was the dissimulation of Talleyrand, that he, as well as the loyal adherents of the unfortunate Louis, put on mourning, and endeavoured to display, by his outward conduct, his grief at the fatal and tragical event. How sincere his affliction was, his letter to Le Brune, written on the 23d of January (the very day that intelligence of the event was received in London), shews. " The death of Capet," says he, " has overwhelmed George with terror, his mi- nisters with fear, and the aristocrats with consternation ; whilst the patriots rejoice that the world is plagued with one tyrant less. According to your desire, Citizen Mi- nister, I shall cause to be inserted in the Argus and Courier those articles which you sent me; and my agents are already ordered to disseminate, that the ty- rant's artificial firmness in his last moments was the con- sequence of hopes being held out to him of being respited on the scaffold, or that the people would not suffer his execution. A grand council of state is convoked for to-morrow ; and I am informed that the question of peace or war will then be decided. I am glad you ap- prove of Chauvelin's official correspondence. If we can only cause the British government to be regarded as ag- gressors, we have left a door open for the opposition to perplex ministers with their attacks and reproaches, and for the patriots to keep up the spirit of disaffection and mutiny among the people, and even to increase it, on account of the new burdens which new expences must require. It was, however, fortunate for us that we have been able to embroil the cards so far, that it will be a difficult task, even for the most profound and able states- man, to find out on which part of the laws of nations these PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 45 these acts were equivalent to a declaration of war. I was more than once afraid that, in answer to our protest against the alien bill, ministers would have said, that such a bill existed de facto in France these last four years, as since the revolution no British subject was safe in tra- velling in France, were he not provided with a pass, con- trary to the treaty of commerce of 178o\ Fortunately, they either did not know, or else they forgot this circum- stance. Thanks to the decree against me ! I am now well received every where, even among those who would hardly speak to me. With all other defenders and aven- gers of the throne and the. altar, I intend to put on mourn- ing, to pray, to sigh, and even to weep with them, should it be necessary and possible. This pantomime, my ene- mies in France, who are not in our secrets, will, no doubt, regard as a real and natural performance. I trust, therefore, to your friendship and patriotism, to explain to the members of the Executive Council, and of the com- mittees, my behaviour, that I may not fall a victim to my endeavours to serve the friends of liberty and equal ity,. WereChauvelin forced to quit this country, depend upon it, my zeal and patriotism shall always remain the same, and uninterrupted. As, however, he is rather indiscreet, I should wish, Citizen Minister, you would seriously inform him of the consequences; and, if you mistrust bim, even cause him to be shut up in solitary confine- ment, at least as long as I am to reside in this country. I continue always in the same opinion: without any signal defeat of their countrymen, the patriots here will have a better chance of succeeding during a peace, than during a war. Should, therefore, the latter at present be inevitable, let us make it as short as possible. This letter is private and confidential, from a friend to his friend, not from a secret agent to a minister in his place. Have, therefore, the goodness to destroy it after its peru- sal. Health and fraternity ! " Ch. M. Talleyrand. " P.S* Late last night we received some intelligence, which made us detain the messenger twenty-four hours. You will now see, by Chauvclin's official dispatch, that he is ordered to depart from England before the 1st of next month. This decisive step evinces, that the Eng- lish cabinet is determined upon war, and that ministers vol. in. g are » v 46 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, are acquainted with the danger of a longer peace. May we not still contrive some means to prevent hostilities, and at least to gain time. Command ine at all times, and on all occasions." On the £9tli of January, Talleyrand again wrote to Le Brune : — This, Citizen Minister, will in all probability be the last letter you can receive from me in a direct way, as I am informed, by one of our agents, that, notwithstanding my mourning, the English ministers both watch and sus- pect me. In the privy council, which determined the order for Chauvelin's leaving this country, it was dis- cussed whether this order was not to extend eveu to me, as moved by the privy counsellors of the Alarmists' party, who continue the fanatical and irreconcilable foes of all French patriots. Fortunately, Pitt and Grenville declared for an adjournment, on account of my proscription in France, and from being informed, by several respectable emigrants, that I sincerely repented of the part I had taken in the revolution. Yet my situation is critical, and you cannot be too careful in writing to me. I do not think it safe, as you propose, to trust any longer to the Countess of F — hault ; nor do I wish you to go on with our correspondence under her cover, she being at this moment jealous of some other connexions I have formed, and the British government cannot be unac- quainted with our mutual attachment at Paris. I shall always write to you under the name you have mentioned, to the care of the house of -Maetzlers, at Frankfort, or to Madame La Roche, in Switzerland. You may, at least once in the month, send me your orders, addressed to Madame Grand, whose friendship I possess, and who is too stupid to suspect any thing. Besides this, and the four addresses which Chauvelin and I have agreed to, and which he will communicate to you, you may direct letters to Thomas Smith, Esq. Cannon Coffee-House, Jermyn Street, St. James's, or to Signor Sellini, Orange Coffee-House, Haymarket. I have now changed all the houses and places of rendezvous, where I hitherto saw the English patriots, and heard the reports of my agents. Among the former, I continue to see and correspond only with three, their principal leaders, one for England, one for Scotland, and one for Ireland ; of the latter, Audi- bert, PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 47 bert, and several others, have, since the alien bill, already been ordered out of this country : and I employ now no more than five, of whom three are natives, besides the Prussian counsellor of legation, who is sincerely a friend to France, and an enemy to Great Britain. Reduced as you find the establishment, the expences are increased ; being obliged to take so many precautions, to pay largely, and at a higher rate than before; having also, to avoid suspicion, taken a house at Kensington ; but where, at the same time, my actions may, as I desire, be more easily inspected by the spies set about me. These are the principal causes of the great credit I have asked for on bankers at Hamburgh, Frankfort, and Basle. But, Citizen Minister, you may rest assured that the strictest economy shall on my part be observed with the money of the nation, and nothing be squandered away unneces- sarily. Beaumarchais has refused me any further ad- vances until his accounts are settled by the Executive Council; having, as he says, laid out, in the purchase of arms for the patriots and our troops, 000,000 livres more than he had credit for, and on which account he is much distressed by his creditors here. The zeal, though not the number of the patriots here, increases; and, almost every day, the press evinces their activity. They sup- pose still that they may produce a revolution without foreign assistance; but they are also convinced of their error in not pressing, last October, the acceptance of the plan I then had the honour of presenting to you. As I suggested, they have now agreed, to unite the cry for peace with that of liberty, and to inspire every where, and by all means in their power, a wish to see an end of this unnatural war. In this they are abiy supported by some members of the opposition, who, perhaps, from different motives, try to make the war unpopular, in hopes of turning out the ministers, and of succeeding them. The spirit among the troops is not quite so fa- vourable to our designs as three months ago; but some severe defeats will soon change it, although the removal of several patriotic officers has certainly hurt the cause of liberty in the army." Taileyrand continued to correspond with Le Brune, and to inform him of the success of his intrigues and plots in this country, until this minister shared the fate g 2 of 4S TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, of the other members of the Brissot faction. The credit on several foreign houses was then withdrawn, and the Committee of Public Safety considered him in no other light than as an emigrant. His correspondence with the Countess of F — hault was then published; and even his confidential letters to Le Brune were shewn in the Na- tional Convention, and were permitted to be copied by several persons, who have subsequently printed them. This impolitic behaviour of the members of the com- mittee originated from the enmity of one of them, Collot D'Herbois (formerly a strolling player), who suspected Talleyrand of having prevented Louis XVI. from ap- pointing him a minister of justice in 1791, a place for which he was then a candidate. That the English go- vernment had no knowledge of the perfidy and intrigues of Talleyrand, may be inferred from their permitting him to reside in London. The accusations and denunciations of the French Jacobins against pretended agents of Pitt, at Paris, were therefore either false, or the British mi- nistry were not faithfully served by them. The female intriguer Madame La Roche, who was then at Lausanne, obtained, however, regularly from Talleyrand, some gra- tuitous intelligence, which she communicated to Carnot, who afterwards favoured his return to France, and his promotion by the Directory. Even when, in 1794, he was ordered from England, and went to America, he did not cease writing to her. When Talleyrand heard of the arrest of Le Brune, he immediately employed, out of the secret service money, a sum sufficient to purchase, at Amsterdam, American stock to the amount of 150,000 dollars. Fearing that the jealousy of the victorious fac- tion would get the better of their policy, he took care to rob the plunderers in France sufficiently to live indepen- dent in America, should he be forced to leave Great Bri- tain, from any discovery of his plots and intrigues. After Talleyrand had been ordered to quit England, as his party in France had been subverted, he had no other place of asylum to fly to than America, where he found a number of his former associates. A treaty between England and America was at this time ne- gotiating; and Talleyrand, indignant at being ordered to leave the former country, employed all his political talents to retard its progress, and all his art and ma- chiavelism PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 49 chiavelism to prevent a fortunate issue. He had fre- quent interviews with Mr. Jefferson and several other Americans, who occupied situations under the govern- ment, or who were members of the two houses of state; men either attached to the French republic from prin- ciple, or whose enmity towards England was such as to induce them to prefer risking the ruin and destruction of the honour and prosperity of their country, by adopting the revolutionary policy of France, to its glory, advan- tage, preservation, and safety, in concluding a treaty with England. As he announced and presented himself every where as the bosom friend of La Fayette, who was ex- tremely popular in America, he succeeded in his in- trigues to a considerable extent. If he failed in his wishes by the treaty being signed and ratified, he, how- ever, created considerable opposition to it in its different stages, and threatened that, whenever he should have any influence in the French councils, the Americans should repent of their imprudence and obstinacy, as he could prove that this act was contrary to treaties already sub- sisting with France, a threat which he afterwards took care to carry into effect by the seizure of American ves- sels and property to a considerable amount. After the death of Robespierre, the surviving members of the Constitutional and Orleans faction, who mostly resided in or near Hamburgh, united themselves for the purpose of changing the French republic into a consti- tutional monarchy. They invited Talleyrand to join them in their labours; which he did the more willingly, as he disliked the Americans as much as he hated the English. In July 1795, he landed on the banks of the Elbe where he found, and was hailed by the brothers La Methes, the Duke of Aiguillon, General Valence, Ma- dame Genlis, and some other of his early associates in the revolution. They instituted a revolutionary com- mittee, with a view of extending the baneful effects of French anarchy to England, Ireland, and the north of Europe, in order that, when they returned to France, where they hoped to establish a constitutional king of their own making, the convulsed state of other nations would prevent their tranquillity from being interrupted by domestic rivals, and their usurped authority from being attacked by enemies from abroad. Talleyrand seemed 50 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, seemed sincerely to enter into all their views, and was entrusted by them to correspond with Barras and other leading members of the National Convention. But, while pretending to act cordially with them, he was se- cretly paving the way for his own return to France. On the 2d of September, a memorial was presented to the Convention, in which he enumerates " his great achievements in the cause of liberty and equality, and demands, therefore, to have the decree of accusation against him cancelled, and his name struck off the list of emigrants, as both these acts took place according to his own desire, to be so much the more useful in his secret mission in London." His petition was taken into consi- deration on the 4th following; but he was the only mem- ber of the revolutionary committee of the north, to whom this assembly conceded such a favour. The passion for the fair sex has always been a predo- minant feature in the life of Talleyrand; and he scru- pled not to violate the most sacred ties, and every princi- ple of morality, to gratify his lustful propensities. Among persons whom he had been introduced to during his resi- dence in Germany, was the Baron de S , married to a beautiful niece of the Prince de H , who had sent her at the beginning of the French revolution to France, to be educated there under the inspection of Madame Genlis. Ambitious, not interested motives, guided her husband when he concluded this marriage. Possessing a princely fortune, his vanity was flattered in having to boast of a wife related to a prince of one of the first houses in Germany. Of this he informed his lady on her wedding-day; and added, that, as he desired not to be interrupted in his future connexions with persons of her sex, so he left her at perfect liberty to choose the com- pany of those gentlemen who were most agreeable to her own inclinations. She was not quite eighteen when she heard such language from her husband, who the next day presented her, as a playfellow, a Prussian sub-lieute- nant of her own age, the natural son of a nobleman in the vicinity. Thus circumstanced, if she fell a victim to seduction, she was previously the victim of imprudence, of neglect, and of indifference. Although her frailties are not to be commended, the conduct of her husband was unpardonable. Had he encouraged in her sentiments of PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 51 s of virtue, she might have continued a life of chastity. His guilt is evident; her's, the moralist will deplore, and the Christian pity and forgive. Her intrigue with this young officer was no secret; and when delivered of a daughter, she ingenuously told every body that he was the father, even in the presence of her husband, who did not appear offetided. Before her acquaintance with Talleyrand, this was the only instance of any improper connexion. Her genius was as justly celebrated, as her beauty was ad- mired ; but her foible was, to prefer the praise conferred upon the eminence of the former, to the compliments bestowed on the perfection of the latter. This weak side was soon assailed by the crafty Talleyrand. She had a select library, where he requested and often obtained free admittance. He there wrote in her favourite book, Rousseau's Eloisa, some flattering verses, which she an- swered ; and, as expected and intended, an amorous intrigue followed this literary correspondence. Not content with gaining her affections, he determined to tyrannize over her inclinations; and he prevailed on her to discasd the handsome young officer, who was her first, and who had for three years been her only lover. Not many weeks passed away before she repented of her sacrifices, and suffered for her inexperience. A rela- tion of her's, some years older, of an amiable and irre- proachable character, and married to a nobleman of an eminent station in that country, often saw Talleyrand at her house, but always with an undisguised aversion. He, in revenge, determined on the ruin of this lady; who no sooner perceived his assiduities, than she seemed to soften into submission. Her intent was, however, only to expose the infamy of the intriguer, and preserve her relative from his snares in future. She assented, there- fore, to a surrender, as soon as he could prove he had no other mistress: this he found no great difficulty in ac- complishing; and he immediately broke off all connexion with the young Cordelia, whose affections he had been too successful in rivetting. He began by quarrelling with her about her former lover, of whom he pretended to be jealous. This cause she removed by obtaining an order from his colonel to join his regiment immediately, "at 52 TALLEYRAND DE PEHIGORD, at a distance of nearly 400 miles; but an illness, the con- sequence of disappointed love, did not permit him to obey. In the mean time, the many pressing invitations of the neighbouring nobility and gentry gave an opportunity to Talleyrand to absent himself. His coolness towards her was already very visible; and he began to act the moralist, and to reprobate himself for what had passed, desiring her to restore the father of her daughter and the health of her lover with her affection. When at a distance, he repeated in his letters what he had thus expressed in conversation; her letters to him, in reply, plainly exhibited the pangs of a slighted attachment, and shew the feelings of her mind, arising from injured pride and humbled vanity. The husband of the lady whose seduction Talleyrand now meditated, was in all respects remarkable for ex- emplary conduct; and it could not be supposed he would patiently endure any attack upon his honour. Occu- pying, besides, an eminent situation in his own country, his resentment for any outrage offered to his bed could not fail to be certain as well as severe. To elude his vengeance, therefore, Talleyrand proposed to his new mistress to carry her to France, whither he himself had permission to go. This circumstance coming to the know- ledge of poor Cordelia, who had imagined that the ob- ject of this journey was for no other purpose than to banish recollections of his attachment to her, had the strongest effect upon her mind; and she wrote him a letter, strongly expressive of her feelings and attachment to her base and cruel seducer. " The day of your departure from is then fixed; you are going to remove far away from me, and that without having seen me. Having received this news, it is time for me to write to you, for the last time, on a sub- ject of such importance to our happiness. It will cost me great efforts to write to you as calmly as is necessary. In spite of all my endeavours to govern myself, my hand trembles, and my ideas are confused. Charles! I repeat it — it is for the last time I shall attempt to address my- self to your heart : if it is in vain, I condemn myself to si- lence, I submit to my destiny — deceived by you. I beg you to read what I am going to ttll you with attention; read it often, and do not pronounce your sentence hastily. " Yet PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 53 " Yet, I hope nothing from this letter — no! no! I have nothing to hope; your resolution is, no doubt, not to be shaken. Yes, I perceive, more than ever, that you are resolved to break those affectionate ties which united us, which made so happy. I shall endeavour to exa- mine with sang froid the reasons which have induced you to take that fatal determination. Were not the hap- piness and honour of Cordelia your first and principal motives? Yes, these were the tender, the honourable, and pure motives, that induced you to make a sacrifice, to which you will perceive that I also shall submit. I respect your intentions — but take care, Charles, that you have not made a wrong calculation; take care, in wish- ing my felicity, that you do not bring about my destruc- tion; take care, in spite of your praiseworthy intentions, that one day you may not have the most cruel reflections preying on your mind; take care, when you might have made me both happy and respectable, that you alone are not the author of my misery, and, in desiring to restore me to the path of virtue, that you do not irremediably force me into the road of perdition; take care, that you do not hurry me into a most awful futurity! Your ad- vices are excellent, your moral lessons are pure — but, alas! it is too late for me to follow them. Charles! Charles! a violent and invincible passion consumes me! You tell me, that I am to search for happiness by fulfil- ling the duties imposed on me as a wife, as a mistress, and as a mother! The last title I acknowledge, and shall try to observe its commands ; but for those of a wife and a mistress, I acknowledge them no longer. I protest that it is totally impossible, that I should ever have any thing more to do with the young man. In a connexion between us, I see no advantages either' for him or for me; and did they even exist, my heart revolts against them. Besides, I do not see that any duty urges me to keep up our acquaintance. Is it on his account? our characters are too opposite to assimilate and to agree. He will suffer for a moment, in resigning me for ever; but he will retrieve his happiness. As to Julia, my child has no interest that can oblige me to as9ent to a continuance of our connexion. God forbid that she should ever know him to be the author of her existence! With regard to myself, if all these reasons did not exist vol. in. h to 54 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, to dissuade me, I should never more have any connexion with him. I cannot, therefore, as you conclude, find any comfort or consolation in an union founded upon duty, because I know no such union. " I must then remain afflicted and isolated, devoured by an incurable passion ; reproaching myself that I might have been happy, tormented by unavailing re- grets and desires — my youth, my health, my life, will fade away. But this is not the greatest evil to which you expose me. If, in order to extricate myself from an insupportable situation — if, to drive away consuming thoughts — if my soul, having lost that serenity it enjoyed in a prosperous state — if, in fine, I run the risk of be- coming one day more despicable than ever — Charles! it will be entirely owing to you. But if, on the contrary, I could have lived with you — oh, I should have become so prudent, that you might, notwithstanding my past errors, have judged me worthy of you. Then — then first should I discharge the duty of a wife and a mistress with rapture, and to its full extent, because love would then have made the exercise of virtue easy. Oh, my God ! Charles, will you not pity me ? You fancy that what you are doing is for my welfare ; but you deceive yourself, and I am the victim of this cruel mistake. But, perhaps, it is on your own account that you wish to see an end of our connexion? Do you think me unworthy of thee.^ Gr do you suspect that I partake of happiness with any body else? Oh, Charles, if I have been unworthy of thee, I will devote my whole life to repair my faults. Pardon me, generous man ! — tender and sensible friend ! Forgive what has past, and put me into a situation to efface it by a contrary conduct in future. Convince yourself, by never leaving me, that you have no partners in my favours. I promise you always to remain under your eyes whilst you are with me; and for any short journeys, I could undertake them with you. Pray do not refuse to convince yourself of every thing ! Oh, make me not miserable! " Pray listen to me ! If it is in vain to ask you to pass the winter with me — if you have absolutely condemned me to that sacrifice — then do not complete the measure of my sufferings, but remain in some place in the neigh- bourhood, not too distant from here. 1 solemnly swear, that PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 55 that without your permission I shall not visit you. At least, in the first outset, do not remove too far; try to gain time to reflect on every thing more calmly. No, it is impossible that your mind can possess sufficient tranquillity to estimate exactly our mutual situation. If you act rashly — and, when my happiness was in your power, my ruin was the inevitable consequence of your resolve — could you ever forgive yourself? " Only for this winter; and afterwards you can carry me away with you far from here : then 1 know nothing that can prevent me. Only for this winter, and you may observe every thing yourself: or can you, for your satis- faction, invent any expedient to send the young man entirely away, when he is a little recovered ? Find out that expedient to restore me Charles — to restore me fe- licity. No! I cannot lice without you. In vain have I made every possible effort with myself. Take care, I repeat it, not to prepare for thyself eternal repentance. At least, as a last favour, do not travel too far from here; I could never support it. " You can hardly read this letter: but it informs you, better than any description of mine, how my health is; I can hardly hold the pen in my hand. You will, perhaps, even accuse me of being the cause of my own illness ; you will tell me it is my duty to take care of myself. Alas! I wish nothing better: but God knows that I have done every thing that could be done; but, in spite of myself, I am in a most shocking state, from which you alone can relieve me. " Adieu, Charles! I shall not afflict you any more. I have /or ever done speaking to you of my dreadful suf- ferings. Vain words will no longer inform you of them ; but one day you will be acquainted with them, in conse- quence of "the terrible effects they have produced with regard to me; but I promise you solemnly never to mention them more. " Adieu, Charles! adieu! You are then going to leave me! Be happy ! Cordelia shall do every thing in the world not to interrupt your happiness. You shall hear no more of her sad sorrows. Adieu! my dear! — my best beloved ! — my all ! Adieu ! adieu !" Cordelia's husband had been informed of her intention to follow Talleyrand in his intended journey ; and, indif- h 2 ferent 56 TALLEYRAND DE PEIUGORD, ferent as he was about her or her connexions, he took the alarm, and endeavoured to prevent so rash an actios: but this was rendered unnecessary by the cruel and un- natural conduct of Talleyrand, which had made a fatal impression upon her mind. Unable to endure the re- flection of her conduct and the reproaches of Talleyrand, neither the vigour of her youth nor the strength of her constitution could overcome the power of her feelings, and a consequent illness confined her to her bed. For some, day* she refused the aid of medicine and every kind of sustenance; but, forty-eight hours before her death, she suddenly changed her obstinacy, and seemed reco- vering her health, as well as tranquillity. On the last evening of her life, she invited her hus- band (who seldom visited her) to tea. She thanked him for his condescending behaviour towards her; but in- treated him, should he ever many again, not to allow his wife such an unrestrained freedom as she had been permitted, as it had shortened her days, and was the cause of all her misery. Bathed with her tears, she delivered to him her daughter, whom she implored him to send, after her death, to a noble convent, to be educated in such a manner as to become one of its future members. After pressing the child, almost to suffocation, to her bosom, she ordered her to be carried to the nursery, which was at a distance in one of the wings of the cha- teau. She recommended to his notice the young man, her first lover; bequeathing to him, besides all her jewels, a sum of money, her private property, sufficient to procure him an annuity of 1000 Frederic's d'or (<£S50). Embracing her husband for the last time, she deposited her will in his hands, and entreated its execu- tion, particularly that part in which she had desired to be burnt after her death, and her ashes collected in an urn, and sent according to a sealed address. Upon his surprise at hearing her speak of a death, which, judging from her improved state of health, seemed yet distant, she answered, " No, my friend, you are mistaken ; my death-warrant was signed yesterday, and I received it this morning." Saying this, she shewed him a letter from Talleyrand, which he demanded, in vain, to read. On leaving her, he ordered the physician to be called, supposing her conversation the effect of delirium, or de- rangement. PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 57 rangement. The physician found her reading — calm, and better than in the morning. At ten o'clock she went to bed, and ordered one of her maids, who slept in the same room, and her nurse, and another maid, who had beds in an adjoining closet, to do the same. She had a table by her bed-side, and conti- nued for some time to read and write alternately. Find- ing herself watched by her maid, she sent her to bed with the nurse, and bolted the door of the closet. This was about one o'clock in the morning. At six the nurse heard a scream ; and, forcing open the door, she found the wretched and unfortunate Cordelia weltering in her blood, having stabbed herself through the heart with an American penknife of curious workmanship, and which had been presented to her by Talleyrand. She was al- ready dead. Upon the table were iound a sealed letter to her husband, and an open one, addressed to Talley- rand, containing these lines: — " Five o'clock in the morning. " I have burnt all your letters. They would neither do honour to my memory, nor to your heart. God for- give you! You are my assassin! I pardon you! Cordelia." By the side of this note and the letter, lay Rousseau's Eloisa and the Sorrows of Werter. The former of these works lay open : and, in the letter from St. Preaux to Lord Boston, these words were underlined — "By ma- king existence insupportable, God commands us to put an end to it. In putting an end to existence, therefore, we only obey the command of the divinity." The alarm which the fatal deed occasioned, soon assembled all the persons in the chateau round the body; among others, her young lover, who from illness had not been able for three weeks to leave his bed. His feel- ings, and the general consternation, may easily be con- ceived. In pressing the bleeding remains of Cordelia, he fainted away, and was carried senseless back to his apart- ment. Even her husband, whose want of feeling and apathy were so strongly displayed, shed tears at the sight. The same night her remains were, according to her will, without pomp, consumed upon a funeral pile erected in the park, opposite the windows of the library, from AS TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, from which she for the first time had seen her seducer. The sealed address contained these words, to be engraved on the urn : " The ashes of Cordelia de S. — — Born Princess de H Bequeathed to Citizen Charles Maurice Talleyrand. Memento Mori. 1 ' Such were the fatal effects of this criminal intercourse, and such was the unmerited fate of a lady descended from a noble and illustrious family. It was from the lady whom he intended to seduce, that Talleyrand first obtained the intelligence of the fatal catastrophe occa- sioned by his unprincipled depravity. It was accom- panied with an order never afterwards to appear in her sight; and with a threat, that if he did not quit the country immediately, her husband should be informed of the attempt against his honour, and a prison for life would be the least he could expect. Taking the alarm, therefore, he set out at a short notice for Berlin. Hisjourney to Berlin was not merely dictated by fear, but had been for some time meditated from policy. The King of Prussia had but lately concluded a peace with the French republicans, who, insincere themselves, sup- posed him equally so. When Talleyrand had procured his name to be struck off the list of French emigrants, he offered his services to the French Directory, in the Prussian capital, which they accepted. The campaign on the Rhine, as well as on the frontiers of Italy, bad not produced events so important as might have been expected. The state of the French finances, the agita- tions and distractions which embarrassed the Directory, and the numerous uncertainties attending newly-acquired power, prevented vigorous exertions. France had, be- sides, a deeper game of policy to play. The governors affected a spirit of conciliation and a desire of peace, con- forming their professions towards foreign nations with the pretended system of moderation and lenity which they had established at home, and thus deluded many persons into a belief that they had carried on war merely on prin- ciples of self-defence, and for purposes of security. The successes of the protracted campaign of 1794 had weak- ened their armies more than their opponents could believe. The necessity of keeping up such a force in Holland PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 59 Holland as would enable them to effect their schemes of extortion to the fullest extent, weakened their dis- posable forces for the field ; and they had no hopes until a peace with Prussia, Spain, and other powers, limited and condensed their operations, of being able to carry on effectual hostilities for another year. Their continental enemies, on the other hand, were equally weakened and fatigued by the length of the contest. The cabinet of Vienna was unfortunately divided by jarring and treacherous councils; and those who were most patriotic in their views for the good of the empire, were filled with consternation at the unexpected suc- cesses of the French, and the inglorious defection of the King of Prussia. In that situation of affairs a man of Talleyrand's abilities was more useful at Berlin, than he could possibly be any where else; but it is a re- markable fact, that, during his short stay in that city, he was only known by the name of Maurice, his passports being made out in that name. When at Berlin, he was frequently in the company of the Prussian ministers, particularly of Count Haugwitz; and he associated familiarly with those favourites, both male and female, who had so much influence over the determinations of the King: and his dexterity was so great, that he found means to gain over and cajole every party in the Prussian capital. The result of this short po- litical campaign was, the friendship of Count Haugwitz — a knowledge of the weakness of the Prussian cabinet — the promise of procuring the present King, Frederic- William, (at that time Prince-Royal) the election of King of the Romans — and a secret treaty, signed with the Prussian patriots, in the name of the French Directory, agreeing to establish, upon the ruins of monarchy, a Prussian republic, one and indivisible. On his return to Paris, he wrote to Barras — That, short as the period of his late secret mission had been, he could take upon himself to affirm*, that either the King of Prussia would continue neutral as long as it suited the plans and interest of France, or a Prussian common- wealth would unite its arms in the cause of liberty with those of the French republic. Soon after his arrival at Paris he was elected first a member, and afterwards one of the secretaries, to the National 60 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, National Institute : to which he presented a tract, written with great ability, entitled " Des Travaux de la classe des Sciences Morales et Politiques ;" in which he shewed the advantages both of the sciences and liberty, and therefore strongly recommended the continuance of a republican government, with an elective executive as well as a le- gislative power. Hereditary authorities and dignities, he attempted to prove, were not only incompatible with the improvement and felicity of society, but reprobated by common sense, because the history of all times had evinced that eminent virtues and great talents had never continued hereditary even for two generations. Before Talleyrand left the vicinity of Hamburgh, it is said that he had several conferences with Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Arthur O'Connor, and other Irish conspira- tors, who had arrived there by appointment. With them he discussed the relative situation of his old friends, the English and Irish patriots, and the means of establishing the independence of Ireland, a revolution in Great Bri- tain, and a republican government in both islands. He had communicated to Barras his revolutionary transac- tions with the Irish conspirators; and the Directory sanctioned them with their official approbation. Their minister at Hamburgh was ordered to make that city the sanctuary of fugitives from the British dominions, and to protect their committee, which conducted the interme- diary correspondence with Paris, London, and Ireland, under the mask of commercial affairs, or information for newspapers. General Hoche was sent in disguise to meet Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Arthur O'Connor, in Switzerland ; and it was in consequence of an agreement with them that the expedition under Hoche to Bantry Bay, in December 1790", was undertaken. Its miscar- riage was attended with one good result; as, afterwards, the French Directory mistrusted all the reports they re- ceived of the disaffection of the Irish. Though Talley- rand had never altered his opinion — " that the French republic will always be unable to make an impression upon the British empire, but in time of peace" — he was too well acquainted with the sentiments of the Directory, to publish what he thought on this subject. In order to obtain a place under them, he flattered their passion? at the expence of his own conviction. When PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. ei When it was known that Lord Malmsbury had been appointed to negotiate a treaty of peace, in 1796, with the Directory, Talleyrand inserted in the Le lledacteuri the then official paper, a libel on this nobleman, pretend- ing to be a relation of supposed intrigues in Russia. Having prejudiced his countrymen against the negotiator, he endeavoured, by the most absurd calumnies, to ex- cite their hatred against the English government. The cor- respondence of Lord Malmsbury disclosed the ignorance of La Croix, the minister of the foreign department in France ; but his influence and connexion with the Director Rewbel was such, that Talleyrand despaired of being able to get him turned out. But Ramel, the minister of the finances, having embroiled himself with the Directory, opened a more favourable opportunity to his views. Talleyrand, therefore, from a politician, became a financier, and was determined at any rate to have his ambition gratified by the appointment to the rank of a minister. A long memorial, comparing the finances of France in 1796, with those of America in 1783, was pre- sented by him to his friend Barras, who laid it before the Directory. It was found to contain so many just obser- vations and pertinent remarks, that it was remitted to the Financial Committee of the Council of Five Hundred. There the state of the finances continued to be the sub- ject of continual debates; and the most unjust schemes were daily presented for supplying the national treasury with money, although the government was entirely desti- tute of credit. Shortly afterwards, at the 'desire of Barras, Talleyrand wrote, on this subject, a message from the Directory, in which, by an affecting, but not an over-charged picture of the public calamity, they solicited the attention of the Council of Five Hundred. " All parts of the public service," they said, " are in extreme distress. The pay of the troops is in arrear, and the defenders of the country given up to the horrors of nakedness; their courage is enervated by their grievous wants, and their disgust occasions desertions. The hospitals are without furniture, fire, or drugs; and the charitable institutions similarly unprovided. The state creditors and contrac- tors, who contributed to supply the wants of the armies, can only obtain, by their utmost exertions, small parts of vol. in. i t h e 62 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, the sums which are due to them; and the example of their distress deters others, who would perform the same services with more punctuality and less profit. The high roads are broken up, and the communication inter- rupted. The salaries of the public functionaries are un- paid ; and, throughout the republic, we see judges and administrators reduced to the horrible alternative of drag- ging on a miserable existence, or disgracefully selling themselves to every intriguer. Malevolence is universally busy ; in many places, assassination is reduced to a system; and the police, without activity or force, become destitute of pecuniary means, is unable to terminate disorders." As a remedy for these inconveniences, it was proposed, in the message — First, a compulsory advance, in money, from all purchasers of national domains; a project which only increased their embarrassments, by giving reason to expect a new circulation of paper, with no better gua- rantee than the credit of individuals. The minister of finance was next authorized to convoke an assembly of merchants from all the considerable trading towns of the republic, to meet at Paris. Some attended, others re- fused to obey the summons; but all concurred in rejecting four several plans which were offered for the establish- ment of a national bank, though enforced by all the per- suasions which power and eloquence could lend to the ministers, Ramel and Benezeth. The merchants an- swered by a plain enumeration of facts. " All govern- ment paper," they said " has been discredited; and every scheme for giving circulation to such a symbol in France has been disgraced by an unprincipled seizure of the pro- perty which was to realize its value. The effects of anarchy depress the spirit of commerce ; we trade only on the ruins of our former wealth. Capital is spent or buried; manufactures are shut up; correspondence is annihilated ; a continual fluctuation in government checks the spirit of enterprise; and the best-combined specula- tions fail, because, between the period of projecting, and that of perfecting them, a total change takes place in the laws relating to their operation." When such was the state of the French finances, a man must indeed have possessed great confidence in his own powers, to promise himself success in an attempt to re- pair derangement so universal, and to restore a ruined credit; PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 63 credit; but the intention of Talleyrand was rather to ex- pose the want of talent in the minister, than to relieve the sufferings of the state. In the year 1797, Talleyrand married Madame Grand, a lady of Danish extraction, who had formerly been married to an Englishman. In the spring of that year he presented a petition to the Directory in her favour, which was referred to Cochon, the then minister of police, whose approbation it obtained. She was per- mitted to return to France, where she arrived with a Danish pass, and continued to reside, under the protec- tion of the Danish minister, until her marriage with. Talleyrand. Her house at Montmorency, near Paris, soon became the rendezvous of all those foreign diplo- matic agents, or directorial courtiers, whom he judged favourable to his designs, whose services he expected, whose influence he knew, and whose assistance he courted. Another attempt of the English government to nego- tiate a peace, gave Talleyrand an opportunity of making his abilities known, and perhaps himself necessary. He composed an artful, but more eloquent than conclusive, memorial of the relative political situation of France and England, which he, as a friend, gave La Croix to read over, and improve with his observations. As he sus- pected, this minister immediately made use of it, and laid, it before the Directory in his own name, recommending the adoption of the measures it suggested. Talleyrand was, however, beforehand with him, having, two days previously, presented Rewbel another memorial, ex- posing the fallacy of the conclusions drawn in the former, and the danger of France in negotiating upon the very principles La Croix had so strongly recommended. He manifested also such an inveteracy against the British em- pire, and such a rooted hatred against the British nation, that at last even Rewbel consented to his appointment to the ministry of foreign affairs, La Croix's incapacity being too apparent to allow his retaining that post any longer. Knowing the determination of the Directory to continue the war with England, which was very unpo- pular in France, and apprehensive that the odium of an unsuccessful issue of the negotiation would be cast on him, with a view to shelter himself as much as possible 1 2 from 64 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, from all connexion with it, Lisle in Flanders was fixed on as the place of meeting, and Le Tourneur the ex-director, Pleville, Lepelley, and Maret, were nominated the French negotiators. Lord Malmsbury was appointed plenipo- tentiary on the part of Great Britain: but the negotia- tion came to nothing, owing principally to the intrigues of Talleyrand. It was humorously said by the Parisians, that, during the summer of 1797, Talleyrand had many severe battles to fight with the English guineas on one side, and the Spanish dollars, Prussian Frederics d'or, and Dutch ducats, on the other. Whether the English guineas got the better, or the offers of the British plenipo- tentiary were such as he deemed most advantageous to France, it is certain he proposed the acceptance of them to the Directory. When he made this proposition, Rew- bel, one of the Directors, it is said, after reading over the plan, threw it in his face, exclaiming, " You rascally priest! you must either be a fool, or a rogue, gained over by the English, to dare to lay before us such an ill-di- gested and unacceptable plan. Call on me after our sitting is over, and I will convince you, that you are either an imbecile or a traitor." Talleyrand immediately recanted his opinions, acknowledged his ignorance, and the very next day he invented and produced some new and ex- travagant demand on Great Britain, to which he well knew she would never suscribe. Whether Talleyrand published this scandalous affair to expose or to be revenged on Rewbel, or whether the latter did it to humiliate the former, whom he suspected of having pocketed a bribe without sharing it with him, is unknown; but certain it is, that within twenty-four hours its particulars were circulated, not only in the di- rectorial circles, but they found their way into several newspapers, particularly into Le Thte, a daily evening paper. Barthelemy also, when in England, confirmed the truth of this singular circumstance. On the 17ih of September, Lord Malmsbury had been obliged to leave Lisle; and, on the 17th of October, peace between France and Austria was signed at Campo Formio. The public articles stipulated the cession of the Low Countries to France, and that France should re- tain the islands in the Archipelago, and in the Adriatic Sea, formerly belonging to Venice, and the establishment of PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 65 of that republic in Albania. The Emperor was to possess the absolute sovereignty of the territories of Venice to the Adige. The Milanese and Mantuan terri- tories were ceded to the Cisalpine republic, which was formally acknowledged; and an indemnity was to be granted to the Duke of Modena in the Brisgaw : a con- gress was also to be held at Rastadt to settle a plan of pacification between France and the German empire. The secret articles of this treaty were known within six days after its conclusion; for Talleyrand, in consideration of receiving 1,500,000 livres, which were divided between him, Barras, and Rewbel, informed the Turkish, Prussian, and Bavarian ministers, of their contents. They were, however, not given to the public till nearly the conclusion of the congress. These secret articles discovered in the Austrian plenipotentiaries a want of foresight difficult to be accounted for; for it is quite incomprehensible how they could be allured into Talleyrand's snare, how they could receive and make such presents, how they could bind themselves to so treacherous a government, by a stipulation, the nature and secret of which chained, in future, the Imperial cabinet to the usurping politics of revolutionary France. In perusing the articles we need look no farther for the cause of the distrust and division which afterwards broke out in the congress of Rastadt, for the alarms which still withheld several powers from a general confederacy, and for the unresisted tyranny of Buonaparte in Germany as well as in Italy, in Switzerland as well as in Holland, in Spain as well as in Portugal, The nature of the articles prove that they were com- posed by Talleyrand, with the approbation of Napoleon and the Directory. No nation at war with France had less provoked her attacks, or had oftener negotiated with her for a peace, than Portugal. The weighty persuasions of Spain at last overcame Talleyrand's political nicety ; and a pass- port for Chevalier D'Aranjo, as an acknowledged Portu- guese envoy, was signed by him. But, after this plenipo- tentiary's arrival, his instructions were deemed too limited; he was therefore first dismissed, and then re- called. When signing the peace which he had pur- chased at the enormous sum of six millions of livres, divided between Talleyrand and the five Directors, he was 66 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, was a second time turned away. He again, pocketing all affronts, returned to solicit peace, and offer his gold, but with an indiscretion for which, notwithstanding his pri- vileged character, he was sent to the Temple by an order signed Talleyrand. This arrest, in violation of the law of nations, was made in consequence of a discovery having been made by the then minister of police, Sattin, of Tal- leyrand receiving two millions of livres, besides the millions shared with the Directory. Suspecting perfidy, and dreading evidences, he accused Chevalier D'Aranjo of intriguing for Great Britain. Confined in the repub- lican state-prison, he had no opportunity of confounding his accusers, or to refute the calumny. Some further pecuniary sacrifices, advanced by the Spanish ambassador, Marquis del Campo, opened, however, the doors of his prison, and prevented him from being detained a pri- soner until a general pacification, which was the wish of Talleyrand* and the first determination of the Di- rectory. The character and views of the leading men in France at this time may be gathered from the following account of a sitting of the Directory in December 1797, at which both Napoleon and Talleyrand were admitted. The author who has furnished us with it read the minutes of this sitting at Madame St. Hilaire's, who was then kept by La Garde, secretary of the Directory. " The map of the world was spread over the table, and each Director had a globe before him. The order of the day was to discuss in what manner liberty and equality would be propagated to the greatest honour of the French arms, to the greatest glory of the Great Nation, and to the greatest injury of the British empire. " The Director Francis Neufchateau opened the sit- ting with a long speech, in which he proposed to revolu- tionize India and China, as with these nations France had no binding treaties or stipulations, but among whom her warriors might at once both plunder riches and gather laurels. He desired the equipment of the whole French navy, together with those of her allies, to sail, accom- panied by as many transports and as numerous armies as possible. " The Director Merlin agreed to the utility of in- vading and republicanizing China and India; but he de- sired PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. fij sired that France would first annihilate monarchy and aristocracy in Europe. " The Director La Reveilliere assented to the just- ness of Merlin's opinion ; he only added, that, before we undertook any remote regenerations, we should bury Christianity in the same grave with monarchy and aristo- cracy, as priests were the most revengeful of all despots, and the most dangerous of all aristocrats. " The Director Rewbel hoped that French patriots would always bear in mind, that their safety could only be insured by the ruin of the English monarchy. The conquest or regeneration of Ireland by France was un- fortunately retarded by the late disasters of the Batavian fleet (Lord Duncan's victory). By the treaty of Campo Formio, Great Britain was isolated from the continent. 'Let us,' says he, ' organise this isolation, by immediately extending republicanism to the other side of the Py- renees and the Rhine, as well as on the other side of the Alps and the Adige. Let the tri-coloured standard tri- umphantly wave from the banks of the Elbe to the banks of the Tagus, from the borders of the Baltic to the shores of the Black and Red Seas. In every country we enter, we advance nearer the attainment of our object; and by every new republic we erect, one of the pillars of monarchy falls to the ground.' " The Director Barras agreed with Rewbel in the necessity of organizing the political as well as the natural isolation of Great Britain from the continent; and fore- saw the great utility of surrounding Fiance with allied or tributary republics, in Europe as well as in Asia, Africa, and America. ' But might we not hope,' continued he, * from the valour of our troops, and the talents of our generals, that regeneration may be effected at the same time in different quarters of the world. Let us hasten the expedition at Toulon ; let us order one division of our forces to make Egypt a bridge to India, whilst other di- visions constitute new republics in Helvetia, Spain, Por- tugal, Ireland, and in Cis-Rhenian Germany. In all these countries we already are, or shall be, invited by the friends of liberty and equality, the soundest part of every nation. Let us invariably enter all states destined for regeneration as friends or allies, and no where as intruders or foes. In so doing, no treaties are broken, and no other powers will 6S TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, will have any just grounds of complaint. As all these new republics add to the weight of our scale in the balance of power, we shall soon have occasion to fear no superior, acknowledge no equal, but command and ob- tain tribute even from the most distant states, well con- vinced as they must be that subjugation will follow opposition.' " General Buonaparte was then asked his opinion. * Citizens Directors,' said he, * I am so well persuaded of the advantage of colonizing and regenerating Egypt, that I have already offered myself to head the expedition, as soon as you are certain that Malta will receive a French garrison. As to fepublicanizing the other countries, I should libel my love of universal freedom, did I not ap- prove of it to its full extent. As, however, the naval forces of Spain and Portugal are absolutely necessary for the perfection of our plans, both in the Mediterranean and Indian Seas; and these forces are still in the power of despots, and commanded by aristocrats; I submit to your consideration, whether it would not be more prudent and political, first to see the Spanish and Portuguese navy safe in our harbours, before we plant the tree of liberty in the cities on the other side the Pyrenees.' " Talleyrand on receiving permission to speak, de- clared, that, after what had fallen from his superiors in talant as well as in rank, he could have but little to say. With General Buonaparte, he thought, it would be better to adopt, for a short time, a temporizing system with re- gard to Spain and Portugal. By treaties with the former we could claim the disposal of her navy; and, by negotia- tions with the latter, French garrisons might soon occupy her sea-ports, and dispose of her arsenal and navy in the manner executed with so much skill and adroitness at Venice. As money was the sinew of authority and in- fluence, as well as of war, he took the liberty of calling the attention of the Directory to the relative situation of neutral states. They were formerly poor, but were now enriched by the distresses of France and her revolution- ary war. They could not therefore complain of injus- tice, if she reclaimed a part of their extorted and ill- gotten treasures. He did not mean to propose a direct warfare with neutral nations, but such severity and re- strictions on their navigation and trade, as would, in our turn, PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 69 turn, procure us opportunities to use the right our actual power gives us, of seizing, capturing, and confiscating, together with their cargoes, all vessels sailing contrary to our regulations: this,. while it compensates the losses we have suffered, may even augment our future resources. To attain this desirable object, a decree of the Directory should immediately declare every neutral ship trading to England, or having English property on board, legal prize. Such a decree would not only be political and advantageous to France, but detrimental and destructive in the highest degree to England. The goods in her crowded magazines would then become rotten for want of purchasers, her manufacturers would cease to work for want of consumers; her merchants would become bankrupts; her mechanics, beggars; her citizens, sedi* tious; and, without the landing of an army, we might conquer her strongest hold — her finances. Such a decree would, no doubt, create some alarm amongst neutral powers; but, to evince to them that the moderation of the French government is equal to its grandeur, pecuniary sacrifices might be allowed to produce some extenua- tions, and even exceptions. I submit to the Directory the following calculation as to the amount each neutral government may be asked to repay ; and how much the subjects of each can, without causing their utter ruin by captures, restore to the French republic. From the American government may be claimed 100,000,000 of livres (,£4,000,000 sterling) : from the American citizens may be captured as high as to 500,000,000 (=£20,000,000). From the Danish government may be claimed, 50,000,000 ,(.£2,000,000) : and from the Danish subjects may be captured as far as 200,000,000 (=£8,000,000). From the Prussian government, as an ally, whose commercial navy is far inferior to her military strength, may be claimed 2-1,000,000 of livres (=£1,000,000): and from the Prussian subjects may be captured as far as60,000,000 (=£2,500,000). From the Swedish government may be claimed 30,000,000 (=£1,250,000): and from the Swedish subjects may be captured as far as 100,000,000 („£4,000,Oo6). From the Senate and Imperial cities and Hanse Towns may be claimed 80,000,000: and from their citizens may be captured as far as 200,000,000. From the King of Na- ples may be claimed 24,000,000 {£ 1,000,000) : and vol. in. k from 70 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, from his subjects may be captured up to 50,000,000 (»£2,000,000) From the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 30,000,000 (.£1,250,000) may be claimed: and from his subjects may be captured to the extent of 70,000,000 (o£3,000,000). From the King of Spain may be claimed 150,000,000 (,£6,000,000): and from his subjects may be captured as far as 300,000,000 (<£ 19,000,000) From the Pope may be claimed 12,000,000 (c£500,000): and from, his subjects may be captured 24,000,000 (,£1,000,000).' " When Talleyrand had finished his speech, the Direc- tor Merlin bestowed lavish encomiums on the minister's zeal and patriotism, and moved, ' That this proposal with regard to neutral nations should be immediately changed into a decree, and its contents communicated to all neutral ministers and consuls resident in France, and by couriers sent to all the diplomatic and commercial agents of the French republic accredited to neutral states.' This motion was, without further deliberation, assented to unanimously by the Directory." In proposing this decree against neutrals, Talleyrand could have no other object in view but immediate, though temporary pillage. His abilities as a statesman leave no doubt of his foreseeing that its consequences, instead of being hurtful, must be profitable to Great Britain, as it would change her passive commerce with many neutral nations into an active one with them all. The productions of British industry, and of the British colonies, were, from custom and from reciprocal gain, become necessitous to all people, not even excepting the French themselves. If, therefore, they were prevented from obtaining them from the first hand, they must pay dearer for them to a second or third, as they could not do without them. No sooner was the decree of the 2d of December known, than English ships were engaged by neutrals, who carried, under the protection of con- voys, those articles they fetched before in their own bot- toms; whence, to other profits that England obtained, was added freight. This miscalculation caused Talley- rand and the Directors no uneasiness. They had all fitted out privateers, that, with valuable prizes of friendly or neutral ships, repaid tlierr^advances, rewarded their patriotism, and o rat Tied their cupidity. It was reported that, by this piracy alone (tor it cannot be denominated any PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 71 any thing else), from the 1st of January 1798 to the 1st of July in the same year, Revvbel gained 6,000,000 of livres. Barras, 4,000,000; La Reveilliere, 2,500,000; Merlin, 7,000,000; Neufchateau, 1,200,000; Talleyrand, 5,000,000; and Madame Buonaparte, to whom her hus- band had given 300,000 livres to engage in privateer- ing, 1,800,000. By the decree of the 2d of December, America also was marked out as a fit victim to this new system of fi- nance; and Talleyrand, hardly seated in place and power, in return for the hospitable reception he had received in America, caused, without any previous declaration of war, orders to be issued to capture all American ships, and upwards of 500 of them were very soon seized in the West Indies and in Europe. A treaty of alliance and neutrality between the United States and Great Bri- tain was assigned as the cause of this attack, which vio- lated all the stipulations and conventions between France and America. The Americans were unwilling to make reprisals; but they sent plenipotentiaries to Paris. After much political evasion and chichanery, Talleyrand ad- vised the Directory to receive them in France as privi- leged characters, but not to acknowledge them as ambas- sadors or negotiators — a distinction as novel as unjust in transactions with independent nations. It was also very humiliating to the Americans, who, to gain his favour, had selected citizens of known impartiality in politics, and one of them his intimate friend when at Philadelphia. He made the Directory, in imputing this mode of con- duct to fear, assume a proportionate haughtiness, and refuse them an audience. But it was insinuated to them, through inferior agents, and subaltern intriguers, that a donation of £60,000 to Talleyrand, to be divided between him and four of the Directors, would be a necessary preliminary to any attempt at negotiation. It was also more than intimated, that, as the Director Merlin had been paid for the letters of marque issued to privateers, those licences could not be recalled; but the American government might purchase the good-will of Fiance by a loan of 80,000,000 of livres, in part to be shared between the Directors and their minister. In making such propo- sals, Talleyrand had mistaken the character of those with whom he was treating. In the minds of the A me- lt 2 ricans, 70 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, ricans, no passion is stronger than the love of money; and this attempt at extortion immediately drove the ple- nipotentiaries back to their own shores, where they published to the world the infamous proposal. The Americans cheerfully armed and prepared to make repri- sals: and General Washington was again invested with the command of all the military resources of the republic, which derived its formation from his valour and judg- ment, and owed its continuance to his justice and mode- ration. One of the secret agents employed in this busi- ness was a person of the name of Bellamy, born at Ge- neva. After the publication of this shameful transaction, he came over to this country, provided with a neutral Danish pass, expecting, no doubt that, as in the corres- pondence of the American plenipotentiaries he and his associates were only mentioned as X. Y. Z. he was un- known to the British government. An order to leave this country, however, convinced him that he was mis- taken in his supposition. Baron du Metz, who had al- ready been sent away from England by the British go- vernment was another secret agent. In this secret agency females were also employed. When Talleyrand came into the ministry, it is said, he found anarchy and ignorance had penetrated into all the offices of the state, as well as into all other places of the republic. This was particularly the case with regard to the secret agency, where impostors of both sexes, without education, pocketed the secret service money, without a capacity for serving. He was, therefore, obliged to begin an entirely new organization, in which he was ably assisted by Daunoud, his grand vicaire, when a Bishop of Autun, but then a member of the Council of Five Hundred. According to the list left him by his predecessor, La Croix, 205 male, and 62 female secret agents were paid, as employed by France in foreign countries and courts. After reading through their cor- respondence, he dismissed them all, assigning as a rea- son, ° that the French government was determined for the future to act with such frankness, that no secret agents should be necessary to watch foreign states, who would, moreover, be kept to their duty from the dread of the irresistible power of France." Men whom he had formerly known when a member of the Jacobin propa- ganda, PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 73 ganda, were then engaged by him to find out able recruits; and, within six months, 315 male, and S4 female agents, in his pay, overspread not only all Europe, but the other principal parts of the globe. It is said that he esta- blished a nursery for the secret agency office, by sending to all countries, for education, and to perfect themselves in the languages, children of both sexes, between eight and twelve years of age, taken from the Foundling or Orphan houses. They were chosen from among those who shewed some genius, and possessed beauty of person. The secret agents every where inspected their education, and instructed them gradually in what manner best to serve their country. Politics and commerce formed the principal part of instruction for the boys, as well as for the girls: but no pains were spared to make their per- sons as easy and agreeable, as their understandings were penetrating. The boys when eighteen, and the girls when fifteen, were to return to France, to undergo an examina- tion before the minister. Several of the female agents travelled as governesses, as actresses, as singers, as gyp- sies, or fortune-tellers. Several of the most accomplished assumed the names of some of the most distinguished families, and they in consequence travelled with a retinue; but all their servants, and all those about them, were, as well as themselves, attached to the secret agency. But the drudgery of office did not occupy the whole of Talleyrand's time. Four days of each decade he received company of both sexes, or accepted invitations of parties abroad; the 9th day of every decade, he went to visit Madame Grand at Montmorency, where he remained un- till the 1st of the next decade. Never fond of solitude, persons agreeable or entertaining were informed, a week before, by the hostess, that their presence would be ac- ceptable. The choicest dishes were served, the finest wines drank ; and amusements were as numerous as various. Plays and farces were represented by comedians from the capital, or by amateurs of the company, who were chiefly good physicians, or amateurs able to enter- tain their friends with excellent concerts. A bank of rouge et noir, another of pharao, and a third of la roulet, or birribi, lightened the pockets of those who found no pleasure in more rational and less expensive amusements; more innocent games for pledges and fines often inter- vened. 74 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, vened. The grave ex-bishop, and the crafty minister, sometimes even jumped about at Madame Grand's fa- vourite Blind-man's-buff, and frequently set the party in a roar by his tricks as well as his clumsiness. The dreams and hopes of establishing an universal Tepublic were dissolved by the victory of Nelson, in the battle of the Nile, as well as by the successful campaign of the combined Imperial arms in the year 1790. Tal- levrand and the Directory had, however, left no resource of machiavelism untried against Germany : they trafficked secretly with the congress at Rastadt, to conciliate the court of Vienna, if they found that power too untractable. They accused it, at Berlin, Munich, Dresden, Aschaffen- buigh, and Cassel, of the projects which they had them- selves suggested. When they robbed certain sovereigns, they offered to rob others to indemnify them. When they signed a truce, they required it to be observed by the other party, at the same time that they violated it themselves. According to Talleyrand's insinuations, sometimes by terror, sometimes by artifice, the Directory put an end to resistance, or prevented opposition. Their extortioners did not spare the right bank of the Rhine, more than the left. Every one of their haughty notes, written by Talleyrand, was a threat or a command, and always an insult. When the long and tedious farce of the congress of Rastadt came to an end, two of the French plenipoten- tiaries were assassinated ; and it has been boldly asserted, that this act was committed by fifty agents of Talleyrand's secret police, disguised as Austrian hussars, in order that the odium might be cast upon the cabinet of Vienna, and revive the extinguished enthusiasm of the French armies. This tragedy, in which the third plenipotentiary was one of the principal actors, first excited surprise and indigna- tion; but, even in France, the Directory and their minis- ters were soon accused of having plotted a murder which could be of no advantage to Austria. They had long continued to deceive the French nation by promises of a speedy peace, and by hypocritical wishes for its con- clusion. When they renewed the war without a cause, after trespassing so long on the condescension of the Em- peror and Empire, how were they to persuade France that the renewal of the war was owing to Austria. The two PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 75 two plenipotentiaries, Bonnier and Robergot, who were both dissatisfied with the breaking up of the congress, would have divulged the cause of it: they would have said, " Here are your instructions, your designs, your object, and the conduct you prescribed to us, all signed by Talleyrand." This embarrassing evidence was incon- trovertible; and the more dangerous, as, in order to escape public censure, it was their interest to divulge the truth. The war having begun unsuccessfully, they would have been eager to shew it was not the consequence of their councils, and that they had opposed the measures of the government, who alone ought to bear the blame of their hypocrisy and violence. If it be asked, Why Jean de Bry was spared ? the answer is, How could the Directory suspect such a man, who had openly said, in the tribune of the National Convention, that he wished all sovereigns had but a single head, that it might be struck oft" at one blow? It is easy to conceive that he might be spared by assassins in the secret; but very difficult to comprehend how a foreign government should have so mistaken the importance of their victims, as to have let the most infamous in particular escape. The progress of the arms of the Allied Powers, and the disasters experienced by the French armies, revived in the republic those numerous factions, which had been slumbering, but had never been extinguished. Their plots and threats removed three of the members of the Directory, who, with Rewbel, going out of office by lot, were impeached by the Council of Five Hundred. This alarmed Talleyrand, already denounced by several ac- cusers; who gave in his resignation, expecting that vo- luntary retirement would soothe resentment, and ward off the blow which was meditated against him. He took care, however, previously, to influence the appointment of a successor, and to raise to the office of minister of foreign affairs, Rheinhard, a German by birth, who had been secretary under him and Chauvelin, in England, a minister at Hamburgh, and a commissary in Tuscany. This minister, prudent, moderate, and upright, saved the Grand-Duchy from that pillage which Italy suffered. He had observed the greatest delicacy towards the Grand Duke; he was incorruptible and considerate: but, with all his good qualities, he possessed a timid and weak cha- racter, 76 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, racter, easily imposed upon, easily intimidated, and easily governed. When at Hamburgh, Genlis and Va- lence, both emigrants, governed him; and, although Tal- leyrand had resigned, his maxims were followed, and his dictates as much submitted to, as if he had been in place. Without responsibility, his power was the same, his plans were adopted, his regulations observed, and his determi- nations respected. Among the numerous pamphlets then published against Talleyrand, was one written by Le Marchand. " I ac- cuse you," said he, " of having sold the secrets of France, instead of purchasing those of other cabinets ; of having pocketed the money destined for those purposes, or, With the other wages of your infamy, remitted it to be de- posited in the English funds, at the very time you pro- mised France and Europe the destruction of England. I accuse you of having violated the law of nations, by attacking, without a declaration of war, the Ottoman Porte, and the Helvetian republic; of having invaded the sovereignty of the people, by altering so often the constitution of the Cisalpine and Batavian nations, so solemnly sworn to by the people of these republics. I accuse you of having endangered our external security, by drawing another enemy on the French republic, by forcing the Ottoman Porte to join in the coalition of the tyrants armed against liberty and equality. I accuse you. of having endangered our internal security, by ad- mitting emigrants, by exciting with your intrigues the citizens against one another, by devoting republicans to proscription, and by recommending aristocrats to ad- vancement in the offices of state as well as in the armies of the republic, I accuse you of crimes against the" so- vereignty of the French nation, by having engaged assas- sins to dispatch those of our ambassadors, whom your treachery had previously exposed to insults among the slaves representing despots. I accuse you of having dissipated the public money of the French republic, and of having shared in the robberies and peculations of your agents in Italy, Germany, Holland, and Switzerland. I accuse you of having, during the year 6 (1797 and 179S), received 20,000 English guineas, to procure a peace with France; 12,000 Prussian^Fredericks d'or, for continuing the war with England; 10,000 double Austrian souve- rains, PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. ■ 77 rains, for promising a rupture with Prussia, and a part of Bavaria as indemnity; 12,000 sequins from the Pope, and 18,000 from the King of Naples, for a promise of continuing their neutrality, at the very time you knew that the Papal territory would be republicanized, and Malta wrested from the sovereignty of Naples. I ac- cuse you of having attempted to extort 1,200,000 livres from the United States of America, and 100,000 dollar* from the King of Spain; for granting the former a neu- trality, they ought never to have lost, and for not forcing; the latter to a war with Portugal, united with him by ties of blood and treaties. I accuse you of having attacked and plundered, under the most false and specious pretexts, every neutral nation of the globe ; and of having pocketed, for your share of this plunder, the immense sum of 10,000,000 of livres. I accuse you of having received from the banditti sent by your recommendation to devas- tate Helvetia, the sum of 2,500,000 livres, sent on your account by bills from Switzerland on Hamburgh, and from thence, by other bills, sent to England, and employed by your agents in the English funds. I ac- cuse you of having, by your scandalous depravity, or- ganized pillage and rapacity in every department of the state ; of having sold the places of clerks, as well as the offices of ambassadors ; of having your official tariff, and accordingly disposing of all places depending on your nomination, for money, and not to merit or patriotism. I accuse you of having, by your barefaced immorality, injured the honourable character, and undermined the morals, of French republicans. And, finally, I accuse you of having perpetrated all these crimes with counter- revolutionary intents, of establishing an hereditary des- potism upon the ruins of liberty and equality." Such were the charges with which Talleyrand was attacked in this pamphlet; and, although they must be received with caution, and every allowance should be made for the malignity of political enemies, yet there can be no doubt but that this crafty politician had availed himself of his situation to enrich himself at the expence of the national honour and the national interests. Al- though most of these charges were matter of notoriety, and that his conduct afforded a just cause for investiga- tion, yet so successful were his intrigues, that he pre- tol. in. l vented 78 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, vented any steps from being taken until another revolu- tion entirely removed them for ever. He caused an an- swer, however, to be printed ; in which, without entering into particulars, or denying the reality of the charges, he sheltered himself under the superior authority of the Directory, to whose approbation all his plans had been submitted before they were carried into execution, ac- cording to their orders. He said, that he always had been, and was, a republican by heart, and from principle; and that another proscription, or restoration of monarchy in France, would prove an act of universal outlawry against him, as no country existed upon earth where he must not expect to be punished for his patriotism, and for the part he had taken in propagating liberty and pro- moting equality. At no preceding period had the French republic been so extraordinarily situated as it was at this moment: a government tottering and suspended between its total fall and the confirmation of its authority ; a legisla- tive body divided between two parties, one of them lamenting that they had not attained their object, and the other that they had gone beyond their's; a new poli- tical club of incendiaries, striving to break the last thread by which the apparent equilibrium of the different pow- ers was supported; most of the offices bestowed on the abettors of disorder and an unbounded anarchy; a state pressed on all sides by dangers, foreign and domestic, facilitating its own disorganization by the sudden change of every man in place; a nation, silent and motionless, looking on whilst these turbulent factions were provoking her destiny; aH the evils of a past revolution, with the dread of a new one. Such was the state to which France had been reduced, as a reward of the madness, barbarism, passions, and crimes, that had enslaved her since the first breaking out of the revolution. A dictatorship of the strongest kind, the most absolute, and the least exposed to the inteference of jurisdictions and other obstacles, was desired by many patriots, in a country, where, from Antwerp to Nice, from Strasburgh to Bayonne, an abyss of troubles, dissensions, and anarchy, was opened, and daily grew wider — where armies without pay, and finances degraded to theatrical expedients required prompt remedies, administered by all-poweriul hands— where PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 79 where victorious foreign armies were seen approaching the frontiers — where internal enemies endangered tran- quillity — and where the whole social system was shaken to its foundation by the perpetual succession of innova- tions, and by the flames of faction, which one day con- sumed what was instituted another. Such was the situation of the French republic, when Napoleon, after escaping the fire, sword, and vengeance, of the Turks and Arabs, the vigilance of the British cruisers, and the dangers of the ocean, arrived in France. He was hailed by all parties in France as a deliverer, courted by all factions as a valuable acquisition, and de- sired by all conspirators as their chief. The revolution effected by Napoleon was, therefore, easily accomplished. If, after swearing fidelity to the Directorial constitution at St. Cloud, at the moment when a great majority of the Council of Five Hundred were about to outlaw him, an hundred men, led by General Jourdan, had appeared at the opposite door, there would have been an end to bis usurpation, and the Jacobins would have been mas- ters of the republic. Upon such comparatively trilling circumstances depended the success of an undertaking, from which the world had suffered so much, and of which 'the consequences are still, and are likely to be severely felt. But, trembling as he was when the event was undecided, he became tyrannical when victory de- clared in his favour. From pride, ambition, and further views, he openly piqued himself upon eclipsing all his colleagues; gave a national occurrence the character of a personal contest between him and that of the legisla- ture; assumed the gait, and expressed himself as an Aga of Janissaries, coming to set the Divan to rights, and force its decision on the I^mpire. Elated with his military fortune, he spoke only of his soldiers, his bro- thers in arms, his bayonets, and the use he would make of them. Sieyes, Talleyrand, Volney, Reederer, and Renard de St. Jean d'Angely, were the only persons who shared Napoleon's confidence, and who were employed in pre- paring an enterprise, which annihilated a constitution they, as well as himself, had so often sworn to defend and respect. Though this was the first time that the military power in France prevailed over the civil one, no gene- l 2 rals 5 80 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, rals, not even Berthier or Moreau, were acquainted with his plans. They, with other generals, accompanied him to St. Cloud, with the idea of supporting him with their popularity in his attempt to silence factions, as he pro- mised, but not to overthrow the government. Some indi- rect and indiscreet expressions had, indeed, escaped him, but his secret remained impenetrable. The majority of the Council and of the Directors, the war minister, Dubois Creance, and several others, and more than half of the agents of the police, found themselves threat- ened by the conspiracy; but their distrust did not go be- yond vague suspicions, and they were ignorant of the nature as well as the time of execution. The conspirators in this revolution first met at Rce- derer's house, in the Rue Fauxbourg, St. Honore, then in a house taken by Madame Grand, in the Rue St. Domi- nique, in the Fauxbourg St. Germaine, and, finally, in one hired by Talleyrand, in the Rue de Turenne, in the Marais. Sieyes, Talleyrand, and Volney, inclined to a constitutional monarchy in some new dynasty. Roederer was of the same opinion; but opposed the revival of the name of a King or Kingdom, wishing that some other title should be given to the supreme and hereditary chief of a constitutional commonwealth. Renard St. Jean d'Angely proposed, that the French republic should, like the Roman of old, be headed by two Consuls, one of whom, in the course of time, might be converted into, and the other salute, a Caesar. At this meeting, Napoleon alone mentioned the Bour- bons, discussed the talents, virtues, weaknesses, services, of each member of each branch of that family. He proved, to the satisfaction of his associates, that the princes in direct lineage of the oldest branch did not possess genius, capacity, or firmness, requisite to restore order and tranquillity in a nation agitated by so many factions during so many years, and accustomed to a licentiousness, which a man used to enforce discipline even among soldiers bewildered by the cries of liberty, only can restrain from producing new crimes and new devastations. The princes of the other branches were all accused of those errors, or stained with those irreso- lutions which hurled Louis XVI. from the throne. To elect a chief magistrate from among them would inevi- tably PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 81 tably bring on new civil wars ; because the Conde branch had its adherents, as well as the Orleans branch; and those of Louis XVIII. would, to a certainty, unite with any party combating the prince occupying an authority which he claimed, and from which he had been excluded. France, he said, was now, and must always continue to be a military nation. Except the princes of the Conde branch, no Bourbon ever commanded a battalion; and the military exploits of these have consisted in carrying arms against their country. The Spanish Bourbons he represented as being still more degenerated, and more unlit to reign ; and, therefore, their sceptres were tottering in their hands. He went through all other Imperial dynasties, all of which, he said, did not produce, for a century past, one individual who could be called a great sovereign, except Frederick II. of Prussia, but he died without leaving any posterity behind. " Would it not, besides," said he, " be a disgrace to France, and an acknowledgment of her in- capacity, after such glorious achievements to call in a foreigner, of no other merit than birth, to rule her, and to bestow upon him a rank which so many eminent and meritorious Frenchmen have evinced themselves worthy to obtain. Would all the French patriots, purchasers of national property, generals, statesmen, or legislators, think themselves safe, or continue quiet, under a French Bourbon, or a prince of a foreign dynasty, educated in all the dangerous prejudices the French revolution has proscribed." He then went into considerations of the danger of proclaiming three generals the three consuls, which he supposed would be necessary to well govern the French republic at that crisis. He declared, that he would never accept of the place of a Consul, with any distinguished military character, as his equal, by his side. He exposed also the foibles of the most cele- brated of the P'rench generals. He accused Pichegru of an incorrigible fanaticism for the Bourbons; Moreau, of an inconsistency which clouded all his military ex- ploits; Jourdan, of ignorance and brutality; Augereau, of incapacity and ferocity; Massena, of immorality and cupidity; Brune, of uniting the ferocity of Augereau with the ignorance of Jourdan and the cupidity of Mas- sena. Macdonald, he said, was a foreigner ; and Berna- dotte, a grenadier in the regimentals of a general. Ber- thier ** TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, tliier had talents to grace a second rank ; but in the first spnere his rank would eclipse his talents. This discussion is reported to have taken place on the 7th of November 1799, in Rcederer's house; where it was finally agreed to effect a revolution the next day, but Na- poleon delayed the explosion for twenty-four hours. Talleyrand intrigued to be, and was placed upon the list of candidates for the election of a second Consul; but Napoleon, knowing his talents would be more usefully employed in the foreign department, returned to him the ministerial port-folio of that office, and joined him with Fouche to organise the destruction of the liberty of the press, and to embroil and dupe the royalists chief of La Vendee and the other western departments to lay down their arms. Napoleon, in the intoxication of his success, on the day of his usurpation, had ostentatiously promised to be- come the pacificator of Europe, and he could not well recede from making some shew of an intention to nego- tiate ; and, accordingly, Talleyrand was ordered to trans- mit a letter from the chief Consul to the King of Eng- land, which he did in a dispatch to Lord Grenville. His Lordship's ietters to Talleyrand, in answer, were dignified and proper. " I have," said he, " received and laid be- fore the King, the two letters which you have transmitted to me; and his Majesty, seeing no reasons to depart from those forms which have long been established in Europe for transacting business with foreign states, has com- manded me to return, in his name, the official answer, which I send you herewith inclosed." This official answer, in the form of a note, very accurately traced the conduct of France from the origin of the war; and noticed the repeated assurances made by every succeeding govern- ment of pacific intentions, whilst all their acts were re- plete with aggression. His Majesty declared at the same time, that, when the security of his own dominions, and those of his allies, and the general security of Europe, could be attained, he would eagerly seize the opportunity to concert, with his allies, the means of an immediate and general pacification. To this note Talleyrand recrimi- nated in a second one; which led Lord Grenville to a re- consideration of the causes of the war between Great Britain and France. The examination of Napoleon's past PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 83 past measures furnished his Lordship with his principal arguments against, in future, trusting to his promises: he traced him through every step of his public career, begin- ning with his command against the sections of Paris, and concluding with his insidious instructions given to Ge- neral Kleber at the moment of his flight from Egypt. From this recapitulation his Lordship thought himself warranted to conclude, that in proposing peace Napoleon had two objects in view — the one to relax the efforts of England, the other to sow jealousies and distrust amongst her allies. " It is," said his Lordship, " the same person, who now appears so desirous of a peace with England, that formerly hastened to conclude the treaty of Campo Formio for the purpose of turning the whole weight of France against Great Britain, who at that time, contem- plating our ruin as the greatest achievement of his life, sent his two confidents, Berthier and Monge, to the Direc- tory to declare, that the French republic and the British government could not exist together." Talleyrand, in one of the first councils after Napoleon's usurpation, advised proposals for a general pacification; and, accordingly, Napoleon addressed letters to the Em- perors of Germany and Russia similar in substance to that to the King of Great Britain. But to shew how little reliance could be placed in those pacific overtures, at the very time that his letter to the King of England was transmitted, Talleyrand's emissaries were plotting at St. Petersburg!! to embroil England with Russia, and were preparing, at Berlin, Stockholm, and Copen- hagen, the plan for that northern coalition, which eleven months afterwards was concluded, and which Nelson's victory dissolved within four months after its con- clusion. It was by Talleyrand's advice, that Napoleon sent, in the winter of 1796, his aide-de-camp, Duroc, and in 1800, his brother Louis, to Berlin, in order to secure the friendship or neutrality of that selfish and infatuated cabinet. From this place a traiterous correspondence with the malcontents in the Russian capital was held ; and, by their intrigues, and with the assistance of their female agents, they succeeded in detaching the Russian Emperor from his alliance with England, and in forming a treaty with Napoleon. When 84, TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, When Buonaparte, in the spring of 1800, set out from Paris to head the French army of reserve, which was destined to cross the Alps and invade Italy, it is said that Talleyrand provided him with two projects for a separate pacification with Austria. The one to be used in case he were defeated was, to propose to Austria, as an indemnity for the loss of Brabant and Flanders, the whole of the provinces and islands of the Venetian re- public ; the restoration of Lombardy, and the cession of the republic of Genoa, to indemnify the King of Sardinia for Savoy and Nice. The King of Naples, the Pope, the Grand Duke of Tuscany, the Dukes of Modena and Parma were to be put in statu quo ante helium. France offered to renounce the Lower Rhine as a frontier, and the boundaries of the French republic were to extend on the side of Germany no farther than the river Meuse, which deprived the King of Prussia of all claims to any indemnities. The second project, to serve if he were victorious, was to renew the preliminaries signed at Campo Formio. By means of one of his most confiden- tial agents, Baron D — — , who had long been in French pay at Vienna, where he had insinuated himself into the confidence and intimacy of the prime minister, Baron Thuguet, and a Chevalier de L , who was in the suite and secrets of General Milas, Talleyrand had so dex- terously arranged affairs, that even a defeat in the field would have been followed by a victory in the cabinet. Among the combined powers, Austria shewed some coolness and even suspicion against England, because the troops under General Abercromby, instead of landing in Italy, had sailed for Egypt; and Russia, in withdrawing from the league, was offended with both Austria and England. Of the inferior princes the Elector of Bavaria hated the house of Austria more than he disliked the French Jacobins; and, though receiving a subsidy from England, he neutralized or neglected the stipulations he had signed. After the battle of Marengo, the French armies as- sumed a formidable attitude; but, whilst they were pre- paring to re-conquer the whole of Italy, Talleyrand deemed it politic to make peace with the Barbary powers, as nothing could be obtained from them, and they might be rendered extremely serviceable by sup- plying PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 85 plying the army in Egypt, and the French ports in the Mediterranean, with corn and provisions. Accordingly, treaties were entered into, and signed soon after, with the regencies of Tunis, Algiers, and Tripoli. A negotiation also commenced with the new American plenipoten- tiaries, who brought with them a credit for beaucoup 109 tinctions, invitations, and amiableness, to prove to them that the First Consul knows, remembers, and is grateful for their past conduct and behaviour. " As in most societies you will probably meet with military men of the army and navy, if they do not shun your's, court their acquaintance and conversation, and report your opinion of their principles, talents, and abi- lities. Lay it down as an invariable rule to address yourself to the passions, and not to the reason, of those men, particularly if they are overheated by drinking ; and you may depend upon it you will pick up some, to us unknown and useful, truths and discoveries. If they are dissatisfied or disaffected, endeavour to find out if ambition, avarice, or patriotism, is the cause of their disaffection or complaint; and, should they be men of parts, rank, and distinction, give with nonchalance, as a consolation, an indirect condemnation of their govern- ment, by hinting that under monarchical governments those things happen, and men are neglected, who in re- publics would probably be at the head of the state, and, instead of suffering from princes, would command em- perors and kings. Your own discretion will tell you. when such complaints are to be heard, such conversa- tions to be suffered, and when such hints are to be thrown out; but at all times observe that you speak not in your official capacity, but as an individual, and a mi- litary man, who feels for the honour and interest of all military men. Should any such conversation, with firm and distinguished characters, be followed with any over- tures or intrigues, make your report, and expect orders, before you engage yourself any further. " With the chief of the demagogues, or democrats, associate: seldom in public; but, in private, keep up the spirit of discontentment, of faction, and of hope: with inferior members of parties decline all, both public and private, society and connexion ; leave it to your inferior agents. As to pensions to individuals, or money to fac- tious societies, make always your report before you give your promise, and gain time to inquire into the charac- ters of the persons, and what probable service may be derived from their societies. I. X. is, however, the fit- test person to transact those things: leave them, there- fore, to him, lest you should expose or commit yourself; vol. III. p an ,J HO TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, and avoid, as much as possible, all such intriguers or intrigues, except when some decisive blow is to be struck. " Should you, by chance, meet in company with known republicans and reformers, take care to hint that they are not to judge of the future conduct of the First Consul in favour of liberty, from that which necessity forces him to adopt at present : that you are confident, should Providence preserve his life, and Europe once enjoy the tranquillity it has lost by the many late revo- lutionary convulsions, he will restore to Frenchmen a greater portion of liberty than the Romans enjoyed in the time of the Gracchi ; and that posterity shall not have to reproach him with permitting any other go- vernment to exist in Europe, but that of an universal republic. " In the company of aristocrats you are to hold a different language: speak of the dangers of innovation, the honors of revolutions, and the necessity of ceasing to be any longer the dupes of speculative philosophers and revolutionary sceptics; that the privileged orders are as necessary and indispensable, in the present civilized state of mankind, as equality is absurd, dangerous, and impossible; and that such are the real sentiments of the First Consul, his whole conduct since in power has proved. " England is the only country in the world where a diplomatic character of talents and judgment has so many and repeated opportunities to injure, to intrigue, and to embroil, and at the same time to complain of wrongs and insults, and even when he is himself the offender, to speak as the offended ; a paragraph in a newspaper, a word in a debate, or a toast at a club, which he may have paid for or provoked, will furnish him easily with complaints every week, if not every day. " As the English ministers will probably shew some jealousy of our aggrandisements, and our endeavours to exclude England from its former connexions with the continent — should they make you any representations, on this or other subjects, meet them with complaints of the non-execution of the treaty of Amiens ; of their tyranny in the East Indies ; of the libels in the news- papers PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. ] 1 1 papers; of the injuries and calumnies of their writers against the First Consul; and of the protection afforded to the Bourbons, and other French rebels. Should, how- ever, some unforeseen demand be made, or explanation insisted on, gain time by referring to the decision of the First Consul, and await his orders. " If any complaints are made about the seizure of British ships, or confiscation of British property in France, say always, that France is the proper place to arrange those matters, as England is for the arrangement of the claims of French citizens there. " Never give a direct answer to any proposals made, or to any sudden complaints or offers. The want of in- structions, and the necessity to consult your government, are always acceptable and accepted excuses for delays in political transactions ; make use of them, even if your mind is made up on the subject in question, for fear of committing yourself or blundering. Few poli- tical transactions are of a nature not admitting delavs, and no delays can in the present state of Europe ever hurt any political transactions; but a negotiator or mi- nister, let his presence of mind be ever so great, and his abilities ever so tried, by giving a decisive, and not a temporizing answer, may by one moment's forgetfulness, do his cause and his country more harm, than services of years could repair. " Endeavour, if possible, to get an account of the real state of the East India Company's finances; and an exact list of all the native and European forces in Eng- lish pay in the East Indies; of what force they are, of what religion and language, and to what divisions they belong. Until our colonies there are in our power, and the forces intended to be sent there have arrived, avoid all discussions concerning the usurpations of England, the complaints of the native princes, or any thing that can give reason to suspect our future plans. On this subject, until further orders, observe the silence of the treaty of Amiens. " Spare no pains to obtain every information possible, of the weak or vulnerable parts in India ; where the greatest discontent reigns; where the English are most hated, and the French most liked. " Amuse the ministers with the details of our mis- p 2 fortunes 112 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, fortunes in the Western hemisphere, so as to divert their attention from what we intend to do in the East. Be unceasing in your endeavours to persuade them, that, without their assistance in ships and money, we are un- able to conquer the negroes at St. Domingo. Observe, that it is the common cause of France and England to prevent a republic, or rather an anarchy, of negroes in the West Indies, which, sooner or later, must extend to Jamaica and the other British colonies, and cause their ruin or separation from the mother-country. Should these arguments fail to determine England to afford us any assistance, and that you think the offer will be ac- cepted, you may propose that England should keep St. Eustatia as a security, until what it may at present ad- vance to France shall be repaid; and should the advances of England exceed 120 millions, any other Dutch colony in the West Indies (Surinam excepted) may be added as further security. Be careful, however, not to make those offers without a certain prospect of success, and after all other means have been tried in vain. " Inquire how the public spirit is in Canada; if the inhabitants are yet attached to France; and, if assisted by arms, ammunition, and money, whether there would be any prospect in a future war, that they would rise and throw off the English yoke. Should any person of conse- quence and of sense from that country call upon you, say that his countrymen who emigrate to Louisiana shall there "be received with the same protection and privileges as French citizens, and that it was one of the motives of the First Consul in getting back that settlement, to afford an asylum there to his oppressed and injured countrymen at Canada. " With the Spanish, Prussian, and Dutch ministers, you are to live upon the most friendly and intimate terms: do not, however, lose sight of their movements and transactions. Gain the friendship of the Russian ambassador, and endeavour to persuade him, that it was not the intrigues of France, but those of his enemies in Prussia, that caused his disgrace by the late Emperor. Should you conceive that any seasonable present of value from the First Consul would be acceptable, men- tion it, and it shall be sent you, accompanied with a letter from PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 113 from the First Consul's hand. Make, however, no un- becoming or degrading advances. " With the present Austrian ambassador, be rather distant, not however to offend, but enough to shew, that he is under the personal displeasure of the First Consul. Watch his actions strictly, and report if he continues to see the Bourbons and the emigrants, and if those speak well or complain of him; and with what other members of the diplomatic body he is most intimate. Accept of his invitations; but be formal and regular in returning invitation for invitation, visit for visit. " Find out, in your conversation with the Portuguese ambassador, if he has abilities to see, and patriotism to feel for the degraded bondage in which England keeps his country; if he has any partiality for England, or anti- pathy to France; if he mentions the conduct of Lasnes with prudence, anger, or contempt; if he be liked or dis- liked by the English ministers, and if his reception at court be as gracious as that of the Imperial ambassadors. Flatter him sometimes, if you judge it proper ; but watch him at all times. " With the ministers and diplomatic agents from the other powers and states, you are to follow the etiquette established in England; never forgetting, or suffering to be forgotten, that you are the representative of the first nation upon earth. Should any one of them be par- ticularly distinguished for great talents or for great defects; for hatred or partiality for England or France; a fa- vourite with his own sovereign, or with the English ministers, report it. Be condescending to them indivi- dually; but keep a vigilant eye upon them all, and upon what they are about. " For the reasons explained to you, pay particular at- tention to every thing concerning the English finances, manufactures, and commerce. Of the financial agents under you, you may trust 15, 51, and 00: 99 is doubtful, but 18 is a traitor, to whom, when sufficient proofs of his delinquency are collected, you may give a mission either to France or Holland, and he shall be taken care. of. The reports of 29 must always be compared with those of 15, 51, and 00, before believed or depended on, as he is very interested, and has many underhand trans- actions not concerning France. Citizen Otto will leave you ] 1 4 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, you some notes regarding those and other agents, which you must often consult. His plan of influencing and depressing the public funds, you must study and follow at all times; it is a master-piece. In the financial and commercial intrigues, as well as in those with the factions, you are always to remain mobile invisible; you are to command, instruct, and protect, but your agents only are seen to act and transact. " Procure a correct list of all the persons possessing great property, with remarks of what their properties consist; whether in landed estates, in the funds, or in goods; whether in the colonies of the East or West Indies; the amount of their certain revenue; if they are supposed to spend the whole, or only a part; if they increase it, or decrease it. The list copied from the in- come tax, and sent by M. Otto, is incorrect; but since this tax has ceased, English vanity will get the better of English cupidity, and a correct one may be easily ob- tained, and is absolutely necessary for fixing loans and requisitions at our future invasion. *' Buy up all plans, drawings, maps, of the English coasts, provinces, cities, fortifications, dock-yards, and wharfs; all writings and remarks on the soundings, tides, and winds, of England, Scotland, and Ireland — the productions, population, resources, poverty, or riches, of all the countries where a landing may take place with advantage — the character of the people of those countries, their political opinions, their vices and prejudices. " Endeavour to find out if the officers of the Eng- lish navy have a favourable opinion of the First Consul ; if they speak the French language, and are of whig or republican principles; and send over the names of those distinguished for naval abilities, and political or senato- rial talents. " Of those agents employed to watch the conduct of the Bourbons, you can trust 2, 5, and 52; read the re- ports of the olhers, and pay the reporters, but not de- pend upon them. Of those about Pichegru and George, 19, 44, and 66, may be believed ; the others are too stupid to be either of service or harm, and may, without danger, be dismissed. Of those about the bishops, and other emigrants and Chouans, 10, 12, S3, 42, and 55, may PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. \\5 may be continued ; but let the others know, that their services are no longer wanted in England : give them passes to France, with promises of employment there, under the police. " Give seldom any grand feasts; but when you do give them, let them surpass others in splendour, taste, delicacy, and elegance: on some occasions, such as the birth-day of the First Consul, the anniversary of the re- public, or, if approved by the Consul, in honour of the birth-day of the King of England, no money is to be spared to impress upon the minds of the English nation the greatness aud generosity of the French. Do not forget to order your subaltern agents to have all the particulars of these feasts noted in all the newspapers: the lower classes in England devour the description of feasts in their public prints, with the same avidity as the higher classes eat of your dishes, and drink of your wine. * Citizen Otto's list of authors and men of letters is to be attended to ; but should you hear of, or discover, any great talents in any other persons, court their ac- quaintance, offer a place in the National Institute, or a literary pension. To men of letters you are always to insinuate, that pensions or places from the First Consul are only rewards for past labours, and not any pretensions or expectations of future services : that he looks on men of letters as fellow-citizens of all countries, and that their talents belong to no country — neither to France nor to England, but to the universe. " In your transactions with Irish patriots, or with any other persons, or in any things not mentioned here, you are to follow the instructions to Citizen Otto, of the 10th October 1801 ; or, if you judge it necessary, ask for new ones. " Paris, October 20, 1802." " C. M. Talleyrand." Every impartial person must acknowledge, in reading these instructions of Talleyrand, and in considering the relative situation of the continent at that period, and re- membering all the circumstances which at first retarded, and afterwards determined, Andreossy's departure from England, that his mission was not merely of a diplo- matic nature; but, had time permitted Talleyrand's per- fidious 116 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, fidious intrigues to ripen, the sword of the General would have cut to pieces the laws of nations, which the Ambassador had sworn to respect. This conjecture is confirmed, in some measure, by two periodical publica- tions printed on the continent; in which it was asserted, that General Berthier had shewn a confidential friend a list of all the generals intended to command divisions under Andreossy, together with the names of the batta- lions, and the number of troops, composing the armies which the First Consul had formed for the invasion of Great Britain and Ireland. The views and plans of Talleyrand against England are best explained in his memorial to the First Consul, dated the 4th of December 1S02; in which, after recom- mending the adoption of several pians, he concludes — ■ ,( Pursue, Citizen Consul, this plan steadily for ten or fifteen years, constantly directing the riches of the coun- try to the raising a navy equal or superior to England; and then, and not till then, shall we be able to strike the blow we have for above 150 years been meditating — the conquest of the British Islands." Though there can be no doubt that his enmity to England was as great as that of Napoleon, he differed materially as to the means as well as the time of effecting this desired object. Bet- ter acquainted than his master with the resources of the British empire, and with the spirit of its inhabitants, he was of opinion, that it was only during peace that she could be conquered. Notwithstanding the perpetual and pressing remon- strances of Talleyrand, to avoid a rupture at that time with England, Napoleon received and treated the English ambassador, Lord Whitworth, after having delayed his first audience for three weeks, with the most striking coolness. At the public audiences, and in the circles of Madame Buonaparte, he was particularly offensive ; and the haughty and commanding tone in which he spoke was more grating than the substance of his ad- dress. Every person who witnessed this conduct justly inferred from it that he was already bent on a rupture with England; and that his ungovernable passions alone made him forget the necessary precautions of concealing his intentions. He wished, however, to choose his own time; and it was yet rather too soon to effect his pur- poses. i PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 117 poses. He thought, from the terms he had obtained in the treaty of Amiens, that England would quietly submit to his provocations, and, without suspicion or complaint, behold his persevering and unremitted activity to restore the French navy, to fortify the French coast, to prepare a flotilla that might supply the want of large ships, and wink at all other direct or indirect threats which he so profusely abounded in. He thought her unable to resist; whilst he, by opening an intercourse with the Nether- lands, should secure to himself and France a great reve- nue at the expence and ruin of British commerce. It has been asserted, that Talleyrand, either the dupe of his own opinion of his ascendancy over Buonaparte, or of his idea of the pretended weakness of the British go- vernment, was so certain of preventing the renewal of the war, even after Lord Whitworth had left Paris, that he sent couriers to two respectable houses in London, to three at Amsterdam, and to two at Hamburgh, to specu- late in his name in the different funds, as all differences between England and France would be settled without resorting to arms: and it has been also stated, that, by the miscarriage of this political financial speculation, he lost 9,000,000 of livres, but which he made up within six months afterwards from the courts of Madrid and Lisbon, for signing with them a temporary neutrality. When the war again broke out, Hanover was the first object that presented itself to the French government; and Talleyrand was industriously employed in bringing over the King of Prussia to the views of the First Con- sul. During the months of March, April, and May, 1803, his intriguers were actively employed at the court of Berlin ; and, after some opposition, they removed, by new plans of indemnities, all scruples from the political conscience of the Prussian ministers: and the unfortunate electorate became the prey of their intrigues. Notwith- standing the repeated declarations of Talleyrand, that the English politics were entirely unconnected with those of the continent, Hanover was taken possession of, because the King of England was her sovereign; Ger- many was invaded, because Napoleon had forced England into war; and an hostile army had laid waste a province of the German empire, because the cabinet of St. James's had been attacked by the machinations of that of the vol. hi. q Thuilleries. 1J8 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, Thuilleries. When Talleyrand had thus allured Prussia into consent, Buonaparte, in reward for the ability which he had displayed, gave him the nomination of a commander of the army of Hanover, which he failed not of turning to his advantage. It is said, that Talleyrand employed the opportunity which the detention of British travellers in France gave him, of turning it to pecuniary advantage. By his spies in England he got information of the property which all detained persons possessed, and of the amount it was supposed their friends and relations would advance for the release of those who had no personal property. In September 180S, his agents had made out a list of names, and of the sums required, to permit those British travel- lers to return to their country. Before, however, it could be communicated to them, Fouche had by his spies discovered his rival's attempt to intrude upon the concerns and profits of the ministry of police, and ad- vised the grand judge (then the chief of the police) not to endure such an encroachment, but, as the British prisoners were under his responsibility, take advantage himself of their desire to obtain their liberty. Accord- ingly, overtures were made to some of the most wealthy, who willingly consented to pecuniary sacrifices, rather than endure a disagreeable imprisonment. They had already written over to England for remittances, when Talleyrand's agents presented themselves with their pro- posals, which were more exorbitant than those of the grand judge, and therefore declined. By their cunning, or by the indiscretion of the prisoners, the real cause of the refusal was soon found out. Enraged at his disap- pointment, Talleyrand informed Napoleon that intriguers from Pans were busy to procure those British subjects he had so justly detained, their liberty or escape: that to prevent them from succeeding it would, perhaps, be pru- dent, if not absolutely necessary, to confine all British prisoners at some greater distance from the capital than Fontainbleau. The grand judge was immediately sent for; and, after receiving a severe reprimand, ordered to remove all persons detained at Fontainbleau, or residing with permission at Paris or elsewhere, to Valenciennes and Verdun. The grand judge, knowing that Fouche again desired the place of minister-general of poli< e, supposed PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 119 supposed that he had taken advantage of this false step into which he had led him, to disgrace him with Napo- leon, and to succeed him. From that time these two became irreconcilable: and, if Talleyrand was not suc- cessful enough to extort money from the English, he had the satisfaction of embroiling two of his rivals. *rhe following has been told of Talleyrand, which shews his great political dexterity. A certain neutral ambassador was, in January 1804, detected in bribing a clerk in his office. Of this discovery he took advantage to form a plot which essentially served the First Consul, by disarming the vengeance of two of the most power- ful continental powers against him for the invasion of the territory of Baden, and the seizure and execution of the Duke d'Enghien, as well as obtaining their acknow- ledgment of the new title of Emperor, which he had now assumed. Being confident of the breach of trust of his clerk, he sent for him, told him what he knew, and that it depended upon his future services, not only to be pardoned for past crimes, but to obtain a reward propor- tionate to his performance and its success. " You are in the pay of the P ambassador," said Talleyrand ; •' try to be equally so in that of the A , and your fortune is made. But you must follow my advice in every thing; but, above all, be discreet. Here is a dispatch received this morning from B : call on Madame B on the Boulevards ; she is kept by the A ambassador; tell her a story, that you are ruined by gambling, and are therefore in that desperate situation, that you must either blow out your brains or sell the secrets of the state. That she may trust to your sincerity, leave the dispatch with her for two hours; and if you are not well paid, then it is your own fault. You shall be regularly fur- nished every day with some news or other, the reality of which my conferences and conversation with the two ambassadors will confirm. Whenever any couriers from V or B arrive, their original dispatches shall al- ways be delivered into your hands, to be shewn to one or other of these ambassadors, to whom you may announce from this day that I have made you one of my private secretaries. Let them pay you well, and in proportion to the value of the authentic communication with which you have provided them. Go now into my private cabi- q 2 net, 120 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, net, where your name is already put down for the confi- dential post to which I have appointed you. Remember that you are every where surrounded by spies, and that not a word nor an action of your's can escape their notice. You are now suspended between a total annihilation or an honourable and happy existence : your choice is in your own hands, in your own power— can you hesitate about it." The clerk, whose name was Tourneaux, retired with protestations of gratitude, and professions of fidelity. For six weeks he continued without intermis- sion, and strictly, to obey Talleyrand's dictates and to repeat his lessons z and the two ambassadors dispatched and received couriers upon couriers, had repeated con- ferences with Talleyrand, and repeated audiences with Buonaparte. They mutually strove who should be fore- most in gaining the favour of Napoleon. Whilst the cabinet of B desired him to assume the title with the power of King, the cabinet of V assured him that any thing short of Imperial dignity was beneath his deserts, and unworthy of his exploits. On the 7th of March, Tourneaux was suddenly arrested and shut up in the Temple. His confession was communicated to the two ambassadors, who were at the same time in- formed, that the French ministers, at their respective courts, would be ordered to complain of their intrigues, so contrary to the intents of their sovereigns, if they did not promise to support with their advice and influence the grand coup d'etat that Napoleon was meditating. They had advanced too far; and their cabinets had, by their mutual negotiations and jealousies, laid themselves too open to discovery to dare to produce remonstrances, much less to oppose resistance. This explains the al- most incomprehensible apathy of those courts, who, natu- rally indignant at the seizure of the Duke d'Enghien, the invasion for that purpose of the territory of Baden, and the assumption of the Imperial diadem by Napo- leon, yet took no steps to avenge or prevent the recur- rence of such atrocious proceedings. It is hardly neces- sary to observe, that all the original dispatches given to Tourneaux were forgeries of Talleyrand's official forgers, and, as well as his authentic information, impostures to delude the two cabinets into overtures required by the ambition of Napoleon, as well as the avidity of Tal- leyrand ; PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 121 leyrand; but which, if made public, would have de- graded them in the opinion of all other powers of Europe. But this practice of forging private letters and official documents was not confined to diplomatic proceedings; the same system was pursued with regard to eminent in- dividuals, whose good opinion might be essentially ser- viceable to Napoleon's usurpation. Among other for- geries which appeared in the French papers at tljis time, was a pretended letter from that strenuous defender of royalty, Cardinal Maury, to Buonaparte; in which his usurpation was approved of, his crimes extenuated, and liis elevation applauded. Unfortunately for Talleyrand, this cardinal had courage enough openly to contradict what his heart never felt, and resignation enough to abide the consequences of the publicity of a declaration injurious to a man who seldom forgave. His letter to Louis XVIII. is a most manly and loyal production, and completely exposes the artifices of the French go- vernment, in promulgating opinions from persons likely to be conducive to its reputation. In this letter, which is dated the 2d of October 1S04, he says — " Sike — My present dignity I owe to your Majesty's recommendation ; for the fame I have obtained among the virtuous part of my contemporaries, I am indebted to nothing but to that zeal and courage with which I, fifteen years ago, combated rebels and atheists, as I was bound by honour, conscience, duty, and gratitude. I would, therefore, be an.undutiful, ungrateful, and con- temptible subject, and an unworthy prelate of the Ca- tholic church, were I to cease to profess the same senti- ments of loyalty and religion. " Sire, persons, no doubt envious of my glory, have, from motives easily seen through, published writings in my name, which, though they cannot deceive my King, might mislead my fellow-subjects, and foreigners, to whom political as well as religious apostacy have of late become so familiar. This causes me to intrude upon your Majesty with this letter, and to implore your for- giveness for the publicity I am under the necessity to give it. " Sire, from principle as well as from conviction, I united with the few loyal members of the sacred college to 122 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, to supplicate the Pope not to give the death-blow to the Catholic religion, by prostituting the sacredness of his high and holy station, In sacrilegiously placing the crown of St. Louis upon the head of a foreigner accused of such enormous crimes, and whose hands are still reeking with the pure and innocent blood of a descendant of this sainted King, so dastardly assassinated by him in the wood of Vincennes. With becoming humility, 1 remon- strated on the probability of all future criminals, whom fortune, from inscrutable purposes, procures a temporary usurpation of power, forcing; the successors of St. Peter to seal their iniquity and guilt with a sacred approbation, to the scandal of the faithful, and to the destruction of the faith ; acts which must soon bring forth those dreaded and deplorable times, when the blessing of a supreme Christian pontiff will be received and regarded by the people with the same indifference as the blasphemous mummeries of a high-priest of the goddess of Reason. I represented that, according to the canon law of our holy church, General Buonaparte was still excommuni- cated; not having made public penance, and obtained public absolution, for his shocking and disgraceful apos- tacy, in his desertion from Christ to Mahomet, in 1798. '* Even in a political view, I proved that this horrible act would neither procure tranquillity to France, nor safety to Europe. The difference is great between the military despotism seized by an usurper (supported by accomplices, by victims, and by terror), and the lawful monarchical authority inherited by a legitimate Prince, with the national will and wishes for ages. The latter never dies: but the history of all times evinces, that the annihilation of the former is on the point of the sword of a rival, or in the poisonous cup of an enemy. Napo- leon Buonaparte may reign ; but, were his progeny ever so numerous, he will leave no posterity behind him, and his dynasty perishes with him ; because France has within her bosom many other generals equally ambitious, audacious, and ferocious, who will never respect a rank to which they have equal right with Napoleon, and su- perior claims to those of his children, brothers, and ne- phews. Until, therefore, your Majesty ascends the throne of your ancestors, my unfortunate countrymen will only fight for the choice of their tyrants ; and my degraded PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 123 degraded country experience nothing but an intermittent and incurable anarchy, extending its ravages, torment- ing and undermining civilized society in every part of the globe. My humble remonstrances and representa- tions were, however, as ineffective as my powerful argu- ments, and an evidence not to be refuted. Pius VII. goes to France, and true religion is equally threatened with all lawful dynasties! " If I feel sensibly, Sire, particularly at this moment, the happiness of being consistent and faithful to my in- variable doctrine, in laying at the feet of your Majesty my usual and unchangeable allegiance and homage ; I am also well aware of the imminent dangers to which such an honourable profession exposes me. But, Sire, already from age on the borders of eternity, some days longer existence in a world where crime prospers and virtue suffers, are of no value to me, at the expence of the dictates of my conscience: submitting with resigna- tion to the will of Providence, I am prepared to meet death, either in the dungeons of the Temple, in the wilds of Cayenne, in the wood of Vincennes, or at the Place de Greve. I shall expire as I have lived, with the firm and consoling hope of inhabiting the same blessed abodes with a St. Louis, with a Louis XVI. a Lescurie, with a Charette, with an Enghien, with a Pichegru, with a Georges, and with all other heroes and martyrs of religion and loyalty. " I am, with the most profound respect, your Ma- jesty's most obedient, devoted, and faithful, humble ser- vant and subject, " Jean Siffrein, Cardinal Maury. 1 ' In the year 1806, Talleyrand, for his great services, and his subserviency to his Imperial master, was created Prince of Beneventum; not long after, however, he fell into disgrace, as is generally supposed from the strenuous opposition which he made to Napoleon's usurpations in Spain. He was afterwards appointed to keep in safe custody the Spanish royal family, who had been sent into the interior of France for greater security. He does not appear to have been actively employed, until the re- volution which restored Louis XVIII. to the throne again brought him into notice. This event he greatly con- tributed to bring about; and, as a reward for his services, he 124 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, he was once more appointed to his old situation of mi- nister of foreign affairs; but whether his great talents will have an opportunity of displaying themselves under his new master, time alone will determine: at present he stands proscribed by Napoleon, who will not easily for- give or forget the part he took against him. His cha- racter has been ably drawn by an author who visited Paris in 1803, from which we shall extract a few par- ticulars, as they confirm what we have already stated in these Memoirs. " No Frenchman," it is said, " since Mirabeau, was ever so generally and so decidedly stamped with the double character of the utmost moral depravity, and the greatest superioiity of the faculties of the mind. Mira- beau, though he signalized himself, during the revolution, as a statesman and orator, though in full possession of popular favour, still shewed great energy and art to establish a constitutional monarchy, for he would have nothing else: he destroyed himself by his extravagances and profligacy, which soon brought him to the grave; and only the fame of his moral turpitude has outlived him. The sensual pliant bishop of Autun was, from the be- ginning of the revolution, the friend and companion of Mirabeau in all his debaucheries. He, although de- scended from one of the most ancient families in France, was the first who resigned his clerical dignity to side with the tiers itat, when they demanded, in the National Assem- bly, the equalization of all orders, under the direction of Sieyes and Mirabeau. He formed the Secret Committee, with Sieyes and eight other members, who drew up the plan of the first constitution. He was, in conjunction with Mirabeau and Sieyes, the first founder of the Jaco- bin club, and afterwards of the new club of Jacobins in 1789. He was the first who proposed the sale of all clerical property. He maintained, that the clergy had not the right of secular proprietors ; and that it was in the power of government to apply their revenues, destined to defray the expences of public worship, to other pur- poses. He stood up as a champion against the clergy and noblemen of France, who demanded the Roman Catholic religion the sole reigning one in France. He endeavoured to obtain for Mirabeau, Voltaire, and Rousseau, the honour of being deposited in the Pantheon (formerly PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 125 (formerly the church of St. Genevieve). He celebrated mass on the altar of liberty in the Field of Mars, at the grand festival of the Federation. He consecrated the colours of the departments, and called them the sacred banners of liberty. But, as soon as the constitutional party found itself embarrassed and in a precarious state, he was the first to desert it, and had the art to obtain from the minister a secret mission to England. When he was sent out of that country, he sought an asylum in America. When his name was discovered in those private papers of the king which were taken from a secret desk, and on which the chief accusations against the unfortunate Louis were founded, he was put on the list of emigrants by the National Convention. He availed himself of a favourable moment, and induced the very same Con- vention, that had signed his proscription, to erase his name from the list, and to reinstate him in all his pro- perty. He then returned to France, and was appointed minister of the Directory, which superseded this Con- vention. Sieyes, who well knew Talleyrand, came into the Directory, and the latter thought proper to retire, loaded with immense riches. An unfortunate honest German was substituted by him to weather the storm, which aroie during the dreadful epoch of a Directorial commission. He knew how to supplant this man as soon as it was safe to re-enter the ministry. In conjunc- tion with Lucien Buonaparte, he had in the mean time plotted, by secret intrigues, the return of Napoleon Buo- naparte from Egypt ; he, with the latter, prepared the blow which was to be levelled against Barras, the first promoter of Napoleon's exaltation, and Sieyes, the old rival of this ex-bishop. They succeeded; Napoleon stood at the head as First Consul, and Talleyrand as principal minister, by his side. What he has done for the last four years, whilst in this important office, is sufficiently notorious; but it is perhaps less known that, by his example, the most infamous bribery has been in- troduced into all the public offices in France. Bribery was always more frequent here than in any other country; but some forms and decency were still observed- — it was necessary at least to find out some pretext, it* any wished to move the heart of the minister and his underlings by the grand and universal laxative of feelings. At present vol. in. r there 126 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, there is no need of it. The minister and his commissary say, exactly like the French general and his quarter- master in an enemy's country — " II me faut tant" I must have so much. If you refuse, me you shall have nothing, whatever your right or claim may be." Nature has bestowed on Talleyrand a first-rate genius. An early entrance into society procured him an early knowledge of mankind, and supplied the improvements others obtain by assiduous application and by profound meditations. Having, with loose propensities, the duties of his order as an ecclesiastic to observe, or at least to guard the appearance of them, hypocrisy first became necessary, and afterwards habitual. Club-footed from his birth, he studied to banish the sense of his deformity by insinuating manners, obliging attentions, and an agreeable conversation. Ambitious to please, he acquired an easy penetration to discover whether he could ascribe his success to his merit or to his rank, or his miscarriage to want of adroitness on his part, or want of discrimination in his companions. By degrees, he accustomed himself to draw acute and accurate conclusions, more from what he observed in the mind, than heard from the discourses and professions of those with whom he associated. He carried, therefore, with him into office, all the vices, all the qualities, all the habits, which, in times of trouble, of rebellion, of revolution, make men conspicuous for eminence, but which, in orderly and regular times, under moral and lawful governments, would make them shun- ned as dangerous, despised as contemptible, or punished as wicked. Of former French ministers, he possesses the financial abilities of a Sully, the political capacity and duplicity of a Richelieu, the cunning and cupidity of a Mazarin, the commercial knowledge of a Colbert, the insensibility and cruelty of Louvois, the profligacy and depravity of Dubois, the method and perspicuity of Fleury, the pene- tration of Choiseul, the suppleness of Maurepas, and the activity of Vergenncs. Though, from haughtiness, he affected to depend upon his secretaries and inferiors for transacting the chief business of his office, nothing escapes his attention. With great facility he decides in some few hours what has puzzled the comprehension of others for a week. Education unfolds talents received from PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 127 tr - ==■= from the hand of Nature : but their adaptation to time, and their just application to extraordinary junctures are the work of reason, cultivated and enlightened by expe- rience. There were, no doubt, in France, before the revolution, great generals, statesmen, and men of genius; but they wanted the lesson of adversity, the examples of the triumphs of the revolution, the secrets of its strength, and the use of the weapons proper to defend or to oppose it. But, with all the advantages of this experience, of what benefit to civilized society have all Talleyrand's natural and acquired talents been. What advantage have his contemporaries derived from the exercise of his powerful abilities: did they procure for France liberty and happiness, and other nations tranquillity and safety. It is true, indeed, they were latterly nobly employed for those purposes; but the baneful and pernicious principles of the French revolution, which had taken such deep root in France, have rendered them wholly inefficacious. We shall conclude his Memoirs with an enumeration of his acquired riches; but for the truth and accuracy of which we cannot vouch : it has been taken from modern publications, and much industry has, no doubt, been em- ployed in collecting it. J3y iiis different negotiations, intrigues, indemnities, loans, jobbings, treaties, armistices, conventions, &c. up to Midsummer 1802, Talleyrand is said to have indem- nified himself in the following sums. What he has acquired since that period must be left to the reaijer's conjecture. 1797. Livres. Of the money extorted from Portugal his share was 1,500,000 By speculations in the French and foreign funds, during the negotiation of Lord Malms- bury at Lisle 1,500,000 Received from Austria, for the secret arti- cles of the convention of Campo Formio, of the 17th of October 1797 1,000,000 Received from Prussia, for the disclosure of, and for impeding the execution of, these secret articles 1,000,000 Received from the Elector of Bavaria, for ditto ditto 500,000 r 2 Advanced 128 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, Livres. Advanced by the candidates for indemni- ties in the German empire, during the first six months of the congress at Rastadt . . 1,80.0,000 Free gift of Naples, for the preservation of her neutrality 500,000 Presents accepted of the King of Sardinia, for the continuance of his neutrality . . . 300,000 Patriotic donations of the Grand-Duke of Tuscany, for the respect shewn the neutrality of his states 500,000 Offerings of his Holiness the Pope, for the ratification of his treaty of neutrality with the French republic 150,000 From the Cisalpine republic, for procuring a new constitution 1,000,000 From the Batavian republic, for retarding a new constitution . . 1,200,000 From the Ligurian republic, for improving the old constitution . . ; 200,000 Shared of the prizes captured from neutral states by French privateers 2,000,000 A loan of the Prince of Peace .... 1,000,000 Ditto of the Grand Vizier 600,000 Ditto of the Hanse Towns 500,000 1798. From new candidates for new German in- demnities 900,000 By speculations in the French and foreign funds 1,000,000 A loan from the imperial cities of Franck- fort, Nuremberg, and Augsburg 550,000 Shared with the republican generals and commissaries, in the plunder of Switzerland 1,600,000 Ditto with General Berthier and Commis- sary Haller, in the pillage of Rome . . . 1,000,000 A loan from the prime-minister of the King of Naples, Chevalier Dacton 600,000 Ditto from the minister of the King of Prussia, Count Haugwitz 500,000 Ditto from the minister of the Emperor of Germany, Prince Coloredo 750,000 A loan PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 129 Livres. A loan from the ministers of the Cisalpine Directory 1,000,000 Ditto from the ministers of the Batavian Directory 1,300,000 Ditto from the ministers of the Ligurian Directory 150,000 Ditto from the ministers of the Helvetian Directory 200,000 Share of the value of neutral prizes brought into French ports 1,400,000 Profit by speculations in purchases of na- tional property . 600,000 1799. Offered from the Margrave of Baden, for the renovation of his treaty of neutrality with the French republic 500,000 Demanded and obtained from the Land- grave of Hesse, for ditto ditto 650,000 Another loan from the Hanse Towns . . 600,000 A loan from the Spanish ambassador, Che- valier d'Azzara 750,000 A present from the cabinets of Madrid and Lisbon, for the breaking-up of the army under General Augereau, intended to conquer Portugal . 1,200,000 Shared with the General and Commissaries, for the plunder of Piedmont 800,000 Shared with General Championet and Com- missary Faypoul, for the plunder of Naples 1,400,000 Shared of the value of neutral prizes brought into French harbours 850,000 Shared with the French Consuls, the value of prizes brought into the ports of Spain and Italy 450,000 A present from Buonaparte, on his return from Egypt 600,000 A loan from the Batavian Directory . . 1,000,000 1800. By speculations in the French and foreign funds 8,000,000 From Austria, for procuring several armis- tices 1,200,000 From ]30 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, Livres. From Prussia, for causing these armistices not to be prolonged without new territorial sacrifices 1,000,000 From Spain, for the promise of 'erecting Tuscany into a kingdom for the infant Prince of Parma, in money and presents .... 2,200,000 A loan from Denmark for promising a sub- sidiary treaty 500,000 For the separate treaties of neutrality signed with several German princes . . . 1,500,000 A loan from the Bavarian minister, Baron Monrgelas 500,000 A loan from the new ministers of the Cis- alpine republic 600,000 A loan from the Russian minister, Rostop- Bchin 750,000 Presents from some Grecian and Algerine merchants, for contracts for grain and pro- visions, &c. to be delivered in Egypt for the subsistence and support of the army of the East 400,000 By speculations in the barter of national property 1,500,000 From Pope Pius VII. for his election to the tiara, and for the peace given his Holiness by the French republic 600,000 From some Neapolitan and other Italian patriots, for having their outlawry reversed, and their property restored 200,000 From the states of Barbary, for their trea- ties of peace with the French republic . . 600,000 Presents, in money and valuables, from the executive government of the United States of America, at the conclusion of the treaty of peace with the French republic 500,000 1801. From the Emperor of Germany, after the signature and ratification of the treaty of Luneville 1,200,000 From the Elector of Bavaria, for the con- clusion of his treaty of peace with the French republic 750,000 From PRINCE OF BENEVENTUM. 131 Livres. From the new candidates for indemnities in the German empire, in consequence of the treaty of Luneville 1,500,000 For the signature of separate treaties of peace or neutrality, between the French re- public and several German princes . . . 1,000,000 By speculations in the French and foreign funds 15,500,000 For contracts to supply the army and navy with provisions, clothing, arms, and stores . 3,000,000 From Prussia, when the plan of her in- demnities in Germany was agreed to by the government of the French republic . . . 2,000,000 A loan from the government of the Cis- alpine republic 000,000 A loan from the government of the Bata- vian republic 900,000 A loan from the government of the Helve- tian republic 200,000 A loan from the government of the Ligu- rian republic 150,000 A loan from the republic of Lucca . . . 100,000 A present from the Hanse Towns, for pre- serving their independence 600,000 A present from the imperial cities of Franckfort, Nuremberg, and Augsburg, for not including them in the indemnities given to the princes in their neighbourhood . . . 600,000 By speculations in the barter of national property 1,300,000 From his Holiness the Pope, for his project of a religious concordat 300,000 From the King of Spain, for not impeding the ratification of the treaty of peace between Spain and Portugal 600,000 From Portugal, for procuring the ratifica- tion of the treaty of peace concluded with the French republic 500,000 Presents in money from the King of Etru- ria, during his stay at Paris 600,000 From the King of Naples, for the ratifica- tion of the treaty of peace between his Ma- jesty and the French republic 500,000 A loan i 132 TALLEYRAND DE PERIGORD, &c. * Livres. A loan from the Austrian minister of state, Count Cobentzel 600,000 A loan from the Landgrave of Hesse . . 300,000 A present from the members elected to the Italian Consulta, assembled at Lyons . . . 500,000 1.802. By speculations in the French and foreign funds 6,000,000 Presents from the Russian Emperor, at the ratification of the treaty of peace with the French republic . . . . 500,000 Presents from the cabinet of St. James's, at the ratification of the treaty of Amiens . 500,000 Presents from the King of Spain for the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens . . . . 500,000 Presents from the Directory of the Bata- vian republic, for the conclusion of a peace with Great Britain 600,000 Presents from the Batavian government, for the private treaty signed with France, which delivered the United States from all claims of the Prince of Orange 1,000,000 Presents from the Grand Seignior, for the treaty concluded between the Ottoman Porte and the French republic 600,000 From the contractors for purchasing naval stores in Russia for the French arsenals and navy, two per cent, of their contracts, amounting to two hundred millions of livres 4,000,000 A loan from Cardinal Caprara, at the pro- clamation of the Concordat 200,000 Thus extorting, during a period of five years, near four millions sterling, from princes and subjects — from sove- reigns and their ministers — from hereditary chiefs of mo- narchies, and from elective magistrates of common- wealths — from national contractors, and from foreign merchants — from allied or neutral states, and even from hostile nations — by taking advantage of that information his official station procured him, to lay all people and all classes under contribution, either directly by forced loans, or indirectly by speculation in public funds. Jftemotrs OF MARSHAL NEY, PRINCE OF MOSKWA. THE recent conduct of this distinguished and perfi- dious traitor proves to the world, how little reliance is to be placed upon the oaths and professions of the French army, when opposed to their interests or attach- ments. Of all the French Marshals, Ney was the most forward in professing sentiments of attachment to Louis XVIII. ; and, for that reason, more confidence and greater trust, under the most critical and trying circum- stances, were reposed in him. Unless this confidence had been carried to its greatest pitch, can it be supposed that the very army which was to have arrested the progress of Napoleon to the French capital, would have been placed under his command ; and that, unless he had af- forded unequivocal proofs of his fidelity, the fortunes and destinies of the Bourbons would have been thus committed into his hands. In proportion, therefore, to the confidence which was reposed in him, so does his treason become more odious and detestable ; and it would be difficult to find in modern times, among public men, a more flagrant example of baseness and treachery. If the honour and lustre of the French armies is to be up- held by such instrument* as these, however their victo- ries may dazzle the eyes of the world, they will fail in creating any other sentiment than horror and disgust. This Marshal, like many others of his companions in arms, has risen from the lowest obscurity; and the early part ef his life has been remarkable only for great de- pravity of conduct, and the commission of crimes, which, but for the French revolution, would have consigned him to the gallies. He was born in 1760, at Sarre-Louis, in Alsace, of vol. in. s bumble !34 MARSHAL NEY, humble parents, his father being a cooper; and early in life was himself apprenticed to a knife-grinder of that place, which trade he for some time followed. A few years before the revolution, he engaged himself as a ser- vant to an officer of hussars, who was in garrison at Sarre Louis, and shortly after proceeded with his master to Paris. He soon left him on account of some petty theft, and lived as hostler, about a twelvemonth, at a well-known livery stable, in the Rue des petites Ecuries, Fauxbourg Poissonniere. He became tired of his situation, and ran off, taking with him two horses, but was caught and im- prisoned for the theft. The revolution saved him, as well as many others, from the gallies. He embarked in the cause of liberty, and soon made his way in the world. His career under the revolution commenced in the army of the North, under Dumourier; but no public mention is made of him before 1794, when he was ap- pointed by Kleber his Adjutant-General in the army of the Sambre and Meuse. In 1796 he was promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General on the field of battle, near Wurtzburgh, where he fought under the command of Hoche, who there obtained a considerable victory over the Austrians. In the beginning of the year 1797, under the same commander, Ney powerfully contributed to the victory gained near Neuwied, over the Austrians, whom he charged at the head of the French cavalry. On the 16th, after a very warm contest, he dislodged the enemy from Diersdorff. On the 20th, his horse sunk under him near Giessen, when he was exposing himself like a common soldier to save a piece of flying artillery; he was taken prisoner by the Austrians, but soon released on his pro- mise not to serve till he should be exchanged. On the 4th of September 1797, he declared vehemently against the party of Pichegru, for which he obtained the rank of General of Division, and served as such in 1799, in the army of the Rhine. In October he defeated a body of Austrians at Frankfort; crossed first the Meine, and after- wards the Necker; and thus effected a diversion which was a principal cause of the victory at Zurich, as it forced the Archduke Charles to send strong detachments to cover his right wing, which was threatened. In 1801 he distinguished himself at Kilmuntz, Ingolstadt, and Hohenlinden, PRINCE OF MOSKWA. \3s IHohenlinden, under the command of General Moreau. In July 1802, Buonaparte appointed him Envoy Extra- ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Helvetic Republic. On the 25th he had an audience of the Senate at Berne, whom he assured of the protection he was authorized by his government to promise them; and then gave General Bachmann orders to disband his troops, warning him, that if it were not done before the 1st of November, he would lead the French troops against him. This threat was followed by an order to disarm the Swiss; and, the confederate forces being soon dispersed, the 111 chiefs were arrested, and the General received deputies from all parts of Switzerland, who were charged to de- ■( clare their submission to France. It is well worthy of observation, that Ney expressed ■ himself after the following manner to the new Swiss I government, in quality of ambassador from France: — " You are, Gentlemen, all convinced, that the pros- perity which Switzerland enjoyed before the unfortunate epoch of your revolutionary fluctuations was derived from the innumerable benefits which were conferred on you by the French monarchy, either by defensive treaties of alliance, of commerce, and of military capitulations, or by the imposing force which that monarchy could always display against any power which would dare to make an attempt upon your territory, or on your Federal Constitu- tion. Well, Gentlemen Deputies, the same services are offered to you by the First Consul: this pledge of esteem which he gives to Switzerland, should convince you of that personal interest which he takes in your future prosperity. He will also place you in circum- stances to recover that happy situation due to that mo- deration and economy which your ancestors had esta- blished in your administrations. Days more serene than formerly presage happy times in future; and the first Helvetic Diet will have the glorious advantage of having laid the first stone of the political edifice." When he returned from Switzerland, he was appointed Commandant of the corps d'armie assembled at Mont- reuil,forthe purpose of invading England. From that place it was that he sent an address to Buonaparte, when he was about to be elected Emperor, and from which we extract the following : — s 2 " Head- 136 MARSHAL NEY, " Head-quarters, Montreuil, 11th Floreal, 1804. " Citizen First Consul — The French monarchy has fallen down under the weight of fourteen ages : the sound of its fall has astonished the world, and shaken all the thrones of Europe. " Abandoned to a total subversion, France has ex- perienced, during ten years of revolution, all the evils which could desolate nations. You have appeared, Citizen First Consul, shining with glory, sparkling with genius, and at once the storms have been dissipated. Victory has placed you at the helm of government, and justice and peace are your assessors. Already has the recollection of our miseries become weak, and the French people know of no sentiment but that of gra- titude." Shortly after Napoleon's elevation to the Imperial dignity, Ney was created a Marshal. In 1805, when the war with Austria broke out, Ney commanded the advanced guard ; aud entered the neutral territory of the Elector of Baden, which he violated, by forcibly entering the hotels of the Swedish and Russian ministers, and seizing all the papers found there belong- ing to the legations. Fortunately for the persons of the ambassadors, they had made their escape the preceding night; their furniture and valuables, however, were made the subject of plunder. On Ney's arrival at Stutgard, then also a neutral coun- try, still greater violence was offered to the Austrian, Russian, and Swedish ambassadors, resident in that capi- tal. Not only were their hotels broke into and given up to plunder, but their persons were arrested. The per- sons arrested at Stutgard were, the Austrian envoy, Baron de Schrandt, and his three secretaries, Messrs. de Rubry, Steinherr, and Wolff; the Russian envoy, Le Baron de Maltitz, and his secretaries, Yacowleff and De Struve. These gentlemen were confined for two months in a dungeon at Strasburg. But disregard to the sacred- ness of neutral territories did not rest here. Ney, who was to have passed by agreement on the side of Stutgard, entered it by force, went to the Elector's stables and pa- lace, and carried off every horse in the one, and every thing valuable in the other. The electoral prime-minister, M. Wintzingerode, pre- sented PRINCE OF MOSKWA. 137 sented the following note on this occasion to the French minister at Stutgard, M. Didelot, dated 3Cth September 1805. " The undersigned is under the necessity of giving to M. Didelot, official communication of an event ihe most unexpected, and of an outrage the most unheard of, against the capital of his Highness the Elector, by Mar- shal Ney. " Having appeared before the gates of Stutgard, not only with the intention of passing through it, but of tak- ing up his quarters there, General Hirzel, the com- mandant, went himself to the gates, and endeavoured, by the strongest representations, shewing, at the same time, the positive orders to that effect of his Highness the Elector, to prevail on him to follow the conducting offi- cers posted on all the roads, made to preserve the com- munications round the town, and to facilitate the march of the French troops to all quarters to which they were destined. But Marshal Ney, rejecting all proposals of the kind, and refusing to accept of any compromise, or- dered his guns to be pointed against the gate leading to Louisburg, compelled it to be opened by those means, entered the capital of his Highness the Elector in an hos- tile manner, with a force so considerable that the town was not capable of containing it. He ordered the magis- tracy to assemble, for the purpose of communicating to them, that two regiments of hussars, and five battalions of infantry, would arrive there the same night, for which he made an immediate and peremptory demand of 100,000 rations of bread. . " The undersigned is at a loss for expressions to con- vey the deep regret of his Highness the Elector, as well as the just indignation which he must necessarily feel, at the grievous and unheard of insult which has been offered to him in his capital, at a moment that the Emperor Napoleon makes professions of friendship to him, and assures him of respecting the neutrality of his Highness' s dominions. " The Elector places too much reliance on the justice and candour of the Emperor of the French, to entertain for a moment the least doubt that he will not give to his Highness the Elector satisfaction complete and adequate to the enormity of the insult which has been offered to him. " His 138 MARSHAL NEY, " His Highness the Elector has ordered the under- signed to require of his Excellency, M. Didelot, by this official note, to make a direct report of these trans- actions. " At a moment that his Highness the Elector sees his capital in the possession of a foreign army, his chief and greatest anxiety is for the persons of the envoys of the different powers of Europe accredited to his coart, and who have only consented to remain there, under the assurance that his Highness would cause them to be respected equally with himself. " His Highness the Elector firmly expects that his Excellency will prevail on the commandant at Stutgard, to cause the sacred character of public ministers, in which the envoys accredited to his court are clothed, to be secured against all insult, and that they may continue to enjoy all the rights assured to them by the laws of nations. The undersigned, &c. &c. " P. S. At this instant the undersigned has received official information from Baron de Taubenheim, first equerry to his Highness the Elector, that some hussars, acting as body guards to General Dupont, have forced open the doors of the palace and of the principal stables of the Elector, and carried off a great many valuable effects, and all the horses belonging to his Highness; the same hussars wounded his servants who endeavoured to prevent this violence. One of the Elector's coachmen, dressed in his livery, and driving M. Didelot, attached to the French embassy, received also some blows with the flat of a sword. Upon complaint being made of the breaking open the doors of the palace and stables by Baron de Taubenhein, to the aide-de-camp of Gene- ral Dupont, the only answer he received was, * Cela m , est egaV " It is sufficient, without doubt, that these facts be communicated to his Excellency, to excite in him all the indignation that they are calculated to pro- duce." A copy of the above note was sent to every one of the corps diplomatique at Stutgard. M. Didelot never answered it; but Marshal Ney re- plied to it en bon militaire Franqais. The house of the Electoral Minister, M. Winzingerode, was given up to plunder; PRINCE OF MOSKWA. 139 plunder; his niece, a beautiful girl of sixteen, was obliged to yield to the brutal desires of the odious Ney, and his gang: the next morning, the young lady, as well as three servant-maids, died in consequence of such treatment. After the capture of Mack's army at Ulm, Ney was created Duke of Elchingen, which place is in the vici- nity of Ulm. An anecdote connected with this expe- dition will shew that Ney added very little to his mili- tary fame by the capture of Ulm. He had attached to his army, which formed the advance in the war, a native of Strasburg, of the name of Schulmeister, a man of considerable talents and address, who spoke most mo- dern languages with the fluency of a native, and who acted as principal spy in foreign countries for Buona- parte. Schulmeister got into Ulm by forging a letter, in the name of a Prussian general who commanded at Bayreuth, to Mack. He passed himself off as a Prussian officer; and the letter pretended to give information re- specting the violation of the neutral territory of Bay- reuth by Bernadotte. His scheme succeeded so com- pletely, that he dined that day with Mack ; and, on his return to Ney, the story of his success could not obtain belief from his employer, until he produced some spoons and forks, part of Mack's camp equipage, with his arms engraved on them, and his own gold snuff-box, set with diamonds, and bearing the portrait of the King of Na- ples, in whose service Mack had been; those Schul- meister purloined after dinner. By this means, Ney got acquainted with the strength of the garrison, and was also able to convince Mack that a French force was crossing the neutral territory of Bayreuth ; of which Mack was previously informed by Napoleon, but in whose report he would place no confidence. Ney was present at the battles of Austerlitz, and, in the years following, in those of Jena, Eylau, and Fried- land. After the peace of Tilsit, he remained at Paris ; and, shortly before Massena commenced his retreat from Portugal, Ney was sent there as second in command. On his return from Portugal, he commanded in the Rus- sian campaigns; and for his exploits there he was cre- ated Prince of Moskwa. What occurred there, and sub- sequently in the battles of Wurtzen, Bautzen, Leipzig, and 140 MARSHAL NEY, and Hanau, and afterwards in France, in all of which Ney took a distinguished part, has been already related in the course of these Memoirs. When the allies entered Paris, Ney was with Napoleon at Fontainbleau ; and was sent by him, together with Caulincourt and Macdonald, to the Emperor of Russia, to treat about terms of peace, in which he failed : and on his return to Napoleon, he endeavoured to prevail on him to abdicate, and afterwards addressed the fol- lowing letter to the Provisional Government. To his Serene Highness the Prince of Beneventum, Pre' sident of the Commission comprising the Provisional Government. " My Lord — I proceeded to Paris yesterday with Marshal the Duke of Taientum and the Duke of Vi- cenza with full powers to the Emperor of Russia to defend the interests of the dynasty of the Emperor Napo- leon. An unforeseen event broke off the negotiations, which seemed at first to promise a favourable termina- tion. From that time I saw that, to save our dear coun- try from the frightful evils of civil war, it remained only for the French to embrace the cause of our ancient Kings, and I repaired to-night to the Emperor Napoleon to manifest this wish. " The Emperor, convinced of the critical situation in which he had placed France, and the impossibility of saving her himself, has appeared disposed to resign, and to give in his full and entire abdication. To-morrow I hope to have from him the formal and authentic act, and shall soon afterwards have the honour of waiting upon your Lordship. I am, &c. (Signed) " Prince of Moskwa. " Fontainbleau, April 5, 1314, at half-past 11 at night." In the treaty of Fontainbleau, Marshal Ney was one of the subscribers on the part of Napoleon; after which, he appeared zealously to devote his whole time to the cause of Louis XVIII.; but, if he was not privy to the conspiracy of Napoleon, it is evident he was secretly attached to his cause, and that he only waited for an oportunity of betraying his master. When Louis XVIII. arrived at Compiegne, after his restoration, Ney, with the other French Marshals, was introduced PRINCE OF MOSKWA. HI introduced to him; on which occasion his Majesty was addressed by Berthier in the name of the rest. To this address the King answered with affecting goodness, that he saw the Marshals of France with pleasure, and that he counted upon the sentiments of love and fidelity which they expressed in the name of the French armies. His Majesty caused the name of each Marshal to be repeated to him. The King, after having said to them things as honourable as full of goodness, stood up, al- though suffering with the gout ; and, at the moment when his grand officers approached to give him their hands, his Majesty, laying hold of the arms of the two Marshals who were next to him, exclaimed, with an overflow of heart — " It is on you, Gentlemen Marshals, that I wish always to support myself; approach, and encircle me : you have always been good Frenchmen. I trust that France will never have occasion for your swords again; but if ever we shall be forced to draw them, which God forbid, gouty as I am, I will march with you." " Sire," replied the Marshals, " your Majesty may consider us as the pillars of your throne — we wish to be its firmest support." The King withdrew, and the Marshals were afterwards presented to the Duchess of Angouleme, and to their Serene Highnesses the Prince of Coude and the Duke of Bourbon. The King did the Marshals the honour of inviting them to dinner. His Majesty, at the commence- ment of the repast, said — " Gentlemen Marshals, I wish to drink with you to the French armies." A feeling of respect withheld the Marshals, who, in the moment of their enthusiasm, wished to give the health of the King' in return, but by a spontaneous movement their hearts gave it in silence. All their looks were fixed on his Majesty and his august family. After dinner the Mar- shals followed the King, who condescended to call them successively by name, and conversed with each, express- ing his sense of the part they had borne in sustaining the glory of the French armies, and declaring the con- fidence that he had in the fidelity of all. From this it appears clear, that the most unbounded confidence was reposed by the King on these military chief- tains. vol. in. t The 142 MARSHAL NEY, The favours conferred after this period upon Marsha! Ney were without number; for, by a decree of the 20th of May, he was appointed Commandant-in-Chief of the Royal Corps of Cuirassiers, Light Horse, and Lancers of France; and, by an ordonnance of the 2d of June following, he received the Cross of the Military Order of St. Louis; and on the 6th of the same month was created a Peer of France ! ! ! His conduct during the short period of Louis's govern- ment was marked with the most abject servility; but his sincerity however was much doubted by the Parisians. It was reported that it was the King's intention to have his feet washed, on Good Friday, by twelve pilgrims, who were to represent the twelve disciples. Ney was ho- noured with an anonymous note, desiring him to give his attendance, in order that he might act the part of Judas. This letter was addressed MarechalNey, Hotel de Judas, Rue de Lille. Soon after he proved that the designation was a proper one; for, on being sent for by the King, when Napoleon landed in France, he actually pledged himself to bring him to Paris in an iron cage, adding, that it had been always usual in the time of Buonaparte for a Marshal to receive 50,000 livres as equipment expences, on going on an expedition. The King thought the sum too small, and ordered him 150,000; upon the receipt of which, Ney immediately proceeded to join his old master, instead of fulfilling his promise. He issued the following procla- mation to the troops under his command: — " ORDER OF THE DAY. w The Marshal Prince of Moskica, to the Troops of his Government. " Officers, Subalterns, and Soldiers — The cause of the Bourbons is lost for ever! The legitimate dynasty, which the French nation has adopted, reascends the throne: it is to the Emperor Napoleon, our Sove- reign, that it alone belongs to rule over our fine country! Let the Bourbon nobility choose to expatriate themselves once more, or let thtrn consent to live in the midst of us! What matter is it to us? The sacred cause of li- berty, and of our independence, shall suffer no more from their baneful influence. They have wished to de- base « PRINCE OF MOSKWA. 143 ibase our military glory; but they are deceived: this glory is the fruit of labours too noble for us to be ever able to lose the remembrance of it. " Soldiers ! — The times are gone, when people were go- verned by strangling their rights: liberty at length tri- umphs, and Napoleon, our august Emperor, will esta- blish it for ever. Henceforth let this fine cause be our's, and that of all Frenchmen ! Let all the brave men whom I have the honour to command, be penetrated with this grand truth. " Soldiers! — I have often led you to victory; now I wish to lead you to that immortal phalanx which the Emperor Napoleon conducts to Paris, and which will be there in a few days; and there our hopes and happiness will be for ever realized. — Vive V Empcreur ! " Marshal of the Empire, Prince of Moskwa. " Lons le Saulnier, March 15, 181c." It is needless to say, that he was received with open arms by Napoleon, whose confidence lie has certainly merited by his important services. Marshal Ney is about five feet ten inches in height; stout made: he has red hair, blue eyes, and his manners are rough and unpolished. He is married to a niece of Madame Campan, who kept a boarding-school at St. Germain; and it has been said, that this lady had an illicit amour with Louis Buonaparte, previous to her marriage with Ney. She was dame dlwnneur to the Empress Josephine, and she held the same situation under the Empress Maria Louisa; which rather throws a discredit upon these slurs upon her character. t 2 jttemott* iHemotrs OF MARSHAL SUCHET, DUKE OF ALBUFERA. 'HIS Marshal, who is esteemed a good officer, but ex- cessively cruel, was born at Lyons : where, at a proper age, he was put apprentice to a hair-dresser; but the French revolution, which has elevated so many bad men, as well as destroyed so many good ones, presented him with an early opportunity of distinguishing himself. At the Jacobinical club, which was founded in that city, Suchet greatly distinguished himself by his violent speeches and harangues; and his zeal soon procured him admission into the National Guard of that place, of which he was appointed Captain in the year 1792. In the following year, when the representative of the people, Chaliers, was condemned to death at Lyons for his cruelty, Suchet, who had shared in his guilt, was obliged to fly his native place. He wandered about the country with the revolutionary army, and was for a considerable time the associate of the famous Jourdan. When Fouche and Collot d'Herbois were sent as Commis- saries of the Convention to that unfortunate city, he returned again, and committed every sort of excess: he assisted at the military commission which condemned hundreds of persons of all sexes and ages in the course of the day. This civism of Suchet recommended him to the notice of some of the generals who commanded the revolutionary armies, and who had guillotines ambulantes (portable guillotines) always with them. It was under one of these Generals, of the name of Rousin, that he served as Colonel in one of the regiments of the line; and iu the Vendee, when under the orders of Santerre, he vvas promoted to the rank of General of Brigade. Santerre's army being unsuccessful in La Vendee, Rousin's MARSHAL SUCHET. 145 Rousin's division was again ordered to Lyons, and Su- chet was then appointed the Chief of the Staff; where he committed every cruelty that the most savage natural ferocity can dictate. When Rousin was accused in Paris (whither he was conducted to be guillotined by order of Robespierre, on account of his attachment to Hebert) of countenancing the infamous conduct of his etat-major (staff), he answered, " What would you have me do ? I know as well as you do, that they are no better than a gang of robbers, but I am obliged to have such rascals in my army. Do you think that you can get honest men to serve in the revolutionary army?" After the execution of Rousin, Suchet, for his extreme zeal in the cause of civism was promoted to the rank of General of Division, and Commander in Chief of the Revolutionary Army, which was something similar to the English posse comitatus, merely to suppress riots. He bad a proconsul of the Convention always attending him, as was customary in those times, whose name was Maignet, an ex-advocate. With this coadjutor, Suchet was guilty of great cruelties ; and he proved himself a worthy disciple of Robespierre, not hesitating to per- form the most monstrous and cruel orders of this blood- stained and tyrannical republican. One instance in par- ticular, displays his disposition: — A tree of liberty, it seems, was cut down at a town called Bedoin. When Suchet and the Proconsul heard of this afflicting intelli- gence, they instantly repaired, with their revolutionary- army and the guillotine ambulante, to the spot : the town was set on fire, and all the inhabitants, without distinc- tion, guillotined and shot! This was done by a decree of the Proconsul, bearing date the 17th Floreal (the 6th May) 1794, emanating from a self-created tribunal, called Tribunal d'Orange. Not content with this act of bar- barity, all the adjacent villages and towns were given up to plunder, and afterwards burnt. The inhabitants took refuge in the mountain, whither Suchet followed them with a battalion of the regiment De VArdeche, and had them all shot! Shortly after the above act, Robespierre fell. The new Committee of Public Safety recalled the Pro- consul, who was accused in the Convention by tiie Deputy Goupilleau on the 25th of August 1794, on the 5 th 146 MARSHAL SUCHET, 5th of December and April 1795, of the following atrocities. That he, Maignet, the Proconsul, with his military commander Suchet, had ditches made in the vicinity of the towns of Orange and Bedoin, filled with burning lime, in which they threw their victims, some of ■whom were not even dead ! It was also stated in the Convention, that a young girl of 18 years of age, who applied to General Suchet to obtain a pardon for her father, was herself guillotined. An old man of 87 years old, who had been six years in his second childhood, was also guillotined by that monster, because he was rich! The Proconsul escaped punishment at that time; but when Napoleon usurped the government in 1799, he was deported to Cayenne. After his colleague was denounced in Paris, Suchet absented himself from the army, and wandered about the country in various situations, till Napoleon gave him a command in the army of Italy. However, when he en- tered this army, he only had the rank of Colonel (Chef de Brigade J, as a General in the revolutionary army gave no rank whatever in the regular army. Suchet continued with the army of Italy, and did not follow Buonaparte to Egypt. When Switzerland was invaded by the Directory, Suchet's regiment was attached to the French army under General Schauembourg, who commenced the unprovoked hostilities towards that once happy country. In a district of Switzerland, where he commanded, he was accused of having murdered 800 women, and a great number of children: the men were all in the army. In No. 197 of the Moniteur of the year 6, there is a letter of his to the editor of that paper, ex- culpating himself of the accusation, and attempting to deny the charge. Nevertheless, he was shortly after ap- pointed General of Brigade, under the orders of Massena ; but, having conducted himself at the taking of Ancona in an improper manner, he was cashiered, but was soon after restored to the army of Italy. He was at the famous battle of Novi, and was afterwards appointed to a com- maud under Massena, who was shortly after blockaded in Genoa in 1800. In 1801, when Napoleon opened the campaign in Italy, Suchet commanded the centre. He passed the Mincio with the main army of General Dupont, and defeated the Count DUKE OF ALBUFERA. \^J Count de Bellegarde at Puzzoli; the Austrians lost 8000 men. After the treaty of Luneville, he was made In- spector-General of infantry. In 1802 and 1803 he in- spected various departments in the south and west. On the 4th Brumaire, year 12, Napoleon gave him the com- mand of a division of the camp of Boulogne. He was made Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour, and, soon after, Governor of the Imperial palace of Lacken, near Brussels. Towards the end of 1805, Suchet was em- ployed in the grand army of Germany; and his division distinguished itself at Ulm, Hollabrunn, and especially Austerlitz, where it formed a part of that left wing which divided the Russians, and, according to the expression of the 30th bulletin, marched in rows, by regiments, as if exercising. In 1806 and 1807, he was employed in the armies at Jena, Eylau ; and was afterwards sent to Catalonia in Spain, where he remained till nearly the end of the reign of Napoleon. His cruelties in Spain were something similar to what he was guilty of in La Vendee. What occurred at Tarragona is so well and so ably related in the pamphlet of Admiral Contreras, the Spanish governor of that town, that we shall give it a place here: — " The horrors committed at Tarragona must load Suchet with the everlasting execration of mankind. For the sack of Tarragona was not an event produced only by the intoxication and fury of the troops; it had been foreseen anil ordered by Suchet, who, in his report of June 26, says positively — ' I much fear that if the garrison of the place awaits the storm in the last inclo- sure, I shall be compelled to make a terrible example, and to terrify Catalonia and all Spain for ever, by the destruction of the whole city.' He adds a little lower — ' The ardour and good will which animate the whole army hourly increase. They aspire to strike a last blow, that will terminate this long struggle with splendour.* In his report of June 29, this monster, the worthy slave of such a master, relating the capture of the place, says — ' The fury of the soldiers was augmented by the resistance of the garrison. The fifth assault, given yes- terday at mid-day, with still more vigour than the pre- ceding, has occasioned a most horrible massacre, and but little loss on our side. The terrible example which I foresaw, US MARSHAL SUCHET, foresaw, in my last report to your Excellency, has taken place, and will long resound throughout Spain.' " In consequence of his threats, it might have been expected that Suchet, like a brave warrior, penetrating by storm into Tarragona, the long defence of which had inflamed the fury of the soldiers, would have put to the sword the garrison that had made such a defence, and especially me, by whom it was commanded, and who had refused to capitulate, or admit any of his flags of truce, that I might not even hear a summons. Yet the French did not even attempt it! They wounded me, it is true, surrounded and plundered me, disputing with each other the glory of having made me prisoner; but, after all, those soldiers, so irritated, according to Suchet, did not kill me, my officers, nor my garrison, but turned all their rage against the defenceless inhabitants, who little expected such cowardly cruelty from a people who have incessantly on their lips the words honour, huma- nity, philanthropy, benevolence, civilization, &c. But these words have with them no meaning, and are only employed to deceive strangers. The interest of the moment, whatever it may be, is their sole guide, Thus, as it would have been dangerous to have attempted to put to the sword 8000 men, who had still arms in their hands, and who, finding themselves on the point of being massacred, might have at least recovered from their panic by which they had been unfortunately seized, and have succeeded in driving the French from the town; actu- ated no doubt by that fear, the enemy hastened to spare the soldiers, and to remove them, which was neces- sary that they might sack the town as they pleased. In fact, it was only then that the plunder and massacre commenced. " To take advantage of this ' terrible example, and terrify Catalonia and all Spain for ever,' Suchet was guilty, the next day, of a new act of cruelty, which Ro- bespierre himself could not have imagined. He caused about 100 Alcades and Corregidors to be collected from the environs, and led by an escort through the streets of Tarragona, that they might see the corpses by which they were filled, having previously had all those that were in the interior of the houses thrown out, and ordered that none should be taken away. His intention was, that on their DUKE OF ALBUFERA. 149 their return within their respective jurisdictions, those Alcades and Corregidors should publish what they had seen, in order that the inhabitants, terrified by this i horrible relation, should never dare to oppose a simi- lar resistance, which would subject them to similar calamities." Napoleon, as usual, rewarded his agent ; and Suchet, for his services at Tarragona, was created Duke of Al- bufera. When Soult was beaten out of Spain, Suchet was also obliged, shortly after, to retire from Catalonia; and when the Provisional Government declared in favour of Louis XVIII. Suchet sent in his adhesion, and ob- tained in consequence, a confirmation of his titles, and was also created Peer of France, and honoured with the Order of St. Louis. But it is not to be wondered at that Louis should pardon him these atrocities, if it be true, as was stated in the French papers, that Ferdinand VII. in passing through Montpelier, after his liberation, at which place he met Suchet, thanked him for his good conduct in Spain! Suchet supported all the measures of the court during the time Louis XVIII. held the reins of government, particularly that obnoxious one of imposing restrictions on the liberty of the press. He expected to have been appointed Minister at War, a post to which he most ardently aspired; but he was disappointed, as that office was conferred on Soult. When Napoleon landed, Suchet commanded at Stras- burg, and, like Ney, soon joined the usurper. He is ex- tremely rich, and is supposed by most military men to be a good officer. His person is about the middle size, his complexion swarthy, and his hair black, though his eyes are a light blue. He is very fat, and is now up- wards of fifty years of age, VOL. 111, u iflematts OF MARSHAL MURAT, LATE KING OF NAPLES. r PHIS Marshal, who has of late so much excited the -*• public attention, and against whom the hostility of Europe has been so successfully exerted, is indebted for his elevation entirely to the French revolution, but for which event he would probably never have been heard of. His father was a water-carrier at Paris, who, for some crime, to save himself from the search of the police, fled into the mountains of Dauphiny, where he joined a gang of smugglers and coiners, and where the present subject of this Memoir was born, in 1764, Being ac- cused of belonging to the corps of brigands commanded by the famous captain of smugglers, Mandrin, his father was tried at Valence, and there broken upon the wheel, in May 1769. Young Murat was sent to the Orphan House at Lyons; where he remained until an actor of the name of St. Aubin took him as an errand boy, procured him to be a garcon du theatre, or a servant attached to the theatre in that city, and paid, besides, a master to teach him to read and write. Being of an intriguing disposition and a good appearance, he easily insinuated himself into the favour of the principal actresses, and was, in 17S0, upon their recommendation, permitted to appear upon the stage, first in the parts of valets, and afterwards in those oi^ petits maitres : but in neither was he successful, wanting manners, memory, and applica- tion. He was, however, endured until 1786, when, being hissed while playing the Marques, in the comedy called he Circle, he dared to threaten the spectators with his gestures. From that time hisses pursued him so much whenever he presented himself, that he was obliged to quit the stage; and, after leaving Lyons secretly, MARSHAL MURAT. 151 i secretly, to avoid the demands of his creditors, he en- listed in the regiment of cavalry called Royal Allemagne, s which was, with other corps, ordered to the neighbour- hood of Paris, when, in 1789, the Duke of Orleans, La Fayette, and other members of the Constituent Assem- bly declared against the King, and for a free constitution : he was among the few men of that loyal regiment whom the emissaries of the republican faction seduced, and he , deserted it when it was encamped in the Elysian fields on the 12th of July. After the capture of the Bastile had completed the revolution, and several companies of the King's Guard had joined the Parisians in arms, a National Guard, under the command of La Fayette, was decreed, in which Murat was made a Corporal. In all the commo- tions of those times, and in the struggles of the different factions, Murat always sided with the Terrorists; and, in return, Santerre the brewer promoted him to a Lieute- 1 nancy in the battalion of St. Antoine, of which he had then the command. On the 20th of June 1792, he accompanied Santerre, 1 and the deputies of the National Convention, to Louis XVI. at the castle of the Thuilleries, where he was heard i to repeat — " Louis, tu es un traitre; il nous faut ta tete:" " Louis, thou art a traitor; we must have thy head." And when the courageous Madame Elizabeth said, " Are yon not ash >med to insult the most patriotic of Kings 1 witu such language, he insultingly answered — " Tais toi, coquine, autrement je te coupe en deux:" " Hold thy ! tongue, b — h, otherwise I will cut thee in two. The I next day, Santerre advanced him to be his aide-de-camp; and, as such, he was employed on the 10th of August, in the attack of that dreadful day, which terminated so disastrously to the King and Royal family. In the massacres of the 2d, 3d, and 4th of September, Murat guarded the prison called La Force, where, with other innocent persons, the beautiful Princess Lamballe was butchered, and a refinement of savage barbarity was exercised on her person even when a corpse, almost incredible, if it were not authenticated. For these in- famous and ferocious services, he was promoted by Ma- rat to a Colonelcy; he did not, however, repair to the frontiers to combat the enemies of his country, who u 2 now 152 MARSHAL MURAT. now threatened France with extinction, but he remained at Paris, denouncing at the clubs, and plotting in the committees. On the I lth of December, when the unfortunate mo- narch, Louis XVI. was carried to the bar of the National Convention for trial, and on the 21st of January, the day on which he was led to the scaffold, Murat com- manded gens-d 'armes of the escort, who had done the duty of the Temple the night preceding. In March, during the pillage of the grocers' shops, he was a secretary in the Jacobin club, and signed with Marat the proclamation of the 10th, addressed to the citizens sans-culottes at Paris, inviting them to do them- selves justice for the aristocracy of the bankers, mer- chants, and shop-keepers. tf If you want money," ex- presses this curious proclamation, " you know where the bankers live; if you stand in need of clothing, visit the clothiers; and if you have no other means of procur- ing coffee, sugar, soap, &c. fraternize with the grocers.'* In May, he was President of the Club of the Cordeliers; and in a speech, printed in Marat's paper, U Ami du Peuple, of the 25th of the same month, he demands the heads of sixty-nine politicians of Brissot's and Roland's factions, as the sole promoters of the defeats of the Frenrat had never performed any of his engauem* nts towards the Allies; and, therefore, the Allies were not bound by any engagement with him. His Lordship then stated, that he had applied to Prince Talleyrand to supply him with the best evidence he could procure of the perfidy of the King of Naples; and, strict search being made in the z 2 public 176 MARSHAL MURAT, ■ public bureaus of Paris, a variety of correspondence was discovered, which fully developed the case, although many of the documents had been designedly burnt be- fore the entrance of the Allies into the French capital. The letters he had obtained were between the Viceroy of Italy, the Queen of Naples, Buonaparte, Murat, louche, and the Princess Borghese. He would read ex- tracts from them to the House, in order to shew the true light in which Joachim was to be viewed. In a letter to the Queen of Naples, dated 17th February, Buonaparte said — " Your husband is a very brave man in the field, of battle, but more cowardly than a woman or a monk in the council : let him watch the moment to shew that he is not as ungrateful as pusillanimous." Another, from Fouche to Buonaparte, dated from Lucca, 18th February, spoke of the conduct of Murat, and of his heart being de- cidedly French, lamenting at the same time his want of firmness; and a third, from the Viceroy, dated the 20th February, confirmed the assertions. A report of the Consul of Ancona, without date, gave the particulars of a conversation between him and Murat; in which the latter said, that he had been compelled by circumstances to join the Allies, but that his heart remained sincerely French, and that he would never forget what he owed to his illustrious brother-in-law. A note from Buonaparte to Murat, without date, expressed the high displeasure of the Emperor at his conduct, which had been diame- trically opposite to his duty, and belonged to the weak- ness of his nature. The writer relied on Murat' s contri- tion, or he might hereafter have severe reason to repent of his adherence to the Allies. It contained also the fol- lowing remarkable passage, a part of which his Lordship felt obliged to give in the original. " You are not one of those, I hope, who imagine that the lion is dead, et gu'on pent pisser dessus" The same letter went on to assert, that the title of King seemed to have turned the head of Mu- rat. And another, of the 5th of March (to which late date the correspondence had been maintained), accused the King of Naples of calling round him men who would be his ruin ; that what he wrote was at variance with his actions: it concluded with these words — " I wrote to the war-minister, in order to set him at ease in regard to your conduct. It is needless to send me an answer, unless you have LATE KING OF NAPLES. 177 have something important. Remember, I made you a King solely for the interest of my system; if you cease to be a Frenchman, you will be nothing to me. Con- tinue to correspond with the Viceroy, taking care that your letters are not intercepted." After the perusal of such evidence, it was not necessary to say more to prove the sort of ally the Austrians had obtained. His Lord- ship then entered into the question as to what ought to be the policy of this country, maintaining, that one only course was left; and that government was rather blame- able for inactivity in supporting an ancient ally, the King of the Two Sicilies, than for hasty measures that would have hurried on hostilities. He afterwards referred to the negotiations carried on at Naples, and to the con- duct of Murat shortly previous to, and at the time of the landing of Buonaparte in France. It was true that, in council, on the arrival of the first intelligence of the escape of Buonaparte from Elba, Murat had declared his intention of acting with the Allies; but how did his movements correspond. About the time of the flight of Napoleon, it was singular, that Murat had ordered bis ministers, the Duke of Campochiaro and Prince Cariati, to demand from Austria permission to march through the north of Italy eighty thousand men, under the pre- tence of taking revenge upon France for her conduct to Naples. Of course a refusal was given ; but Murat con- tinued hostile preparations, on a scale far exceeding his population ; and, on the 15th of March, Murat proceeded to Ancona, where he fixed his head-quarters. As Buo- naparte advanced, Murat became less concealed; and, soon after Ney had joined his former master, Joaclum added Napoleon to his name, and circulated in his army the proclamations of Buonaparte. The letters which Lord Castlereagh quoted in his speech are so curious, that we cannot refrain from giving them. Letter from Eliza Buonaparte to Buonaparte. " Lucca, Feb. 14, 1814. " Sire — I have had the honour of informing your Majesty, by my reports of the 5th and 8th of this month, of the concentrating movement operated by the Prince of Lucca upon Pisa, in consequence of the circumstances which iiduced me to quit Florence, to order the evacu- ation 17S MARSHAL MURAT, a(iot> of that city, and to assemble all the troops of the division upon a point ot greater security. The Prince has maintained himself at Pisa until now ; but, having re- ceded advice of an English expedition, amounting by all accounts to at least 6000 men, and which appears to be undoubtedly directed from Sicily against Leghorn, Spezia, or Genoa, 1 have determined to order the Prince to continue his movement upon Genoa, in order that his retreat may not be cut off by the only road which still remains open. " I have been confirmed in this plan by having ascer- tained that some Neapolitan troops, superior in numbers, are already at Pistoia, and have forced our advanced posts to abandon the passage of Serravalle. " I also know that the enemy intends to cut ofT our communication, by seizing the road which conducts from Pontiemoie to Spezia and the Rivera di Genoa. " I have thought proptr to give him notice to keep some troops upon which the Viceroy must have reckoned, and which cannot render any very decisive purposes else- where. " The projects of the English and Austrians do away all the doubt which the personal conduct of the King of Naples might create. I ought not to conceal from your Majtsty, that I have received from him several letters, much at variance with the operations of his troops. " The King is in a state of great agitation. He is astonished that the Viceroy should have retired from the Adige, and that I have quitted Tuscany, upon the notion that he could be the enemy of your Majesty and of Fiance. He loudly expresses his devotion and his gratitude for your person, and even said to the Tuscan deputies, that he would prefer receiving the first blow, to drawing his sword against a Frenchman. " I know not how to reconcile this language, of which I do not suspect the sincerity, with all the arbitrary measures which have endangered my authority, and those which oblige me even now to provide for the saiety of the French troops assembled at Pisa. Your Majesty will appreciate these contradictions, which seem to me to proceed from a resolution deemed by the King conformable to his interests, but into which he has been dragged LATE KING OF NAPLES. 179 dragged contrary to his own affections. I am assured that the language and conduct of the King are similar in his communications with the Viceroy. *' It is, nevertheless, certain, that a proclamation of General Bellegarde's, which recalls the nations of Italy to their former state, has been reprinted at Bologna under the eyes of the King. M This proclamation, drawn up with much art, has produced the greatest effect in Tuscany, where it is extensively circulated. I am, with profound respect, Sire, &c. (Signed) •• Eliza." Letter from Buonaparte to the Queen of Naples. " Nangis, Feb. 17. " Your husband is a very brave man in the field of battle, but he is more cowardly than a woman or a monk when not in presence of the enemy. He has no moral courage. He has been frightened, and he has not ha- zarded losing for a moment that which he cannot hold but by me and with me. Make him fully sensible of his absurdity. When he quitted the army without my order, I foresaw all the evil counsels which would be given him. lam, however, better satisfied with the message he has sent me through you. If he be sincerely sorry, let him watch the moment for proving to me that he has not been so ungrateful as he is pusillanimous. I may yet pardon him the injury which he has done me." Letter from Buonaparte to the King of Naples. " I say nothing to you of my displeasure at your con- duct, which has been diametrically opposite to your duty. That, however, belongs to the weakness of your nature. You are a s;ood soldier on the held of battle, but, except- ing there, you have no vigour, and no character. Take advantage of an act of treachery, which 1 only attribute to fear, in order to serve me by good intelligence. I rely upon you, upon your contrition, upon your promises. If it were otherwise, recollect that you would have to repent it. I suppose that you are not one of those who imagine that the lion is dead, and that he may be upon {et qu'on peut lui pisser dessus). If such are your calcu- lations, they are false. I defeated the Austrians yes- terday, and I am in pursuit of the remnants of their columns. Another such victory, and you will see that my J 80 MARSHAL MURAT, my affairs are not so desperate as you have been led to believe. " You have done me all the harm that you could since your departure from Wilna, but we shall say no more about it. The title of King has turned your brain. If you wish to preserve it, behave well, and keep your word" Letter from Buonaparte to the King of Naples. March 5. " Sir, my Brother — I have already communicated to you my opinion of your conduct. Your situation had set you beside yourself; my reverses have completely turned your brain. You have called around you men who hate France, and who desire to ruin you. 1 for- merly gave you useful warnings. What you write to me is at variance with your actions. I shall, however, see by your manner of acting at Ancona, if your heart is still French, and if it is to necessity alone that you yield. I write to my war minister in order to set him at ease with regard to your conduct. Recollect that your kingdom, which has cost so much blood and trouble to France, is yours only for the benefit of those who gave it you. It is needless to send me an answer unless you have something important to communicate. Remember, that I made you a Kitig for the interest of my system. Do not deceive yourself. If you should cease to be a Frenchman, you would be nothing to me. Continue to correspond with the Viceroy, taking care that your letters be not inter- cepted." Letter from the Viceroy to Buonaparte. " Vol ta, Feb. 20, 18 !#. " Sire — I have the honour to address to your Majesty a return of your army of Italy up to the 18th of this month. " The King of Naples, who appeared inclined to march against us, and to yield to the solicitations of the Austrians, paused as soon as he became acquainted with your Majesty's late victories of the 10th, llth, and 12th. He had not yet received the ratification of his treaty the evening before last. I therefore hope that he will not add to the wrongs of which he has been guilty towards your Majesty, by firing upon your troops. I am, with respect, Sire, &c. (Signed) " Eugene Napoleon." LATE KING OF NAPLES. 181 Napoleon and the French writers have vehemently de- ' nied the existence of those letters, and have asserted, they were forged for the purpose of excusing Great Britain for her violation and breach of treaty; but there is too much reason to believe them authentic. The Congress of Vienna having resolved to depose Murat, the Aus- trian cabinet assembled a large force under the command of General Bianchi, for the purpose of marching against Naples: but Murat was determined to be before hand; and, knowing the intention of his enemies, he suddenly, upon hearing of the success of Napoleon's invasion, made an advance into the very heart of Italy, in order to excite the Italians to insurrection, and to co-operate with his brother-in-law. But all his attempts failed ; and the subsequent events, in which he sustained the most signal defeats, and which led to his total overthrow and expul- sion from Naples, prove how weak and slippery the foundation is upon which usurpation rests. At the late battle of Waterloo, Murat, as usual, commanded the French cavalry; and, knowing that his political import- ance, and that of his whole family, depended upon its issue, the most heroic exertions were made for victory; but all in vain. The genius of Wellington prevailed ; and the signal defeat of the French army will, in all human probability, lead to the total and everlasting extinction of the whole herd of republican upstarts, and in parti- cular of the Buonapartean family- VOL. I IT. fftemcrits jftemotrs OF FREDERICK -WILLIAM III. KING OF PRUSSIA. HPHIS illustrious monarch has drank deep of the bitter ■*" cup of adversity. Born to be the heir of a mighty sovereignty, founded by the policy and victories of the Great Frederick, and possessed of provinces rich by na- ture, and still more by commerce and cultivation, we have yet seen him, from a cowardly and selfish policy, sacrifice all these splendid advantages, and, from a mo- narch of the first order, reduced to an insignificance scarcely to be conceived — deprived of one half of his dominions, and the remainder held at the mercy of a capricious conqueror. Happily for him, experience has not been thrown away; and the criminal ambition of his enemy has afforded him an opportunity of atoning for his past errors, and of retrieving his fallen fortune. By the pursuit of a different course of policy, we have seen this monarchy, so lately obscured, again emerge from the deepest gloom ; and we now behold it once more shining in all its former splendour, and filling that rank and station in the European commonwealth, which is so essential to the happiness and counterpoise of the whole. The kingdom of Prussia forms a more striking instance of the rapid progress of revolutions than any which his- tory can furnish. Although it only commenced with the 18th century, it by gradual accession became so extensive, as deservedly to rank among the first powers of Europe. The dominions of Prussia were small and scattered, till the acquisition of Silesia, and a third part of Poland, which gave a wide basis to the new monarchy. Its name originates, according to some, from the Pruzzi, a Slavonic tribe ; but more probably, according to others, from the name KING OF PRUSSIA. 183 name of Russia, and the Slavonic word Po, which sig- nifies near or adjacent. Thus the Polabaswere so called, because they were situated upon the Elbe, which is called Labe in the Slavonic dialect. The Prussian territories extend from Hornburgand the . river Oker, in the country of Halberstadt, the farthest western connected district, to the river Memel, a distance . of 000 miles. The breadth, from the southern limit of Silesia to Dantzie, exceeds 300 miles. By the treaty of Tilsit, however, these boundaries were greatly circum- scribed ; and this kingdom was not only deprived of its political consequence among the European nations, but was reduced, in point of extent of territory, to nearly its limits in 1779: and Prussia, to exist at all, was obliged to sacrifice nearly one half of her most valuable provinces. With regard to its history and progressive aggrandise- ment, a faint dawn in the middle ages discloses at the mouth of the Vistula the Pruzzi, a Slavonic nation, who were afterwards subdued by the knights of the Teutonic order. This order originated A.D. 1190, in the camp of the Crusaders before Acta, or Acre, from some citizens of Lubec and Bremen, who united to relieve the wants of their German brethren. Next year a bull of institution was obtained from the Pope, ordering them to wear a black cross on a white mantle, and to follow the rule of St. Augustin, with all the privileges granted to the Knights Templars. The crusades to Palestine having failed, the knights directed their enterprise against the Pasrans of the north of Germany, A.D. 1227; and in a few years conquered Prussia, and founded several cities. The knights, tins established in Prussia, directed their ef- forts against the Lithuanians, and other Pagans in the east. But repeated wars with Poland were less fortunate; and, about 1446', the four chief cities of Prussia (Elbmg, Thorn, Koningsberg, and Dantzie) withdrew their alle- giance from the Teutonic order, and claimed the pro- tection of Poland. In 1466, Casimir, King of Poland, forced the Teutonic order to abandon the eastern part of Prussia, and to pay homage for the western part. Albert, of Brandenburg, grand master of the order, obtained from his maternal A a 2 uncle, 184 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, uncle, Sigismund, King of Poland, the hereditary investi- ture of all that the order possessed in Prussia, and em- braced the Lutheran religion. But particular grand- masters continued to be appointed by the Emperor of Germany. In 1569 Joachim IT. elector of Brandenburgh, had ob- tained from the Polish monarch the succession to the duchy of Prussia, mi case the possessor died without heirs; but this addition of power and territory did not take place till 1618, when John Sigismund elector of Brandenburgh acquired this duchy; and, in 1621, his successor received the solemn investiture from the King of Poland. Nor was it, as already mentioned, an in- dependent sovereignty till 1656, after which period the chief events may be traced under those of Brandenburgh, which are as follow : — ■ The German genealogists derive the house of Branden- burgh from Thassilo, count of Hohenzollem, who lived about the ninth century. Sjgefred, a Saxon count, having married a daughter of Henry King of Italy, was appointed Margrave of Brandenburgh, A. D. 927 : but many centuries elapsed before this dignity fell to the ancestor of the present family. The province had been for some centuries chiefly possessed by Slavonic nations, but the Margrave soon raised it to considerable distinc- tion, The Emperor Charles IV. in 1373, assigned Bran- denburgh to his second son Sigismund, who, in 1415, being then Emperor of Germany, sold this margravate and electorate to Frederick Burgrave of Nuremburg, for 400,000 ducats. Frederick, the ancestor of the present reigning race, displayed considerable abilities. Joa- chim II. elector of Brandenburgh, embraced the Lutheran religion in 1539, which has since been the ruling system of the state. In 1610, Frederick-William, whom posterity has sur- named the Great Elector, ascended a throne surrounded with ensanguined ruins. His provinces were laid waste or conquered; and the army was reduced to 3600 in- fantry, 4100 cavalry, and 2700 garrison troops. Faith- ful to the Swedish cause, he obtained, by the peace of Wf stphalia, the bishoprics of Minden, Halberstadt, and Caulin; the reversion of the archbishopric of Magdeburgh, and the peaceful possession of Farther or i KING OF PRUSSIA. 185 or Eastern Pomerania, which devolved to his predecessor in 1637. But Sweden retained Hither Pomerania, with the fortress of Stettin, which commands tne Oder, and opens a way to Berlin. Frederick- William, therefore, considered the Swedes rather as odious masters, than generous benefactors ; and, developing that interested policy which King Frederick II. contented himself with imitating, he acted towards Poland and Sweden the part of an ally, ever making new demands, and ever proving unfaithful. In this he succeeded, at least in part; the treaty of Oliva, in 1660, definitively secured to him the sovereignty of Prussia. Fifteen years of peace favoured the establishment of manufactures, the creation of a ma- ritime commerce, and the formation of an admirable system of finance, which made amends for the smailness of the revenue. This prince had about two millions of subjects, from whom he received, according to authentic documents, the annual sum of 1,533,795 crowns. The wars of Louis XIV. involved Frederick-William in new combats, and afforded him an opportunity of proving himself a great general. The surprise of the Swedes near Rathenon, the victory of Fehrbettin, and the march into Prussia across the Frozen Gulf, called the Fnche llaff, were the first of those actions by which the arms of Brandcnburgh acquired such reputation m Europe. Frederick the First, who succeeded his father in the electorate of Brandenburgh in 16S8, improved and em- bellished his capital city of Berlin. To the territory which descended to him from his ancestors he added the counties of Feclenburg and Ifhenstein, and the principality of Neufchatel; and filled part of those countries that were before but thinly peopled with in- habitants, who were invited thither by the kindness which he shewed, and the privileges which he granted to them. This prince conceived the resolution of assuming the royal dignity; and, on the ISth of January 1701, he, with his own hands, put the crown on his head, and on that of his consort, at Konigsberg. It is related, but with what degree of accuracy we cannot pretend to vouch, that, when his negotiation for regal honours was in no very good train at the court of Vienna, he was advised by his minister there, in a letter written in cypher, to make use of the interest of a certain prince; but, 186 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, but, the sense of the letter being mistaken, by their names beginning with the same letter, he, instead of the prince, had recourse to the father confessor, who was a Jesuit; and so much was the Jesuit struck with this honour done him by a Protestant Prince, that, by his own interest, and that of his order, he quickly accomplished all that was desired. Certain it is, that Frederick was soon after acknowledged, in his regal capacity, by all the courts, excepting that of Rome. His dignity was incon- trovertibly established by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713. His son, Frederick-William the First, succeeded him in the year just mentioned. This prince augmented his army to 60,000 men. Political and military economy continually engaged his attention ; and in his manners he was prudent, and laborious in his conduct. 'I he war in the north, and the battle of Pultowa, afforded him the much-wished-for opportunity of driving the Swedes almost entirely out of Germany. The peace of 1720 secured to him, for the sum of two millions of crowns, the possession of Hither Pomerania, as far as the banks of the Peeve, with the fortress of Stettin, and the islands of Usedous and Wottin; important acquisitions, as they rendered Prussia mistress of one of the mouths of the Oder, and opened the Baltic Sea to her commerce. Fre- derick-William, who died in 1740, left to his successor 4,700.000 subjects, a revenue of .£1,250,000 sterling, and an arm.y of 70,000 men. That illustrious monarch, Frederick II., who was born in 1712, was in the 49th year of his age when he mounted the throne. It was his to convince the house of Austria, that it had a rival in the empire of Germany itself. The two first wars of Silesia put him in possession of that rich province, which contained one million one or two hundred thousand inhabitants; but which at Frederick's death had 1,582,000, and now numbers 2,048,000. He acquired peaceable possession of East Friezeland, a small tract, but of considerable importance, on account of the port of Embden; and, in 1772, he seized, without striking a blow, West Prussia, and the district of Netze, a country, at that time, very ill culti- vated, but which established the communication between ancient Prussia and Pomerania, and Brandenburgh. Fre- derick died possessed of a country comprising 10,000 square KING OF PRUSSIA. 187 square leagues, 5,830,000 subjects (2,300,000 of whom he had himself acquired), a revenue of £ 5,000,000 ster- ling, a treasury containing upward of ,£8,000,000 in specie, and an army of 210,000 men. The second and third partition of Poland added to Prussia two new pro- vinces, which were South Prussia and New West Prussia. In political statements these acquisitions were estimated at no more than 1652 square, leagues, and two millions of inhabitants. But the last enumeration proved that South Prussia had a population of 1,387,000; New East Prussia cannot contain Jess than 870,000; Old East Prussia had, three years ago, 955,084; and West Prussia, to- gether with the cities of Dantzic and Thorn, 794,000: thus the kingdom of Prussia alone contained four millions of inhabitants. Frederick the Second, by victories often stained by injustice, and by an administration always prudent, had increased his power, and the means to preserve it, if not to augment it. His nephew and successor, Frederick- William the Second, who began to reign in 1786, was destitute of talent as well as of virtues; yet, in a great measure, he made up by activity what was wanting in genius. He was a strange compound of the love of ease and of intrigue, with an equal passion for the luxuries of the haram and the fatigues of the camp. Nothing seemed too little or too great for the grasp of his incon- sistent ambition. In his reign the Prussian army con- quered Holland in one campaign, with the loss of only 290 men; but it was defeated in 1792, by the French patriots. This monarch enjoyed the principalities of Anspach and Bayreuth, with 480,000 inhabitants; and he acquired two millions and a half of new subjects : yet he died without respect and without glory; much less rich, and, perhaps, less powerful, than his predecessor. His minister, the wise Herzberg, in vain predicted that the destruction of Poland, by taking away all barriers against the Russians would crush the politics of Prussia. This important consideration was overlooked, for the sake of obtaining desolated provinces, and two millions of subjects, whose fidelity was doubtful. It was indeed impossible that the Poles could be sin- cerely attached to the Prussian government; as, at the very moment when the King of Prussia was promising to support ]8S FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, support their liberty, he had planned, in concert with Russia, a most formidable opposition to its progress. Notwithstanding the inglorious reign of the late king, Frederick-William the Third, the present monarch of Prussia, ascended the throne in 1793, with all possible advantage. Austria was weakened; and a crown so lately ducal, was enabled to rival the splendour of the Imperial diadem. England and Russia courted his alliance; while France, by money, promises, and intrigues, asked nothing but his neutrality. All Europe waited with anxious suspense for his determination: — loyalty, order, and religion, hoped every thing from his youth, from his rank, and from his former sentiments. Rebel- lion, however, triumphed; and the King listened to the perhaps not disinterested machiavelism of his ministry, and became the ally of regicides, who, after murdering their own king, yearly swore hatred to royalty, and avow- edly plotted the destruction of all thrones, and the esta- blishment of an universal republic. The Count of Herzberg, the confidential minister of the great Frederick, entertained, as we have hinted be- fore, a decided disapprobation of the new partition of Poland. On this occasion he took the liberty of express- ing himself to the present king, in the following forcible terms: — " I confess, according to my notion, it is the greatest political fault that the three powers, Prussia in particular, could commit. The claim which they advance for the division of Poland is so odious, and so strongly reprobated, that it will remain an eternal blot on the re- putation of the three sovereigns, will tarnish their names as long as history shall last ; and I own, I know not how they can reconcile it with their religion or their con- sciences. I have incurred your Majesty's displeasure on occasion of the convention of Reichenbach ; I was sacrificed to the court of Vienna ; and I have withdrawn myself from affairs of state, to which I had devoted myself, I believe, with success, for fifty, or at least for thirty years." Herzberg here proceeded to state the dangers of a war with France, and proposed, as the only means of averting ruin, that the King should oiler a peace with the French republic, as mediator, in the name of the allied powers. " If your Masesty," said he, " should approve this idea, I will undertake to carry it into exe- cutioi^ KING OF PRUSSIA. 189 ! cution with that activity which is natural to me, and .which I have never failed to exert, by means of persons whom I would select, and memorials which I would com- pose for the belligerent powers. I would propose to them a general congress, like that of the peace of West- phalia; and there is every reason to presume, from the confidence all parties have in the known rectitude of my principles, that it would be accepted. I do not wish to resume my place in your Majesty's cabinet ; I desire only to be admitted into it for a sutlicient time to re-establish, the safety, security, and weight of my country. I have lived too long not to wish for repose, after I have rendered it this service; and 1 ask no other reward. I foresee, from the remembrance of what is past, that your Majesty will charge me with extreme presumption, and that this may increase your displeasure against me; but I choose rather to run this risk, than not to exert the last efforts of which I think myself capable to save my country, and to serve a monarch with whom I have fallen into disgrace, but to whom I am not the less devoted. If your Majesty would trust to me, I would draw up memorials, without loss of time, exhibiting reasons of sufficient force to in- duce the two courts of London and Vienna to acknow- ledge the French republic, and make peace with her on the footing I have proposed, &c. ; and I have likewise some hope, that I could bring the French Convention into this, by the arguments which I should lay before it, and to which it would more readily listen than if they came from any other minister than me, whose firmness and veracity it knows from the past ; at the same time I will endeavour to make the court of Russia listen to reason, by forcible arguments to which she cannot refuse to sub- mit. If these suggestions receive your Majesty's appro- bation, the memorials in question will be composed in a couple of days; and it will then depend on your Majesty whether I shall be near your person, to prepare daily the precise instructions lor the foreign ministers, as I did with so much activity and success in the happy period between 1780" and the middle of 1791. To your Ma- jesty it shall not cost a single penny. I will undertake the whole from motives of the most disinterested pa- triotism, and will retire the moment the present crisis is past. Your Majesty knows, by experience, whether vol. in. b b others 190 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, others have served you better, more promptly, and at less expence, since my dismissal from the cabinet." To this plain and expressive language, his Majesty re- turned the following laconic answer: — " There was a time when you fulfilled a duty in submitting to me your opinion respecting those affairs which I intrusted to your zeal. Now your diplomatic career is finished, I should have been glad if your discretion had spared me the trouble of advice, to which I pay regard only when I ask it. Leave to the ministers whom my confidence has placed over those concerns, which were once entrusted to your superintendency, the care of receiving my orders, and carrying them into execution. I know the value of patriotism, and I would wish to think that it alone prompted your offers. Yet it is possible, that self-love may have assumed its garb to your eyes, and deceived you with respect to your true motives; and I shall be glad if this hint puts you sufficiently upon your guard against your own feelings, so as to induce you to confine yourself within the sphere of your present duties, and save me the unpleasant task of repeating to you this counsel. With this, I pray God to take you into his holy keeping. From the camp of Oppenheim, July 24th, 1794. " Frederick-William." A short time previous to the date of the above letter, Cracow had surrendered to the Prussian forces on favour- able conditions; but the people of Warsaw were highly enraged at a capitulation, where 7000 men in arms, with 50 pieces of cannon, might have proved themselves worthy of a garrison. The King of Prussia next bent his course towards Warsaw, within a short distance of which he remained for a considerable time, apparently inactive. A corps of Russians also was stationed in the environs of that capital. By a singular dexterity, how- ever, General Kosciusko eluded the Prussians ; and by a brave attack he defeated the Russians, and threw himself into Warsaw, on the 11th and 12th of July. As Warsaw had no fortifications, a siege in form was not necessary to the Prussians; but as that part of the capital which was exposed to them, was covered by an entrenched camp of the army of Kosciusko, it was absolutely requisite to attack it by storm. An attack was accordingly made on the 31st of July, by a heavy cannonade; and, in the course KING OF PRUSSIA. iyi course of that day, several hundreds of bombs were thrown into the city: but a dreadful fire, kept up on the besiegers by day and night, destroyed an incredible num- ber. On this occasion, the King and the Prince Royal of Prussia were in every danger ; and the action excited the most lively interest. The cannonading having ceased, the prince laid himself down to rest in a barn, with orders to be awakened at the first shot of the enemy. His orders were complied with; and, no sooner had he mounted his horse, than one of the enemy's bombs burst, and destroyed the barn in which he had been lying but a few minutes before. Either doubting of success in an actual attack, or from better motives, the King of Prussia now endeavoured to negotiate the surrender of the place. For that purpose he wrote to the King of Poland ; but that monarch wa3 unfavourable to the cession. General Kosciusko, with an army of 40,000 men, was resolved to defend himself to the last extremity; but the Prussians had carried several of the Polish redoubts, and were actually self-assured of the capture, when information was brought to the King, that an alarming insurrection, which defied all ordinary exertions to suppress it, had broken out in South Prussia. His Majesty, aware that, without immediate relief, the confines of Silesia would be in danger of a complete con- quest, determined on raising the siege of Warsaw ; and accordingly moved to an advantageous position near Raczin, on the 6th of Sepetember, in order to take the most effectual measures that circumstances might require. At the moment when the intelligence first reached him, he issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of South Prussia, stating, that they had been imposed upon by insidious intrigues, desiring them to resist the orders of the insurgents, and offering a general amnesty to such as should return to their allegiance. The result was, that many who had been misled implored the King's mercy; a force was stationed in the country, to be ready to act in case of future attempts; and the King of Prussia re- turned to Berlin. Some people, indeed, were of opinion, that an awe of Kosciusko's army, under the walls of "Warsaw, had some effect on the Prussian monarch's de- termination to retire. Be this as it may, Kosciusko de- termined on the attempt to foment an insurrection in b b 9 West 192 FREDERICK- WILLIAM THE THIBD, West Prussia, in hopes, by that circumstance, added to the troubles in the South, to divert, effectually, the arms of his Prussian Majesty from the interior of Poland. In a short time it became visible, that Kosciusko was intent on carrying the war beyond its first limits, and of at- tempting the recovery of some of the dismembered pro- vinces, and not only of those, but even the capture of some provinces, which had been subject to the house of Brandeuburgh for more than a century. The progress of the Poles in West Prussia was such, that, after the cap- ture of Bamberg by General Madelinski, not only Dant- zic, Thorn, Culm, and Graudeutz, seemed on the point of being restored to the republic of Poland ; but there was even room to apprehend that the Poles would penetrate into Pomerania, as far as Stettin. The subsequent mis- fortunes, however, of Kosciusko, and the fall of his country, preserved Prussia from the fate by which she was threatened. Frederick-William, the present illustrious monarch, mounted the throne, as we have before observed, in the year 1797. The politics of his predecessor were closely followed, and the alliance with France was continued ; although it was easy to foresee, that the ambitious views of that power were so likely to endanger the safety of all its neighbours. A most excellent opportunity of hum- bling that power presented itself in the year 1799, by joining his forces with those of England and Russia in Holland, when the arms of the allies were victorious in Italy, Germany, and Switzerland, and factions and civil wars distracted the French republic. He might have restored his near relative, the Prince of Orange, to his hereditary right, crushed the revolutionary monster in France, and would have been justly considered as the defender and saviour of the liberties of Europe : but he blindly allowed the glorious opportunity to pass away. The day on which Prussia forsook the coalition against France by the treaty of Basle, which was negotiated under the reign of the King's father, she inclosed herself in a circle of dangers. From that period the policy of Prussia had been to maintain peace with all her neigh- bours, to cultivate her alliance with France, and to ex- tend her influence and dominions in Germany. Her weight and influence in the empire were much increased duriry KING OF PRUSSIA. 193 during her connexion with the French republicans. By their means, one half of the states of the empire were detached from their lawful obedience to her rival, the Emperor of Germany, and united in a formal confedera- tion under her protection! Her influence in the Elec- toral College was so much greater than that of Austria, that she might reasonably aspire on the first vacancy of the empire, to place her sovereign on the throne of the Caesars. Her dominions were rich and prosperous, and had flourished in peace, while other states were exposed to the desolations, or exhausted by the burdens of war. But, notwithstanding these advantages, which the King of Prussia derived from his pacific system, it may be much questioned whether he had acted upon it in a manner conducive to his reputation and permanent ad- vantage, or with due regard to the peculiar circumstances of his situation. To a military power like Prussia, whose consequence and even existence depended on her army, the long continuance of peace, while all her neigh- bours were engaged in war, could not but in the end be dangerous and destructive to her. The numbers and outward shew of her army might be maintained in peace; but its strength and spirit could be preserved only in actual service. Accordingly, when the unfortunate day came for making trial of the Prussian army against the veterans of France led on by Buonaparte, it was found that the Prussian soldiers were unprepared for the dan- gers and fatigues of war; their otlicers were without ex- perience; and their generals, enfeebled by age, were con- founded by the tactics familiar to their opponents. It was not, however, in the decline of her military system alone, that Prussia had prepared, in peace, the causes of her sudden eclipse in war. Her admiration at home, and consideration abroad, had been equally im- paired during this interval. Frederick-William, with ex- cellent intentions, and with no bad passions to mislead him, was diffident of his own abilities, incapable ot* acting from himself, and surrounded by ministers un- worthy of his contidence, and unfit for the high situa- tions to which they were raised. The greater part of them had been clerks of office under Frederick the Great, and were not only incapable of advising any gene- rous, 194- FREDERICK -WILLIAM THE THIRD, rous, bold, or magnanimous resolution; but they were destitute of capacity, vigour, and decision for the most ordinary business, to a degree hardly credible. To such counsellors it was owing, that the weight and considera- tion which Prussia had gained as a state of the empire she had lost throughout Europe; that her policy had been narrow, crooked, and ambiguous; that her ambition had appeared mean and sordid, restrained by fear, but never under the control of principle ; that she had obliged no party, and offended all — the French by the coldness of her friendship, the allies by her desertion of their cause; that she was at last obliged to go to war without an urgent motive, or attainable object, or adequate pre- paration, by the universal hatred and contempt into which she had fallen; and that, when ruined by the contest so foolishly begun, the spectacle of her overthrow softened the regrets of those who most lamented the success, and feared the progress, of her conquerors. The ill-advised and disastrous coalition of 1805 was the touch-stone to try the capacity, conduct, and de- cision, of Frederick-William and his cabinet. It was clearly the interest of Prussia to have preserved, if pos- sible, the peace of the continent; and such was the re- spect entertained of her military power, that an early and unequivocal declaration from her might have pre- vented the revival of hostilities. But that opportunity being neglected, when the intentions of Austria and Russia to risk their last stake against France could no longer be doubted, it became a matter of serious import to the King of Prussia to adopt some determinate system in the approaching war, and to adhere to it stedfastly. It suited, however, his indecision, and the incapacity of his ministers, to piefer a system of neutrality, because it led to procrastination, and called for no immediate ex- ertions; while it sufficiently gratified their~self-import- ance to emit threats and declarations against any power that should dare to violate the integrity" of the Prussian territory. It may be questioned, whether, supposing it possible for Prussia to have maintained her neutrality, it was her interest to have remained neutral when so great a contest was impending, the event of which must deter- mine who were to be in future masters of the continent, the French or the allies: for, whichever party prevailed, it KING OF PRUSSIA. 195 it was easy to foresee that Prussia would be soon reduced to the necessity of fighting with, or receiving laws from, the conqueror. If France was near attaining universal empire, was it not the interest of Prussia to have taken part against her in the last effort of the powers of Europe to set bounds to her ambition, though she might dis- approve of the attempt as premature, and doubt of its success ; or, if she thought the enterprise utterly hopeless and desperate, was it not a preferable policy, with a view to her own interest and selfish politics, to join with France in the war, approve herself an active and efficient ally, merit the consideration and respect of her associate, and share in her conquests. But, having determined on neutrality, the greatest error that Frederick-William could commit was, to be afterwards diverted from hi* resolution. If it was impolitic to quarrel with France before the viola- tion of Anspach, it was still more impolitic to quarrel with her after the surrender of Ulm. Yet, such was the fantastic importance annexed to the court of Berlin, to the inviolability of its territory, that Prussia, which some weeks before had been arming to oppose the passage of the Russian troops through her dominions in Poland, was induced to enter into negotiations and take measures for a war with France, because a body of French troops, by passing through the Prussian territory of Anspach, had surrounded the Austrian army at Ulm, and compelled it to capitulate. As far as her honour was concerned in exacting reparation for the violation of her territory, ample atonement was spontaneously offered by the French. The question for her consideration was there- fore a point of interest and policy, not of honour and character; but, on prudential grounds, it is clear that, whatever were her motives for not taking part originally with the allies, they must have been strengthened and confirmed by the disasters which the Austrian army sustained at Ulm. The violation of the Prussian territory of Anspach, by the French troops under Bemadotte, took place on the 3d of October 1805; and, on the 17th of the same month, Ulm capitulated. On the 3d of November, a convention was signed at Potsdam, by which Frederick- William agreed to offer his mediation between France and the allies for the restoration of a general peace on a permanent 196 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD. SB* permanent footing; and in case his propositions were rejected, he engaged, after receiving a promise of subsi- dies from England, to declare war against France. In this interval, various events had marked the displeasure of Frederick- William at the violation of his territory, and shewn how materially that event had changed his policy, and given it a turn hostile to France and favour- able to the allies. A proclamation from the King had assured the subjects of Prussia in Franconia, that their sovereign was taking measures to obtain satisfaction and security for the unexpected and forcible violation of his neutrality: and an angry note had been delivered by Baron Hardenberg to the French mission at Berlin, in answer to their justification of that transaction, express- ing the indignation and surprise of his Prussian Majesty at such an outrage having been committed on his terri- tories, after the exemplary fidelity with which he had kept his engagements to France, and the advantages which she had derived from his firmness; declaring, that he now considered himself absolved by her conduct from all past engagements, and that he would henceforward direct his efforts to the re-establishment of peace on a solid basis; and concluding with an intimation, that in the mean time he found himself compelled to order his armies to occupy positions necessary for the protection of his states. In addition to this menacing language, the Prussian army was put in motion ; the permission of marching through the Prussian territories, which had been so long withheld from the Russians, was no longer denied. The Emperor Alexander was received at Pots- dam with every demonstration of confidence and cor- diality ; and the French ambassador, Duroc, who had been sent to make reparation for the affair at Anspach, was suffered to depart from Berlin without accomplishing the object of his mission. Frederick-William, having thus so unequivocally marked his inclination towards the allies, ought to have continued to pursue a decisive line of conduct: but, instead of this, with that irresolution and indecision of character which is the surest mark of incapacity for great affairs, he negotiated when he should have acted ; and he appointed Haugwitz for his nego- tiator — a man without firmness, capacity, or resources; slow and dilatory in business; narrow and perplexed in his KING OF PRUSSIA. 197 his understanding; of a character at once liable to the impressions of fear, and open to the insinuations of flat- tery ; and of opinions diametrically opposite to the sys- tem which he was sent to enforce. Haugwitz repaired to the head-quarters of Napoleon's army, and had an audience on the 28th of November; at which Napoleon manifested a disposition to accept the Prussian mediation, but annexed conditions to his assent which Frederick- William couid not admit. While Haugwitz was amused with this negotiation, which was purposely protracted, the artful Napoleon had struck a great blow ; the battle of Austerlitz being fought, which led to an armistice, and finally dissolved the coalition. Thus the opportunity which presented itself to Prussia, of restoring the balance of power, was lost; and Frederick- William saw, when it was too late, the deplorable consequences of his indecision. The Prussian troops had taken the field, and begun their march to the scene of action, when the news of the armistice stopped their progress. Unwilling to embark alone in a contest with a victorious army, elated with its double triumph over the troops of Austria and Russia, Frederick-William again had recourse to negotiation, and a negotiator was again dispatched to the French head-quarters : but, before his arrival, Haugwitz had signed a definitive treaty at Vienna; by which Prussia, from being the ally of the coalesced powers, openly joined with Fiance, and participated with her in the spoils of Germany. By this treaty, a mutual guarantee of possessions was stipulated ; and, in return for the ces- sion of three provinces to France, Hanover was to be annexed to Prussia. Thus, while the Prussian cabinet had promised to support the cause of the allies by the most solemn engagements, and had thereby acquired the absolute disposal of the Russian troops in Germany, and a direct influence over the British and Swedish armies in Hanover, besides assurances of a powerful pecuniary assistance from England in the event of being driven to war with France ; a Prussian minister, who had been sent to Vienna, for the purpose of securing by negotia- tion the neutrality of the north of Germany, concluded there a secret treaty with the enemy of Russia and Eng- land, by which his master obtained, in exchange for three vol. in. c c of 19S FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, of his provinces, the electoral dominions of his ally the King of England. Although the infamy of this transaction, in the first instance, belonged exclusively to Count Haugwitz, Fre- derick-William, by sanctioning the treaty, shared in the dishonour; and although it may be very desirable for a monarch to add to the strength and security of his do- minions by the annexation of a most important and va- luable province, yet in doing this he is not to lose sight of every principle of justice. A sense of shame, and fear of censure, prevented the cabinet of Berlin from consent- ing at once to an unconditional ratification of this treaty, or a disclosure of its contents; and, under pretence of securing the electorate of Hanover from the calamities of another ruinous war, the troops of the allies were withdrawn from it, and replaced by Prussians. To the British minister at Berlin it was said, that arrangements concluded with France for insuring the tranquillity of Hanover " stipulated expressly the committing of that country to the exclusive guard of the Prussian troops, and to the administration of the King, until the conclu- sion of a peace between England and France:" and the assertion, that, " till the conclusion of a general peace, Hanover would be wholly occupied and governed by Prussia," was repeated in the proclamation of Frederick- William, on taking possession of the electorate; but he said not a word of his ulterior design of annexing it to the Prussian monarchy, in exchange for territories which he had ceded to France. On the 15th of February the treaty with France was signed ; and on the 24th Bernadotte took possession of Anspach and Bayreuth for the King of Bavaria, to whom these provinces were transferred by France. On the 18th, the Prussians evacuated Wesel; and on the 21st, the French troops were withdrawn from Hameln, tha only place in the electorate of Hanover which they had continued to occupy. On the 28th of March, a procla- mation was issued by Count Schulenberg, in the name of the King of Prussia, ordering " the ports of the Ger- man Ocean, and the rivers which empty themselves in it, to be shut against British shipping and trade, in the same manner as when Hanover was occupied by French troops." And on the 1st of April a patent appeared, under KING OF PRUSSIA. 199 under the authority of Frederick-William, annexing for- mally the electorate of Hanover to his other dominions, on pretence that, belonging to the Emperor Napoleon " by right of conquest," it had been transferred to Prussia, " in consideration of the cession of three of her provinces to France. These disgraceful and unjustifiable proceedings occa- sioned a protest from Count Munster, as contrary to the rights of his sovereign; and as a measure of which his Majesty, so far from giving his assent to it, highly dis- approved. No regard being paid to this protest, nor to the remonstrance accompanying it, that " if the occupa- tion of Hanover by a Prussian force was inevitable, it should take place under such stipulations as were least injurious to the right of his Majesty, and least severe upon the unhappy inhabitants;" Mr. Fox took occasion to express, in an official note to Baron Jacobi, the Prus- sian minister in London, the great anxiety felt by his Majesty at the manner in which possession had been taken of the electorate of Hanover; and to desire him explicitly to inform his court, " that no convenience of political arrangement, much less any offer of equivalent or indemnity, would ever induce his Mnjtsty so far to forget what was due to iiis own legitimate rights, as well as to the exemplary fidelity and attachment of his Ha- noverian subjects, as to consent to the nl it nation of the electorate." This note (which, had it been delivered earlier, might have stopt the Prussian cabinet in its dis- graceful career) was now too late, alter the ce*sions had actually been accomplished His Britannic Majesty, as Elector of Hanover, was advised by his ministry to for- bear using force; and to content himself with remon- strating by amicable negotiation against the injury he had sustained, and resting his claim for reparation on the moderation of his conduct, on the justice of his repre- sentation, and on the common interest which Prussia herself must ultimately feel to resist a system destructive of all legitimate possessions. But when, instead of re- ceiving assurances conformable to this just expectation, his Majesty was informed that the determination had been taken of excluding by force the vessels and com- modities of Great Britain from ports and countries under the lawful dominion or forcible control of Prussia, it was c c 2 impossible 200 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, impossible for his Majesty longer to delay to act, with- out neglecting the first duty which he owed to his peo- ple : the dignity of his crown, and the interests of his subjects, equally forbade his acquiescence in this open and unprovoked aggression. No sooner, therefore, had intelligence reached London of the actual exclusion of British shipping from the Elbe, and of the determination of Frederick-William to shut all the ports of the German Ocean against the British flag, than measures of retalia- tion were adopted by England. A declaration was also issued by his Britannic Majesty, in his capacity of Elec- tor of Hanover, recapitulating all the instances of per- fidy, insincerity, and rapacity of the court of Berlin, and solemnly protesting, for himself and his heirs, against every encroachment on his right to the electorate of Brunswick Lunenburg and its dependencies. In addition to the war with England, the subserviency of Frederick-William to Napoleon involved him in hos- tilities with Sweden. The Swedish troops, who occupied Lunenburg for the King of England, having opposed the entrance of the Prussian troops into that duchy, were compelled, after a slight resistance, to retreat into Meck- lenburgh. Upon which his Swedish Majesty laid an embargo on all Prussian vessels in his harbours, and issued an order for the blockade of all the Prussian ports in the Baltic. We have hitherto contemplated Frederick-William unsteady and fluctuating in his policy, constant only in his duplicity ; professing neutrality at the commencement of the war, though secretly under engagements to Napo- leon detrimental to the allies; assuming, next, the cha- racter of a mediator, after having concluded a secret treaty of alliance with the coalesced powers, and ob- tained the promise of a subsidy from England'; and, lastly, pretending to negotiate for the neutrality of Hanover, while meditating, with unexampled perfidy, to appropriate that country to his dominions. We are now to behold him, enraged at the disappointment of his ambitious projects, impatient of the contempt with which he is treated, and goaded on by the universal indignation of his subjects, seeking to retrieve his honour and cha- racter by resistance to France, but without wisdom or foresight in his plans, and constant to the last in his dis- simulation. KING OF PRUSSIA. 201 simulation. It is probable, that Napoleon never thoroughly forgave the court of Berlin for the danger to which he was exposed by the vacillation and momentary change of its political system, after the affair of An^pach; hut, while he stood in awe of its power, and had reason to fear the conse- quences of its hostility, he continued to flatter and amuse, its ministers with protestations of regard and assurances of friendship. The journey which Haugwitz took to Paris, opened the eyes even of that minister to the sincerity and value of these declarations. But the first public act of Napoleon, which gave serious offence and alarm to Frederick-William and his cabinet, was the investi- ture of his brother-in-law, Murat, with the duchies of Berg and Cleves. But a deeper and more sensible in- jury awaited Frederick- William. While Laforest, the French resident at Berlin, was urging its ministers to persist in the measures they had adopted for retaining Hanover, Lucchesini discovered at Paris, that the French government had offered to the King of Great Britain the complete restitution of his Electoral dominions. Thus, after the sacrifice of her honour and reputation, Prussia saw herself, on the eve of a general peace, about to be deprived of the reward for which she had consented to act a part so mean, treacherous, and unworthy, with- out an opportunity of retrieving her character, or of bet- tering her condition by resistance. Fortunately for her, the negotiation for peace between France and Russia, after preliminaries had been signed at Paris, was broken off by the refusal of the court of St. Petersburg to ratify the treaty concluded by its minister. But this event, while it opened to Frederick-William the pros- pect of assistance in case he should be driven into a war with France, disclosed to him further proofs of the secret enmity of Napoleon, and of his readiness to abandon his interests. Two other causes contributed materially to the determination of Frederick-William to commence war against France : the one, by its effect on the public mind; the other, on account of the injury done to Prussia. The occupation of Cattaro by the Russians had served as a pretext to Napoleon, not only for retaining possession of Brennau in the hereditary states of Austria after the term stipulated for its sur- render by the peace of Presburg, but for keeping on foot an 202 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, an immense army in Germany, which he maintained at the expence of the free towns and states of Svvabia and Fianconia. The presence of so large an army on its frontiers excited the jealousy and awakened the fears of the Prussian cabinet. To overawe Prussia, rather than to recover Cattaro, seemed to be the object of assembling so great a force in that quarter; and when troops were collected in Westphalia, the suspicion was converted into certainty. Complaints were addressed from every quar- ter to Berlin, of the severity of the French contributions, and of the insufferable burden of supporting their armies. The barbarous murder of Palm, a bookseller of Nurem- berg, for an alleged libel on Napoleon, excited universal indignation, and roused every pen in Germany to call down vengeance on such atrocious and unwarrantable acts. All eyes were turned to Prussia, imploring of the King assistance and relief; while the bitterest reproaches were uttered against that selfish and temporizing policy, which had subjected Germany to such calamities and disgrace. The popular feeling at Berlin, in the court, in the army, and among the burghers, was loudly and un- equivorally expressed against the base, unprincipled, truckling policy of the government since it had been diiected by Haugwitz, Lombard, and others. The sur- prise and indignation which the scandalous traffic of the Prussian provinces for Hanover had excited at first, sub- sequent events had not allayed; everyday had brought the news of some fresh encroachment on the part of Na- poleon, of some new insult or mortification to Prussia. The young officers, inflamed with military ardour, were eager to distinguish themselves against the conquerors of Austria. The old generals, who recollected the glorious days of Frederick the Second, forgot their age and infirmities, as well as the immense changes which had taken place since that time both in France and Prussia, and joined in the cry for war. Prince Lewis of Prussia, who had a few years before been called the Prussian Duke of Orleans, took the lead in inspiring these sentiments, and diffusing them among the young men of his rank. The Queen, young, beautiful, and amiable, listening to her indignation at the atrocities, usurpations, and insults of France, and jealous of her husband's honour and reputation, joined in the same caus& KING OF PRUSSIA. 203 cause. The ministers, weak and unprincipled, hated and despised, were unable to resist the torrent which hurried the Prussian monarchy to destruction, and deprived the King of nearly half his dominions, and left the remainder at the mercy of his conqueror. At what time all hopes of peace were abandoned, and hostilities finally resolved upon by Frederick-William, is uncertain. Prussia began to make preparations about the middle of August 1806, and to put her army on the war establishment. Knoblesdorff was sent to Paris in the beginning of September, for the purpose of gaining time. Lucchesini, who had been long the Prussian mi- nister at Paris, when he foresaw that war was inevitable, had contrived that one of his dispatches to his court, full of complaints against the French government, should fall into their hands. Incensed at the tone of his dis- patch, Napoleon demanded his recal, and imputed to his misrepresentations the misunderstanding that had arisen between France and Prussia. With this demand the court of Berlin readily complied, and congratulated itself upon the success of a stratagem which, it hoped, had given a false direction to the suspicion of its enemy. To prolong the deceit, it made choice of General Knoblesdorff to be its minister at Paris, a warm partisan of France, and sincerely attached to peace, and quite unsuspicious of the artifice he was sent to practise. The professions of peace which he made by the desire of his court, after it had determined on hostilities, were on his part perfectly sincere; and so little was he aware of the secret designs either of his own government, or of that to which he was sent, that when Napoleon left Paris to take the command of the army against Prussia, Knoblesdorff inquired, with the greatest simplicity, whether he should not accompany his Majesty the Emperor to head-quarters. Such a nego- tiator might be duped by his employers, but could not long deceive the penetration of Napoleon, and his saga- cious minister, Talleyrand. Knoblesdorff arrived at Paris on the 7th of September, with a letter from Frederick- William to Napoleon, full of civil and friendly profes- sions; to which cot responding returns, probably equally sincere, were made. On the 11th a note was addressed to him by Talleyrand, complaining of warlike prepara- tions in Prussia, which were publicly stated at Berlin to be 204 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, be directed against France; and adding, amidst profes- sions of regard for Frederick-William, and of regret that he should listen to counsels so much at variance with his true interests, that the Emperor had ordered reinforce- ments to be sent to his army. KnoblesdoifT, in reply, assured Talleyrand, that his master had entered into no concert with the enemies of France; and that the war- like preparations of Prussia had arisen from a misunder- standing, which the Emperor's late interesting conversa- tions with himself and Lucchesini, he had no doubt, would remove. On receiving these assurances, Napoleon declared, that he should make no public declaration on the subject of his differences with Prussia, till the effect of K noble sdorlf's report at Berlin was known. A second communication from Talleyrand, complaining that the intelligence from Berlin wore every day a more hostile aspect, and expatiating upon the natural ties between France and Prussia, " war between which," he said, " appeared to the Emperor a political monstrosity," maintained for some time longer the appearance of a negotiation with a view to peace. But, in the mean- while, the French troops were continually advancing to the future scene of action; and, on the ( 24th of Septem- ber, Napoleon left his capital to take the command of his army, having three days before summoned the confede- rates of the Rhine to furnish their contingents. On the 1st of October, the mask which Prussia had so ineffectually worn, was at length laid aside. A note was presented by Knoblesdorff, demanding, as a prelimi- nary to negotiation, that the whole of the French troops should immediately pass the Rhine; and that the basis of the negotiation should be the separation of Wesel from the French empire, and the re-occupation of the three ab- beys by the French troops. To these demands Napoleon did not even deign to answer; but Talleyrand, in a report on the causes of the war, dextrously availed himself of them to shew, with some degree of plausibility, that, had France been willing to gratify the unjust ambition of Prussia at the expence of her weaker neighbours, the flames of war would not have been rekindled upon the continent. It was a great fault in Frederick-William, when he de- termined upon war with France, to continue the same persons KING OF PRUSSIA. 205 persons in his government who had directed his councils during the late disgraceful proceedings. These persons had given abundant proofs of incapacity, in all the nego- tiations they had conducted; and such was their repu- tation, that they had no means of inspiring other govern- ments with confidence in the sincerity of their pro- fessions, but by embarking their master, alone and unas- sisted, in a contest with Napoleon. Whether it was from this conviction, or from a vain hope, in which they in- dulged to the last moment, of adjusting their differences with Fiance, they were strangely remiss in communi- cating to other powers their intention to go to war. It was from the Emperor Alexander only that Frederick- William could expect, in the first instance, to receive effectual aid : but, though a letter from his Prussian Majesty had informed the Emperor Alexander, in the month of August, of the relations in which he then stood towards France, no intimation was given to him of the approaching war; nor was any measure taken for obtain- ing from him assistance till the 18th of September, when Count Krusemach left Berlin for St. Petersburgh, charged •with such a commission. Krusemach arrived at St. Pe- tersburgh on the 30th. Orders for marching, though expedited immediately after his arrival, could not reach the Russian army in Poland till the 5th or 6th of Octo- ber ; nor could that army arrive at the scene of action in Germany till the middle of November: so that Fre- derick-William voluntarily exposed himself and his country for a whole month, without assistance, to resist the best army and the best generals in Europe. With such men as Haugwitz, Lombard, and Beyma, at the head of affairs, it ceases to be a matter of surprise, that no overtures of friendship and alliance had been pro- posed to the court of Vienna, nor even an attempt made to sound the dispositions of that government; but, cou- sidering of how much importance, in the then circum- stances of Prussia, was a good understanding between the courts of Berlin and Vienna, it is surprising that Fre- derick-William should have retained ministers in his confidence, whose presence in his councils was sufficient to prevent so desirable an end from being attained. Bad as had been the conduct of Prussia towards Eng- land, and unwilling as she still was to give up Hanover, vol. in. d d the 206 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD. the desire and hope of a subsidy got the better of every consideration, and induced her ministers, when they sent Count Krusemach to St. Petersburgh, to communicate to Mr. Thornton, the British minister at Hamburgh, the disposition of Frederick-William to accommodate his differences with his Britannic Majesty. A desire was expressed, that some person should be authorized by the English government to open a negotiation for that pur- pose; but no communication was made to Mr. Thornton of the nature of the differences with France, nor as- surance given of their readiness to adopt for the basis of negotiation the restitution of Hanover. The British ministry, though they had reason to believe that the quarrel between France and Prussia originated in the offer of the former to give back Hanover to the King of Great Britain, hesitated not a moment to comply with their request, but appointed Lord Morpeth to proceed without delay to the Prussian head-quarters, there to enter on negotiations for peace. Lord Morpeth imme- diately proceeded on his mission, and arrived at Weimar on the 12th of October. This promptitude did not suit Erederick-William and his ministry. They were on the eve of a great battle, which might decide the fate of the campaign; and they were unwilling, while the event was uncertain, to pledge themselves to an act of justice, or entangle themselves in a connexion of no immediate utility : if victory remained to the Prussians, Hanover might still be their's; if defeated, they were afraid lest their having contracted engagements with England might be prejudicial to them, should they be compelled to so- licit peace from Napoleon. Persisting to the last in his duplicity, so dishonourable to Frederick-William, Haug- witz, who had been appointed to negotiate with the English minister, contrived, by breaking his word, and by other disingenuous shifts, to avoid seeing him at Weimar and Erfurt, and subsequently to the battle of Auerstadt; but, while the result of that battle was un- known, Lord Morpeth having asked Lucchesiui, whe- ther the court of Prussia was ready to enter on imme- diate negotiation, the Italian unguardedly replied, " that it would depend on the issue of the battle which had just been fought." After the review of the conduct of Frederick-William, which KING OF PRUSSIA. 207 which led to a war with Napoleon, and which annihilated his power, it must be admitted that the provocations which he received from France were great, numerous, and galling; but we should look in vain for such an open insult, or impending injury, as left no other alternative than an appeal to arms. If the indulgence of his resent- ment was his object in commencing hostilities, prudence should have restrained his anger till means of gratifying it had been secured. If his motive in going to war was an honourable desire of asserting the liberties of Europe, and setting bounds to the encroachments of Napoleon, greater caution might have been expected from him than to have embarked with such inadequate means in so ar- duous an enterprise. But if Hanover was the cause of his quarrel, nothing could be more absurd than to make war in order to maintain his pretensions to a country which he must begin by ceding to its lawful sovereign for his assistance to enable him to carry on the contest. War with France having been resolved on, the Prussian government committed a capital error in the choice of its General. It was at first settled that Frederick- William, assisted by a council of general officers, should take the command in person ; but this arrangement was liable to many objections. A military council, composed of general officers among whom there was no marked superiority of rank or character, and controlled by a mo- narch unexperienced in war, diffident of his abilities, and therefore unsteady in his determinations, governed by ministers equally timid and irresolute as himself, was a most unfit instrument to oppose to so great a military genius as Napoleon. But, exceptionable as was the plan of a military council to direct the operations of the war, it may be questioned whether it was not exposed to fewer objections than the appointment of such a com- mander as the Duke of Brunswick to be Generalissimo of the army. A more unfortunate choice for that im- portant situation it was impossible to have made. The Duke of Brunswick had distinguished himself in early youth under his uncle, Prince Ferdinand, as an active successful partisan, and had afterwards gained a high re- putation in courts by the prosperous issue of his expedition against the Dutch Patriots in Holland. But that reputa- tion, which among military men had been always some- d d 2 what 208 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, what equivocal, he had subsequently forfeited by his mis- carriages in Fiance; and on no occasion had he displayed the talents of a great general, or shewn a mind suffi- ciently capacious and comprehensive to direct the move- ments of a great army. A well-disposed sovereign, and well-bred courtier, he was neither a good general nor a great man. Elevated to his present high command, not by the opinion of his merit, or the recollection of his services, but by his skill and management of intrigue, it was soon evident that the narrowness of his mind was unequal to the magnitude of a situation, which he had ambition to covet, but wanted ability to fill. Wrapped up in mystery and concealment, he had little intercourse with officers of merit, and admitted no generals to his councils of war, but Mullendorf, where he discussed military plans with Frederick-William, Haugwitz, and Lucchesini. Immersed in details, he bestowed on infe- rior concerns the time which should have been occupied with business of importance; and yet so deficient was he in method and arrangement, that the sole result of his labours was confusion and discontent. Unable to form and combine a well-digested system of operations for the conduct of the campaign, his perplexed and contra- dictory orders, the irregular marches and countermarches of his troops, shewed too plainly that he pursued no steady plan, nor had any well-defined object in view. Disconcerted and alarmed at every movement of the French, it was manifest that he had not penetrated the designs of his enemy, nor provided against their success. So obvious was his incapacity, that his army quickly perceived his unfitness to command them, and lost all confidence in their general. Such was the commander, to whom Frederick-William entrusted the destinies of his house; and the result proved, when too late, how calamitous a choice he had made. Early in October, the Prussian head-quarters were at Naumberg, where also their principal magazines were collected ; and their army extended itself in the country bordering on the Saale, in Upper Saxony. On the 4th of that month, their head-quarters were removed forward to Erfurt; and, on the 10th, to Weimar. Their left, commanded by Prince Hohenlohe, uuder whom were General Tauenzein and Prince Lewis of Prussia, occu- pied KING OF PRUSSIA. 2Q9 pied Saalfeld, Schleitz, and Hof ; and its advanced post extended to Munchberg and Culmbach. Their centre, commanded by the Duke of Brunswick, Marshal Mul- lendorf, and Frederick- William in person, was distri- buted in the neighbourhood of Erfurt, Weimar, Gotha, and Eisenach; and its vanguard, under the Duke ot" Saxe-Weimar, was stationed at Memungen, on the Werra. Their right, commanded by General Ruchel, extended to Mulhausen. From this disposition of the Prussian army, it is probable that, had not the Duke of Brunswick been anticipated by Napoleon, it was his intention to have begun hostilities by bearing down with his right on Fraukfort, with his centre on Wurtzberg, and with his left on Bamberg. A separate corps, under Blu- cher, which had been stationed at Gottingen, for the protection of Westphalia, joined the main army before the battle. Hesse was neutral ; but the Saxons acted as auxiliaries to the Prussians, and served in the left under Prince Hohenlohe. The reserve of the Prussian army, under Prince Eugene of Wirtemberg, did not arrive from Custrin till after the battle of Auerstadt. The whole force of the King of Prussia, including the Saxons, did not amount to less than 150,000 men, commanded by the Duke of Brunswick. While this immense army remained inactive on the banks of the Saale, the French were collecting their scattered troops, and concentrating them in the neighbourhood of Bamberg. On the Gth of October, Napoleon arrived in that city; and, on the 8th, he put the French army in motion to attack the Prus- sians. Why the Duke of Brunswick suffered them peaceably to assemble their forces, without any move- ment to attack them, before the divisions of their army had formed a junction, it is difficult to explain. If offensive operations did not enter into the plan of the campaign, why did Prussia hurry on the war so unneces- sarily? why advance beyond the frontiers to meet an enemy whom she had determined not to attack ? Was it to get the start of Napoleon in Saxony, and prevent its Eector from acting towards her the part which the Elector of Bavaria had, the year before, done towards Austria? But had that been her motive, would Prussia have consented to the neutrality of Hesse, for no better reason than to indulge the avarice of the Elector, who hoped 210 FREDERICK -WILLIAM THE THIRD, i • n hoped to obtain from England, by an affected backward- ness in the war, a larger subsidy for his assistance. And, after all, what were the Saxons and Hessians, in compa- rison of the Russians, from whom every step taken by the Prussians in Thuringia, was removing them to a greater distance. If the Prussians were too weak to attack the French before the armies of the latter had united, they were still less able to resist them after their junction; and, in that case, nothing remained for the weaker party, but to fall back on the allies who were coming up to its aid. The position of the Prussian army was strong and im- pregnable; but a wise general, attentive to every danger to which his troops are exposed, should have reflected on the possibility of the enemy's turning their flank, getting possession of their magazines, shutting them up in a country without resources, and forcing them to fight at a disadvantage, and, if defeated, without the possibility of escape. The magazines at Hof Zwickau, Weissenfels, and Naumberg, were left without protection, exposed to the attacks of the French ; and, when cut off from these, the Prussians had no alternative but to fight or starve. There were no resources in the barren country of Weimar for maintaining so large an army, and numerous cavalry, as the Prussians. There was no bread, no beer, no brandy, for their men ; and no fodder for their horses. When their cavalry took the field on the morning of the battle of Auerstadt, the horses had been without corn, and the men without food, for two nights and a day. Another fatal error in the disposition of the Prussian army was its encampment on the left bank of the Saale: by which the electorate of Saxony, the chief fortresses of the Prus- sian states, and the capital itself, were laid open to the French ; and the Prussians, in case of disaster, were cut off from the strong fortress of Magdeburgh, the only rallying point where they could assemble, or place of refuge where they could be in safety. Such were the errors of the Prussian commander. With respect to the French, it is needless to repeat their positions and operations, as they have been fully noticed in our Memoirs of Napoleon. The battle of Jena, which was the result of these operations, it is hardly necessary to repeat here, was fatal to the Prussian army, and no less so KING OF PRUSSIA. 9 [ { so to the Prussian monarchy. The loss to Frederick- William was 20,000 Prussians killed or wounded, and from 30 to 40,000 prisoners. The Duke of Brunswick and Lieutenant-General Schmettau were mortally wounded; above 20 generals and lieutenant-generals were made prisoners; and 300 pieces of cannon, and 60 standards, were taken. Many were the errors of the Prussian generals in the battle of Jena. In addition to those we have already no- ticed in this narrative, the most fatal were, their omitting, on the day before the battle, to possess themselves of the impregnable heights and defiles of Koesen; their neg- lecting to have any corps in reserve to support their bat- talions against the double reserve of the French ; their leaving the Duke of Saxe Weimar with 10,000 men at Meinungen, where he remained until next day, unac- quainted with what had passed ; the absence of all concert and co-operation between the two divisions of their army principally engaged; and the unprepared state in which they were found by Napoleon when the battle began. After the Duke of Brunswick was carried off the field, there was no commander-in-chief to issue general orders to the army. The corps fought singly, without plan or combination, or attention to the movements of the French. When the action was lost, the troops who escaped from the field of battle fled in different directions, and ulti- mately were all taken prisoners, or dispersed, because no rallying point to retreat upon had been settled in case such a disaster should befal them. After the fatal battle of Jena, Frederick-William, who had behaved with great gallantry during the whole affair, arrived at Charlottenberg, near Berlin, on the 17th ; and from thence he continued his route to Custrin, on the Oder. From Custrin he soon after repaired to Os- terode, in West Prussia; and from Osterode to Konigs- berg, where he remained at the end of the year, without having again joined his army. He was followed to Cus- trin by the garrison of Berlin, which was withdrawn from that city on the 21st, and a provisional administration appointed to maintain the public tranquillity till the arrival of the French. This last event was not long de- layed. On the morning of the 25th, the corps of Mar- shal 212 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, shaJ Davoust entered Berlin, and was next day followed by that of Augereau. Napoleon had arrived on the 24th at Potzdam, where he stopped to examine the apartment, and visit the tomb, of the great Frederick. He ordered the sword of tha* great warrior, his scarf, the ribband of his order the Black Eagle, and all the colours he took in the seven years' war, to be sent to the Hotel of the Invalids at Paris, as a pre- sent to the old soldiers who had served in the Hano- verian war, and memorial of one of the greatest generals recorded in history. He had already seized an oppor- tunity of gratifying the long-wounded vanity of his countrymen, by taking down the monument erected in commemoration of the battle of Rosbach, and ordering it to be conveyed to Paris, as a proof that the disgrace which that day had brought on the French arms was at length effaced. At Potzdam he was informed, that Spandau had surrendered, though held by a strong gar- rison, and amply provided with stores and ammunition. On the 27th he made his public entry into Berlin: and, the next day, he gave audience to the foreign ministers, in amity with France, resident in that city; to the Lu- theran and reformed consistories, whom he assured of his protection; to the members of the court of appeal, to whom he gave instructions how to administer justice; and to the civil authorities of the city, to whom he re- commended strongly to maintain a vigilant police. " I will not suffer any windows to be broken," said he. " My brother the King of Prussia ceased to be a King from the day when Prince Lewis Ferdinand was bold enough to break the windows of his Majesty's ministers: his Ma- jesty should have ordered him to be hanged." Some of the persons who presented themselves before him on this and other occasions were received with bitter taunts and studied mortifications, on account of the share which they had in lighting up the flames of war; but no one was forbid his presence except Prince Hatzfeldt, head of the provisional government of BerliD. That nobleman, accused of acting as a spy for Prince Hohenlohe, and of sending him intelligence from Berlin of the military movements of the French, was a few moments afterwards arrested, and delivered over to a military tribunal; by which he would have been inevitably condemned to death, KING OF PRUSSIA. 213 death, and in a few hours executed, but for the intercession of his wife, the daughter of the minister Schulenberg, whose grief and despair extorted his pardon from Napoleon. Immediately after the battle of Jena, Frederick-Wil- liam applied to Napoleon for an armistice; and though his request of a cessation of hostilities was refused, he was encouraged to send a plenipotentiary to the French bead-quarters, to negotiate peace. Lucchesini was ac- cordingly dispatched thither without delay; and, arriving there on the 22d of October, Duroc was named on the part of Napoleon to negotiate with him. At first the Prussian minister was amused with hopes of concluding a peace on the terms he was authorized to offer : but, as the situation of Frederick-William became every day more desperate, by the capture of his armies and surren- der of his fortified places, the demands of the French rose in proportion; and at length Napoleon explicitly declared, that he would never quit Berlin, nor evacuate Poland, till Moldavia and Wallachia were yielded by the Russians in complete sovereignty to the Porte, and till a general peace was concluded, on the basis of the resti- tution of all the Spanish, French, and Dutch colonies and possessions, taken by England during the war. With this declaration, all hopes of peace vanished: instead ot which, an armistice was proposed by the French, and, after much fruitless negotiation, concluded by Lucche- sini, on terms so disadvantageous and disastrous to Fre- derick-William, as well as impossible for him to execute, that, reduced as lie was by misfortune, he refused to ra- tify it. The terms of the armistice are sufficient to ex- cuse him in the eyes of all impartial persons : in order to obtain a suspension of arms, without any hope ot peace, and with a reservation to France of a right to renew hos- tilities after ten days' notice, he was to surrender Dantzic, Colherg, Breslau, and, in a word, almost all the fortified places in his possession, besides engaging — what he could not perform 1 — to prevent the entrance of the Russian troops into his dominions. Desperate as was the chance of war, it was better than submission to such conditions; and Frederick-William, relying upon the co-operation of the Emperor Alexander, was determined once more to stake his fortune upon the issue of another campaign. vol. in. j; y, After 214 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, After the battle of Pultusk, which ended in the almost entire dispersion of the few troops that Frederick-Wil- liam had been able to preserve after the defeat at Jena, he, with his Queen, the ministry, the treasure, his most valuable* property, and a select guard of 1500 horse and foot, retreated to Memel. The other forces which the once mighty kingdom of Prussia now possessed were as follows : there were 5000 troops under the command of General Lestocq, the greater part of which remained in Konigsberg; there was a garrison of 6000 troops in Dantzig, 2000 at Colberg, and 3000 at Graudentz ; and from 15 to 20,000 were dispersed in the different gar- risons of Silesia. The only hope, therefore, of Frederick- William was in the cordial support and co-operation of the Emperor Alexander; and, to keep him from sinking into absolute despair, a military officer from England promised him assistance, both of money and troops, and an immediate advance of .£80,000 was made him to sup- port his garrisons in Silesia. The battle of Friedland, however, and the treaty of Tilsit, which immediately followed it, destroyed all the hopes of Frederick-William, and laid the Prussian monarchy at the feet of the vic- torious Napoleon. Napoleon, with his guards, entered Tilsit on the 19th of June; the Emperor Alexander, who had been in that place with Frederick-William for three weeks, having left it in great haste. On the same day, an armistice was proposed by the Russian commander-in-chief, and agreed to on the 22d of June, between the Russian and French armies. It was settled also, that a similar armistice should be concluded between the French and Prussian armies in the course of five days; that plenipotentiaries should be instantly appointed by each party for the salu- tary work of a pacification; and that there should be an immediate exchange of prisoners. The boundary be- tween the French and Russian armies, during the ar- mistice, was the Thalivag, or middle of the stream of the Niemen, from the Kurisch-harf, where it falls into the sea, to Grodno, and a line from thence to the confines of Russia, between the Narew and the Bug. Such was the formidable position of the French, while nothing re- mained to the unfortunate Frederick-William, king of Prussia, but the small town and territory of Memel. It was KING OF PRUSSIA. 215 was settled, that half the town of Tilsit should be consi- dered as neutral ground, and be occupied by the Empe- ror of Russia, with the officers of his household and body-guards. Great were the mutual courtesies, and ex- pressions of kindness and respect, that ensued among the French, Russians, and Prussians, of all ranks; and the town of Tilsit exhibited a continued scene of visiting, feasting, and all kinds of entertainment and festivity that could be thought of. A magnificent dinner was given by Napoleon's guards to those of the Emperor Alexander and Frederick- William. At this entertainment they ex- changed uniforms, and were to be seen in the streets in a motley kind of dress, partly Russian, partly Prussian, and partly French. But, amidst all this festivity and joy, and apparent cordiality, the most disastrous and unfortu- nate treaty to Prussia was negotiating. This treaty was signed on the 7th July 1807, between the Emperor Alex- ander and the Emperor Napoleon: and as the contest between Russia and France related not to any direct interests of their own, but wholly to those of their re- spective allies, there was nothing to be adjusted between them on their own account, farther than that there should be henceforth perfect peace and amity between them; that all hostilities between them should immediately cease, at all points, by sea and land; and that, for this purpose, couriers should be dispatched to their respective generals and other commanders. The great sacrifice to peace was the kingdom of Prussia, which was reduced at once from the rank of a primary to that of a secondary power of Europe; and all that had been done for the augmentation and aggrandisement of this monarchy by the great Frederick, in the course of twenty years, undone in one day. Frederick-William, by the peace of Tilsit, together with an immense territory, lost nearly half of his yearly revenues, and five millions of his subjects; and Prussia was brought back nearly to the state in which it was on the 1st of January 1772, before the first partition of Po- land. The greater part of those provinces which on that day formed a part of the kingdom of Poland, and had 9ince at different times been subjected to Prussia, were given to the King of Saxony, with power of possession and sovereignty, under the title of the Duchy of Warsaw, e e 2 and 216 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, and were to be governed by a new constitution, or system of fundamental laws, that should secure the liberties and privileges of the people, and be consistent with the secu- rity of the neighbouring states. The city of Dantzig, with a territory of two leagues round it, was restored to her former independence, under the protection of Fre- derick-William and the King of Saxony, to be governed by the laws by which she was governed at the time she ceased to be her own mistress. For a communication between the kingdom of Saxony and the duchy of War- saw, the king of Saxony was to have the free use of a military road through the states of Frederick-William. This road, the number of troops to be allowed to pass at once, and the resting-places, with magazines, to be fixed by a particular agreement between the two sovereigns, under the mediation of Napoleon. Neither Frederick- William, the King of Saxony, nor the city of Dantzig, were to oppose any obstacles to the free navigation of the Vistula, under the name of tolls, rights, or duties. In order, as far as possible, to establish a natural boun- dary between Russia and the duchy of Warsaw, a certain territory, heretofore under the dominion of Frederick- William, was to be for ever united to the Russian empire: this territory comprised a population of 200,000 souls. Their Royal Highnesses the Dukes of Saxe-Cobourg, Oldenburg, and Mecklenburgh Schwerin, were each oft them to be restored to the complete and quiet possession of their estates; but the ports in the duchy of Oldenburg to remain in the possession of French garrisons till a definitive treaty of peace should be signed between France and England; for the accomplishing of which the medi- ation of Russia was to be accepted, on the condition that this mediation should be accepted by England in one month after the ratification of this treaty. Until the ra- tification of a definitive treaty of peace between France and England, all the ports belonging to Frederick- William, without exception, were to be shut against the English. The Emperor Alexander acknowledged the Confederation of the Rhine, Joseph Buonaparte as King of Naples, Louis Buonaparte as King of Holland, and Jerome Buonaparte as King of Westphalia — a kingdom to consist of the provinces ceded by Frederick-William on the left bank of the Elbe, and other states then in possession KING OF PRUSSIA. 21? possession of Napoleon. These were the most important articles in this famous treaty ; there were others, relating to private estates and other property, more interesting, no doubt, to individuals. The time and manner in which the different stipulations in the treaties were to be carried into execution, were fixed by a special convention be- tween France and Prussia. The Prussian fortresses in Silesia that held out the longest against the French were Glatz and Silverberg. Graudentz and Colberg, though vigorously besieged, still held out when the negotiations for peace were en- tered upon at Tilsit. The siege of this last place was fatal to thousands of the French. If all the governors of the Prussian fortresses had been animated with the fide- lity and persevering courage of Blucher, the issue of the war might have been very different; and had Frederick- William found it necessary to conclude a peace, the terms could not have failed of being considerably more favourable to him. Neither the loss of so much and so fine a territory, nor of revenue, nor of population, was so severe a wound, at least a wound so severely felt by Frederick-William, as the degrading conditions on which be was suffered to retain what remained: — a military road through Silesia, for opening and maintain ng a com- munication between the King of Saxony's German do- minions and his new Duchy of Warsaw ; and the shut- ting up of all the Prussian ports against England — those very ports through which he nad just rereived arms and other succours. The fine duchy of Silesia would not, it may be presumed, have been restored to Frederick- William, if in his hands it had not been calculated to serve as a constant source of hostility between the courts of Berlin and Vienna, which would essentially serve the views and policy of Napoleon. The military highway across Silesia was, in like manner, calculated to foment jealousy and discord between the courts of Berlin and Dresden, while it was to be at the same time wholly under the mediation, or, in other words, the control of France. The Confederation of theRhine,strensjthened by thecre- ation of the kingdom of Westphalia, was rendered too pow- erful to be shaken by any aggression on the part of Austria on the one hand, or of Russia on the other; and nothing but the 218 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, the mad ambition of Napoleon could ever have dissolved this master-stroke of policy. The kingdom of West- phalia, which, it seems, was intended to be pre-eminent among the other members of the Confederation, was to receive further accessions of territory by the annexation of other states, as might suit the convenience and plea- sure of Napoleon ; and the Emperor Alexander engaged to recognise the new limits, whatever they might be. The combination of this article with a passage in Napo- leon's address to the Senate a month after, gave rise to very serious reflection and anticipation. " If," says he, the house of Brandenburgh, which was the first to con- spire against our independence, yet reigns, it owes this to my sincere friendship for the powerful Emperor of the North. A French Pr.nce shall reign on the Elbe: he will know how to conciliate the interests of his new sub- jects with his first and most sacred duties." It was too late, after the fatal battle of Jena, for the Elector of Saxony to refuse any thing that Napoleon thought it politically wise to offer him. But it is deeply to be regretted, that so many sovereign princes, after the first partition of Poland by Russia, Austria, and Prussia, did not take the alarm. By the peace of Westphalia, in 1648, there was a kind of confederation among the European powers established on a moral basis, the laws of reason and justice, which are immutable and eternal; not on private and partial interests, which are for ever in a state of fluctuation. The sages of ancient Greece, which was divided into a vast number of co-ordinate states, considered politics as intimately connected with moral science. So also, till about fifty years ago, there was a public law, a law of nature and nations, universally acknowledged through- out the great European republic: a good understanding, and a constant regard for the individual interests and rights of every kingdom and independent state of Europe, was the support and security of the whole. But, after the treaty of Westphalia, when the grand league of Eu- rope was broken through by the scandalous partition of Poland, the affairs of the continent fell into ruin and con- fusion, and every moral tie that binds states together was swept away; one half of mankind being allured or driven to arms, for the purpose of subduing or enslaving the KING OF PRUSSIA 219 the other. One preponderating power operating on the unprincipled and blind cupidity of others, had no hesi- tation in admitting them to a share of the plunder; but, while the preponderancy of that power was maintained, the temporary boon might at any time be revoked. If the French had not taken care to retain the lion's share for themselves, their overbearing power and influence would have been maintained by making even equal divi- sions with the dupes whom they made subservient to their boundless views of ambition. It is a geometrical axiom, that if equal things be added to unequal, their wholes will be unequal. But the moral and political power of a great and preponderating government is not augmented merely according to the augmentation of its physical force, but in a much higher proportion. Every addition of territory offered to the sovereigns of Prussia, Bavaria, Baden, and other states, ought to have reminded them of the precarious tenure on which, if the rights of nations were no longer to be respected, they held what they already possessed. The whole history of Prussia, for the last half century, shews that her invariable policy was directed to her own aggrandisement. The great Frederick encouraged scepti- cism in matters of religion, and made no scruple to ac- knowledge that he was a robber by profession. Frederick was allowed to be a man of wit and genius; but he would have shewn greater wisdom if, instead of scoffing at, he had revered the great moral law: through the precepts thereof he would have got understanding; it would have made him wiser than his enemies. His house was Dot built on a moral basis, the rock of ages. Like a foolish man, " he built his house upon the sand : and the rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew and beat upon that house, and it fell; and great was the fall thereof." The Prussian monarchy had witnessed with pleasure successive dismemberments of the Austrian empire, and had been the uniform friend of all the suc- cessive governments of France since the revolution. Pro- voked at last to phrenzy by the insolent aggressions of a power, whose policy, unrestrained, like her own, by any considerations of right or wrong, pursued only its own aggrandisement, Prussia rushed in'o arms, and met her fate. The 220 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, The conduct of Frederick- William and his cabinet, which had so long been regarded with detestation, be- came now, when followed by its consequences, an object of contempt, scarcely mingled with any degree of pity for the King or Royal family, though there was a general sympathy with the inhabitants of the Prussian states, who were burdened with the maintenance of 40,000 French troops, distributed in four or five different garri- sons, besides an annual contribution of five millions of crowns, over and above all taxes paid for the support and service of the Prussian government, until all the demands of Napoleon should be satisfied. But though Frederick-William had followed the mise- rable system of his predecessors, and, from a hatred of Austria, and a short-sighted selfishness, connived at the encroachments of France on her neighbours till it was too late to resist them ; he roused himself at last from the lethargy into which he had fallen (perhaps, from the fa- cility of his disposition, and the indolence of his nature, and in which he had been encouraged by weak and wicked ministers), and displayed in his real character, when he assumed the government of himself, the senti- ments of a patriot, and the firmness of a hero. A con- federacy had been formed between Russia and Prussia for opposing a barrier to the continued torrent of French usurpation; and Prussia, though by far the weakest, was forced by her situation to sustain the first shock, by which she lost the greater part of her states. In this dis- astrous situation, Frederick-William refused to listen to overtures of peace, but magnanimously retired, with the broken remains of his army, to the extremity of his king- dom : where he was joined by his ally, the Emperor Alexander. The struggle was renewed in vain : peace was dictated by the conqueror, not far from the frontier of Russia. From Memel, Frederick-William, on the 24th of July, addressed to the subjects of his ceded ter- ritories the following most affecting proclamation, which, no doubt, contributed, with French oppression, to attach them still more to their lawful monarch : — " Dear Inhabitants of faithful Provinces, Districts, and Towns — My arms have been unfortunate: the efforts of what remained of my army have been of no avail. Driven to the. utmost boundaries of my empire, and seeing KING OF PRUSSIA. 221 seeing my powerful ally conclude an armistice, and sign a peace; it only remained for me to imitate his ex- ample. Peace was concluded, necessarily, upon terms prescribed by circumstances. It has imposed on me and my house, it has imposed on the whole country, the most painful sacrifices: the bands of treaties and of reciprocal love and duty, the work of ages, have been broken asunder. My efforts have proved in vain — fate ordains it; and the father parts with his children. I re- lease you completely from your allegiance to me and my house. My most ardent prayers for your welfare will always attend you in your relations to your new so- vereign. Be to him what ye have been to me. Neither force nor fate shall ever efface the remembrance of you from my heart." This affecting proclamation was followed by another of the same date, allowing the non-commissioned officers and privates of the Prussian army, born in the provinces of Southern Prussia and New Eastern Prussia, to go home to their friends and families; and the officers and cadets had the King's leave to enter into the service of the new so- vereign of those provinces. This was an act of paternal consideration and goodness on the part of Frederick- William; as the officers and cadets might not, so easily as the privates have found otherwise suitable means of subsistence. At the same time, Frederick-William both recruit- ed, and carried on the reforms that he had begun to in- troduce into his army in the month of December 180G. Having experienced, in the late calamitous and disastrous war, how Utile dependence was to be placed on foreign ad- venturers in his service, Frederick- William decreed that no strangers thenceforth should be admitted into the Prus- sian army. He made another regulation, of equal or greater importance: promotions in the army, even to the first stations, was opened to persons of distinguished merit of all ranks, without any consideration of birth or fortune; and punishments were inflicted on treachery, in both civil and military departments. The punishments inflicted on traitors in Prussia were, no doubt, regarded with an evil eye by Napoleon ; and the vigour and mag- nanimity of Frederick-William was probably not soon forgotten by him. VOL. III. f f In 222 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, In the mean time, the French troops remained longer than the periods fixed by treaty for their removal ; and the multiplied exactions, on various pretences, of the French intendant, Daru, were an intolerable burden to the oppressed people. The King strained every nerve, through the intercession of the Emperor Alexander, and by all other means that he could devise, to obtain some mitigation of those cruel contributions. When Napoleon's grand attack upon the Russian empire was made, Prussia was compelled to join him ; but when the failure of his ambitious schemes took place, Frederick-William promptly availed himself of the opportunity of retrieving his fallen fortunes. The first indication which the French received of the defec- tion of tlieir ally, was in the convention of General D'Yorck with the Russians. The latter having suc- ceeded in cutting off the Prussian division from the corps of Marshal Macdonald, General D'Yorck entered into a convention with them, by which he agreed to re- main neutral, with the troops under his command, con- sisting of about 15,000 men, cavalry and infantry. The terms were highly liberal towards the Prussians, ^vho were scarcely regarded as enemies ; and though Frederick- William was necessitated to seem to disapprove of the conduct of D'Yorck, it can hardly be doubted but that he secretly concurred in it. On the contrary, the French, who probably regarded this step as the commencement of a general defection on the part of Prussia, loudly con- demned it as a piece of treachery. D'Yorck, in ac- quainting Macdonald with the convention, said, " as to the judgment the world may pass on my conduct, I am indifferent to it. Duty to my troops, and the most mature deliberation, dictated it; and, whatever be the appearances, I was guided by the purest motives." The situation of Frederick-William was at this period singular and critical. His capital was possessed by a French garrison, while the inhabitants, looking out for the arrival of the Russians, as. their deliverers from an odious and oppressive yoke, displayed their hatred to the French by frequent popular insurrections, which com- pelled the latter to keep within their barracks. At Konigsberg, a regency was established in the name of the KING OF PRUSSIA. 293 the King, which issued a proclamation, calling on the loyal people of Prussia to come forward for the rescue of their king and country from French bondage; and a number of young men obeyed the call, and joined the troops under General D'Yorck, who had been declared Commander-in-Chief of the patriotic army. Frederick- William himself, having now probably made his deter- mination as to the part lie meant to act, withdrew, in the end of January 1813, from Potzdam, where he felt himself entirely in the power of the French garrison at Berlin, and suddenly removed to Breslau. At that city he issued a proclamation, summoning all his subjects to take up arms in defence of their king and country, but without declaring against whom they were to be em- ployed. Eugene Beauharnois, however, who was left commander of the French armies, and was now at Berlin, comprehending the purpose of these levies, forbad the recruiting in that capital. The Russians continued to advance, the Emperor being at the head of the main army. They spread over a large extent of country, and carried on a variety of operations at once, which might have been regarded as imprudent had they not relied upon a general insurrection in their favour. The Austrians gradually retired before General Miloradovitch, abandoning their posts on the Narew ; and that commander, on the 8th of February, entered Warsaw, being met at some distance by a depu- tation from the different orders of the city, who presented him with the keys. On the same day the town of Pillau was surrendered to the Russian arms. Thorn, as well as Dantzig, was invested ; and, on the 6th of February, the Emperor Alexander, at the head of his army, arrived at Polotzk. The Austrians concluded an unlimited truce, and withdrew into Gallicia. The Saxons, under Regnier, endeavoured to profit of this circumstance by retiring towards their own country, behind the Austrians; but, being pursued and overtaken by General Winzingerode, as they were endeavouring to form a junction with a body of Poles, they were at- tacked, and a great many officers, and 2000 privates, with seven pieces of cannon, fell into the hands of the Russians. f f 2 Frederick- 22 1 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, Frederick-William now assumed the office of a medi- ator between the belligerent parties; and he made a pro- posal for a truce, upon condition that the Russian troops should retire behind the Vistula, and the French behind the Elbe, leaving his dominions entirely free from foreign occupation. It does not appear, however, that either party paid attention to this proposal, which was probably thrown out only for the purpose of a temporary demon- stration of neutrality ; for, on the 22d of February, a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive, between the Emperor Alexander and Frederick-William, was signed. The two sovereigns had an interview, the next month, at Breslau ; from which place Frederick-William issued a proclamation to his people, dated the 17th of March, briefly touching upon the motives which had induced him to join his arms to those of Russia, and animating his people to make the necessary sacrifices for a contest which, he represented, must be decisive for their exist- ence, their independence, and their property. The true motive may be regarded as avowed in the following para- graph : " We bent under the superior power of France. That peace, which deprived me of half my subjects, pro- cured us no blessings; on the contrary, it was more in- jurious to us than war itself." It may, indeed, be added, that the occupation of the greatest part of his country by the Russian troops, and the impossibility of observing a neutrality, were other powerful inducements for Frede- rick-William to act as he did. The detailed justification of this measure presented by the Prussian minister at Paris, and its elaborate confutation by the Duke of Bas- sano, were therefore a mere formality. It was easy, on one part, to shew the abuse of power exercised by the French, in their arrogant treatment of an humiliated nation; and, on the other, to point out instances of the vacillating policy of Frederick- William, and his breach of engagements. But circumstances were now entirely changed ; and when did a vanquished power like Prussia decline a favourable opportunity for recovering its con- sequence, and annulling forced concessions. Further, at this time, a prospect was opened of liberating all Ger- many from the yoke imposed on it by unjust and insa- tiable ambition; and this was a cause which, independ- ently KING OF PRUSSIA. 225 ently of private interest, might kindle a flame in every breast susceptible of generous impressions. The French, who for a time appeared to intend making a stand at Berlin, now finding every thing hostile to them in the Prussian territory, quitted that city in the night of the 3d of March ; and the Russians entered it as friends on the following morning: and thus the capital of Fre- derick-William was once more purged of its oppressors, never again to be visited by them. On the 11th, General Witgenstein made his public entry, amidst the acclama- tions of the people. From this time Frederick-William was zealous in his co-operation with the allies; and the exertions and public spirit of his people made ample amends for all the errors committed for a series of years by his cabinet. The glory of Prussia, which the victories of Napoleon had extinguished is again revived ; and she now stands on much higher ground than ever. The lessons which ad- versity has taught its illustrious sovereign, will not be thrown away; and that selfish policy, which was the main cause of his misfortunes, will, no doubt, give way to a more enlightened and liberal system of govern- ment. The moral character of Frederick-William is such as would do honour to the most dutiful, affectionate, and tender of all sons, fathers, husbands, or brothers; and had it not been for his early and unfortunate predilection in favour of the French, his ministers, courtiers, and sub- jects, would at all times have been not only respected, but happy, had they taken their sovereign for their model. It was formerly his daily custom to walk out for some hours, unescorted, attended only by an aide-de- camp, or accompanied by one of his brothers; and his subjects might approach him, not only without fear, but with confidence. The simplicity and regularity of his life exhibits a striking contrast to that of his father and predecessor. The order and economy of his reign, while the profusion and extravagance of his father were yet fresh in remembrance, were blamed by many, who looked upon them as littleness and unbecoming covetous- ness in a great monarch, whose love of money when young, 296 FREDERICK-WILLIAM THE THIRD, &c. young, it was feared, might increase with age, and be- come avarice — a passion which dishonoured the great Frederick, his grand uncle. Frederick-William was married to a beautiful and ac- complished princess of the house of Mecklenburgh Stre- litz. She, in the early part of the reign of her husband, was much attached to the French interests; but, after- wards, was as hostile to it. She did not long survive the calamities of her country, but died, as is supposed, of a broken heart, on the 19th of July 1810; leaving two sons and two daughters, the former of which accompanied their royal father in his visit to Great Britain. 0nwit& jflematts OF MARSHAL BERTHIER, PRINCE OF NEUFCHATEL. A/TARSHAL BERTHIER, whose untimely death we - LYA have so recently heard of, was one of Buonaparte's most confidential ministers, and, equally with Talleyrand, enjoyed the utmost confidence of his master. Born a gentleman, and destined from his youth for a military career, Berthier received that brilliant education which fortune, guided by judgment, can bestow, and early made a progress, which announced genius, seconded and improved by diligence and assiduity. His lather was Governor of the Hotel of the War Office, an important and profitable place under the monarchy. By the favour of Louis XVI. he was, at the age of eighteen, made joint governor with his parent, and soon after placed on the staff of the army sent to assist the Americans. It was in America that Berthier formed his political connexions with La Fayette, with Rochambeau, with the La Methes, and with other men who figured in the first three years of the French revolution. He served in America under the elder Rochambeau with such dis- tinction, that he returned to Europe with the rank of a Colonel, and was made a Knight of the Orders of St. Louis and Cincinuatus. At the beginning of the revolution, he embraced with ardour the principles of the democratical party; but con- ducted himself, notwithstanding, with greater moderation than any of his associates. When D'Estaing was chosen the commander of the National Guard at Versailles, Berthier was appoined his Major-General ; and, as such, opposed the motions of some incendiaries among his men, who, on the 3d of October 1789, proposed to force the King's Body Guard to exchange their white cockades of loyalty for the tri-coloured ones of rebellion. On the 9th 228 MARSHAL BERTHIER, 9th of September 1790, he presented himself at the head of a deputation of the same National Guard, at the bar of the National Assembly, and demanded " that, in re- membrance of the late patriotic occurrences at Nancy, in Lorraine, a simple but majestic pyramid should be erected at one of the gates of that city, with this inscription — ' Many citizens soldiers, and soldiers citizens, perished here for their country, in the second month of the second year of French liberty.' — " Disgusted with the repeated insurrections, continual cabals, and want of subordination, among the citizen soldiers of the national guard at Versailles, he resigned his place in June 1791, and was succeeded in his com- mand by Le Cointre, a bankrupt linen-draper, and a flaming patriot. In December of the same year, his friend, Louis de Narbonne, then a minister of the war department, nominated him Adjutant-General, and char- ged him to carry to Metz, and present on the part of the King, the Field-Marshal staffs to the Generals Luckner and Rocbambeau. In 1792, when the Brissot faction, as the only means to prevent or retard the punishment due to their treachery and conspiracy, determined upon an universal war, and forced the unfortunate Louis XVI. to attack the House of Austria, Berthier obtained the place of a chief over the staff in the army collecting under Luckner; but, from the intrigues of contending factions, and from the various changes of plans of campaigns, of ministers, and of generals, he had neither opportunity, nor perhaps in- clination, to exhibit those talents which have since pro- cured him so much admiration, and to which Buonaparte is principally indebted for all his brilliant successes in Italy, during 1796, 1797, and 1800. He was, besides, firmly at- tached to La Fayette, and an enemy of Dumourier and other ambitious persons, who, at that period, plotted to supplant his friend both in popularity and command, even at the expence of monarchy and of sacrificing their prince. And when, after the 10th of August, La Fayette in a cowardly manner deserted his army, and left a country which his rebellion, vanity, and ignorance, had made wretched, Berthier intended to join him ; but was prevented by the vigilance of the spies who surrounded him, and by the account of the well-deserved reception that PRINCE OF NEUFCHATEL. 599 l that La Fayette had experienced from Austria and Prussia. After the insurrection, in 1793, of the royalists in La Vendee, Berthier was dispatched thither to serve under Saikerre! All well-informed officers, formerly in the service of Louis XVIII. were then regarded as enemies to the republic; and it was as dangerous for them to owe to their abilities and courage any advantages, as to suffer a repulse from not daring to employ them. Ber- thier has more than once acknowledged, that he now tried to find a death in the field which he believed awaited him on the scaffold; and therefore, on many occasions, fought as a desperate adventurer, who had a character to gain, rather than as a general who had a reputation to lose. At the taking of Saume, he had three horses killed under him; and, in every action during this murderous campaign, he had aides-de-camp shot by his side, horses under him, and his clothes pierced with bullets; but he was never once wounded. The decree which proscribed all noblemen and gentle- men, and their relatives, deprived him of his military rank, and forced him to exchange the bustle of camps for the melancholy indolence of a prison. Though his name was upon the fatal list of victims for the guillotine, the death of Robespierre, and his own prudence and moderation, saved him from an exit which Custine, Houchard, DUion, Westerman, Beauharnois, Biron, and so many other generals, made. His release from confinement, which soon followed the interruption of the reign of terror, was accompanied by an offer from the Committee of Public Safety of em- ployment again in the armies of the republic. Fatigue, ill-treatment, and anxiety of mind, however, having im- paired a constitution strong by nature, he declined all service, until the ill-success of the campaign of 17.05 in Germany made him think it his duty to try to repair the losses of his country, and to prevent those laurels from withering which Pichegru, with so much labour and honour, had conquered and preserved. He accepted therefore, in 1790, the command as chief of the staff in the army of Italy, commanded by Napoleon; who, when Berthier occupied the same station in the army under Field-Marshal Luckner, was then only sub-lieu- vol in. G G tenant 230 MARSHAL BERTHIER, tenant of artillery. It was thus that Napoleon availed himself of the superior skill and knowledge in the science of war that belonged to Berthier; and the latter was contented to serve under a commander that, by the re- gular rules of gradation, he had a right to command. With capacity to plan the most extensive and intricate campaign, to execute with vigour and judgment the plans of others, to command the most numerous armies, to direct with order and regularity their civil and econo- mical as well as military department and details, Berthier yet possessed a weak and contracted mind, and was not sufficiently confident in himself. To his great talent and ability may, in a great measure, be attributed the bril- liant advantages obtained by Napoleon during his cele- brated campaign of 1796; who, being unacquainted with the ensemble of the rapid, but difficult, movements of an army combating in a mountainous country, or in places interspersed with numerous rivers, was under the neces- sity of trusting entirely to the advice and councils of Berthier; who, not satisfied with regulating the im- portant transactions and proceedings of the staff, often exposed himself bravely in the most destructive attacks, as a general heading his division. On the 12th of May 1796, after 4000 grenadiers had been completely swept away by the grape-shot of the Austrians, on the bridge of Lodi, Berthier exhorted the generals Massena, Cervoni, and D'Allemagne, to start with him from the ranks, and to invite the troops to renew the attack: by his example he set them instantly in motion, seized upon the artillery that had so lately spread death, terror, and destruction among them, and stopped their progress. At the action of Rfvoli, on the 14th of January 1797, the courage and presence of mind displayed by Berthier changed the for- tune of the day in the most critical moment. Berthier, making a charge with the cavalry, obliged an enemy who thought himself victorious to retreat with precipitation to the heights of Cortona. On all occasions he shewed the same activity, the same powers; which induced the army to call him Napoleon's right arm. When Napoleon, after the treafy of Campo Formio, resigned his command in Italy, Berthier was appointed to succeed him. Joseph Buonaparte was at that period the French republican ambassador at Rome; and by his plots PRINCE OF NEUFCHATEL. 231 » — = i plots and intrigues it was, that a pretext was afforded to the French army to overrun and lay waste the Papal dominions. The French general Duphot, who was an instrument on this occasion, was killed by mistake in an insurrection at Rome, which was instigated by French , emissaries. Orders were immediately issued by the French government to Berthier to revolutionize Rome, and give up the country to pillage; and though his friends have endeavoured to excuse his conduct on this occasion, as acting under the orders of his government, it will ever remain subject to the most just reproaches. A few days before his arrival with the French army, the Pope deputed Prince Belmonte, the Neapolitan minister, to learn from him his precise instructions; and, with a most unjust duplicity, he seized the opportunity of making the conquest more easy, certain, and profitable. The only design of the French Directory, he said, was to apprehend those who were accessary to the death of General Duphot. His Holiness might rest assured of the utmost security; the existing government, theCatholic religion, and all property, public as well as private, should be respected ; and that he would not even enter the city. To impress greater confidence, he delivered these decla- rations in writing; requiring at the same time that his Holiness should issue an edict to tranquillize the people, and prevent the effusion of blood. He repeated, that nothing should be removed from the museums, the libraries, or the picture-galleries. The commands of Berthier were observed with punctuality; but his pro- mises were violated without scruple. His Holiness re- moved no part of his property, nor took any measure for his personal safety; but published an edict exhorting all his people to tranquillity, and forbidding them even to talk on their affairs in such a manner as might give offence to the French. In the mean time, Berthier advanced to Rome by forced marches, summoned the castle of St. Angelo on the 10th of February 1796, allowing only four hours for its evacuation by the Papal troops. The convicts were set at liberty; the gates of the city secured by the French ; and Pope Pius VI. all the Cardinals, and the whole people of Rome, made prisoners at discretion. On the loth, Berthier made his triumphal entry into G G 2 Rome; gj2 MARSHAL BERTHIEK, Rome; and, a tree of liberty being planted in the Capi- tol, he pronounced an address to the shades of theCatos, the Pompeys, the Ciceros, and the Hortensii. " The descendants of the Gauls," said he, " have come with the olive of peace, to rebuild the altars of liberty erected by the first Brutus. And you, people of Rome, who have now recovered your ancient rights, recollect that blood which flows in your veins; survey all these monu- ments of glory by which you are surrounded ; resume your pristine greatness; and emulate the virtues of your ancestors." As a means of acquiring these honourable distinctions, they were to undergo a modern republican reform, suitable to the views of their invaders. A pro- clamation was issued, declaring them a free and inde- pendent republic, under the special protection of the French army: the government of the Pope was sup- pressed, and a provisional government established in its stead. The people, however, were so little concerned at the bright and glorious prospects which were held out to them, that even Berthier's procession to the Capitol was languidly attended, and but few appearances of ap- probation or applause were exhibited. The tree of li- berty, far from being regarded with rapture, was scarcely observed with moderate curiosity. But Berthier, sup- ported as he was by military force, cared little about popularity, provided he obtained the ends he had in view. The deposition and subsequent treatment of the sovereign pontiff, who was then in the eighty-second, year of his age, was rendered excessive by every species of wanton and unnecessary insult. The anniversary of his accession to the Popedom was particularly selected for announcing to him the termination of his authority. Instead of his tiara, General Cervoni, a Sardinian de- serter, offered him a national cockade; and his Swiss guard was replaced by republican troops. A prisoner in his own palace, which Berthier had turned into barracks, he saw seals of confiscation put upon all his effects, not excepting even the furniture of his apartments. The pro- perty of his subjects was no more spared than his own : they were pillaged by demands of loans, of presents, and of requisitions. The Vatican and Quirinal palaces were stripped of all their most costly and valuable arti- cles, of the most beautiful paintings, and incomparable tapestry, PRINCE OF NEUFCHATEL. 233 tapestry. Nothing escaped the rapacity of the French, from the most precious furniture of the state-chambers, to the most trifling utensils in the kitchen. Ail other palaces, churches, chapels, convents, and villas, under- went the same fate. Berthier also permitted the new government to tax the possessors of money with an un- limited authority. The acts of extortion were finally practised to such an unprincipled extent, that not only gold and silver, but even copper, was exhausted. The French shewed in all their proceedings an unprincipled eagerness for plunder. On the 23d of February, a grand funeral was celebrated in honour of General Duphot; and while the people crowded the piazza of St. Peter, which was chosen for the scene, parties of Frenchmen plundered every church in the city of its plate, not even excepting those belonging to the chapels of Spain and the Emperor, who were then at peace with the French republic. Before Berthier left Rome, he contrived to establish, in imitation of the new French constitution, a federation, a constitution, and a Jacobin Club. The first was a mix- ture of ostentation, profaneness, and pedantry: the con- stitution, a mere repetition of the anarchical code of France; and the Jacobin Club shewed a rapid proficiency in the principles of its great parent at Paris. Berthier was recalled from Rome, having been chosen by Napo- leon to accompany him in the expedition to Egypt. His conduct while in command at Rome created the greatest indignation and surprise among all persons in France who had formerly known and esteemed him. In a few weeks he had surpassed the outrages ot years. The apology of his friends was, " that he left Rome no richer than he entered that city; and that all the horrors committed there were the consequences of the superiority which General Cervoni and the commissary Haller had assumed over his feebleness and inconsidera- tion, and the opinion he had that those two possessed the entire confidence both of Napoleon and the Direc- tory." But, supposing even this to be the case, tin- man in power w'io lends his name or authority to such atro- cious actions is certainly more culpable than the persons who advise or commit them, and he deservedly bears the whole blame and detestation which accompany them. In 234 MARSHAL BERTHIER, In the expedition to Egypt, Berthier took a conspi- cuous port; and the world is indebted to him for a lumi- nous and full account of it, which is written with great knowledge and ability. When Napoleon abandoned his army in Egypt, Berthier accompanied him in his flight, and was extremely useful and instrumental in the sub- sequent revolution which overthrew the Directory, and placed N:ipoleon on the consular throne. After this event he was appointed minister of war, which was, however, soon after resigned to Carnot; and Berthier was -ient to command the army of reserve assembled at D'jon, where he arrived on the 20th of March 1800. He was in the great battle of Marengo, where he, as usual, greatly distinguished himself; and, on the return of Napoleon to Paris, whom he accompanied, he was again made minister of war, Carnot not being found so pliabie as Napoleon could wish. In the war of the third coalition, Berthier attended Buonaparte as his military counsellor, and was extremely u?eful m the brilliant and short campaign which ended in the humiliation of Austria by the treaty of Presburg. As a reward for his eminent services and uniform at- tachment, Napoleon gave him the principality of Neuf- cbatel, and created him Prince of that territory, which title he thereafter assumed. Berthier continued to enjoy the confidence of Napo- leon; and when the latter intended to espouse the Arch- duchess Maria Louisa, Berthier was selected to demand her in marr age at the court of Vienna. In Napoleon's grand attack upon the Russian empire, Berthier accom- pany d him in his expedition, and to the last proved himself faithful to the fortjnes of his master. It was only until the latter had absolved him from his oath, that he adhered to Louis XVIII. ; and it certainly redounds greatly to his honour, that his fidelity to Louis was marked with the same zeal as had distinguished his con- duct for so many years under Napoleon. His death, which has recently taken place at Bamberg, was occasioned by his fall from a two-pair-of-stairs win- dow, irnm which it is said he precipitated himself at the moment the Russian troops were passing through that town; if so, it is not unlikely that the misfortunes of his country, which the rash attempt of Napoleon had plunged PRINCE OF NEUFCHATEL. 235 plunged it into, might have affected his mind, and led to the melancholy event which terminated his existence. From what has been shewn of his character, it cannot be called an hazardous, but an impartial con- clusion, to say, that, had he served under a Henry the Fourth, he would have been loyal ; under a Gustavus Adolphus, religious; under a Conde, geaerous; under a Turenne, humane ; under a Charles the Twelfth, temera- rious; under a Marlborough, avaricious; under an Eu- gene, vindictive ; under a Frederick the Great, an atheist; under a Mareschal de Saxe, a libertine; under a Dumourier, an intriguer; under Pichegru, modest; under Moreau, ambitious, but amiable and insinuating. He would have butchered under Marius, proscribed under Sylla, fled under Pompey, and pardoned under Caesar ; in short, that, placed under whatever master he might be, he would have scrupulously adopted his vir- tues, vices, or failings. iflemotn* iftemotrs OF FOUCHE, DUKE OF OTRANTO, FRENCH MTNISTER OF POLICE. FOUCHE is equally indebted to the French revolu- tion and to his own talents for the distinguished rank he now holds. He was bom in 1748, of poor parents, vintagers, in a village near Nantes, in Brittany. A beg- gai-boy in the streets of that city, he was noticed, and adopted out of charity, by the friars of the order called Oratoire. Uniting with great ability equal cunning and hypocrisy, he insinuated himself so far as to be, at a very early age, received as a novice, and afterwards a member of the order. Several years before the revolution, he spread disunion and discontent amongst the order ; and although his superiors condemned him, at different times, both to severe penance and close confinement, it did not appear to have much effect upon his conduct. After the destruction of the order of Jesuits, the education of youth in France was entrusted to their rivals, the friars of the order of Oratoire. The principles of Fouche may be observed in the conduct of those pupils who were placed under him : during the civil troubles in Brittany, in 1788, most of them went from Nantes, to join the revolutionary standard at Rennes; some of them, in con- sequence, attained considerable honours, and others were consigned to the scaffold. No sooner were the monastic- institutions abolished by the National Assembly, than Fouche apostatized, and married. Having thus, by this step, exposed himself to the severest punishment in the event of a counter-revolution, he became, from fear and necessity, a violent republican, and of course adopted all the most violent proceedings of the Jacobins. At the first establishment of the Jacobin Club at Nantes, in 1789, Fouche was the first friar of his order, and one of FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 237 of the first of the clergy in Brittany, who enrolled his name as a member of the club: he was, in consequence, immediately elected one of its secretaries, and chosen its third president. The most sanguinary and violent mea- sures were proposed and recommended by him. He par- ticularly distinguished himself for his persecution of the clergy, and for his hatred to his own order. When the national seal was affixed to that religious abode where his youth had been cherished and protected, he headed, as a deputy from the Jacobins, the detachment of the Na- tional Guards commanded on this duty ; and hunted out of their retreat, and turned upon the world, without mercy, men who had renounced it for ever, who were afflicted by sufferings, and weakened by age, without the means of subsistence, without strength to labour, or without knowledge and intelligence how to be indus- trious. Amongst others of those unfortunate fathers, he dragged forward the venerable old man, Father Cholois, who had been his patron and protector, and who, thirty years before, had picked him up in the streets a beggar- boy, the solitary victim of want and disease. In 1792, when the National Convention was called, Fouche was elected a member for Nantes; and, to shew with what principles he was sent up, it is asserted that, in the afternoon of the day of his election, a general massacre of the priests and nobles confined in the prisons at Nantes took place, among the victims of which was Father Cholois, Fouche's benefactor. Arrived in the French capital, and strongly recom- mended by the Jacobins at Nantes to their brethren in Paris, he, on the 19th of September 1792, made his first entrance at the Jacobin club; and, in a violent and revo- lutionary declamation, he extolled the bloody and fero- cious deeds of the Septembrizers, and seconded Marat in demanding the trial of the King and Queen (who were then prisoners in the Temple), and the punishment of the aristocrats, their adherents. From the first sittings of the National Convention, Fouche joined the Mountain party, composed of Danton, Robespierre, Marat, and their accomplices; and with them he voted for the death of Louis. Observing, from the malignity and agitation of the different factions, and their consequent instability, that it would be safer, and more conducive to his ad- vol. in. h h vancement, 238 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO, vancement, to be employed in missions to the depart- ments, he intrigued a long time, and at last, in July 1793, lie was sent as a Conventional deputy, first to the depart- ment of the Rhone, and afterwards to the departments of Allier and Nievre. When Fouche first arrived before Lyons, the chief city of the department of the Rhone, it was in open in- surrection against the authority of the National Conven- tion. Lyons was without ramparts, ammunition, artil- lery, and provisions; and had no other garrison, soldiers, or defenders, but its own inhabitants, mostly manufac- turers and mechanics, accustomed to a sedentary life, which usually as much enervates the mind as it relaxes the body. But the Lyonese underwent a long and glo- rious siege; and shewed so many traits of valour, skill, and intrepidity, that it occupied the republicans a longer time, and cost them more lives, to enter this open and defenceless city, than it cost them in taking many a for- tified place with a strong garrison in the subsequent wars: and had the Lyonese been properly assisted with a regular force of Swiss or Piedmontese troops (which, as lying in their neighbourhood, might have been sent to their assistance), they would doubtless have greatly contributed to establish a regular government in France, and would have prevented all the havoc and desolation which for so many years after afflicted that country and all Europe; for, at this time, the royalists in La Vendee were in open arms, and victorious, and Toulon was oc- cupied by the English; and thus, by a combination of all these elements, the revolutionary government might have been overturned, and a free monarchical consti- tution established in its place. Unfortunately, however, these effects did not take place; and it was left to after- times, when experience had taught Europe the necessity of a just and vigorous combination, to annihilate a system of government engendered by the revolution, and which was found incompatible with the safety of all others. After a brave and noble resistance, the Lyonese were forced to open the gates of their city; and then it was that a dreadful and indiscriminate punishment ensued. Political fanaticism, aided and attended by the fury usual to faction, and the cruelties always accompanying civil wars, ordered not only the destruction of the citizens, FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 239 citizens, but of their dwellings and city. A letter from \ Collot d'Herbois and Fouche may give some idea of the severities used on this occasion. It is as follows: — " Citizens Colleagues — We proceed in our mis- sion with the energy of republicans who are penetrated with a profound sense of their character; this we shall retain. Neither shall we descend from the exalted situa- tion to which the nation has raised us, to attend to the puny interests of some individuals, who are more or less guilty towards their country. We have dismissed every one of them, as we have no time to lose, no favours to grant; we are to consider, and only do consider, the re- public and your decrees, which ordain us to set a great example, to give a signal lesson. We only listen to the cries of the nation, which demands that all the blood of the patriots should be avenged at once in a speedy and dreadful manner, in order that the human race may not lament its being spilled afresh. From a conviction that this infamous city contains no one that is innocent, ex- cept those who have been oppressed and loaded with irons by the assassins of the people, we are guarded against the tears of repentance; nothing can disarm our severity* This they are well aware of, who have obtained from you a decree of respite in favour of one of our prisoners. Who has dared to do this? Are we not on the spot? Have you not invested us with your confi- dence ? And yet we have not been consulted. We can- not forbear telling you, Citizens Colleagues, that indul- gence is a dangerous weakness, calculated to rekindle criminal hopes at the moment when it is requisite to put a final end to them. It has been claimed in behalf of one individual; it has been solicited in behalf of every one of his species, with a view of rendering the effect of your justice illusory. They do not yet call for the report of your fust decree relative to the annihilation of the city of Lyons; but nothing has hardly yet been done to bring it into execution. The mode of demolishing is too slow, republican impatience demands more speedy exe- cution. The explosion of the mine, and the devouring activity of the fire, alone can express the omnipotence of the people; their will is not to be checked like that of tyrants ; it must have the same effect as thunder." It was hardly possible to suppose that men could be found who would wish to improve upon the summary II h 2 punishment 240 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTUANTO. punishment commanded by the National Convention; yet Fouche and Collot D'Herbois, their two deputies, were desirous of carrying republican vengeance still further. The Convention had sentenced its devoted victims to perish by the guillotine; but Fouche and his fellow-colleague invented other means, more terrible and expeditious, to desolate the unhappy city, and to punish their fellow-citizens. They ordered the shooting in mass of hundreds of persons at the same time; or, as they wrote to the National Convention, they had found means " de vomier la mortdgrandflots." In another letter to the Convention they say — " Citizens "Colleagues— No indulgence, no pro- crastination, no tardiness in the punishment of crime, if you wish to produce a salutary effect. The kings used delay when they had punishment to inflict, because they were weak and cruel; the justice of the people ought to be as quick as the expression of their will. We have adopted efficacious measures to manifest their omnipo- tence, so as to serve as an example to all rebels." In inflicting their punishments, sometimes several hun- dred persons, tied together with ropes fastened to the trees of the Place de Brotteaux, were shot by picquets of infantry, which made the tour round the place, and, at a signal, fired on the condemned. At other times, when the proscribed were killed by cannons loaded with grape- shot, they were tied two and two together on the same place, and ranged along the edge of a grave, or rather ditch, digged after Fouche's orders, by their nearest female relatives or friends, the day before their execution, and destined to receive their corpses. As it often happened that the grape-shot wounded and maimed more than it killed, the bayonets and swords of the revolutionary army dispatched those still alive, and suffering from the wounds of the cannon. One hour after the execution, those females who had digged the graves (most of them mothers, sisters, and wives) were forced by Fouche's satellites to fill them up, and to cover with earth the mutilated corpses of their fathers, husbands, and bro- thers, who were always previously stripped naked and plundered by a band of females in the pay of Fouche's revolutionary judges, called the furies of the guillotine. It is difficult to say, which inspires more compassion or abhorrence, whether the dreadful situation of the female relatives FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 241 relatives of the sufferers, or the barbarous conduct of the furies of the guillotine, who regularly accompanied all condemned persons from the tribunal to the place of execution, hooting, shouting, insulting, and often calling to their remembrance the objects of their affection and tenderness, in onler to sharpen their cruel sufferings, and to render death more terrible. One piece of c ruelty has been particularly recorded. It is asserted, that when, one day in November 1793, near 300 Lyonese citizens were ordered to be shot in mass, the wife of one of them (Daunois) had, according to the orders of Fouche, been sent the night before to dig her husband's and brother's grave. She was young and beautiful, and had only been married four months. In being dragged to the Place de Brotteaux, she miscarried, and was brought home sense- less. When Daunois was marched to execution, the furies of the guillotine had Fouche's orders particularly to torment him ; and, amongst other things, they told him that his wife, whom he was passionately fond of, was, next decade, to be married to one of the sans- culottes, his executioner, whom they pointed out: and it has been further asserted, that Fouche actually put her in requisition for this man, but she expired at the sight of him when he presented Fouche's order. The same summary vengeance and execution was prac- tised at Toulon as well as at Lyons. After one of these executions in mass at the former place, Fouche wrote thus to Collot D'Herbois, his friend, who had been made a member of the Committee of Public Safety — " And we likewise, my friend, have contributed to the surrender of Toulon, by spreading terror amongst the traitors who had entered the town, and by exposing to their view the dead bodies of thousands of their accomplices. Let us shew ourselves terrible; let us annihilate, in our anger, and at one single blow, every conspirator, every traitor, that we may not feel the pain, the long torture, of punish- ing them as kings would do. Let the perfidious and ferocious English be assailed from every quarter ; let the whole republic turn into a volcano, and pour forth the devouring lava upon them. May the infamous island that produced these monsters, who no longer belong to the human species, be buried for ever in the waves. Farewell, my friend!— tears of joy run from my eyes, and 242 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. and overflow my heart. P. S. We have but one way of celebrating our victory, we shall send 213 rebels this evening to the place of execution : our loaded cannon are ready to salute them." Having pourtrayed the cruelty of Fouche, his sacri- legious conduct has not passed without notice by those who have given to the world his memoirs. The following instance of it has been particularly remarked. Challier, a Piedmontese by birth, had, from the beginning of the revolution, been the tormentor and tyrant of all the loyal and peaceable inhabitants of Lyons, at which place he was established as a merchant. Every insurrection, and the continual agitation of this populous city, were the work of this man, and of the Jacobin emissaries of Paris, assisted by some of the worthless and bankrupt inhabit- ants. In December 1792, when it was difficult to find a respectable character to appear as a candidate for any public employment, Challier was, by some of the Jaco- bins, first nominated a municipal officer, and afterwards a judge. As a recommendation to public favour, he distributed his own portrait with the following inscrip- tion, as the best means of attaining among the corrupt and profligate part of the population his desired object: " Challier, an excellent patriot, has passed six months at Paris, as an admirer of Marat, and of the Mountain of the National Convention." Challier' s first act as a public functionary was an order to imprison twelve hundred citizens, whom he had proscribed as traitors to the repub- lic, because he suspected them to be his private enemies. Despairing, from the courageous resistance of the Mayor, Nievre Choi, of being able to send them to the scaffold, he, on the 6th of February 1793, presented himself in the Jacobin Club with a dagger in his hand, and caused to be decreed in that assembly, " That a tribunal, simi- lar to that which condemned the prisoners at Paris on the 2d of September 1792, should immediately be instituted, with a guillotine on the bridge of St. Clair; that nine hundred persons, whose names he gave in, should there be beheaded, and their bodies thrown into the Rhone; and that, in want of executioners, the members of the club should perform this office." Fortunately, the Mayor and armed citizens prevented this shocking decree from having its effect. Some time afterwards, Challier was deposed FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. g.±3 deposed by the citizens at Lyons, but restored by the Convention: and, in the daily contests between the two parties, the Jacobins and the Royalists, he was by turns victorious, and by turns defeated. At last the citizens of Lyons became exasperated, and erected the standard of revolt against the National Convention ; Challier was arrested, condemned, and executed on the 17th of July 1793. No sooner had Fouche and Collot D'Herbois entered the city of Lyons, than the busts of Challier were carried in triumph, and placed upon the altars of the churches, and upon the tables of the tribunals and mu- nicipality. Fouche took upon himself the apotheosis of Challier, at a civic feast decreed in honour of his me- mory. Fouche ordered the celebration of this feast to take place on the 1st of November 1793, a day conse- crated by the Roman Catholics to prayers, and to the memory of all saints. Early in the morning, the sound of cannon announced the festival; and men and women carried, with an air of respect, adoration, and pomp, the image of Challier; whilst other apostates and enemies'to Christianity brought consecrated vases, surrounded a jackass covered with an episcopal gown, a mitre fastened between its two ears, and dragging in the dirt the Bible fastened to its tail. After the burning of Challier's pre- tended corpse, of which the ashes were piously distri- buted among the sectaries of his and Fouche's morals, the Bible was thrown into the fire; and, as it arose into the air in smoke, the ceremony ended with the ass drink- ing from the sacred chalice. In his letter to the National Convention, dated from Lyons on the 10th of November, and which was printed in the Moniteur, Fouche said — " The shade of Challier is satisfied; his precious remains, religiously collected, have been carried in triumph. It is upon the place where this holy martyr was immolated, that his ashes have been exposed to public veneration, to the religion of patriotism. At last the silence of sorrow was interrupted by the cries of Vengeance ! vengeance! Yes, we answer that the cries of the people shall be avenged! This soil shall be overthrown; every thing which vice has erected shall be annihilated ; and, on the ruins of this superb city, the traveller shall find only some simple monuments, erected in memory of the mar- tyrs of liberty." Having 244 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. Having shewn himself such a violent stickler for li- berty, Fouche was thought by the National Convention a fit and proper person to execute their vengeance and hatred at Moulins and in La Vendee. It would be im- possible to credit the excesses of Fouche in his different missions, had not his active correspondence with Robes- pierre's Committee of Public Safety been preserved in the Moniteur and other papers published at that time. In a letter to the National Convention, of March the 28th 1794, he says — " The day before yesterday, I had the happiness to see 800 dwellings of the brigands destroyed by fire; to day, I have witnessed the shooting of 900 of these brigands; and for to-morrow, I and Carrier have prepared a civic baptism (drowning) of 1200 women and children, mothers, sisters, wives, daughters, or sons of the accursed brigands from La Vendee. In two days three impure generations of rebels and fanatics have ceased to be any more." In another letter from the de- partment of Nievre, he wrote — " Let us have the cou- rage to march upon the bodies even of our fathers, bro- thers, and sons, to arrive at liberty; let us brave death ourselves by inflicting it on all the enemies of equality, without any distinction of sex or age, relatives or strangers." At Lyons, as well as in La Vendee, Fouche had, in the name and for the use of the republic, confiscated all the property of those whom he ordered to be executed; but Robespierre, by his spies, found out that Fouche had appropriated a considerable part of this national plun- der: he therefore denounced him in the Jacobin Club; and his name was struck out as a member in its matri- cular register. Robespierre never forgave any peculator; but, fortunately for Fouche, the death of Robespierre soon after saved him from sharing the fate of Danton, Chaumette, Chabot, Hebert, and others. After the death of Robespierre, and during the suc- ceeding factions, denunciations against Fouche poured in from all the departments where he had been a deputy, and all manner of accusations were preferred against him. The National Convention also, finding it necessary to make an example of some of its members in order to obtain the applause of the people, sent Carrier and Le Bon to the scaffold, and declared others, for their crimes under FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 245 under the reign of Robespierre, unworthy of a seat in the Convention. Fouche, after the report of Tallien, was amongst those expelled, being denominated " a thief and a terrorist, whose barbarous and criminal conduct would cast an everlasting dishonour upon any assembly of which he was suffered to be a member." After ano- ther report by Dentzel, on the 8th and 9th of August 1795, Fouche, with Lequinio and eight other terrorists, were ordered to be arrested ; and they remained in prison until released by the amnesty granted by the National Convention some time before it finished its sittings. From October 1795 to September 1797, Fouche had no particular employment ; but when the revolution of the 18th Fructidor, year 5, took place, and his friends again came into power, he was made a Commissary in Italy; and afterwards, in the winter of 179S, he was ap- pointed Ambassador to the Batavian Republic. He was recalled from this office in 1799, and appointed Minister of Police of the French Republic — an office at all times of great consequence, but more particularly in a govern- ment founded upon usurpation, and against which plots and conspiracies would be continually hatching. Fouche continued to hold this office; and when Buonaparte usurped the Consulship, he was bribed over with 600,000 livres, and a promise to have his place secured to him for four years. Fouche's celebrity, as minister of police, has been long and universally established; and to his reputation and talents for this office he is most probably indebted for the favour of Louis XVIII. who would hardly have again countenanced a man who had so recently betrayed him, unless the strongest motives possible existed for such a step. The organization of the French police was the work of Fouche; and as the system, as well as the author of it, will most likely be continued, a few particulars of it may not be uninteresting to our readers. During the French monarchy, before the revolution, the general police of France belonged to the ministry of justice and the interior. Paris, Lyons, and other large cities, had their lieutenants de police, as they were called; but the lieutenant de police at Paris was the principal one; and, some time before the revolution, that office vol. in. it was 246 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. was a certain recommendation to advancement and pro- motion. The police ministers at that time could have no direct correspondence with the King's civil or mili- tary governors, parliaments, intendanls, bishops, &c. &c. the ministers occupying those situations disdaining to communicate with an officer whom they considered as the chief spy, or the chief of the French spies : but, when Fouche's regulations were adopted, any petty com- missary had more power to do what he pleased, without the fear of punishment, or of being called to an account, than the King's lieutenant de police ever possessed. If the latter were guilty of any abuse of authority, he was not only reprimanded, but fined, by the then existing parliament and the King's privy council : but so formi- dable had this office become under Fouche, that there was not a man in France, either judge or counsellor of state, who did not tremble at his very name, or his police commissaries. In the year 1801, the Mayor of Brussels, Lacoue, the secretary to the Consular council of state, his chefs de bureau, and the judges of the tribu- nal at Brest, were all prisoners in the Temple for not obeying the arbitrary dictates of the minister of police, although they were against the laws of their country. During the monarchy, the King's minister of police had all the information he wanted in civil or political affairs through the office of the ministers of the home and fo- reign departments; and he was always obliged to execute their orders, or the orders of the King's commanders or governors: but, under Fouche, the prefects, generals, commanders, mayors, &c. &c. were forced not only to carry on a direct correspondence with his office, but to obey all his orders, without any representation what- ever, let them be ever so unjust or tyrannical ; the con- sequence of which was, that in many of the prisons, in the different departments of France, numbers of inno- cent persons, from a likeness to those that were ordered to be secured, suffered for years in dungeons, however well persuaded the governor or general who arrested them was of their innocence; because any person who was once confined by order of Fouche, could only be released by an order from Fouche himself, even though acquitted by the tribunals; and the same levity, cor- ruption, and indifference, prevailed at his office as to the FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 247 the liberty of the subject, as in the reign of Robespierre with respect to life itself. It was, therefore, not only difficult, but nearly impossible, to obtain such an order of release, without great loss of time, and many sacri- fices. Independent of any abuse of authority, the revolu- tionary laws, which with regard to the police always re- mained in force, gave more power to this office than any former king's minister ever possessed. Before the revo- lution, no man, either foreigner or Frenchman, wanted any pass to travel or to reside in France; and no where was any pass ever demanded : a traveller only told his name, or what name he chose, if he was interrogated in passing though some of the fortified places; and at Paris he was only required to write down his name at the inn where he lodged. But, by the laws of the revolution, when more vigilance was necessary, and by the regula- tions of Fouche, every person, Frenchman or foreigner, must have a pass, or be exposed to imprisonment, if only three miles from his home or residence, should any ca- pricious or tyrannical commissary of police, or even gens- (Tarme, ask for it; and at Paris, as well as in every other city, town, or village, in France, the landlord of the inn to which a traveller went was to demand his pass, and copy from it the name and description of his person, age, &c. which was immediately sent to the commissary of police. If a traveller stayed longer than twenty-four hours, he was obliged to present himself to the pre- fecture of police at Pariy, and in all other places to the police commissaries, in order to obtain permission to reside there; but which was never granted until he an- swered different questions, as to his business, acquaint- ances, &c. and his friends were always bound to answer for his appearance; or, if he were a foreigner, the sanc- tion of his consul or minister was necessary: and the permission which the person obtained to stay any where, contained in the margin an order of arrest, should the bearer pass the limits of a city, town, or vdlage. The permission to reside any where was fixed for a certain number of days, at the expiration of which it was obliged to be renewed. In some places, as at Marseilles, foreigners were obliged to renew their permission every five days, although they had the security of their consuls: i i <2 even 248 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. even captains, and masters of vessels, were obliged to submit to tbe same slavish and troublesome regulations, although they resided on board their ship6. Formerly, under the old monarchy, no public gam- bling-houses were permitted in France : but, under Fouche, the privilege of keeping gambling-houses were let out as openly and as publicly as were formerly farmed out, by the King's ministers, the duties upon salt, to- bacco, or wine, to the farmers-general of the revenue. Cards of address to gambling-houses were distributed in all parts of France in the same manner as quack-bills in London. This licensing of so corrupt and immoral a practice brought into the office of minister of police a revenue of ,£10,000 a month, and was therefore no small temptation for adopting so lucrative an expedient to gain money. Besides what the farmers of the gambling- houses paid to Fouche every month, they were obliged to hire and keep in pay 120,000 persons, employed in those houses in Paris and in the provinces as croupers, from half-a-crown to half-a-guinea a-day; and these 120,000 persons were all spies for Fouche : and it has been said, that, although he took care to charge the government for them, he never brought these sums to account. To such a degree had Fouche organized the police, that he not only caused his spies to be protected, but likewise feared and respected. A known spy, who under the monarchy would have been insulted and every where despised, was under Fouche not only feared but caressed. The general mistrust and want of confidence, which every where prevailed amongst the leading men in France, induced all of them to keep their spies: Fouche, however, so long as he was minister of police, had most of them under his own immediate control, as much by his bribes as by his power. It was by these means that, in the year 1800, he gained over the spies of Lucien Buonaparte, and was enabled to inform the First Consul of all Lucien's plots and intrigues : it was in the same manner he detected all the conspiracies of the royalists and Jacobins. Before the revolution, common women were obliged to give in their names and places of abode to the police office of the city. or town in which they resided; and, when sick or disordered, they were taken care of by me- dical FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 949 dical men, who were paid by the government. Under the system of Fouche, these unhappy women, all over France, were ordered, under pain of being flogged or con- fined to hard labour in the House of Correction, to take out a licence to be common street-walkers: this licence they were obliged to renew every month ; and for which they were charged at the rate of from five shillings to ten guineas every three decades, or a month, according to the age, beauty, or fashion, of the unfortunate object. Besides this contribution to Fouche, each girl paid five shillings a month, whether she was ill or well, to some of the minister of police's spies, called by him agents of health to the police, who were to visit them twice in the decade, and to enquire into the state of their health. Besides the 320,000 registered spies which were in the pay of the police, there was not any person in Paris or France, who obtained their livelihood by means of a licence from the minister of police, but was obliged, directly or indirectly, to be its spy. Itinerant musicians, who paid Fouche twenty-pence a day ; ballad-singers, who paid him ten-pence a day; old -clothes men, who paid him twenty-five pence a day; hackney-coach men, who paid him half-a-crown a day ; pedlars, fruit-sellers, fish-women, carmen, &c. &c. were all registered at the police, and obliged to send or give their regular reports of what they heard, saw, or observed ; and often, when Fouche thought proper, were obliged to pass days, and even weeks together, in serving him without any reward. One instance is recorded of the great e fleet of this sys- tem of police: — In the year 1801, Fouche' s ordinary spies had, for several weeks, attempted in vain to find out one of the chiefs of the Chouans, whom Fouche knew to be concealed somewhere in Paris, and who was suspected to have conspired against Napoleon. One of his spies in the Temple (for he had spies even in the prisons) heard another arrested Chouan say, that this his friend was a great lover of music. No sooner was this fact reported to him, than Fouche put into requisition six of the best music-grinders at Paris, who were ordered to play before or in the court-yards of the hotels, every day, in every street, by turns; and, having given them the description of the person he wanted, they were to observe all persons coming to the windows to look out or to listen to the music; / 2.50 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. music: and by these means, those musical spies disco- vered the Chouan chief, who was immediately arrested, and transported to Cayenne. Before the revolution, there were no more than 64 guard-iiouses at Paris ; and nobody was stopped, either in the day or at night, to give an account of himself. But, under the police of Fouche, there were 162 guard- houses, 20 of which were round the Palais-Royal alone, where in 1789 there were only two. After eleven o'clock at night, all persons were exposed to be asked by the patrces, centimls, or corps de garde, for their pass, or citizen's or foreigner's card : and if they were without it, they remained prisoners in the watch-house until the next morning, and were then marched between soldiers to the prefecture of police ; where, if it happened to be a holiday, or a day of much business, they remained con- fined among thieves and murderers for twenty-four hours, and often three times twenty-four hours, before they were examined or released, in particular if they wanted mo- ney to purchase their liberty, or powerful friends to claim them. A few instances and anecdotes of Fouche's power as a minister, and of his influence over Napoleon, are de- serving of notice. Napoleon having determined to make the situation of the Castle of the Thuilleries strong enough to resist any sudden or unexpected attack, ordered, by the advice of some officers of engineers, a number of houses, public and private, in the neighbourhood of the castle, to be demolished. One of the owners of these condemned houses insisted, before any demolition took place, upon having in ready money the sum he had himself paid for his house 26 years before. The treasury, from the con- stant demands made upon it, being always empty, his demand couid not be complied with. To cut the busi- ness short, the owner of the house was, by the order of Fouche, arrested; and, upon his appearance before him, was told, " that his name being upon one of the nume- rous lists of emigrants, he might transport him, or other- wise punish him as such, and dispose of his property as belonging to the nation; but, in consideration of his age, being nearly 80, his name should be erased from the fatal list, if he would consent to take for his house an annuity FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 251 annuity of 2000 livres a year. The old man having chil- dren, grand-children, anil great grand-children, this orl'er of Fouche's was rejected; who therefore sent him, with- out further ceremony, accompanied by two gens a" amies, as a returned emigrant without permission, to be trans- ported to the other side of the Rhine, although he could prove that, for the last forty years, he had not once been for twenty-four hours out of Paris. At the common prison at Metz, on his way to Germany, Providence put him out of the reach and malice as well of Fouche as all other tyrants: the old man died there of a broken heart. Of bis house not a stone remained ; and not a shilling was paid for it to his ruined and distressed family. When Napoleon assumed the Consular dignity, he was advised by Fouche to pacify the royalists in the different departments of France. Fouche, by his intrigues, soon embroiled and divided the chiefs ; and, having succeeded in disuniting them, he gained over the greater number by some momentary pecuniary sacrifices. Bourmont,D'Auti- champ, and some others, received a considerable sum ; but George and Frotte declined. However, when Frotte found himself deserted by all the other chiefs and the greatest part of his army, he proposed to lay down his arms, on condition that he and his friends might enjoy their pro- perty without being obliged to reside in the republic. The republican general, Guidal, who commanded against Frotte, consented to the terms proposed, and sent Frotte a safe conduct for himself, his staff, and followers, to go to Alencon, where General Guidal's head-quarters were, to sign the treaty, and their submission to the authority of the republic. At the time appointed, Frotte and his friends arrived, and, from the inn where they lodged, sent word to General Guidal of their arrival, who, by one of his aides-de-camp, invited them all to his house. General Guidal had regularly informed the French go- vernment of the progress of his negotiation with Frotte, and had received its orders to conclude it; but Fouche wrote at the same time to General Guidal, that General Chamberlai, who had arrived at Alenc,ou, the day before Frotte was to surrender himself, was to sign on the part of the French republic, together with Guidal, the peace with these royalists, although the latter continued to keep 2,52 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. keep the command. General Guidal behaved to Frotte and his followers with great politeness, and he was de- termined strictly to fulfil his agreement with them. But when they were at supper with him, and after six o'clock the next morning had been fixed upon to sign the peace, one of General Chamberlai's aides-de-camp entered the room, and desired some private conversation with Guidal, whom he informed, that Chamberlai had at that moment received a courier from Fouche, with orders to arrest, and the next day try by a military commission, Frotte and the royalists who accompanied him ; and, without waiting for an answer from General Guidal, he ordered twelve grenadiers, concealed in the next room, to rush upon the royalists, and to make them prisoners. Although General Guidal protested against this treacherous con duct, which implicated his own character as a commander and a man of honour, Frotte and his companions were all tried and shot. Fouche, in order to screen his own per- fidiousness, and that of the French government, in this shameful transaction, ordered his obsequious tool, Cham- berlai, to make a false report of these royalists, as if they had been surprised in a castle in the country ; when, in reality they were taken in the very house of the repub- lican general, Guidal, at Alencon, the head-quarters of the French republican army, and Frotte had this gene- ral's safe conduct or passport in his pocket at the very time he was so basely seized and butchered. General Guidal, for his opposition to this unheard-of piece of treachery, was ordered on an inferior command to the army of Italy ; and Chamberlai, for his services, was promoted to the rank of a General of Division, and ap- pointed commander of Metz. As minister of police, Fouche had a considerable in- fluence over the commercial affairs of the French re- public. The exportation of rags from Brabant and Flanders to foreign countries had always been strictly prohibited. Owners of paper-mills, therefore, used regu- larly to agree with merchants or collectors of rags to furnish them with a fixed quantity at a fixed price; and these, in tlu-ir turn, were accustomed for years to deliver their paper to dealers, either wholesale or retail, at a certain profit. Contracts of this description were made in general for five or ten years. At the moment peace was FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 253 was concluded with Great Britain, a house at Ghent, in Flanders, paid one of the agents of Fouche 25,000 crowns for the privilege of exporting to England (where rags that sold in Flanders for one guinea fetched sixteen guineas), during a limited time, a certain quantity of rags. The consequence of this monopolizing privilege was the rise of the article upwards of 400 per cent, in a month, to the ruin of many, and to the great loss of all those concerned in that branch of commerce. Other persons in the same manner bought exclusive permission, either from Fouche, or the minister of the home department, to export several prohibited articles, as wool, corn, raw silk, &c. and to import foreign productions or manufactured goods, to the great detriment of their interdicted fellow- citizens. In most of the provinces Fouche's commissaries of police improved upon his plan of private and extraor- dinary contributions. In 1801 Lecointre Puyravaux, Fouche's commissary of police for Marseilles and its department, amongst other impositions, laid the bakers of that city under a tax of 30,000 livres a month; and, to enable them to discharge it, he consented to an advance of the price of bread from three to five sous a pound, when at Paris and other places the pound of bread was only two sous and a half. Lecointre also ordered, in June 1801, his subaltern commissaries of police, and the gem d'armes, under the pretext of protecting the merchants who visited the fair of Beaucaire (one of the most fre- quented in France, kept in July every year), not to suffer any person to attend it who was not provided with a pass from him; and this pass cost three livres, or half-a-crown English. In consequence of this arbitrary regulation, Lecointre signed, in twelve days, 46,000 passes ; and thus put as many half-crowns in his own pocket or private treasury. In August 1801, Lecointre being offended with some of the merchants of Marseilles, because, in a private dis- pute between him and La Croix the prefect of the depart- ment, they did not make his cause their own; to punish them, and to display his own power, he invented and decreed a new ordinance respecting the exchange hours and commercial transactions. By the new regula- tions he introduced, all merchant's clerks, or sons, except vol. in. k K one, 25 4 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. one, were deprived of the permission to frequent the exchange; and Lecointre, or, if he was prevented, one of his agents or spies, was always to be present, to de- mand the licenses, passes, or cards, of those citizens whom they thought proper to exclude, or suspected to be ex- cluded by Lecoiutre's regulations: and, as it had been stipulated in them, that the exchange hours were to be between the hours of one and three o'clock in the after- noon, every day, a quarter before three o'clock, two drummers entered the exchange beating their drums, thus absolutely drumming the merchants from the place* The vexations and extortions of Fouche, and his commissaries of police, when he held that otlice under Napoleon, were as numerous and various as they were extensive ; reaching not only over France, but extending over Germany, Italy, Holland, and Switzerland. On the 15th of August 1801, a commissary of police at Aix in Provence, at half past eleven o'clock at night, forced forty passengers at an inn to rise from their beds, and to shew their passes. During this visit, the inn, situated in the suburb of Aix, was surrounded and guarded by fifty gens d'armes. As it was a breach of the constitution to make any domiciliary visits at night, the landlord was asked the reason of such an unlawful step; he an- swered, that this commissary was a protege and favourite of Fouche, who regularly visited three or four times in the decade all the different inns at Aix, not to look for or to arrest any suspected persons, but to lay those passengers under contribution who had no passes, or whose passes were too old, or wanted any of the numerous and op- pressive formalities to which all persons travelling were obliged to submit. The landlord added, this commissary did not make it a secret, that these tyrannical and un- lawful domiciliary visits realized him a yearly revenue of 1000 louis d'ors. Notwithstanding such violations of public liberty, and such extortionate practices on the part of the commissaries of police, no man, or body of men, dared at that time to make any formal complaint to the government; so great was the influence of Fouche, and the dread he had inspired. Alter the peace of Luneville, Fouche, assisted by Talleyrand, made out a list of all known persons in Eu- rope, FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. 255 rope, statesmen, politicians, and authors, who had either written or spoken for monarchy, morality, religion, or who had published opinions in favour of the French re- volution, and extolled its past and present leading men. This list, beginning with the letter A, and ending with Z, was left with the commissaries of police in all the frontier towns of France. In the margin, opposite to each name, were instructions for the police commissary how to act towards travellers: if they were royalists, they were either to arrest them or affront them, to send them back with insult, or to permit them to continue their way with precaution, accompanied by gens-cTarmes; but if they were modern patriots, and had approved of tiie revolution, they were to receive them with more or less distinction, either by the commandant and the muni- cipality en masse, or only to honour them by a visit of the commissary of police. This curious list, besides the names of several foreigners, contained the names of state creditors: these were to be stopped under various pre- tences, and were by no means to be permitted to go to Paris. If they were troublesome, they were to be escorted to the other side of the frontiers by gens-d'armes, and forbid to return under pain of being regarded and pu- nished as spies. As in all revolutionary governments the natural effect is to raise obscure individuals to the highest offices of the state, and as the hopes and expectations of numbers are thus raised, in order to keep up this natural expecta- tion, and divert the minds of those who might be inclined to look a little into public abuses, Fouche had ordered a number of his spies to become fortune-tellers, most of whom had printed answers agreeable to the age, sex, condition, or appearance, of the persons wishing to have their fortune told. These answers uniformly foretold prosperity and success. At the bottom of the printed an- swers were always some numbers for the lottery, which were called fortunate for the purchasers. The Boule- vards, and all public places and squares at Paris, abounded with those fortune-tellers; and in the provinces they relieved each other, so that if the credit of any one should happen to diminish, another took his place. In every city, town, or large village in France, some of them were always to be found. At Paris, the prices paid to those k k 2 attending 256 FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. I | !■ I I IMII Ml I SS - ' ' ■ ~ attending the most frequented walks were from two to six sous; but in the country they were less. Although these itinerant fortune-tellers had only the lower sort of the people to do with, yet, at fixed places of abode, which were frequented by people of rank and fortune, there were several of them who received from six livres to a louis d'or. They were all registered as spies to the police, and were obliged to pay a monthly sum to Fouche's agents for protection. Such were the means which this minister had recourse to, in order to detect any plots and conspiracies against the government, and to keep the public in humour with a system which could only be advantageous and profitable to the principal actors in it. To have acquired a con- siderable fortune by such means, and with such oppor- tunities, cannot be wondered at; and it is asserted, that the fortune alone of Fouche, without his salary, &c. acquired by means which he can best explain, was five hundred thousand livres per annum. His salary, as minister of police, no one knew to a certainty; and it was very dangerous in France to speak upon that subject, as the following example will shew : but we do not vouch for its truth and accuracy, having it, as we do, from a source which seems to have imbibed a strong prejudice against the French minister of police. A young clerk at one of the fust banking-houses at Paris, had the imprudence, in the spring of 1802, to mention, at a restaurateur's, " that he was sure the house he belonged to had bought up for Fouche, since the peace, upwards of five millions of stock in the foreign funds, under different names." Some few days after this declaration, the young man disappeared; and, the ninth day after he had conversed about Fouche's property, his body was found in the river near St. Cloud : he had been murdered, and his body thrown into the Seine. The Jacobin party, who in 1799 forced Talleyrand to resign the foreign department, promoted Fouche, who was one of their distinguished partisans, to the ministry of police. After the revolution, which ended in the con- sular government, Napoleon continued Fouche in the office of minister of police, and recalled Talleyrand to the foreign department. It was not to be expected, that two such intriguing characters, whose revolutionary prin- ciple! ry FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. §5 ciples were so opposite to each other, would long agree in the same councils, without attempting to supplant each other. Those about Napoleon could easily dis- cover, from his hatred to the Jacobins on one hand, and apprehensions of the Royalists on the other, whose influ- ence was the greatest, and whose reports were most believed. Talleyrand constantly insisted that the Royal- ists were not dangerous, whilst Fouche assured him that the Jacobins had neither the means nor the inclination to trouble his government. Until the plot of Arena, whether real or fictitious, had been forgotten by the First Consul, Talleyrand successfully excluded Fouche for some time from Buonaparte's favour: Fouche, in his turn, on the discovery of the infernal machine, caused Talleyrand to be both slighted and neglected. Their jealousies and disputes were carried so far, that it was expected that one of them would be forced to resign. Talleyrand, however, got so far the better of his rival, that, contrary to the wishes and interest of Fouche, a prefect of police was nominated for Paris; and, what was of greater conse- quence, this prefect of police was one of Talleyrand's creatures. From this Fouche was led to conclude, that the instant he was no longer wanted, he would be dis- missed, notwithstanding he had been promised his place for four years by Napoleon. In order, therefore, to re- tain his situation, the best way was to endeavour to make his services necessary, by keeping his master in continual alarm and fear of plots, intrigues, and conspiracies. Twice in every decade, Fouche had orders to present his report of the public opinion, or what was otherwise inter- esting concerning the safety of the First Consul and his government. Those repons belonged 10 the secret police of the interior; and Napoleon therefore never shewed them to any body. One day, when his daughter-in-law, Fanny Beauhamois, who was married to Louis Buona- parte, and who was a great favourite with the First Consul, observed him much agitated in readme: a paper, which at her approach he put over the chimney-piece, curiosity, or perhaps instigated by somebody, made her contrive to penetrate into the cause of her father's unea- siness. In piaying with him, as she often did, she got hold of this paper; and, to prevent any suspicion, she tore another paper near it to pieces, and threw them through 2.5S FOUCHE', DUKE OF OTRANTO. through the window, exclaiming, " Dear father! I hope you are not angry that I have destroyed the villainous paper, which made you so uncomfortable." Napoleon freely forgave her, when, in presence of her mother, she mentioned what she had done. The paper she had con- cealed was found to be one of Fouche's reports, instilling fear and suspicion into the mind of the First Consul, of the persons even the nearest and dearest to him. What most surprised Madame Buonaparte was, that Fouche mentioned those informations as extracted from the re- port made to him by Dubois the prefect of police. Ma- dame Buonaparte knew that Dubois owed his place to the protection of Talleyrand, and that Fouche was Tal- leyrand's enemy; she therefore sent for him, and pre- sented him the report of the police minister. In a few hours after, Talleyrand informed her, that the whole was an invention of Fouche to make himself necessary; but that he should take care the First Consul should not long continue the dupe of this man. It was said, that this re- port was transmitted to Buonaparte in the morning of the 8th of August 1802; and that, in consequence, he wrote for the Moniteur of the next day a most violent philippic against England ; Fouche having reported amongst other things, that English travellers in France, and George, and the French Chouans in England, were closely connected, and conspired with those disaffected persons who were about him. On the 15th of the same month, the birth- day of Napoleon, Talleyrand congratulated the First Consul upon the tranquillity that reigned every where, and the union of all parties under his mild but firm go- vernment, which he had heard with so much satisfaction from Dubois the prefect of police, who assured him that for the last six months he had not received any intelli- gence of discontent or disaffection either amongst foreign or intestine rivals or enemies. This compliment made Napoleon thoughtful; and, the next morning, he ordered Dubois to send to him for the future his police accounts in secret, and to continue to forward them to Fouche, as was his duty. Soon after this, for some cause or other, which remains unexplained, Fouche was dismissed from the office of minister of police, and appointed a senator, a place at that time of little profit, and more honourable than important. When FOUCHE, DUKE OF OTRANTO. 25<) When the constitution of Switzerland was about to be altered, conformable to the views of the First Consul, Fouche was appointed one of the consular negotiators on that occasion. In the year 1805, Fouche was again made minister of police; .his services in that department being too im- portant to be dispensed with by the Emperor Napoleon. At the restoration of Louis XVIII. Fouche, as well as his rival, Talleyrand, were each entrusted with their im- portant offices; necessity enforcing a policy that was found essential to the existence of the government: and, notwithstanding his defection when Napoleon again seized upon the government, and his eagerness to be employed under his old master, yet so important are his services considered, and so necessary is it to have an efficient and vigorous police in the corrupted and de- praved capital of France, that Fouche is again, to the. surprise of the real supporters and well-wishers of the monarchy, appointed to the office of Minister of Police. Fouche is distinguished by an insinuating manner, and a certain mode of expressing himself easily and agreeably. He writes and executes with great facility, and has a deep knowledge of the characters of all those who have in any manner distinguished themselves since the break- ing out of the revolution: he knows their foibles, their .passions, and their vices, and how to turn them to the best advantage. Hence it is that he has ever been found of essential service to the government ; and in vain would Louis look out for another man so well skilled as Fouche in the important office entrusted to him. jflemotrs iftemotts OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE JOHN JERVlS t EARL OF ST. VINCENT, KB I F we are to ascribe the proud pre-eminence of Great - 1 - Britain, and the exalted rank she holds among the nations of the world, as much to the valour and intrepi- dity of her fleets and armies as to the wisdom of her councils and the beauty and structure of her constitu- tion, she confessedly owes a large share of gratitude to the noble and venerable subject of our present biography, who may justly be ranked amongst the foremost of her heroes, and the most respectable of her legislators. This illustrious Admiral is descended of an ancient family in the county of Stafford, and is the second son of Swynfen Jervis, Esq. barrister at law, some time counsel to the Board of Admiralty, and auditor of Green- wich Hospital. He was sent at a very early age to a ce- lebrated school at Burton-upon-Trent: his whole educa- tion was directed to the object of the law, for which he was originally intended. He quitted this seminary when ten years old, in consequence of his father having, in conformity to his own inclination, determined to edu- cate him for the sea service. He was rated a Midship- man about the year 1748-9, and served in that capacity on board the Gloucester, of 50 guns, the commanding ship on the Jamaica station. After an almost uninterrupted series of service, he was, in the year 1755, promoted to the rank of Lieutenant ; and, not long afterward, selected by the late Sir Charles Saunders to serve on board his ship. He accompanied Sir Charles as his first lieutenant in the expedition against Quebec; an expedition which, though successful in its termination, displayed, for a considerable time, nothing but a series of disappoint- ments, EARL OF ST. VINCENT. 261 ments, and difficulties, that, had they not b< en combated by the utmost exertion of human ability, gallantry, and perseverance, might have proved insurmountable. He was made Captain of the Porcupine sloop in a few days after the admiral got up to the north end of the Isle of Orleans. His former commander, who had become in- timately acquainted with his merits, appointed him Act- ing Captain of the Experiment, a post ship, mounting 20 guns, during the indisposition of Sir John Strachan ; which event happened two years before he was made a commander. This temporary promotion was extremely fortunate to Mr. Jervis ; who, having been ordered out on a Mediterranean cruise, had the fortune to fall in witli a very large xebec trader, Moorish colours, though it was very evident the whole of her crew was French. The superiority possessed by the enemy in point of natural force was so great, that the event of the contest would at best have been doubtful, had not that enemy been resisted, on the part of the English, by the most con- summate ability, joined to the most active intrepidity. The xebec,' exclusive of the advantage she derived from her low construction, particularly in smooth water, and those light winds which prevailed at the time of the at* tack, mounted 26 guns of very heavy calibre, besides a considerable number of large swivels, or patararoes. The crew, which was nearly three times as numerous as that of the Experiment, consisted of men selected from the hardiest class of society, on whom the appellation of des- peradoes might be very aptly and justly bestowed. The grand objects of their ferocious minds were rapine and plunder. Lawless in their pursuits, insatiable in their avarice, and most intemperate in what they considered their pleasures, they attempted (instead of displaying that cool and dignified conduct which, when he contends on honourable terms, excites our admiration even of an enemy) todait on their prey with the savage spirit of vultures, thirsting to satiate their voracious appetites. The conflict, though furious, was short: determinate bravery prevailed over fury; and the assailants consi- dered themselves extremely fortunate in not being so disabled as to prevent them from taking the advantage of a iinht and favourable breeze of wind, which in all vol in. i. i- probability «§62 EARL OF ST. VINCENT. probability preserved them from a discomfiture much more serious, if not a capture. Captain Jervis, having returned to England, he com- manded the Unicorn, by order, till the 13th of October 1760, when he was promoted to the rank of Post Captain by commission appointing him to the Gosport, of 40 guns. He was present at the retaking St. John's, New- foundland, and convoyed the trade from Virginia after- wards. He continued in the Gosport till the end of the war, but without any opportunity being afforded him of displaying his talents and bravery. After having remained some time on the home station, Captain Jervis was ordered to the Mediterranean, whence he did not return till the conclusion of the war; and, being then paid off, held no subsequent command till the year 1769; when, being appointed to the Alarm frigate, of 32 guns, he was again ordered to the Mediterranean. While on this station, in the month of August 1770, being at Villa Franca, he had the honour of entertaining on board his ship the Due de Chablais, brother to the King of Sardinia, who expressed himself most highly gratified at his reception ; having found, not improbably with surprise, that elegance of manners, and the most polished behaviour, were not incompatible with the cha- racter of a naval officer. His Royal Highness shewed the greatest curiosity to be informed of the use of every thing he saw: he desired the chain-pumps to be worked, and a gun to be exercised ; and, between the several motions, made the most pertinent remarks. Having satisfied his curiosity, he testified his gratification by the magnificent presents he made on that occasion. To the Captain he gave a diamond ring, inclosed in a large gold snuff-box; to the two lieutenants, a gold box each ; to the lieute- nant of marines who mounted the guard, the midship- man who steered his Royal Highness, and those who as- sisted him up and down the ship's side, a gold watch each, one of which was a Paris repeater, and another set with sparks; together with a large sum of money to the ship's company. His Royal Highness stayed about two hours; and was saluted, on his going aboard and coming ashore, with one-and-twenty guns. Not long after the return of Captain Jervis to England, where he arrived in 1774, he was promoted to the Fou- droyant, EARL OF ST. VINCENT. 263 droyant, of 84 guns, a ship originally belonging to the French, and captured from them in the year 1758, by the Monmouth of* 64 guns. This appointment was a convincing proof of the estimation in which he was held by the Board of Admiralty ; for the Foudroyant was con- sidered the finest two-decked ship belonging to the Bri- tish navy. For some time after he received the com- mand of this ship, he was employed to cruise in the Bay of Biscay, in order to prevent as much as possible all in- tercourse between France and the then revolted colonies of America. Soon after, the Foudroyant was ordered to join the fleet equipped for Channel service, under the command of Admiral Keppel ; and Captain Jervis was selected by that gentleman to be one of his seconds. In the partial action that ensued between the French and British fleets, on the 27th of July 1778, his gallantry was very conspicuous; and when the indecisive issue of the action had raised the clamour of party against Ad- miral Keppel and Sir Hugh Palliser, the Vice-Admiral preferred five articles of accusation against him. Captain Jervis's evidence, on this occasion, was spirited and im- partial. Upon the following questions being put by the Admiral, he answered as follows: — Q. Your station being nearest me during the pursuit of the enemy, and after the action, which gave you an opportunity of observing my conduct, and of seeing objects nearly in the same point of view with myself, I desire you will state to the court any instance, if you saw or knew of any such, in which I negligently performed my duty, on the 27th or 28th of July. A. With great respect to you, Sir, and deference to the court, I hope I shall be indulged with having that question put by the court. The Judge Advocate, mutatis mutandis, then put the question. A. I feel myself bound to answer that question ; I be- lieve it to be consonant to the general practice of sea courts-martial. I cannot boast of a long acquaintance with Admiral Keppel; I never had the honour of serving under him before; but I am happy in this opportunity to declare to this court, and to the whole world, that, during the whole time that the English fleet was in sight l l 2 of 2(54 EARL OF ST. VINCENT. — -^ of the French fleet, he displayed the greatest navalskill and ability, and the boldest enterprise, upon the 27 th of July, which, with the promptitude of Sir Robert Harland t will be subjects of my admiration and imitation as long as 1 live." From the evidence given upon this trial it appears* that the Foudroyant, which had got into her station about three, and never let t it till tour the next morning, was very closely engaged, and in a most disabled state. Htr main-mast had received a shot very near through the head, which lodged in the cheek, and passed through the heart of the mast, and several other shot in different places; her fo;e-mast had also received several shot; a large excavation ha>l been made in her bowsprit near the centre; the fore top-mast was so disabled, that it was totally useless; every rope of her running rigging cut, and her shrouds demolished; no braces or bow-lines left, and scarcely any haulyards, forestay, spring-stay, and top-sail ties; and the foot rope of the fore top-sail shot away: her sails also were very much shattered. In this shattered state, the Foudroyant was not in a condition to chase; but she kept her station next the Victory as far to windward as possible: " J was covetous of wind," said this brave officer, " because, disabled as I then was, I conceived the advantage of the wind could carry me again into action." Being askt d some questions relative to the position of the Vice-Admiral and his division, his Lordship pointedly replied, he was not a competent judge of that part of the fleet ; he was very attentive to the Admiral. From the whole of the evidence, the sentence of the court was, " that the charge was malicious and ill- founded; it having appeared, that the Admiral, so far from having, by misconduct and neglect of duty, lost an opportunity of rendering essential service to the state, or tarnished the lustre of the British navy, behaved as a judicious, brave, and experienced officer. The court, therefore, unanimously and honourably acquitted Ad- miral Keppel of the several articles of charge contained against him." Sir Thomas Pye, the president, on deliver- ing to Admiral Keppel his sword, addressed him in the following words: — " Admiral Keppel, it is no small pleasure for me to receive the command of the court, that EARL OF ST. VINCENT. 265 that, in delivering your sword, I am to congratulate you on its being restored to you with so much honour, hoping ere long you will be called forth by your sovereign to draw it once more in defence of your country." Captain Jervis continued employed on the different services allotted to the home or Channel fleet, com- manded in succession, after the resignation of Admiral Keppel, by Sir Charles Hardy, Admirals Geary, and Darby. The absence of an enemy precluded a possibility of contest; and the events of war, so far as they regarded this consequential armament, were confined merely to a dull monotony of carrying into execution every service on which it was ordered, without ever beholding a foe, at least any one that merited so dignified an appellation. In the month of April 1782, a slight interruption was given to this long-continued scene of tedious inactivity. Intelligence having been received, that a French arma- ment, consisting of four or five ships of war and several transports, was ready for sea at Brest, destined for the East Indies, a squadron, consisting of several ships of the line, was ordered out, under the command of Vice- Ad- miral Barrington, for the purpose of intercepting them. The experiment proved in a great measure successful ; and the most brilliant part of that success was attributable to the activity and spirit of Captain Jervis. The part he so honourably bore in this affair will be best explained by the account given by his commanding officer of the transaction, and that singular method he adopted of doing honour to his gallantry, in declining to give any other account of the transaction than what had been, in such modest terms, transmitted to him by Captain Jervis himself. Extract of a letter from the Honourable Vice-Admiral Barrington, to Mr. Stephens, dated on board the Britannia, at St. Helen's, the %5th of April 1782. I have the pleasure to acquaint you, for the informa- tion of my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that, on the 20th instant, Ushant bearing N. E. ! E. twenty three leagues, at one P.M. I perceived the Artois, Captain Macbride, with a signal out for discovering an enemy's fleet, but at such a distance, that it was with the utmost difficulty I could distinguish the colour of the flag. 266 EARL OF ST. VINCENT. flag. It was then calm ; but a breeze soon springing up, I made the signal for a general chase, the enemy at such a distance that I could but just discover them from the Britannia's mast-head at three o'clock. At the close of the evening seven of our ships had got a good distance a-head of me, the Foudroyant (Captain Jervis) the fore- most; and in the night it coming to blow strong with hazy weather, after having lost sight of his companions, at forty-seven minutes after twelve, brought the Pegase, of 74 guns, and 700 men, to a close action, which continued three quarters of an hour, when the Foudroyant having laid her on board on the larboard quarter, the Frenchman struck. My pen is not equal to the praise that is due to the good conduct, bravery, and discipline of Captain Jervis, his officers, and seamen, on this occasion; let his own modest narrative, which I herewith inclose, speak for itself. The next morning, soon after day-break, the wind then at south, blowing strong, it shifted in an instant to the west, and with such violence, that it was with difficulty I could carry my courses to clear Ushant, and get the Channel open; which being accomplished by noon, I brought to, and remained so until the evening of the 22d, to collect the squadron. " By the accounts of the prisoners, there were eighteen sail laden with stores, provisions, and ammunition, under the convoy of the Protecteur of 74 guns, Pegase 74, L' Andromache 32. together with L'Actionaire, a two- decker, armed en flute, all bound for L'Isle de France. They left Brest the 19th instant. " I cannot pretend to give their Lordships a particular account of the number of prizes taken, but must refer them to that which they may receive as they arrive in port, though I believe there are ten at least." " Proceedings of his Majesty's ship under my command from the 9,0th instant. " Near sun-set on the 20th, I was near enough to dis- cover, that the enemy consisted of three or four ships of war, two of them at least of the line, with seventeen or eighteen sail under their convoy, and that the latter dis- persed by signal. At half-past nine, I observed the smallest of the ships of war to speak with the headmost, and EARL OF ST. VINCENT. 267 and then bear away. At a quarter past ten, the sternmost line-of-battle ship, perceiving we came up with her very fast, bore up also. I pursued her, and at forty-seven mi- nutes after twelve brought her to close action, which continued three quarters of an hour; when, having laid her on board on the larboard quarter, the French ship of war, Le Pegase, of 74 guns, and 700 men, commanded by the Chevalier de Cillart, surrendered. " The discipline and good conduct of the officers and men under my command will best appear by the state of the killed and wounded, and of the damages sustained in each ship. " I am happy to inform you, that only two or three people, with myself, are slightly wounded ; but I learn from the Chevalier de Cillart, that Le Pegase suffered a great carnage, and was materially damaged in her masts and yards, the mizen mast and the fore top-mast having gone away soon after the action ceased. " It blew so strongly yesterday morning, that I with difficulty put eighty men on board the prize, but received only forty prisoners in return; in performing which I fear two of our boats were lo3t. The disabled state of the prize, together with the strong wind and heavy sea, induced me to make the signal for immediate assistance, which Commodore Elliot supplied, by making the Queen's signal to assist the disabled ship. " At eight o'clock last night, they bore S.S.W. four miles distant from us. We lay to till ten, in hopes of their joining; but, not perceiving them, we bore up, and ran N.E. twenty-three miles till day-light; when seeing nothing of them, we brought to, and at half-past eight made sail to join the squadron. " By all I can learn from the prisoners, this small squadron, composed of Le Protecteur (Monsieur de Sou- lange, Commodore), Le Pegase, and L'Andromaque frigate, was making a second attempt to proceed on an expedi- tion to the East Indies. Some of the troops having been before captured under that destination by the squadron under the command of Real-Admiral Kempenfelt, in the presence of the above-mentioned ships of war. Foudroyant, April <m «■' « and the Levant, was cowardly surrendered to the French in their famous Egyptian expedition. The British go- vernment, justly appreciating the danger and importance of so strong and valuable an island being under Fivnch domination, and particularly at a time when the repub- lic did not disguise their ulterior views upon Egypt and India, were resolved, if possible, to wrest it from the French; ami, considering the prodigious strength of its works, they directed a blockade as the only effectual and humane method to pursue. Accordingly, the Bri- tish force above-merit. oned appeared before Malta in the mouth of September 1798; and, after an unexampled siege or rather blockade of two years, the island surren- dered. General Pigott having arrived a short time pre- vious to its capitulation, the glory of transmitting an account of the success of the British arms devolved upon him. Brigadier-General Graham was not, however, robbed of that just share of applause to which he was so well entitled; and, exclusively of the honourable mention made in the public dispatches of General Graham's zeal and intrepidity, every officer who served with him bore testimony to his gallantry. A paragraph from a letter of General Pigott on this occasion is deserving insertion. " During the short time you were here," says he, " you must have been sensible of the great exertions which Brigadier-General Graham must have made with the limited force be had, previous to my arrival with a rein- forcement. He has ever since continued these exertions: and I consider the surrender of the piace has been acce- lerated by the decision of his conduct in preventing any more inhabitants coming out of the fortress. A short time before I came here, he was sent to negotiate the terms of capitulation with General Vaubois; and I am much indebted to him for his assistance in this business." After the successful completion of this busmess, Bri- gadier-General Graham returned to England, and arrived just in time to learn the gratifying intelligence of his own regiment, the 90th, having covered itself w.th glory on the plains of Egypt. This fine corps formed the advanced guaid of the first line on the 21st of March IS01 : the manner in which it received the charge of the French cavalry will be long remembered. On this occasion 292 LORD LYNDOCH. occasion it was commanded by its second Lieutenant- Colonel, the present Lord Hill. The commandant of the Freuch cavalry was killed in the charge; and the ©Oth regiment presented his sabre to their Colonel as a grateful mark of their attachment to him. Anxious to rejoin the battalion of which he considered himself the father, General Graham again left England, and had the gratification to meet his corps soon alter it had acquired so much honour. But here were no battles to be fought; and General Graham's active mind finding no employment, he quitted Egypt, and travelled to Eu- rope with Mr. Hutchinson, the brother of Lord Hutchin- son, through Turkey. He made a short stay at Constan- tinople; and, peace having been concluded between France and England, he made also a short stay at Paris. During the peace, he was apprehensive that the mili- tary establishment would render it necessary te disband his corps; but the recommencement of hostilities pre- served his fine regiment; and we again find its gallant Colonel at its head, in the year 1803, in Ireland, where he continued until 1805. His energies were there called forth, and found essentially useful to his country. In the camp of instruction on the Curragh of Kildare, Ge- neral Graham proved himself an able tactician; and the discipline there established, laid the foundation of that practical excellence to which the British army afterwards arrived. However employed, or wherever stationed, General Graham continued to devote his fortune, his time, and talents, to his profession. His regiment being sent out to the West Indies, he remained without actual employ- ment till the spring of 1808. His rank, which was to have been progressive from the period of his levy, by some misunderstanding, had remained stationary; but this circumstance did not abate his ardour for the ser- vice. His friend, the late lamented Sir John Moore, being appointed to lead an armament to the shores of Sweden, and also entrusted with an important diplomatic mission to the Ex-King of that country, General Gra- ham solicited permission to accompany him as aide-de- camp. The commander-in-chief having signified his consent, he embarked with that officer, who was ex- tremely LORD LYNDOCH. 293 tremely glad to obtain the support of a friend so judi- cious and enlightened. The expedition proceeded to Gottenburg; where the troops continued on board the transports, while Sir John Moore was negotiating with the court of Sweden. General Graham took this oppor- tunity of traversing the country in all directions ; from which he acquired much useful information, and stored his mind with many new ideas. The misunderstanding and disarrangement between Sir John Moore and the court of Sweden having put an end to his mission, that officer was immediately ordered to Spain. In the removal of the baggage of the army on this occasion, General Graham had a very narrow and providential escape. Among the oxen employed, one, overheated, and enraged by fatigue, attacked him with savage fury ; and had he not, by uncommon exertion and great presence of mind, warded off the danger, his life would in all probability have been sacrificed. In the memorable and unfortunate retreat of Sir John Moore, General Graham was found extremely service- able; and, at the battle of Corunna, previous to the embarkation of the British army, he most highly distin- guished himself. On that solemn and afflicting day, rendered for ever memorable by the lamented death of Sir John Moore, the name of Graham received fresh lustre; and the subject of this Memoir added another wreath to the honour of his family. ; Sir John Hope, who commanded at the close of that day, after paying a just and noble tribute to the memory of his late commander- in-chief, failed not to mention, in the most honourable manner, the services of General Graham, who was in consequence advanced to the rank of Major-General. This promotion was very gratifying to the army, and was no less due to the services and intelligence of the object of it. Almost immediately after being placed on the list of Major-Gt uerals, we find General Graham commanding a division in ihe expedition to Walcheren ; his services at the siege of Flushing were as important as any he had before performed. That dreadful disorder which proved so destructive to the British army, denominated the Walcheren fever, also seized General Graham; and, but vol. in. p p for 'J94 L ° R I> LYNDOCH. for his timely removal to England, he would in all pro- bability have fallen a sacrifice to it. Shortly alter he had recovered from this disorder, a struggle for the possession of Cadiz, between the French invaders and the Spanish patriots, having taken place, Major-General Graham was sent thither to take the command of the British forces in that fortress: he had, previously to this, been appointed second in command to Lord Wellington. The only point from whence it was easy for the French to annoy the garrison was Fort Ma- tagorda. This post was dismantled at their approach; but when it was perceived that they began to re-construct it, Major-General Graham determined to dispossess, and even endeavour to maintain it against them. This was accordingly done under his direction: it was defended for two months, with a bravery that excited the admira- tion of the Spaniards, and taught the French what they were to expect if they attempted the Isle de Leon. We now come to the most memorable event in the life of Lord Lyndoch, and which has raised hi9 military fame to the highest pitch, and would have done honour to any commander, ancient or modern : this was the bat- tle of Barrosa, in which his warlike genius and self- command were eminently conspicuous. Towards the close of February 1810, the Spanish government deter- mined on an expedition for the purpose of making a combined attack on the rear of the French army block- ading Cadiz. A British force of 3000 men, commanded by Major-General Graham, and a body of 7000 Spaniards under General La Pena, were embarked in Cadiz Bay, in order to form a junction with the Spanish forces under St. Roche: they disembarked at. Aigesiras, and being all united at Tariffa, moved from thence on the 2Sth of Fe- bruary. On the morning of the 5th of March, the allied army, after a march of sixteen hours from their camp, arrived on the low ridge of Barrosa, about four miles to the south of Santi Petri. An attack on the rear of the enemy's lines near Santi Petri, by the Spanish vanguard, having opened the communication with the Isla de Leon, Major-Gei-eral Graham received directions from General La Pena to move to a position about half-way from Bar- rosa to that river. On his march, he received informa- tion that the enemy had appeared in force on the plain, and LORD LYNDOCH. 29,5 and was advancing towards the heights of Barrosa. Con- scious of the importance of this position, as being the key to that of Santi Petri, General Graham immediately countermarched, in order to support the troops left for its di fence; and, before he was clear of an intervening wood, the troops were seen retreating from Barrosa Hill, and the French were ascending it. Willi the prompti- tude of consummate skill and presence of mind, General Graham immediately determined on attacking the ene- my; for a retreat, under such circumstances, would have endangered the safety of the whole allied army. The troops with whom he was engaged were the two divi- sions, Rutin and Laval, of Victor's army: the former of these, which had gained the ascent of the hill, was at- tacked by the British right wing under Major-General Dilkes, while the latter was engaged by the left wing, supported by a battery of ten guns. In less than an hour and a half from the commencement of the action, the enemy were in full retreat on all sides, leaving be- hind them one eagle, six pieces of cannon, two generals wounded and another taken, with many officers killed, and a great number of prisoners taken, ami the field co- vered with arms and dead bodies. The exhausted state of the British army, after this severe action, rendered pursuit impossible; and their allies were not at hand to support them, or to share the victory, though two Spanish battalions which had been attached to Major- General Graham's division, and left on the hill, from whence they had been ordered by La Pena to retire, has- tened back as soon as they knew the British troops were encaged. The number and force of the French in the action was computed at 8000; and their loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, at 3000: that of the British was also very severe^amounting to L243 killed and wounded. In no instance during this sanguinary war was British valour more conspicuously displayed; and the conduct of their general, when contrasted with that of La Pena, filled every mind with admiration of his ability, tirmness, and intrepidity. In commemoration of this brilliant victory, the Prince Regent ordered a medal to be struck, and to be worn by General Graham, and a number of olruers under his command, in honour of the battle of Barrosa. p i> 2 In 296 LORD LYNDOCH. In the summer of 1811, General Graham had the sa- tisfaction to be relieved from the defence of Cadiz: and, having joined the army under the command of the Duke of Wellington, lie assisted at the siege of Ciudad Ra- drigo, and contributed greatly his aid and exertions in the operations carried on against that city; for which services he received the warm acknowledgments of the commander-in-chief. A complaint in his eyes, which appeared of rather a serious nature, obliged him once more to return to his native country, in order to procure the best medical ad- vice ; but, fortunately, it was pronounced not dangerous, and only caused by the use of a spying glass under an almost vertical sun, together with much writing by candle-light. Early in the year 1813, he again quitted England for the Peninsula, where his achievements had gained him so much renown. Although constantly rendering the most important services, by assisting with his advice the military operations, he was not engaged in any action of consequence until the glorious 21st of June, the day on ■which the battle of Vittoria was fought. On that ever- memorable occasion, Major-General Graham commanded the left wing of the British army, under the illustrious Wellington, which consisted of the first and fifth divi- sions, and Major-Generals Pack and Anson's brigades of cavalry, and a Spanish division under General Giron and Colonel Longa. On the day previous to the battle of Vittoria, the above corps had been moved toMargina; and, early on the following morning, it moved again from thence on Vittoria, by the high road leading from that citv to Bilboa. The Spanish division had been pre- viously detached on a different view of the aspect of the campaign, and was now recalled ; and it arrived on the field in sufficient time to act under the orders of Sir Thomas Graham. A division of the enemy's infantry, with a drtachment of cavalry, were advanced on the Bil- boa road, their right resting on the heights which co- vered the village of Gamarra Maior. This village, and that of Abechuco, as also the heights already mentioned, •were strongly occupied by the French, as tetes-de-pont to the bridges over t'ne Zadora. These places Brigadier- General Pack and Coiouel Longa, with the Spanish and Portuguese LORD LYNDOCH. 297 Portuguese troops, were ordered to turn, and gain the heights. In this service they were supported by Major-General Anson's brigade of light dragoons, and the fifth division of infantry, under Major-General Os- wald. This operation was executed to the entire satis- faction of Lieutenant-General Graham, who expressed his thanks in the warmest terms. As soon as the heights were in possession ot' the British troops, the village of Gamarra Moor was most gallantly stormed and carried by Brigadier-General Robinson's brigade of the fifth di- vision, which advanced in columns of battalions without firing a shot, and under a heavy fire of musquetry and artillery. They took three pieces of cannon, and did great execution among the ranks of the enemy. Lieu- tenant-General Sir Thomas Graham then proceeded to obtain possession of the village of Abechuco with the first division. He formed a strong battery against it; and Colonel Halkett's division advanced to the siorm, under cover of Captain Ramsay's horse-artillery, and Captain Dubordieu's brigade. The village was carried with the greatest spirit; the charge by the light bitta- lion was admirable: three guns and one howitzer were taken: and the affair was sustained by the troops to their own credit, and the entire satisfaction of their generals. While the operations against Abechuco were carrying on, the French endeavoured to repossess themselves of Gamarra Maior; but were repulsed by Major-General Oswald, with the 6th division. On the f ft of the Zadora, the French had posted two divisions of infantry ; they had possession of the heights; and it was found im- possible to cross by the bridges of the Zadora, until the enemy had been driven through Vittorm. The whole then concentrated themselves, and pursued the flyng enemy, until darkness put a stop to the operations. The movement of the iroops under Sir Thomas Graham rut off the retreat of the French by the high road into France, who were, therefore, obliged to turn into that leading to Pampluna. They were unable to maintain any position for a sufficient length of time to draw off their artillery and ammunition; the whole, therefore, « htch re- mained in their possession after the battle, of Vittoria, fell into the hands of the victors, with the exception of a single gun and howitzer. In 29S LORD LYNDOCH. In all the subsequent military operations Sir Thomas Graham bore a conspicuous part; and, in all the military dispatches of the illustrious Wellington, honourable mention is made of him. Sir Thomas Graham, being detached from the main army under the Duke of Wel- lington, and haying under his command a body of troops composed of the British and allied armies, he, on the 18th of Jul)', carried by storm, the fortified convent of San Bartolome, and the adjoining work on the extremity of the steep hill towards the river. The natural and artificial strength of these fortified posts, occupied by a large body of troops, and the impossibility of access to either but by the fronis, made it very desirable to destroy the defences, for which purpose a new battery on the left was begun; but this work not being in readiness to open upon the convent and fort, Sir Thomas Graham determined upon an assault, which was conducted with Jiis' usual coolness and gallantry. A column, consisting of the picquet of the 4th Cac.adores, 150 men of the loth Portuguese regiment, supported by three companies of the *)th regiment, with a reserve of three companies of the Royal Scots, was formed in the night to attack the redoubt. The left column was composed of 200 men of the 13th Portuguese regiment, an equal number of the 5th Cacadores, and supported by the 9th regiment. About ten in the morning the left column besjan the attack upon the convent, while the right passed the ravine near the river. Both attacks were made with such vigour and determination, that all obstacles were overcome, and with inconsiderable loss, considering the strength and importance of the positions. The enemy fled in confusion down the hill, and carried with them a strong reinforcement which had just arrived from Saa Sebastian to their support. The troops of Sir Thomas Graham pursued with the utmost impetuosity; and to this eagerness alone was the great loss of lives to be im- puted. Sir Thomas Graham, with his detachment, still con- tinuing the investment of San Sebastian, and having his head-quarters at Ernani, attacked the breach in the line wall of San Sebastian soon after day-light on the morning of the 25th of July, the tide having left the foot of the work dry. The troops conducted themselves with great bravery, LORD LYNDOCH. ^99 bravery, and forced their way into the town; but the French having occupied in force all the defences of the place in that direction, from which, and from all round the breach, they were enabled to bring so destructive a fire of grape and musquetry, flanking and enfilading the column, and to throw so many hand-grenades among the troops, that General Graham deemed if, necessary to withdraw them from the attempt. Many brave fellows, and particularly Major Frazer, fell in the breach. After this, General Graham commanded the army employed in the siege of the town and citadel of San Sebastian; the former surrendered to him on the 9th of September by capitulation, and the citadel was taken by storm on the 31st of the same mouth. In a military and political point of view, there was no other conquest, during the long and eventful struggle in the Spanish peninsula, that could be compared to this ; it is, in short, considered as a second Gibraltar, and is deemed the key to that part of Spain. The British army may always reflect with just pride and exultation on the trophies it acquired at this celebrated siege; and, although they may have gained more splendid triumphs, yet few events can boast of more solid advantages, than resulted from the capture of this important fortress. The river Bidassoa, the natural boundary between France and Spain, so long a subject matter of dispute between these hostile nations, was, by the order of the Duke of Wellington, to be crossed by the left of the British army, and Sir Thomas Graham had the honour to be entrusted with this service. The passage took place on the 7th of October, and was conducted in the following manner. The 1st and 5th divisions, and the 1st Portuguese brigade, formed into three columns, crossed the river, two columns above, and on; 1 below the bridge; these troops were directed by Brigadier-General Wilson, Major-General Hay, the Honourable Col nel Greville, Major-General Stopford, and Major-General Howard: and part of the 4th Spanish army, under the immediate command of Lieutenant-General Don Manuel Freyre, also crossed in three columns, at fords, above the points where the Britir-h and Portuguese had ah eady crossed. The British and Portuguese having effected the passage, immediately attacked the enemy in his entrenched posi- tion, 300 LORD LYNDOCH. tion, which they carried in spite of a most obstinate resist- ance, taking seven pieces of cannon; and the Spanish di- visions admirably performed that part of the arrangement allotted to them, for which they had the honour of re- ceiving the thanks of the Commander-in-chief. Sir Thomas Graham, having led his division triumph- antly across this barrier river, and firmly established it on French ground, resigned his command to Sir John Hope, in consequence of ill health, and returned to England. The Dutch having taken advantage of the disasters of Napoleon to emancipate themselves from his yoke, a British army was suddenly sent over to their assistance, the command of which was entrusted to Sir Thomas Graham. In the course of the arduous duties attached to this command, General Graham did not experience the same success which had heretofore uniformly attended him. The attack upon the strong fortress of Bergen-op- Zoom unfortunately failed; and the great sacrifice of lives on this melancholy occasion afforded the ma- lignant reasons for reproaching this gallant officer with rashness and precipitation; but the best answer to these calumnies, will be found in his own dispatches to government, which we shall here transcribe. " Head-quarters, Calmhout, March 10, 1814. " My Lord — It becomes my painful task to report to your Lordship, that an attack on Bergen-op-Zoom, which seemed at first to promise complete success, ended in failure, and occasioned a severe loss to the 1st division, and to Brigadier-General Gore's brigade. " It is unnecessary for me to state the reasons which determined me to make the attempt to carry such a place by storm, since the success of two columns, in establish- ing themselves on the ramparts with very trifling loss, must justify the having incurred the risk for the attain- ment of so important an object as the capture of such a fortress. " The troops employed were formed in four columns, as per margin*. No. 1, the left column, attacked be- tween * " 1st Column — Brigade of Guards, 1000, Colonel Lord Pro.by. " 2d Column— 55th foot, 250; 69ih foot, 350; 33d foot, 600— Total, 1 200 ; Lieutenant-Colonel Morrice, 69th- foot, " 3d LORD LYNDOCH. 301 i tween the Antwerp and Water-Port Gates. No. 2, at- tacked to the right of the New Gate. No. 3, was destined only to draw attention by a false attack near the Steen- bergen Gate, and to be afterwards applicable according to circumstances. No. 4, right column, attacked at the entrance of the harbour, which could be forded at low water; and the hour was fixed accordingly at half-past ten P. M. of the 8th instant. " Major-General Cooke accompanied the left column. Major-General Skeriet, and Brigadier-General Gore, both accompanied the right column ; this was the first which forced its way into the body of the place. These two columns were directed to move along the rampart, so as to form a junction as soon as possible, and then to pro- ceed to clear the rampart, and assist the centre column, or to force open the Antwerp Gate. " An unexpected difficulty, about passing the ditch on the ice, having obliged Major-General Cooke to change the point of attack, a considerable delay ensued, and that column did not gain the rampart till half-past eleven. " Meanwhile the lamented fall of Brigadier-General Gore, and Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable George Carletou, and the dangerous wound of Major-General Skerret, depriving the right column of their able direc- tion, it fell into disorder, and suffered great loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners. The centre column having been forced back with considerable loss by the heavy fire of the place (Lieutenant-Colonel Morrice its commander, and Lieutenant-Colonel Elphinston, commanding the 33d regiment, being both wounded"), was re-formed under Major Muttlebury, marched rmind and joined Major- General Cooke, leaving the left wing of the 55th to re- move the wounded from the glacis. However, the " Sd Column— 91st foot, 400; 21st foot, 100; 37t!i foot, 150: Lieutenant-Colonel Henry, 21st regiment. ** 4th Column — 44th foot, 300; flank companies of the 21st and 37th foot, 200; Royals, 600— Total 1100: Brigadier- General Gore, and Lieutenant-Colonel Carleton. " Total torce— 1st Column, 1000 rank and file; Jd Column, 1200 rank and tile; 3d Column, 650 rank and lilc; llh Column, 1100 rank and file.— Grand Total 3950." vol. in. q q Guards, 302 LORD LYNDOCH. Guards, too, had suffered very severely during the night, by the galling fire from the houses on their position; and, by the loss of the detachment of the 1st Guards, which, having been sent to endeavour to assist Lieutenant-Co- lonel Carleton, and to secure the Antwerp Gate, was cut off, after the most gallant resistance, which cost the lives of many most valuable officers. " At day-break, the enemy having turned the guns of the place, opened their fire against the troops on the un- protected rampart, and the reserve of the 4th column (the Royal Scots) retired from the Water Port Gate, followed by the 33d. The former regiment, getting under a cross-fire from the place and the Water-Port re- doubt, soon afterwards laid down their arms. " Major-General Cooke then despairing of success, directed the retreat of the Guards, which was conducted in the most orderly manner, protected by the remains of the 69th regiment and of the right wing of the 55th (which corps repeatedly drove the enemy back with the bayonet) under the Major-General's immediate direction. The General afterwards found it impossible to withdraw these weak battalions; and, having thus, with the ge- nuine feelings of a true soldier, devoted himself, he sur- rendered to save the lives of the gallant men remaining with him. " I should wish to do justice to the great exertions and conspicuous gallantry of all these officers who had the opportunities of distinguishing themselves. I have not as yet been able to collect sufficient information. " Major-General Cooke reports to me his highest ap- probation, generally, of all the officers and men employed near him, particularly mentioning Colonel Lord Proby, Lieutenant-Colonels Rooke, commanding the Coldstream Guards, Mercer, of the 3d Guards, commanding the light companies of the brigade (the latter unfortunately among the killed), MajorsMuttlebury and Hog, of the 69th and 55th, as deserving of his warm praise. He la- ments, in common with the whole corps, the severe loss to the service of those distinguished officers, Lieutenant- Colonel Clifton, commanding the 1st Guards, and Lieute- nant-Colonel the Honourable James Macdonald, of that regiment These officers fell, with many others, at the Antwerp Gate, all behaving with the greatest intrepidity; and LORD LYNDOCH. 303 and Lieutenant-Colonel Jones, with the remainder of the detachment, was forced to surrender. " The service of conducting the columns was ably provided for by Lieutenant-Colonel Carmichael Smyth, of the royal engineers (he himself accompanied Major- General Cooke, as did also Lieutenant-Colonel Sir George Wood, commanding the royal artillery), who attached offi- cers to lead each column, viz. Captain Sir George Hoste, and Lieutenant Abbey, to the left, and Lieutenant Spar- ling to the right; and Captain Edward Michel], royal ar- tillery, who volunteered his services, to the centre column, each having a party of sappers and miners under his command. " Lieutenant Abbey was dangerously wounded; and Captain Michell was covered with wounds, in the act of escalading the scarp wall of the place, but I trust there are good hopes of his not being lost to the service. " Your Lordship will readily believe, that though it is impossible not to feel the disappointment of our ulti- mate failure in this attack, I can only think at present with the deepest regret, of the loss of so many of my gallant comrades. I have the honour to be, &c. " Thomas Graham." As a reward for his eminent services, Sir Thomas Graham has been raised to the British peerage, being created a Baron, by the name, style, and title, of Baron Lyndoci-Ij Balgowin, in the county of Perth. Q Q 2 jttrmofrg ifflemofae; OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE FREDERICK DUKE OF YORK AND ALBANY, K.G. K.B. &c. &c. HPHE Memoirs of his Royal Highness the Duke of •*■ York are so intimately interwoven with the military character of the British empire, that we shall find it im- possible to speak of him otherwise than as it regards this important part of the public service. We believe it to be universally admitted, that no man who ever held the high office of Commander-in-chief has administered it with so much advantage to his country, or satisfaction to the army, as his Royal Highness. Whether we look to the excellent system introduced throughout every branch of the service under the immediate direction of his Royal Highness, or to those noble and benevolent in- stitutions founded and protected by his fostering care for the relief of the maimed and veteran soldiers, and the comfort of the widows and children of those who have bravely fallen for their country, we shall find reason to extol his Royal Highness, and equally to impute to him the high character of the army, as to pronounce him the best friend of the soldier. The odium which was temporarily excited against his Royal Highness, by a late investigation into his conduct, carried on from the basest and most corrupt intentions, has now happily sub- sided ; and the country is truly sensible of the unmerited persecution which his Royal Highness was subject to on that occasion. The authors of this public prosecution have sunk into that obscurity and contempt which the exposure of their conduct has naturally and deservedly led to, and the public service is again happily benefited by the talents and industry of his Royal Highness. From i DUKE OF YORK. $05 From his youth the Duke of York was destined for the military profession, and his earliest studies were directed to that object. After he had arrived at a mature age, he was sent abroad, where he attended the reviews of the great Frederick of Prussia, at Potz- dam : here he made himself acquainted with the theory of the Prussian discipline, at that time considered the model for imitation by every military person. With these advantages his Royal Highness returned to Eng- land, having previously espoused the Princess-Royal of Prussia. He arrived in England in the autumn of 1791 ; but nothing at that time occurred to call forth the public services of his Royal Highness, until the revolutionary war which broke out on the continent gave full scope to his enterprise and thirst of military fame. The British goverment having judged it expedient to aid the allied army which had entered France, by the presence and co-operation of a respectable force, 6000 men, under the command of the Duke of York, were dispatched for that purpose. As this was the first mi- litary essay of his Royal Highness, it is but justice to say, that he evinced great personal courage, as well as considerable military talent. After a series of advan- tages, the allied army sat down before Valenciennes; and such were the judicious dispositions that were made under the directions of the Duke of York, that this place, one of the strongest fortresses in Europe, surrendered in the short space of six weeks. Aifairs at this time wore so promising an aspect, that the Duke of York was in- duced to make an attempt upon Dunkirk: he, however, failed in this enterprise; but it is to be imputed to the non-arrival of the naval armament which was destined to co-operate in the siege. In the beginning of 1794, his Royal Highness returned to England, in order to confer with the government as to the plan and operations of the ensuing campaign, and to impart his ideas to minis- ters. The Duke returned to his command after an ab- sence of a few weeks ; and his re-appearance failed not to inspire his army with fresh courage. As soon as the season permitted, the allied armv com- menced the campaign by the siege of Landreci, which Pichegru, one of the most able of the republican generals, attempted to relieve on the 24th of April, three days previous 306 DUKE OF YORK. previous to its surrender. For this purpose he made a desperate effort to overwhelm the allied army with supe- rior numbers: but all in vain; his attacks upon the Eng- lish army were met and repulsed with a coolness and judgment which totally disconcerted his manoeuvres, and materially contributed to the success of the day. After this event, the British troops under his Royal Highness were stationed at Tournay, while General Clairfait and the Prince of Saxe Cobourg, with their re- spective armies, endeavoured separately to make head against the republican forces, and maintain their ground in Flanders ; but, notwithstanding the greatest exertions of those officers, they were compelled to retire: and the Duke of York's situation at Tournay being in conse- quence rendered extremely critical, his Royal Highness suddenly broke up from that position, and retired by forced marches to Antwerp. About the same time, the Earl of Moira landed at Ostend with a reinforcement of about 10,000 troops; and, after encountering the greatest difficulties in his march, through a hostile country, at a most inclement season of the year, his Lordship suc- ceeded in forming a junction with the Duke of York. The Austrians having, previous to this period, evacuated West Flanders, and the republican army now rapidly advancing upon Antwerp, being not less than 80,000 strong, the Duke of York deemed it necessary to retire from this fortress; and on the 10th of September the British army took post upon the right bank of the Maes, a short distance from the village of Graue. Whatever prudence or skill could accomplish, was resorted to by the Duke of York to retrieve the unfortunate state of affairs, and the dilemma in which he found himself placed by the unexpected retreat of the Austrians. The French, however, daily increasing in numbers, pressed rapidly upon the British troops; who now, enfeebled by disease, and suffering from the rigour of the climate, retired to Bremen, where the remains of this gallant army were embarked for England: and thus terminated this short and unfortunate campaign, which in its beginning- promised to have by far a more brilliant termination. During the long and painful marches which the British troops were compelled to make, before reaching their point of embarkation, the attention of the Duke of York was DUKE OF YORK. So? was shewn in endeavouring, by every means in his power, to alleviate their sufferings; nor was his own example wanting to cheer the spirits of his troops, as he patiently endured all the rigour and deprivations which were com- mon to the army. In the year 1795, his Royal Highness was appointed Commander-in-chief of the British army, an office which, he has continued to hold ever since, with the exception of a small interval of time, in which circumstances com- pelled him to resign. He immediately set himself about remedying abuses, and adopting such improvements in the military system of the country as naturally suggested themselves to his mind. His experience in military af- fairs, united to a sound judgment and pleasing manners, soon reconciled those veteran officers who affected to deprecate any change in the system they had been so long accustomed to; and his steady perseverance in new- modelling the army, and abolishing the abuses which had crept into it, was at length admitted to be productive of the most essential benefit to the service. Whilst thus engaged in professional avocations, an ex- pedition to Holland was resolved upon by the British government, under an impression that the Dutch would eagerly flock to the British standard in order to rid them- selves of the tyranny of the French republicans. The Duke of York was appointed to take the command of a powerful army, destined, in the event of effecting the de- liverance of Holland, and reinstating the Stadtholder, to co-operate with Austria in checking the encroachments of her now dreaded and powerful neighbour. The first division of the army was embarked in the month of July, the remainder in the latter end of August and beginning of September ; but the unfavourable state of the weather, and other unforeseen circumstances, prevented the first di- vision, under the command of General Abercrornbie, arriv- ing on the coast of Holland until the «27th of August, on which day a landing was effected at the Helder, in spite of the serious resistance made by a determined enemy. The British army immediately advanced, which move- ment hastened the surrender 'of the Dutch fleet in the Texel to Vice-Admiral Mitchell; and thus early a prin- cipal object of the expedition was obtained. His Royal Highness, having joined Sir Ralph Abercrornbie with the 308 DUKE OF YORK. the main body of the army, consisting of 30,000 men, including the Russian auxiliaries, lost not a moment in making the necessary dispositions for advancing into the country. The French were posted in considerable num- bers at Alkmuer; but, undismayed by the strength of their position, his Royal Highness, having formed his army into four columns, on the 19th of September 179.9, six days after his landing, moved forward to the attack. The leading column, under the command of the Russian General, consisting of twelve Russian battalions, the 7th light dragoons, commanded by Lord Paget, and a brigade of infantry, under Major-General Manners, took post on the Sand Hills, closely observed by a division of the French, who had the high ground stretching down to the coast. The second division, under the orders of General Dundas, comprised two squadrons of the 11th light dragoons, the brigade of guards, commanded by Major- General Burrard, and his Highness Prince William of Gloucester's brigade of infantry. This column formed a point (Tappui for the first, with which Lieutenant- General Dundas received orders to co-operate, after the first advantages should have been gained over the enemy. Lieutenant-General Pulteney led the third column, which consisted of two squadrons of the 11th light dragoons, Major-General Don's and Major-General Coote's brigades of infantry, and was directed to possess himself of the great road leading to Alkmaer. And Sir Ralph Aber- combie, having under his command two squadrons of the 18th light dragoons, and the brigade of guards, under General D'Oyley, the brigades of infantry, of the Earls of Chatham and Cavan, Major-General Moore, and Colonel Macdonald, formed the reserve of the combined army, whose main object was to turn the enemy's right flank, which rested on the Zuyder Zee. A variety of obstacles presented themselves to oppose the progress of the allied troops; yet, full of confidence in their com- mander, and burning with ardour to meet the enemy, the divisions commenced their march, and gained some advantages in their first attacks: but the country was so completely intersected with canals and ditches, that the Duke of York abandoned the attack, and contented him- self with retaining his original position during the conti- nuance of the rainy season. Meanwhile, DUKE OF YORK. S09 « Meanwhile, preparations were made for achieving the other objects of the expedition; and the weather having become more favourable, his Royal Highness, on the 2d of October, directed a general attack to be made on the posts occupied by the enemy. Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who commanded the right wing of the army on this occasion, had the distinguished good fortune of making the first impression on the French line. Sir Ralph was ably supported by General Dundas, who commanded the centre; and Mnjor-General Burrard, with his brigade of foot guards, made a forward movement from the left with such rapidity as to overpower all opposition : and the enemy, being totally beaten in the course of the same night, retreated from their posts on the Lang Dyke at Bergen, and along the Sand Hills, extending to Egmont op Zee. The British remained in bivouac during the whole of this night, and next morning, the 3d of October, advanced and occupied the enemy's former ground. This victory, obtained in a climate particularly fatal to the British troops, and under circumstances of the most dis- couraging nature, reflected great credit on the talents of his Royal Highness, who expressed himself under parti- cular obligations to Sir Ralph Abercrombie and Lieute- nant-General Dundas, for the very able manner in which they conducted their respective columns to the points of attack. The loss of the French was estimated at 4000 killed and 300 prisoners; 7 pieces of cannon, and several tumbrils of ammunition, were also taken: while the loss of the combined army did not exceed 1200 men in killed and wounded. On the 6ih, the Duke of York, having determined to follow up the advantages he had already gained, advanced a part of bis army; and, meeting with but a trifling oppo- sition, he obtained possession of several villages. Major* Geneiai D' Essen, who was directed to attack a height with a column of Russian infantry, in the front of the post they were intended to occupy at Borcum, expe- rienced such a vigorous resistance that Sir Ralph Aber- crombie was ordered to his support. The action then became general, and did not terminate until night; when the enemy, who had suffered considerably, retired, leaving the field in possession of the victors, whose loss on this VOL. III. R ft 3)0 DUKE OF YORK. day amounted to nearly 2000 men, of whom two-third 8 were the Russian auxiliaries. Previous to the arrival of the Duke of York in Hol- land, the French armies had experienced a great reverse of fortune in Switzerland, Suabia, and Italy. General Jourdan had been defeated in SchafThausen; the French were compelled to retreat; Marshal Suwarrow had forced the passage of the Adda; Milan was occupied, and Mantua besieged: all these circumstances, added to the advantages obtained by the Duke of York, greatly con- tributed to raise the expectations of the country, which were not a little heightened by the occupation of Alk- maer. The information, however, which his Royal Highness the Duke of York had now an opportunity of acquiring, in consequence of his advance into the coun- try, was of a nature which seemed to preclude the pros- pect of any further advantages being gained by the allied arms. The enemy had been strongly reinforced; and the disposition of the Dutch, which had been much relied upon, and upon whose co-operation the British government had reckoned when they planned the ex- pedition, was found decidedly hostile; and it was pro- bably from the dread and terror inspired by the repub- licans, that the inhabitants of the country adopted every means in their power to harass and impede the progress of the British troops. To those disadvantages must be added the very advanced season of the year when opera- tions had commenced; the reinforcements which the French army was every day receiving; the nature of the country, intersected with canals and ditches; the diffi- culty of procuring supplies, and of communication, owing to the state of the roads ; and, above all, the epide- mical fever incidental to that noxious climate, from which the army had already most severely suffered. Yet, notwithstanding all this, the spirit of the troops was un- broken, and their confidence in the Duke undiminished. In consequence of the intelligence which had been re- ceived from various quarters, the Duke of York was led to consider the practicability of maintaining possession of the country he had already gained, or, relinquishing the whole, embark his army fur England. It was not without extreme regret that he was compelled to admit the necessity of the Latter consideration ; but the enemy continuing DUKE OF YORK. 31 1 continuing to receive daily fresh reinforcements, and everr menacing hia communication with the fleet, it became at length necessary to adopt this course, which had the entire concurrence of Sir Ralph Abercombie, than whom a more active and intelligent officer is rarely to be found. The necessary preparations being accordingly made, his Royal Highness withdrew the main body of his army from Alkmaer, and fell back upon the heights of Shaktnboorg. This position proving untenable and ex- posed to the repeated attacks of the republican?, a further retreat was determined upon; and the left of the arrny accordingly retired upon Cohorn. While covering the retreat with his brigade of infantry, his Highness Prince William (now Duke of Gloucester) gave repeated proofs of courage and intrepidity, having his horse killed under him. His Royal Highness, desirous of having the sanction of government to the proposed measure of evacuating the country, which it was now impossible to hold, sent his secretary, Colonel Brownrigg, to England; and his re- presentations produced the immediate recal of the army. Before we leave this part of the subject, we may be allowed to make a few observations. — The disappoint- ment of the country upon the failure ot the expedition was, no doubt, very great; and the government, as well as the illustrious Commander-in-chief, were subjected to much unmerited censure. The expedition had to struggle with more disadvantages than perhaps any other that ever left the British shores. It has been universally ad- mitted, that, to obtain all the objects of the expedition, the Duke should have been enabled to land in the month of June, when the climate might have proved more con- genial to the troops; this, therefore, occasioned a loss of valuable time, which no exertions on the part of the commander could counterbalance. The only practicable object was the capture of the Dutch fleet; and many are of opinion, that the operations of the army should have finished after that event: so that, as far as regards the in- structions of his Royal Highness, and the policy of the expedition, he was entirely unblameable; and with re- gard to his conduct in carrying those instructions into execution, and in promoting the views of its projectors, it must be allowed that, in the many trying circum- r r 2 stances 342 DUKE OF YORK. stances in which he was placed, his Royal Highness dis- played much talent and ability. The expedition was no doubt planned under a certain conviction that it had the hearty concurrence of the people of the United Pro- vinces, and that, upon its landing, it would be eagerly joined by the inhabitants; in which case numberless difficulties which existed would have been removed. The inhabitants, however, were of too phlegmatic a character, and had imbibed too deeply French prin- ciples to avail themselves of so favourable an opportunity of shaking off their yoke; and it was not until many years of oppression under their masters that they found that no happiness can exist in an enslaved country. Having returned to England, his Royal Highness again devoted the whole of his time to the duties of his office; and nothing remarkable in his life occurred, until the in- vestigation into his conduct as Commander-in-chief, by the House of Commons, took place. On this painful occasion, his Royal Highness behaved with the greatest magnanimity; and, finding that a torrent of misrepresen- tation, promoted by factious and malignant individuals, had succeeded in raising a popular cry against him, his Royal Highness wisely determined to give in his resigna- tion, and he waited on his Majesty, his august father and sovereign, accordingly. Few events were calculated to wound more deeply the feelings of our most venerable and revered sovereign, who saw an affectionate son, zealous in the discharge of the duties of his high office, driven by a keen sense of injured honour to resign a situation which he had so satisfactorily discharged and so ably filled. It is satisfactory to know that the public delusion was not of long continuance, and that the com- plete exposure of the views and motives of the principal actors in this iniquitous combination, has again restored to public confidence, and to additional lustre, the cha- racter of a Prince, which no action of his life has ever sullied. His Royal Highness has been reinstated in his high office; and it must be the wish of every well-wisher to his country that he may long continue to fill it. Before we conclude this Memoir, we shall briefly notice a few particulars respecting the manner in which his Royal Highness performs the duties of Commander-in- chief. Impressed with the necessity of paying the most unremitting DUKE OF YORK. 3 IS unremitting attention to his official duties, the Duke of York is regular in his attendance at the Horse-Guards, and the greater part of every day he devotes to business. Although the officers at the head of the several depart- ments of the army are all men of eminent talents and experience, yet every arrangement, even the most minute, is submitted to his Royal Highness previous to its being adopted. Tuesdays and Fridays are the days on which his Royal Highness gives audience; and as officers of every rank are allowed to approach his person, and state their business, the Duke, while receiving their communi- cations, is enabled to form an estimate of the talents of those who address him ; and the frequency of his levees, and the number of officers who are encouraged to pay their personal respects to him, afford him an excellent opportunity of becoming acquainted with 1 he army. The selection of his Majesty's aides-de-camp is alone a sufficient proof of the anxiety manifested by his Royal Highness for the good of the service, as the officers nominated to this honourable distinction are indebted for their appointment principally to their military talents. Jflemofos Jfflematrss OF LIEUTENANT-GENERAL THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. rPHIS accomplished nobleman has been long considered -*■ the first cavalry officer in the British service; and we believe no man to be more justly entitled to this dis- tinction. His gallant achievements in the Peninsula, and his more recent conduct at Waterloo, have shed a lustre upon his name which will long be the boast of his family, and the admiration of his country. As an officer, and in the campaigns of the illustrious Wellington, the Marquis of Anglesea is better known by the name of Lord Paget; and it was only in consequence of his is meritorious conduct at the battle of Waterloo, and hi former distinguished services, that he was elevated to the rank of a Marquis, having before succeeded to the Earl- dom of Uxbridge by the death of the late Earl. The Marquis of Anglesea was born the 17th of May 1768, and received the first rudiments of his education at Westminster; from whence he was removed to Christ Church, Oxford. At the beginning of the revolutionary war in 1793, disdaining a life of inglorious ease, and anxious to em- brace the military profession, he raised the 80th regi- ment of foot, or Staffordshire Volunteers, a fine body of young men, principally on his father's estates. On 600 being raised, the noble Marquis, who was then Lord Paget, was presented with a Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the army; and, on 400 more being added, his Lordship was offered a Colonelcy, which he refused on the ground of his not having been then on foreign service. At this period the wholesome regulations which have been since car- ried into effect by the illustrious Commander-in-chief, were not in force; and Lord Paget's nomination to the permanent MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. 3\5 permanent rank of Field-Officer militated against no ex- isting rule of promotion. Three months after the letter of service, Lord Paget, with his regiment, embarked for Guernsey; and from thence, in 1794, he joined his Royal Highness the Duke of York in Flanders. In the retreat of that expedition, his Lordship, being senior field-officer, was entrusted with the command of Lord Cathcart's brigade; the latter officer having a separate corps, to which his attention was necessarily directed. Lord Paget, who had been removed from the SOth to the command of the 7th regiment of light dragoons, ac- companied the Duke of York on the expedition to Hol- land; and, in the general attack made on the 2d of Oc- tober 1799, his Lordship was attached to the division under the command of the Russian General de Hermaun, and posted on the Sand Hills, where he had an opportunity of contributing materially to the brilliant victory that day obtained by the British troops, under circumstances of the most discouraging nature. Late in the evening of that day, the enemy's cavalry having been defeated in an attempt which they made upon the British horse artillery, were charged by the cavalry under Lord Paget, and driven, with considerable loss, nearly to Egmont-op- Zee. In the retreat of that army, Lord Paget with his cavalry protected the rear; and some skirmishing having taken place, by which several pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the enemy, his Lordship with one squadron made a gallant attack upon the force of General Simon, amounting to six times his own, totally repulsed them, obtained back the British, and with them several pieces of the enemy's cannon. After the return of the army from Holland, Lord Paget devoted himself with the greatest assiduity to the discharge of his regimental duties; and, by his unre- mitting attention, the 7th light dragoons has become one of the first regiments of cavalry in the service. His Lordship, with two brigades of cavalry, consisting of the 7th, 10th, 15th, and 18th regiments of hussars, followed the division sent under the command of Sir David Baird to co-operate with Sir John Moore in Spain. Lord Paget disembarked his forces at Corunna, amidst the innumerable difficulties opposed to him, from the want 3 1 6 MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. want of forage, the apathy of the people of Spain, and the tardy supplies they afforded (very different from what either the men or horses had been accustomed to) ; and proceeded in the route Sir David Baird's division was directed to take. On the 10th of December he arrived at Zamora; and, after a toilsome march, his troops being exposed to numerous privations and distresses, but which were very considerably alleviated through the attention bestowed by his Lordship on their comfort, and to his anxiety in procuring forage and accommodation for their horses, his Lordship was enabled to bring into the field a well-equipped body of cavalry. On the 24th of No- vember, his Lordship's division effected a junction with Sir John Moore. At this period the critical state of affairs (occasioned principally by the lukewarm conduct of the Spaniards, the ridiculous confidence that many of them entertained of their own exertions to resist any mas. terial attacks of the French, and, moreover, by the too sanguine expectations of the English at heme, who, deceived by false reports, augured even impossibili- ties from the supposed ability of the Spaniards to assail with vigour the armies of France, and clear their country of those modern Vandals) had determined the British commander to fall back upon Portugal. Circumstances afterwards caused this movement to be suspended ; and a junction was resolved upon with the division under Sir David Baird, which was happily effected on the 20th of December. Lieutenant-General Lord Paget was stationed with his division of cavalry 12 miles from Sahagun; at which place a body of the enemy's horse, amounting to 700, had been posted, which his Lordship proposed, by a rapid movement, to cut off from the main body of the French army. Accordingly, at two o'clock on the morn- ing of the 21st, Major-General Slade was dispatched by a different route than that his Lordship proposed taking, with the 10th light dragoons, whilst Lord Paget, with the 15th light dragoons, moved with great celerity in a different direction, reached Sahagun, and surprised a picquet of J;he enemy. Unfortunately some men escaped, and gave the alarm, which afforded the French an oppor- tunity of forming in an advantageous position on the out- skirts of the town. The strength of the post was parti- cularly MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. 31? eularly favourable, from a hollow, which opposed any regular charge of the British cavalry; and it was there- fore necessary to manoeuvre so as to gain the advantages of ground for his intended operations. Here the abilities of Lord Paget were exercised with effect; and, having succeeded in improving his position, a charge was made upon the enemy drawn up in line. The rapidity with which the British cavalry rushed on to the attack, could not be withstood by the French : their line was immedi- ately broken, and their whole force dispersed with con- siderable slaughter. Two lieutenant-colonels, and up- wards of one hundred and ninety men, made prisoners, were the fruits of this bold vet well-planned operation. The loss of the English amounted to eight men killed, and twenty wounded. In the disastrous retreat of Sir John Moore, Lord Paget with the cavalry brought up the rear; and his Lord- ship's ardour frequently exposed him to imminent danger. Skirmishes daily took place; and it may be fairly ob- served, that the masterly dispositions of his Lordship, and the alacrity he at all times evinced, enabled the British troops to reach Corunna with a much less loss than could have been reasonably expected, when all cir- cumstances were taken into consideration. At Majorga, a well-directed attack was executed on a considerable force of the enemy, by the 10th hussars, under Colonel Leigh, in which the British were successful, and 100 of the Fn nch made prisoners. At Benevente, on the 29th of December, Lord Paget's division was attacked in the morning by the chasseurs of Napoleon's Imperial Guard. The piequets which were along the Esla river having been driven in, his Lordship reinforced them with the in-lying piequets amounting to 850 men: these, under the orders of Lieutenant-Colonels Otway of the 18th, and Quentin of the 10th hussars, with a part of the German hussars, gallantly kept in check six squadrons of the Imperial Guard. Lord Paget, having arrived on the spot, found them engaged in a very smart skirmish: he immediately sent for the 10th hussars, and gave orders to Major-General the Honourable Charles Stewart, to attack with the piequets the instant he had formed the 10th hussars in a second line. This attack was conducted with so much gallantry, that the Imperial Guards were vol. in. s s overthrown, ,318 MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. overthrown, with the loss of General Lefebvre, several officers, and 100 men, who were made prisoners, and many killed, wounded, and drowned. The ardour of the French was manifestly damped by this fresh proof of British valour; for they continued their pursuit at such respectful distance, that the rear of the army which had been engaged with them reached Baneza that night un- molested. This disastrous retreat, in which Lord Paget bore so conspicuous a part, as he had the charge of bringing up and protecting the rear, is so memorable, that a few particulars respecting it cannot fail of affording both in- terest and instruction to our readers. It had been neces- sary to assure the troops at Benevente, that they were not falling back upon Corunna, but that their march was only to secure a more favourable position. No affirma- tions, however, could make them believe this; and when Sir John Moore reached Astorga, and issued his orders, it was too manifest, that they were not merely retreating, but even flying before the enemy. Ammunition waggons were burnt here, and an entire depot of entrenching tools abandoned ; so that the army was deprived of a most important and effectual means of impeding the enemy's progress. A position at Villa Franca, which the Commander-in-chief had mentioned in his dispatches, was no longer thought of. Two brigades, under Gene- ral Crawford, were detached by way of Orense to Vigo, to which place Sir John Moore had ordered empty trans- ports to be sent, supposing it to be the best point of em- barkation. General Frazer and his divisions were im- mediately sent forward, with orders to proceed to Lugo; he was followed by General Hope and Sir David Baird: and their instructions were, to make forced marches to the coast. It does not appear that Sir John Moore was well in- formed of the nature of the country through which he had to retreat. Westward of Astorga, two great ranges of mountains spread from north to south: Puerto del Rabanal, Cruz de Ferro, and Fonchebadon, are those of the eastern branch; those of the western are the Puerto del Cebrero, Puerto del Coural. and Puerto del Aguiar ; they meet on the south, with the Sierra de Sanabria, the Sierra de Cabrera, and the Montes Aguianas. The tract which MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. 319 which these mountains inclose is called the Bierzo; from summit to summit it is about sixteen leagues from north to south, and about fourteen from east to west. The whole waters of this amphitheatre have but one opening; they are collected into the river Sil, and pass, through a narrow gorge, into the Val de Oras, in Gallicia. The centre is a plain of about four square leagues. There is scarcely in Europe a more lovely tract of country, cer- tainly no where a more defensible one. There is no other pass for an army than the main road which traverses it; and this leads along such defiles, that a thousand men might stop the march of twenty times their number. Sir David Baird's army had travelled this road ; they supposed that rt could not certainly be intended to fall back beyond Villa Franca. But the Commander of the forces saw no security till he should reach the coast; there he hoped to find transports ready, or if not, to take up some defensible position till they arrived. The same difficulties which affected him must affect his pursuers. It was not pro- bable that all the numbers which were now marching against him, would follow him the whole way; and, once on the coast, it was his determination not to be molested by any thing like an equal force: " it is only while retreating," said he, " that we are vulnerable." His sole object now was to save the army; to effect this he had already destroyed great part of the ammunition and military stores, and had now left behind many of the sick. The mountain-tops were covered with heavy clouds, and the roads knee-deep in snow. Provisions, in a coun- try where the natives are not rich enough at any time to lay by a store, can never be abundant; and what there was, had already been exhausted, by the repeated march of troops, English and Spaniards. The little order with which such food as could be found was issued out, oc- casioned such waste as greatly increased the evil. The men, half-famished, half-frozen, and altogether des- perate, were no longer in any subordination — they forced their way into the houses where their rations •hould have been served, seized it by force, frequently spilling the wine, and destroying more than they could carty away. This was not all: pillage could uot be pre- s s 2 vented ; 320 MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. vented; and it was scarcely possible to prevent them from committing the worst excesses that could have been perpetrated by an enemy; houses and villages were burning in all directions. Is it to be wondered at that the people fled before them; that, when they acted as enemies, they were treated as such ; and that many of them were put to death by the peasantry, in revenge, or in self-defence? Buonaparte pursued in person no farther than Astorga; he there charged Marshal Soult with what, in his own insolent language, he called " the glorious mission of destroying the English army — of pursuing them to their point of embarkation — and driving them into the sea." Napoleon acted prudently in halting where he did: — if the English continued their flight, it was undergoing bootless fatigue and sufferings to follow them; and if they made a stand, he may have remembered the resist- ance which he found from a handful of Englishmen on the walls of Acre, and also that a far inferior number of Greeks, in a country not more defensible, had opposed the innumerable army of the only tyrant that ever, before himself, threatened utterly to barbarize Europe. Marshal Soult's was an easy task : he had only to pursue the English just close enough to keep them at the pace at which they set out, and not come near enough to make them turn and stand at bay ; fatigue would do his work more surely than the sword. From Astorga to Villa Franca del Bierzo is fifteen leagues, about sixty English miles: the road, for the first four leagues, is up the mountain, but through an open country. Having reached the summit of Fonchebadon, you enter into some of the strongest passes in Europe: it would scarcely be possible for an invading army to force their way here against a body of determined men. These passes continue between twu and three leagues, nearly to the village of Torre ; from thence through Benvibre and Ponferada, nothing can be finer than the country and the circle of mountains which binds it in: but never, in the most melancholy ages of Spanish history, had a more miserable scene been repre- sented than was now to be witnessed here. The cavalry of the retreating army began to fail, and this, in a great measure, for want of shoes: there was no want ot iron to hammer new ones; there are iron-works near Villa- Franca, MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. 321 Franca, and enough might have been procured had there been time. As soon as these noble animals foundered, they were shot, lest the enemy should profit by tlnm. A great loss of cavalry was occasioned, in the first in- stance, by the imprudent mode of debarking them at Corunna. The horses, hot as they were, when just out of the hold, were dropt into the sea to swim to shore, for want of proper arrangements for landing them; many never recovered the shock, fell lame on the way into the country, and were shot by the way-side, instead of being given to the Spaniards. The rain continued in torrents: the baggage was to be dragged, and the men were to wade through half-melted snows; the feet of the men, as well as of the beasts, be- gan to fail — more waggons were left behind — more am- munition destroyed along the way ; and when the troops reached Villa Franca, on the 2d of January, they were in such a state that several experienced officers pre- dicted, if this march against time were persevered in, that a fourth of the army would be left in the ditches before it was accomplished. More magazines and carriages were here destroyed. Some of the men, abandoning themselves here, as knowing that if they proceeded they must die of cold, hunger, and weariness, got into the wine-cellars, and, giving way to desperate excess, were found dead when the French entered the town. When the General marched with the reserve from Benvibre, he left a detachment to cover the town, while parties were sent to warn the stragglers of their danger, and drive them out of the houses — for the place was filled with them; near a thousand men of the preceding divisions having remained there, all abandoned to despair, and most of them to drunkenness. A few were prevailed upon to move on ; but the greater number were deaf to threats, and insensible to danger, till the rear-guard was compelled to march. A small detachment of cavalry still covered them, and did not quit the town till the enemy ap- proached, and then the road was filled with stragglers — Spanish and British, armed and unarmed — mules, carts, women, and children. Four or five squadrons of French cavalry compelled the detachment in the rear to retire, and pursued them closely for several miles, till General Lord Paget, with the reserve, repulsed them. As the French 3 '2 2 MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. French dragoons galloped through the long line of these wretched stragglers, they slashed them with their swords to the right and left; the men being so insensible from liquor, that they neither attempted to resist nor get out of the road. Some of these men having found their way to the army, mangled as they were, were shewu through the ranks, to convince their comrades of the mi- serable consequences of drunkenness at such a time. The Spaniards at Villa Franca would not believe that the French were advancing through such a country and at such a season; they thought it was impossible. Sir John Moore, however, well knew that he was pursued ; and he was afraid of halting here, lest the enemy should get in his rear and intercept him at Lugo — an apprehen- sion which would not have been entertained had he been well acquainted with the country. The troops, there- fore, were hurried on : already so many of them had been crippled upon this dreadful march, that, by the French account, 2000 prisoners were picked up between Astorga and this town; that account is probably much exagge- rated, but the loss, beyond all doubt, had been very great, The situation of the men may be well estimated by the language of an officer, who, writing at this place, says, he dares not describe the dreadful objects which lay be- fore him as he looked from his window — " they are enough to make one muse even to madness." Some of those who were reserved for farther sufferings proceeded on the 2d : the artillery and head-quarters went fore- most; General Baird's column, and the cavalry under Lord Paget, were left to cover the rear. The advanced guard of the enemy, under General Colbert, were close at their heels; Merle's division joined them on the Sd ; and in the afternoon of that day they ventured to attack the rear-guard at Carcabalos. According to the bulletins, we had 5000 infantry and 600 horse posted very advan- tageously upon the heights. General Merle made his dispositions; his infantry advanced, beat the charge, and the English were entirely routed. It is added, that the difficulty of the ground did not permit the cavalry to charge, and only 200 prisoners were taken. The fact is, that cavalry can act there, and that the dragoons and riflemen repulsed the enemy. General Colbert received a ball in his forehead, and died within a quarter of an hour. MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. 393 hour. Having thus once more shewn the enemy what they could do in battle, the rear of the army reluctantly, and almost broken-hearted, continued their retreat. From Villa Franca to Castro is one continued ascent up Monte del Cebrero, through one of the wildest, most delightful, and most defensible countries in the world: the distance is fifteen miles, and the road a royal one, cut will; great labour and expence, in the side of the moun- tain, and following all its windings; for some part of the way it overhangs the river Valvarco, a rapid mountain- stream, which falls into the Burbia near the town, and afterwards joins the Sil, to pass through the single outlet in the gorge of the Bierzo. Oaks, alders, poplars, hazels, and chesnuts, grow in the bottom, and far up the side of the hills; the apple, pear, cherry, and mulberry, are wild in this country; the wild-olive also is found here; and here are the first vineyards which the traveller meets on his way from Corunna to the heart of Spain. The moun- tains are cultivated in some parts even to their summits, and trenches are cut along the sides to collect and pre- serve the rain, for the purpose of irrigating them; the mountain rills are diverted also to the same use. Even those writers whose journals were written during the horrors of such a flight, have mentioned this scenery with admiration: it was now covered with snow; there was neither provision to sustain nature, nor shelter from the rain and snow, nor fuel for fire to keep the vital heat from total extinction, nor place where the weary and foot-sore could rest for a single hour in safety. All that had hitherto been suffered was but the prelude to this consummate scene of horrors. It was still attempted to carry on some of the sick and wounded; the beasts which drew them failed at every step, and they were left in the waggons to perish amid the snows. " I looked round," says an officer, " when we had hardly gained the highest point of those slippery precipices, and saw the rear of the army winding along the narrow road; "I saw their way marked by the wretched people who lay on all sides expiring from fatigue and the severity of the cold : their bodies reddened in spots the white sur- face of the ground." The men were now desperate : excessive fatigue, and the feeling of the disgrace there was in thus retreating, or, 324 MARQUIS OF ANGLESEA. or, as they translated the word, running away from the enemy, excited in them a spirit which was almost muti- nous: — a few hours' pause was what they unanimously wished t'oi ; an opportunity of facing the French — the chance of an honourable and speedy death — the certainty of sweetening their sufferings by taking vengeance upon their pursuers. A Portuguese bullock-driver, who had faithful ly served the English from the first day of their inarch, was seen on his knees amid the snow, with his hands Hasped, dying in the attitude and act of prayer; he >ad at least the hopes and the actual consolation and comfort of religion in his passing hour. The soldiers who threw themselves down to perish by the way-sit's corps, separated from the rest of the army, would have been either killed, taken, or dispersed. On the approach of night, Buonaparte, alarmed at the enor- mous loss which he had sustained, wished to retreat. " Let us remain where we are, Sire," said Soult to him, " for, although we have been dreadfully mauled, we shall pass for conquerors, if we remain the last on the field ot battle; and I have observed some movements in the Hussian army, which induce me to think that the enemy will effect his retreat during the night." Although Buo- naparte was apprehensive of the contrary, he resolved to follow the advice of Soult, of whose extraordinary perspicacity he was well aware. The next day he was so rejoiced at the retreat of the Russians, that he was observed the whole day with a smiling countenance, although in the midst of 20,000 dead, dying, and wounded, lying strewed on the field of battle near the town of Eylau. After the peace of Tilsit, Soult was appointed to take a command in the army of Spain. On the 10th of No- vember 1808, he took the command of the 2d corps, at- tacked the army of Estramadura, and, destroying it, took possession of Burgos: he marched upon Renoysa, occupied St. Ander, and penetrated into the kingdom of the Asturias, whilst the other corps of the French army manoeuvred on the two rivers of the Ebro, and defeated Castanos at Tudela. When Buonaparte marched to Madrid, he ordered Soult to observe General Moore's movements: he had orders to manoeuvre so as to draw the English army on the side of Burgos, whilst a chosen corps was to proceed, by forced marches, to seize upon the English line of ope- ration, and to cut off' their retreat to their ships which were lying altogether in Corunna bay. The skilfulness of General Moore enabled him to avoid this snare, so artfully prepared for him; he retired upon Benevento, where his cavalry defeated the chasseurs of the Imperial Guard. Soult's march was slow, and his attacks far from vigorous. Whatever Buonaparte may say, Soult was constantly repulsed at the battle of Corunna ; and the English obtained the victory, though dearly purchased, with the loss of their brave General Moore, who was equally DUKE OF DALMATIA. 3B9 equally estimable for his private virtues as for his military talents. The invasion of the north of Portugal does little honour to Soult. It is true, that, after having beat the Portu- guese militia, he carried the town of Oporto by storm. But how did he defend his conquests ? What measures did he take to prevent Lord Wellington's columns from effecting the passage of the Douro? I have been cre- dibly informed, says General Sarrazin, that Soult was near being taken prisoner at Oporto, where the English entered whilst he was at table with his whole staff: they were obliged precipitately to mount their horses, and, with sabre in hand, cut their way through the English sharp-shooters, who were already firing in the streets. I had this fact from Colonel Dauture, who was employed in Marshal Soult's staff, and who was since under my orders, at the camp of Boulogne. When the 2d corps entered Portugal, on the 10th of February 1809, it was 23,000 strong; it retired thence, on the 18th of the fol- lowing May, after having lost 8000 men, with the whole of its baggage and artillery. The loss of men was almost entirely occasioned by the peasants, who, justly irritated at the atrocious conduct of the French, put to death, without mercy, all who fell in their way. By one of the capricious freaks of fortune, Soult arrived very oppor- tunely to raise the blockade of Lugo, which was sur- rounded hy General Malii, at the head of 20,000 Spa- niards. The garrison of this town, composed of the 09th regiment, under the command of Genera] Fournier, was entirely without provisions and the means of prolonging their defence. The Spaniards retreated on Soult's ap- proach ; and this fortunate occurrence threw the shade of oblivion over his mishaps in Portugal. His march upon Placentia, with his own corps and that of Marshal Mortier, obliged Lord Wellington to relinquish his position at Talavera de la Reyna. Buona- parte estimated his force at 70,000 effective men. The truth is, he had not even 30,000. Soult appeared as though he were taking his revenge for his expulsion from the north of Portugal. The assault of Oporto, and the battle of Talavera, were undoubtedly brilliant exploits; but it is also indisputable that Lord Wellington and, Marshal Soult suffered themselves to be too much influ- enced 340 MARSHAL SOULT, enced by exaggerated reports, and did not know how to make the best of their successes, purchased at the ex- pence of so much blood. King Joseph, obliged to take to his heels after losing the battle of Talavera, concluded with good reason that Jourdan, the chief of his staff, was but an ignorant fellow, totally incapable of directing mi- litary operations, and he chose Soult to take upon him those important functions. Joseph had soon reason to applaud himself on the choice he had made; for, on the 19th of November 1809, an army of 50,000 Spaniards, commanded by General Arrizaga, was completely beaten on the plains of Ocana. King Joseph commanded the French army under the direction of Soult. How much were the disasters of these brave Castilians to be la- mented ! Why go with raw troops, and in an open country, to encounter an army inured to war by several campaigns? why not await them in the formidable posi- tions of Sierra Morena? why, in short, if they were so madly anxious to come to blows, did they not make a combined attack with the English, whose discipline and experience might have afforded them well-founded hopes of success ? On the 20th of January 1810, Soult made a general at- tack on Sierra Morena, the conquest of which had beea facilitated to him by the defeat of Ocana. On the 22d, all obstacles were surmounted, and he had his head- quarters at Baylen, a place for ever memorable, from the victory obtained by the Spaniards over General Dupont. Soult did not know how to avail himself of the stupor occasioned in all classes of the inhabitants by his passage, as daring as unexpected, through the Sierra Morena. If, instead of scattering his troops, he had in a mass rapidly directed his course to Seville, and then to Cadiz, there is little doubt but he would have obtained immediate possession of those two places, almost without resistance; but he hesitated, and advanced with the slow- cess of a tortoise. Instead of directing Sebastiani to Grenada, and Mortier towards Badajoz, he should have marched them towards Cadiz with a bridge-equipage to pass the rivulet of Santi Petri; and the dispatch in which he announced to Berthier the occupation of Anda'usia, ought to have been dated from head-quarters at Cadiz. So Buonaparte would have manoeuvred, if he had com- manded DUKE OF DALMATIA. 341 manded this expedition in person. Souit will vainly ex- cuse himself by asserting that his plans were paralysed by the irresolution of King Joseph; it was then the pro- per opportunity to let him understand, " that his king- dom was not of this world" The king was to be consi- dered as a non-entity, when circumstances required the abilities of a general to be called forth. The French were indebted for the victory at Fontenoy only to the good sense of Louis XV. who, on a day of battle, reck- oned himself only as the first aide-de-camp of Marshal Saxe. The defeat of Romana's corps, on the 19th of Febru- ary 1S11, and the capture of Badajoz, which surrendered on the 11th of March, are events so much the more de- plorable, as all the chances were in favour of the allies to have prevented them. Instead of pursuing Massena, who escaped like a shadow, without excepting the gar- rison of Almeida, it would have been much more im- portant that the Portuguese should have been sent in pursuit of the retreating French, and to have marched with the choice of the English troops to preserve Ba- dajoz, the very important key of Guadiana, which only surrendered on the 11th, and which could, and ought to have been relieved on the 9th. Buonaparte only exposed himself to derision when he reproached Soult for not having left the command of the whole of Andalusia to Victor when he proceeded to Estremadura: there is not an under-lieutenant of the French army who does not know, that the government of a province belongs, accord- ing to military regulations, to the next officer in rank. Victor is a Marshal, while Sebastiani is still only a Ge- neral of Division; and what likelihood is tiiere that this latter would have refused to co-operate with Victor had he received the smallest invitation to that effect. Buo- naparte is much to be pitied, if, in order to lessen the disgrace of a check, he is reduced to the necessity of picking a quarrel with his best officers. If he had wished to have scolded Soult with reason, the battle of Albuera, fought on the 16th of May, afforded him a line oppoitunity of doing so. This Marshal must have been informed by his spies, that the siege of Badajoz was raised — his ends were then accomplished: instead, there- fore, of wantonly causing the slaughter of many thou- vol. ili. v x sand 3 4 2 MARSHAL SOULT, sand brave fellows, he ought to have manoeuvred in the same manner he did the day after the battle. This step seemed to be pointed out to him by his superiority in ca- valry which would very advantageously have covered all his movements, and General Beresford would thereby have been prevented, for several days, from resuming the siege of Badajoz. It is even probable, that had it not been for the slaughter, equally impolitic and dreadful, of the 16th of May, the allied army would not have refused battle, notwithstanding the junction of Soult and Mar- mont's armies : every circumstance induces the belief that the fate of the peninsula might have been decided on the 20th of June, in the plains of Albuera. Lord Wellington may also be reproached for leaving so much to the dis- cretion of General Beresford as to come to a pitched battle with Marshal Soult, who had even a year ago been represented to the English government as the most able French general of the army of Spain; and it appeared natural to expect, from that information, that Lord Wel- lington would have been present at the first arTair of any consequence with that general. The conduct of the French, after having relieved Ba- dajoz, and that Lord Wellington had withdrawn to Por- talegre, has justly caused the greatest surprise to all mi- litary men; — that two French armies should re-unite, and then separate without coming to an engagement, although the allied army was but at a day's distance! The lines at Portalegre could not have become, in one day, a se- cond edition of the lines of Torres Vedras; and this po- sition was far from presenting sufficient obstacles to stop the double torrent which had overwhelmed Sierra Mo- rena and inundated Portugal. Time, the great teacher, will one day give us the key to these singular events. For my own part (says General Sarrazin), I should really be tempted to believe, that Massena in 1810, and Soult in 1811, reluctantly obeyed superior orders: still, what- ever may be the case, the Duke of Dalmatia is greatly to be censured for having related, in his report of raising the siege of Bajadoz, facts evidently false. The fate of war is uncertain. The loyalty of commanders guarantees to history and the world that truth which determines public opinion. Let any one compare the frank and manly report of the English general with the false and absurd DUKE OF DALMATIA. 343 absurd rhodomontades of Soult, and he will readily con- vince himself, that whoever has recourse to falsehood for the purpose of casting ridicule on his opponent, is un- worthy the noble title of a soldier. The English army did more than its duty at the siege of Badajoz, since it attempted two assaults, although the breach was not practicable. The dispersion of the army of Murcia, attacked by Soult on the 9th of August, seems only to have been for the troops of the 4th corps a simple march. The arrival of Blake, however, ought to have awakened the energy, and increased the spirit of resistance in the Spaniards. It may also be asked, why a diversion was not attempted upon the Guadiana, in order to retain Soult there? It is now evident how much they were in the wrong in not adopting a fixed plan of military operations, and a good system of organization. It results therefrom, that the pro- vinces of Spain are attacked, ravaged, and successfully conquered, in the same manner as were the other king- doms of the continent of Europe. Though I have been obliged (observes General Sar- razin) to say much against Soult, he is, notwithstanding, the first general of the French armies next to Buonaparte and Moreau ; he does not possess the genius of war in a degree equal to those two generals, but he is their supe- rior in the practical knowledge of manoeuvres in the field. Buonaparte certainly regretted his not having Soult with him in his campaign against the Austrians in 1809; and I know Soult intimately enough to be able to assert, that often in Spain and Portugal he regretted much that he was not under the directions of Buona- parte. For some time Soult was strongly suspected of being a warm republican, and that he had adopted the politics of the other party very much against his own inclination: others have maintained that he had caused himself to be called by the title of Majesty at Oporto. The facts are, however, in no wise substantiated, in spite of all the pains that Berthier, director in chief of the inquisition of the Sultan his master, took to verify them. Besides, Buo- naparte, since his nomination of Emperor, has thrown off the mask; and it is of little concern to him whether he be x x 2 loved 344 MARSHAL SOULT. =s loved or esteemed of men, provided that they, like Soult, obey and fear him. My opinion (concludes General Sanazm) is, that this General, who has been one of the most amply rewarded with riches and honour, seeks only to preserve to himself the favour of his sovereign in honourably performing his duty. He has, no doubt, like man) others, declaimed and prated a great deal about the new order of things. Now that he is acting one of the first characters, he must be considered as somewhat in- sane to think of the re-establishment of the republic; on the contrary, the good sense of Marshal Soult gives us reason to conclude, that he will be, in proper time, one of the firmest props of the throne, a zealous advocate for Teligion, and a strict observer of military discipline; — most important qualities, since they are, under a lawful government, the triple and immortal cegis of the happi- ness of citizens, the glory of monarchs, and the splendour of empires. Memoirs JflemoCts OF MARSHAL MARMONT, DUKE OF RAGUSA. A/TARMONT, although descended from a noble fa- -*-"-■■ mily, early embraced the principles of the French revolution; and, being brought up for the artillery, his services were eagerly embraced by the leading men who directed the French government. He was serving in the army of Italy, when Buonaparte took him for one of his aides-de-camp. His courage and intelligence obtained him the confidence of his general, who employed him on many trying occasions, in which he had the good fortune to succeed. He was still a Chief of Battalion, when he was sent to Paris, to present to the Directory 92 stands of colours, taken from the Austrians under General Wurmser. On his admission to a public audience, on the 2d of October 1796', he recited a very long speech, which had been dictated by Napoleon ; a proof of which may be found in the following passage: " The army of Italy has, during this brilliant campaign, destroyed two armies, and taken 280 pieces of cannon, and 49 stands of colours. These victories afford you, Citizen Directors, a sure guarantee of their continual regard for the republic: they know as well how to defend the laws and obey them, as they have known to beat external enemies. Be pleased to consider them as one of the firmest columns of liberty, and to believe that, as long as the soldiers of which they are composed shall exist, government will have intrepid de- fenders." The President of the Directory had the con- descension to reply to so haughty a language with the most flattering compliments; he even went so far as to return thanks to the superior genius who directed the army of Italy. Napoleon's conception would have been very limited, 546 MARSHAL MARMONT, limited, not to have recognised in this interested adula- tion the meanness of Anthony presenting to Caesar the imperial crown. Marmont had the sweet satisfaction of receiving on this occasion the flattering fraternal hug of Monsieur le President, who presented him to boot with an elegant pair of pistols of the manufactory of Ver- sailles. Some time after, he was nominated Colonel. At the epoch of the formation of the Italian republic, he was appointed to carry to the congress of Reggio the de- terminations of Buonaparte; he made a part of the ex- pedition which marched against Rome. On the peace of Campo Formio, he returned to France, where he married the only daughter of the rich banker Peregaux, one of the first houses of Paris for wealth and probity. This alliance, of which Napoleon was con- sidered as the chief abettor, was a guarantee he thus pro- cured himself, to diminish the commercial risks upon the immense sums he had placed in the first banks of France and Italy. Marmont followed Napoleon into Egypt. At the taking of Malta he was charged with the com- mand of one of the columns landed: he repulsed the Maltese, and took the colours of the knights of the order. He was then made a General of Brigade. Berth ier has forgotten to mention in his report, the number of men killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, on both sides, which leads us to believe with reason, that Malta had been besieged and taken by storm of gold and promises, in the secret assemblies of Paris, long before Napoleon's departure from Toulon. Marmont rendered himself useful in the attack of Alexandria, and in the march of the French upon Cairo. The 21st of July 1800, he seized upon the intrenchments, which covered the position of the Mamelukes, and con- tributed to the overthrowing in the Nile a great number of those intrepid horsemen. At the time of the expedi- tion of Syria, Marmont was charged with the command of Alexandria, where he superseded General Kleber. It is pretended, that this post was confined to him, to put this part of the coast in a state of defence against the debarkations of the Turks: this motive was nothing but a specious pretext to keep secret the real intentions of Napoleon. Marmont was charged with keeping up the correspondence with France and Syria, and making all DUKE OF RAGUSA. 3 17 all the necessary preparations for Buonaparte's departure at the convenient time: this circumstance suffices to give a just idea of the intimacy of the relations between Marmont and his master. We do not pretend to say, that Marmont was not very capable of directing the for- tifications of Alexandria and the armaments on the coast: on the contrary, he may be considered as one of the best-informed officers of artillery in France; and we believe him to be sufficiently versed in the knowledge of engineering to order and superintend works of the first class; but it is very positively stated, that these two un- dertakings were accessary points of the important func- tions he was charged to fulfil during his stay at Alex- andria. Two Swedish vessels, at that time neuter, sent by the Directory to engage Buonaparte to hasten his return into France, afforded an opportunity of clearing up all doubts on the subject; and the Abbe Sieyes, Pre- sident of the Directory at the time General Sarrazin was employed with Bernadotte in the ministry of war, com- municated some particulars to him, which informed him as to the principal object of Marmont's command at Alexandria. Marmont returned to France with Buonaparte, and as- sisted in the revolution of the 18th Brumaire, He was entrusted with the command of the Military School, nominated a Counsellor of State in the section of war, and General of Division. He was employed in the army of reserve, destined to re-conquer Italy, which had been overpowered by the Austro-Russians in the single cam- paign of 1799: he obtained the chief command of the artdlery of that army, which formed itself in the environs of Dijon, and united at Geneva at the commencement of May 1800. Marmont evinced, on this occasion, a good deal of genius and resolution ; he dismounted the cannon to convey them over Mount St. Bernard; he caused trees to be prepared to receive them, in the form of troughs, corresponding to the size of the calibre; the wheels, carriages, and waggons, were either carried in litters, or drawn on sledges very ingeniously constructed ; the ammunition was carried on the backs of mules. Mar- mont was to be found wherever he judged his presence most necessary: he neglected nothing to deserve the praises of Napoleon, who was delighted, in such difficult circumstances, 548 MARSHAL MARMONT, circumstances, to see himself so well seconded by his aide-de-camp. Not to retard the movements of the army, which could not advance with success without its artillery, Marmont, instead of having recourse to his former manoeuvres at St. Bernard, to get over Mount Albaredo, determined to defile his artillery under the fire of Fort de Bard ; the road was strewed with dung, and the wheels covered with hay; they experienced losses, but the passage succeeded. When General Dessaix overthrew the Austrians on the day of the battle of Marengo, Marmont contributed much to the success of that attack, by the fire of the artillery, which he caused to advance nearly within mus- quet-shot of the enemy's line. At the crossing of the Mincio, the 26th of December 1S00, effected by General Brune against the Austrian General Bellegarde, the artil- lery commanded by Marmont rendered great services. The passage of the Adige, which was presumed as pre- senting great obstacles, was not disputed. Prince Charles had just been appointed Generalissimo of the Imperial troops: he resolved upon proposing an armistice, which was signed at Steyer, the 25th of December 1S00, and became General to the army of Italy by a convention, which General Marmont, authorized by General Brune, concluded with the Count of Hohenzollern, who repre- sented General Bellegarde, at Treviso, January the 16th, 1801. It is from this period that we may date the extraordi- nary change which took place in the character of Mar- mont. He had been made Inspector-General of Artil- lery, and General-in-Chief of the army of Holland. His marriage had rendered him one of the richest individuals of France, and his devotedness, one of the greatest fa- vourites of the First Consul. Those same officers with whom he had lived in much familiarity in Italy and in Egypt, he easily accustomed himself not to recognise; and he has been heard to reply to similar remembrances, sometimes by saying, " It may be so, but I do not recol- lect it;" and very often by turning his back upon those importunate visitors. During his stay in Holland, he employed himself in erecting pyramids by his soldiers, ki honour of Napoleon : he was detested both by his army and the inhabitants, whom he treated on every oc- casion DUKE OF RAGUSAi 349 casion with haughtiness and contempt: the latter were made to feel he was not the same man who, in 1800, was so polite when soliciting a loan of some millions on the part of Buonaparte. He increased his bad treatment to that degree, that the good Dutch people rendered sin- cere thanks to Providence when, in 1805, he was called to the grand army. His troops were in the organization comprised under the name of the 2d corps. They con- sisted of the divisions of infantry commanded by Gene- rals Boudet, Grouchy, and Dumonceau, and in the divi- sion of light horse commanded by General La< oste. After having passed the Rhine at Cassel, Marmont directed his march upon Wurtzburg, where he effected his junction with the Bavariaus and the corps of the army of Marshal Beruadotte, on the 2d of October 1805. He received orders to proceed towards the Danube, to cross that river, and to take position between Aicha and Augs- burg. General Mack having shut himself up in Ulm, Buonaparte ordered the 2d corps to proceed, by forced marches, to Illersheim, to favour the movement of Gene- ral Soult upon Memmingen, and afterwards to come and co-operate in the blockade of Ulm, on the right bank of the Danube. That place having capitulated, Marmont served at first as a reserve to the grand army, and was afterwards detached towards Styria, to threaten the left of the Austro-Russian army, and harass the rear of the army of Italy commanded by the Archduke Charles. This destination, where he had but to fight against a few partisans in the environs of Leoben, prevented him from being at. the battle of Austerlitz. After the peace of Presburg, Marmont repaired with the French troops under his orders into the Frioul, to guard the frontier of the kingdom of Italy. Napoleon, always suspicious, had carried his mistrust so far, as not to distribute car- tridges to the Dutch who made a part of Marmont's corps. General Dumonceau having complained of this disposition, as humiliating and dangerous, Marmont alleged the great want the other corps of the grand army were in for them. Some sycophants h;)ve flattered Marmont, by exaggerating into engagements some few musquet-shots fired on the 8th of November at Weyer, and on the 13th of the same month at Leoben, between Marmont's sharp-shooters and some Austrian partisans. vol. in. X y The . sf MARSHAL MARMONT, The truth is, that the campaign of 1805, against Austria, was to Marmont and his troops but a continuation of marches, fatiguing throughout, on account of the diffi- culty of the roads, and the rigour of the season. He had to regret his not being in the different battles, as he lost the opportunity of instructing himself, by not being pre- sent in the fine military movements which took place to- wards the end of the campaign; notwithstanding which, he was created Duke of Ragusa. During his stay at Udina, Marmont had a very warm dispute with General Grouchy. He had ordered that Ge- neral to occupy, with his division, cantonments very un- wholesome, and too poor to provide for his troops. Grouchy obeyed, but remonstrated after he had executed the movement prescribed. He made Marmont sensible of the impropriety of his dispositions; giving him to un- derstand, that although his senior in rank, as General of Division, he nevertheless ought to pay attention to the observations of a man his superior in experience. Mar- mont, stung to the quick, answered him haughtily, " Know, General Grouchy, that I am one of those Ge- nerals-in-Chief who are never to be dictated to." Grouchy gave him a smile of pity; and, measuring Mar- mont from head to toe, placed his hand upon the hilt of his sword, telling him they were both Generals of Divi- sion. Marmont had him put under arrest, and requested his change from Napoleon, which was immediately granted. Grouchy was put at the head of a division of dragoons, in which he distinguished himself at the battle of Friedland. In 1809, Marmont commanded the army of Dalmatia. Prince John summoned him to surrender, by his letter of the 17th of April. Although the prince's letter was very polite, and conformable to the duties prescribed by honour and the laws of war, Marmont had the insolence not to make any reply to it. After having fought the en- gagements of Montkitta and Gradschatz, he arrived with his army, on the 28th of May, at Fiume, where he made his junction witii the army of Italy, which had obtained some successes over the Archduke John. Marmont had under his orders about 10,000 effective men. In his reports he gave very great praise to General Claussel, who ought to have been considered, for his ability and experience, as the DUKE OF RAGUSA. 35} the real General-in-Chief of that army; but he complained bitterly of General Montrichard. In sneaking of the affair of Ottochatz, which was only a skirmish, Marmont says, in his report of the 30th of May 1809, " If General Montrichard had not been three hours behind hand, the rear of the enemy would have been evidently destroyed, their artillery and baggage taken," &c. He concludes by saying, " All our wishes will be fully gratified, Sire, if what we have done should obtain the approbation of your Majesty." When Buonaparte resolved to attack the Austrian army at Wagram, he united all his forces. The Duke of Ragusa's corps crossed the Danube on the night be- tween the 4th and 5th of July, and formed a part of the reserve. On the 6th, it was placed in the centre, with the corps of General Oudinot; and on the 7th it pursued the Austrians in the direction of Znaim. After the ar- mistice, Marmont quartered his troops in the circle of Kornneuburg; and when Napoleon wished to appear to intimidate Austria, by making the whole of the grand army take positions towards the latter end of July, Marmont's troops encamped upon the heights of Krems. Succeeded in Dalmatia by General Count Bertrand, Marmont. was appointed to supersede Massena in the command of the army called that of Portugal. He must be considered (says General Sarrazin) as entirely under the orders of Soult: he might have been crushed in his movement from Ciudad Rodrigo to Badajoz, by the bridge of Almaraz, if he had been opposed by an army equal to the proposed plan. His junction with Soult forced Lord Wellington to raise the siege of Badajoz; but the French knew not, or perhaps were not, to profit by this first advantage. His union with Dorsenne, the S4th of September, under the walls of Ciudad Rodrigo, afforded him a fine occasion of giving U\s jirst battle as General-in-Chief. The 25th, he had not his troops; the 26th, he hesitated; and on the 27th, when the Eng- lish had evacuated Fonteguinaldo, he complains highly t'hat he was not waited for. This conduct proves clearly to us, that Marmont dreaded the issue of a general en- gagement; and that if Lord Wellington had remained in his entrenched camp, the French, with all their bragging, would have retired upon the right bank of the Agueda, y y 3 very 352 MARSHAL MARMONT, very well satisfied with having re-victualled Ciudad Rodrigo- It would be needless to follow Marshal Marmont through his subsequent military services: it is sufficient to observe, that he bore a conspicuous part in all the disastrous campaigns which preceded the overthrow of Napoleon; and, having shared in the repeated defeats of his master, Marmont, on the 29th of March 1814, entered Paris, carrying with him to the affrighted citizens terror and dismay. Finding all resistance unavailing, Marmont entered into a capitulation for the delivery of the French capital, which was accordingly given up to the allies. His conduct upon this occasion, although it deserves the applause of his country, has yet met with the most severe reproaches from Napoleon, who has openly ac- cused Marmont of betraying him; but the correspond- ence winch took place on the occasion, will best enable our readers to form a correct opinion on the subject, with which we shall conclude this Memoir. Marmont has published a long vindication of his conduct; but events are now so changed that it is become wholly unin- teresting. Letter from Prince Schwartzenherg, Commander-in-Chief of the troops of the Allied Powers, to his Excellency the Marshal Duke of Ragusa. April 3. " Monsieur le Mareschal — I have the honour to transmit to your Excellency, by a safe person, all the public papers and documents necessary to render your Excellency perfect l\ acquainted with the events which have taken place since you quitted the capital, as well as an invitation from the Members of the Provisional Go- vernment to range yourself under the banners of the good French cause 1 suppli. ate you, in the name of your country and humanity, to listen to the proposals, which wilt put an end to the effusion of the precious blood of the brave men whom you command. Answer of the Mareschal Duke of Ragusa. Monsieur le Mareschal — I have received the letter which your F^xceliency has done me the honour to address to me, as well as the papers which it inclosed. Public opinion has always been the rule of my conduct. The DUKE OF RAGUSA. 353 The army and the people being exempt from the oath of allegiance towards the Emperor Napoleon, by the decree of the Senate, I am disposed to concur in an union be- tween the army and the people, which will prevent all chance of civil war, and stop the effusion of blood: con- sequently I am ready to quit with my troops the army of the Emperor Napoleon, on the following condi- tions, of which I demand from you the guarantee in writing: — Copy of the Guarantee demanded and granted. " Art. 1. I, Charles, Prince of Schwartzenberg, Mar- shal and Commander-in-Chief of the Allied armies, guarantee to all the French troops, who, in consequence of the decree of the Senate of the 2d of April, shall quit the banners of Napoleon Buonaparte, that they may retire freely to Normandy, with their arms, baggage, and ammunition, and with the same considerations and mi- litary honours, which the allied troops owe to each other. " 2. That if, in consequence of this movement, the events of the war should cause the person of Napoleon Buonaparte to fall into the hands of the allies, his life shall be guaranteed to him, and his liberty, in a space of ground and circumscribed territory, at the choice of the Allied powers and the French government." Answer of the Marshal Prince de Schwartzenberg. "Monsieur le Mareschal — I cannot sufficiently express the satisfaction which I feel in learning the eager- ness with which you accept the invitation of the Pro- visional Government, to range yourselves, conformably to the decree of the 2d of this month, under the banners of the French cause. *' The distinguished services which you have rendered to your country are generally acknowledged; but you. have crowned them, by restoring to their country the few brave troops who have escaped the ambition oi a single man. " I entreat you to believe, that I particularly appre- ciate the delicacy of the article which you demand, and which I accept, relative to the person of Napoleon. No- thing could better characterize that amiable generosity which 354 MARSHAL MARMONT, which is natural to Frenchmen, and which particularly distinguish the character of your Excellency. " Accept the assurances of my high consideration. " (Signed) Schwartzenberg. " At my Head-Quarters, April 4, 1814." Consequently, the troops under the command of the Marshal Duke of Ragusa, amounting to 12,000 men, with arms, baggage, and ammunition, qiutted their can- tonments on the 5th, to march to Versailles : they passed through the troops of the Allied powers amidst testimonies of the most lively satisfaction, receiving the military honours due to brave men whose blood, so long shed in the defence of the country, could henceforth have only flowed for the despair of expiring tyranny and ambition, and whose arrival under the standard of their dear country, presaged the approaching accomplishment of that great work of general pacification and the happi- ness of the world. " Order of the Day. — Sixth corps oVarme'e. Soldiers— For three months you have incessantly combated, and for three months the most glorious suc- cess has crowned your efforts; neither dangers, fatigues, nor want, has been able to diminish your zeal, nor to cool your love of your country. Your grateful country thanks you through me, and will requite with satisfaction all that you have dune for it. But the moment is arrived, Soldiers, when the war which you carried on has neither advantage nor object; it is then, for you, that of repose. You are the soldiers of your country; therefore it is pub- lic opinion which you ought to follow; and it is that which has ordered me to withdraw you from dangers henceforth useless, in order to preserve that noble blood which you will again shed willingly when the voice of your country, and the public interest, shall require your efforts. Good cantonments, and my paternal cares will, I hope, cause you soon to forget even the fatigues which you have undergone. " Done at Paris, April 5, 1814." (Signed) " Marshal Duke of Ragusa. " A true copy. " Baron Meyradier, " Chief of the Major-General Staff." Such DUKE OF RAGUSA. 355 Such are the details of this negotiation, equally ho- nourable to the foreign general, who renounced all the seductions of glory, and all the chances of victory, to maintain pacifically the cause of France and of humanity, and the Marshal of France, who, after having saved Paris by a capitulation, which was not to be hoped for, had to devote himself entirely to his country, and whose noble sentiments had for their object the honour of his troops, and the fate of him whom he served. -$*nn0!rs Jflemotts OF MARSHAL MACDONALD, DUKE OF TARENTO. A/TARSHAL Macdonald was born at Sedan, in the -*-*-'- department of the Ardennes, the 17th of November 1765. His father, of Scotch origin, had him educated •with great care. He left college in 17S4, to enter into the legion of Maillebois, which he left in 1786 for the regiment of Dillon, which he entered as an Under-Lieu- tenant: he successively passed through the different de- grees to that of Colonel, which he obtained on the 1st of March 1793, in the 2d regiment of infantry of the line, called Picardie, which was then in garrison at Thion- ville. Brave, intelligent, and well-informed, Macdonald dis- tinguished himself in every affair in which he was en- gaged in the army of the North: he was appointed Ge- neral of Brigade after the taking of Menin. He made the campaign of 1794 under the orders of Picliegru. On the 12th of January 1795, he crossed the Waal on the ice, with his division. All the Generals-in-Chief under whom he served, till the peace of Leoben, spoke very highly of him in their reports to the Directory. Whilst his com- rades were rendering him that justice which was due to his talents and his bravery, the representatives of the people, who were with the army of the North, caused him to experience the greatest inconveniences: they even pushed their hatred (inspired by his frankness) so far as to dismiss him. Pichegru complained loudly of this, and said, they wished to disorganize his army, by depri- ving it of its best officer. The deputy, St. Just, an- swered him, " We have dismissed Macdonald, because neither his face nor name are republican: we restore him t f o thee., but thou shalt answer for him with thy head.'" This- DUKE OF TARENTO. 357 ' This opinion of the deputies, without doubt, at that time i influenced the Committee of Public Safety, and after- ward the Directory, -which prevented that officer from be- ing intrusted with a chief command till 1799, when he was appointed to replace Championnet, at the army of Naples. Macdonald had distinguished himself by many successful engagements with General Mack. When he attacked the French army in the Roman states, Cham- pionnet, exasperated at the dilapidations committed by the Sieur Faitpoult, Commissary of the Directory, had given him orders to quit Naples in twenty-four hours, witb his band of pillagers. Faitpoult raised the stand- ard of revolt against the General-in-Chief; but he was laughed at, and his decrees were turned into ridicule. He was obliged to quit the Jield of battle with many per- sonal insults. Macdonald, who had not forgotten the reproaches of St. Just, conducted himself in such a manner as to per- suade the Directory that he respected their authority, both in the General-in-Chief, whose orders he punctually obeyed, and in the Commissioner Faitpoult, whose fate be appeared to lament. The firmness of Championnet was considered as mutiny: he was ordered to quit Naples, and to resign the command to General Macdo- nald. That general was not afraid of the task which was imposed upon him. Almost the whole kingdom, not even excepting the capital, was in insurrection. There was no travelling without considerable escorts. The army was obliged to fight in the Abruzzes, in the Pouille, in the principality of Salerno, and even to the very gates of Naples. The various movements of the troops were so well combined, that in a month's time every thimj; was calm, except in the territory of Otranto, where the remains of the insurrection appeared concentrated, under the orders of Cardinal Ruffo. The army of Naples was under the orders of General Sherer. When he was beaten on the Adige, on the 2u'th of March 1799, he gave orders to Macdonald to unite his troops, and to join him by forced marches in Northern Italy. The Neapolitans, informed of the successes of the Austrians, ran to arms, and the massacre of the French recommenced with fresh fury. In spite of these great obstacles, in a mountainous country, all the columns VOJU in. z z of •-SJ5S MARSHAL MACDONALD, of the army succeeded in effecting a junction. It would have been dangerous to commence the retreat without having overawed the multitude by some daring stroke, which, might ensure the confidence of those who were friendly to the French, and deter the insurgents from following at their heels. Avellino, Castellamare, Lacava, and Sorrento, were attacked and taken, after some san- guinary conflicts. The army commenced its retreat on the 12th of May ; and on the 26th was in Tuscany, united with the divisions of the army of Italy, detached by Ge- neral Moreau. Macdonald may be reproached for having lost ten days in combining his movements with Moreau ; he ought to have rushed from the heights of the Ap- pennines into the plains on the right bank of the Po, proceeded rapidly up this river, and effected a junction with the army of Italy, in the environs of Voghera. The 13th of June lie attacked Modena, and in two hours overthrew the column of General Hohenzollern, which was posted upon the glacis of the place. The French grenadiers entered the town with the Austrians, and made more than 2000 prisoners. The divisions of Montrichard and Rusca, which ought to have seconded the attack of Modena by the route of Bologna, not having yet arrived, Macdonald was informed that a column of cavalry retarded their march: it was a squadron of the legion of Bussy, to which all means of retreat were cut off by the taking of Modena. Mac- donald, fully confident that that body would surrender without any difficulty, advanced towards the grand road, within a quarter of a mile of the infantry, which was stationed on both sides of the road. By way of pre- caution, General Sarrazin observed to Macdonald, thai he thought he had better remain with his grenadiers, and that he would do well to do the same. " Don't you see," replied he, very courteously, " that they are caught as though in a mouse-trap?" When he was an hundred paces distant from the Austrians, he hallooed out to them to surrender. " We surrender!" replied, the officer, and returned his sabre into its scabbard, con- tinuing to advance with the greatest tranquillity. When come up within pistol-shot, he ordered his troops to draw their sabres, and to charge; he himself falling upon Macdwmld, shuck him three blows with his sabr« upon the DUKE OF TARENTO. 359 the head, threw him off his horse, and then mingled with the escort, which, attacked by the whole squadron, took to flight. The grenadiers were very much embarrassed about firing, for tear of killing 1 heir own men. After a fray of ten minutes, a few Austrians succeeded in enter- ing Modena, where they were made prisoners : the greater part of them, however, perished; in this latter number was the commanding officer. He was a young man of eighteen, of a good countenance, and of considerable abilities. His generous resolution of forcing his way to rejoin his army, cannot but be praised; he would have succeeded in it, had it not been for the ambuscade of gre- nadiers. Macdonald, who was supposed dead, came oft' quit for the three cuts of the sabre, which were but slight, and the contusions occasioned by the fall from his horse. On the 1 7th the advanced guard reached Placentia, and on the 18th General Ott was attacked and beaten. The coining up of the Russian advanced gimrd forced the French to draw back, and to take a position on the right of the Trebia. On the 19th the whole army was re-united upon the right bank of that river: two strong vanguards were stationed upon the left bank. Suwanow and Melas attacked them with the choice of their troops, made a great slaughter, but could not force them to quit their position. The 20th of June, Macdonald acted upon the offensive: he crossed the Trebia with the whole of his army, 40,000 strong. General Melas was at first beaten. Suwarrow, who was gaining ill the centre, sent General Rosemberg to the succour of his left; and the French were obliged to draw back to their old positions. There was, for a moment, a rout in the centre. Mac- donald, who was there, had nearly been drowned in the Trebia: he was carried away with the 5th regiment of light infantry, which, being panic-struck, had retreated in the greatest confusion, throwing down their musqucts and knapsacks. The cause of this rout was a charge made by nearly 500 Cossacks upon 100 dragoons. These latter retreated at full gallop, and occasioned a great cloud of dust, which was increased by the pursuit of the Cossacks. One frightened fellow cried out, '* There is the whole Russian cavalry upon us!" no more was necessary to decide the gaining of this battle, so famous, but little known in its true point of vie,". z z 2 Macdonald 360 MARSHAL MACDONALD, Macdonald has been unjustly reproached with having wished to gain a battle without Moreau's participation. It was only in conformity with the orders, or at least the positive advice of that General, that he determined to march upon the rear of the left wing of the Austro- Russian army. He was so zealous in complying with the intentions of Moreau, that he had the weakness to change his own plan of attack to adopt that of Victor, who told him he had it from the General-in-Chief: this condescension caused the loss of every thing. A diver- sion on the part of Moreau was relied on ; and it was that which determined Macdonald to desist from his former resolution, which was to proceed by forced marches to Voghera, by way of Piactntia: if he could have got there by the 17th of June, he would have de- stioyed the Austnaus upon the Trebia, or at least have forced them to pass upon the left bank of the Po. Su- warrow with his 25,000 Russians would not have been able to arrest the march of the army of Naples, com- posed of choice troops, who had made the campaigns of Italy with Buonaparte, and dispersed in one month 60,000 Neapolitans commanded by Mack: the Austrians should first have been fought with, and then the Russians. The slowness of the movemrntsof the French army, and some other circumstances which time alone can properly elucidate, forced Macdonald to retreat towards Tuscany, after having lost in killed, wounded, and prisoners, about 10,000 men. The Italian General Lahoz having separated from the French to join the insurgents, whose number and audacity increased daily, Macdonald determined upon evacuating Tuscany, and rejoining Moreau at Genoa: this move- ment was made in good order. After this junction, Mac- donald obtained leave to return to France, for the pur- pose of re-establishing his health, which was considerably affected by his wounds, and the fatigues inseparable from so toilsome a campaign, which had lasted for nearly a year. He was at Paris at the event of the 18th Bru- nei re, and was entrusted by Buonaparte with the com- mand of Versailles: he shewed on that post more firm- ness than at the end of the campaign of Italy; he caused the club of Versailles to be shut up, and made the in- habitants sensibly feel that it was high time that a just and DUKE OF TARENTO. 361 and energetic government should obliterate the horrors of anarchy, and the fatal vacillation of the weak Di- rectory. Napoleon, thinking to testify his satisfaction to Mac- donald, offered him, in April 1800, the command of one of the corps of the army of reserve, destined to re-conquer Italy, under the orders of Berthier. Macdonald, piqued at seeing himself exposed to serve as a subordinate after having commanded in chief, pretended illness from his wounds in the army of Naples. Notwithstanding this refusal, the true motive of which did not escape the pene- tration of the crafty Napoleon, Macdonald was nomi- nated, on the 24th of August 1800, General-in-Chief of the army destined to penetrate into the Tyrol, through Switzerland, to second the operations of the army of Itaty, and favour the movements of the army of Moreau, in Germany, by forcing the Ausrrians to keep up in the Tyrol from 25 to 30,000 men, of their best troops. This campaign consisted of very fatiguing marches in the Alps, in the depth of winter. The French army was about 15,000 strong. General Matthew Dumas, more expert in writing about war than carrying it on, was Chief of the Staff. After having combated more with the difficulties of the roads than with the Austrians, who made but a weak resistance, Macdonald possessed himself of Trent, the 7th of January 1801. The armistice, con- cluded at Treviso the 10th of the same month, put an end to hostilities. Returned to France, Macdonald was no doubt displeasing to Napoleon, from his intimate connexion with Moreau: he was honourably exiled by being appointed for the em- bassy to the court of Denmark ; he experienced so many disagreeables in that capacity, that he was continually soliciting his recal, which was at length granted him in 1803. Notwithstanding his assiduities at the Thuilleries, he was always coldly received. He appeared to be one of the most eager of the generals for the nomination of Napoleon as Emperor. Although he thus suffered his ambition to get the better of his pride, which his con- duct, till now without reproach, ought to have inspired, him with, he was not included in the list of Marshals of the empire: he remained unemployed till 1809. He obtained at last orders to serve under the command of Prince 3^2 MARSHAL MACDONALD, Prince Eugene Beauharnois in the army of Italy; he then commanded the right wing of this army, and was considered as the Mentor of Eugene. The successes ob- tained atLaybach and at Raab were the results of Mac- donald's combinations. The 6th of July 1809, at the battle of Wagram, he was charged with the attack of the centre of the Austrian army: he lost, in killed and wounded, about three-fourths of his column, but he suc- ceeded in making the Archduke Charles fall back; his conduct obtained him a Marshal's staff, which was given him upon the field of battle. Some time afterwards he was named Duke of Tarento. The faint attacks of Augereau in Catalonia de- termined Napoleon to give him Macdonald for a suc- cessor. Gouvion St. Cyr, an officer of great merit, had been recalled from his command in a manner little flatter- ing to him. The surpiisai of Figueras by the Catalans, which at first was considered as a triumph for the noble cause of the brave Spaniards, has been found by the fa- tality of events, to have been only a snare, in which 4000 choice men, the very soul of the insurrection in Catalonia, were the victims; so that since the 19th of August, the period that Figueras opened its gates to Macdonald, this rich province was, in despite of the energy of its inha- bitants, subjugated to the yoke of the French. Notwith- standing this brilliant result, Macdonald appears to have been recalled from this command, but for what reason it does not appear, except in the tone the General assumes in the account he renders of the capitulation of Figueras. " I please myself" says Macdonald, in his report to Berthier, " in rendering justice to the army, in the hope that the Emperor will view with the eye of favour these brave fellows, intreating your Excellency to cause it to be remarked to his Majesty, that his army of Catalonia is a stranger to the event which has re-united it in this place," &c. In Napoleon's grand attack upon the Russian empire, Marshal Macdonald had the command of the 10th corps, which was principally composed of Prussians; and on the G4th of June he passed the Niemen at Tilsit, and moved upon Rossiena, in order to clear the right bank of that river, and to protect the navigation. On the 30th, he reached that place, and marched beyond it to Poneviez, Chavvli, DUKE OF TARENTO. 36.3 Chawli, and Tesch. On the 2d of August, he entered Dinabourg, which the Russians abandoned upon his ap- proach, after having bestowed five years in fortifying it. After the reverses of Napoleon in Russia, all the talents and abilities of Marshal Macdonald were insufficient to prevent the defection of his corps, which consisted of Prussians, under General D'Yorck. From this time he steadily adhered to Napoleon, until the latter abdicated the Imperial throne. In the campaign of 1813, he com- manded the 11th corps of the French army, and was in most of the battles that preceded the capitulation of Paris. He at present commands the French army of the Loire ; a trust which fully evinces the confidence of Louis in his loyalty. The Duke of Tarento is of a good size, of a slender make, but robust; pale-faced, with eyes full of iire; his smile sardonic; his gait is military ; his manners very polished. Although he shewed a weakness of character in the council of war which occasioned the los9 of the battle of Trebia, we cannot refuse to allow him the firm- ness necessary to a good general: he paid dear for this complaisance, since he lost the only pitched battle in which he commanded in chief. This fault will have served as a useful lesson to him, to hold firm to his own opinion, and to set off those talents to the best advantage, with which nature has gifted him. The numerous com- bats which he has sustained and given in Germany and Italy, almost always with success, incontestibly place him amongst the generals of the second rank : his cringing conduct to obtain employment does him little honour. JHemoin ffitvtuAxs OF GENERAL THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF MOIRA. FRANCIS Rawdon Hastings, Lord Hastings, Baron Rawdon, and Earl of Moira in Ireland, was bom the 7tb of December 1754. Having received all the advan- tages of a liberal education, and acquired those accom- plishments which grace both the scholar and the gen- tleman, he made a tour on the continent, and visited the courts of France, Germany, and Italy; but the American war breaking out, his ardent desire of becoming a mem- ber of the military profession induced his Lordship to return to England. Immediately after his return, he entered the army, and embarked for America early in 1775. The first engagement of any importance in which the Earl of Moira (then Lord Rawdpn) had any opportunity of distinguishing himself, was at the battle of Bunker's Hill, where the intrepidity of his Lordship obtained the particular notice of General Buigoyne, who was pleased to express in the most flattering terms to the British go- vernment the admiration he entertained of this young officer, and the conviction with which he was impressed, that his Lordship would become one of the brightest or- naments of the military profession. Notwithstanding the loss of British officers at the battle of Bunker's Hill was so excessive, 19 being killed, and 70 wounded, Lord Moira escaped unhurt, although he received two shots through his cap. Indeed, he was said to have been the second person who entered the enemy's works; having been preceded by a Serjeant, who experienced his Lord- ship's liberality on that occasion. The next operation of the army, the storming of Fort Clinton, afforded an- other EARL OF MOIRA. 365 other opportunity for the display of Lord Moira's judg- ment and courage. In 1778, Lord Moira was nominated Adjutant-General to the British army in America, with the rank of Lieute- nant-Colonel; and in that distinguished and honourable situation the energies of his Lordship's mind were called into action, and advantageously exercised, both on the retreat of the British army through the Jerseys, from Phi- ladelphia to New York, in the action at Monmouth which followed, and at the siege of Charlestown. As the American line was chiefly composed of the very lowest order of Irishmen, his Lordship undertook to raise a corps at Philadelphia, called the Volunteers of Ireland, which was soon recruited from the enemy's ranks, and became eminently distinguished for its services in the field. In the first battle of Camden, under the command of his Lordship, exactly one half of the regi- ment was killed or wounded, and in that of Hobkirk Hill a still greater proportion. The officers, who were selected from the regular regiments, could not, however, with all their zeal and abilities, extirpate that desire of change which impelled their men to desert, until his Lordship adopted an extraordinary expedient, which dis- covered a complete knowledge of the human heart. A man, caught in the act of going over to the enemy, was brought on the parade before the whole regiment, to whom he was delivered up by his Lordship in a most impressive way to be judged, punished, or acquitted. The officers were ordered to withdraw, and leave every thing to the private soldiers, who in a few minutes hung their offending comrade on a tree ; and the example was most effectual. Such repeated proofs of military talent and enter- prising spirit could not pass unnoticed by the Com- mander-in-chief, and consequently his Lordship was spe- cially appointed to the command of a distinct corps of the army in South Carolina, which province was invaded by the American general. Gates ; and his Lordship had so arranged his plans, :is with a very inconsiderable force- to maintain his piincipal positions. Notwithstanding the superiority which the enemy possessed in point of number, some favourable opportunities wire not wanting to have induced him to r'\A< a battle, if his own glory vol. in. 3 a had 366 EAR L OF MOIRA. bad been consulted instead of the public good; but he adhered to the measures concerted with Lord Cornwallis, who, on reaching the army, found all the forces collected and disposed to his utmost satisfaction. At the memo- rable battle of Camden which succeeded, on the 16th of August 1780, Lord Moira commanded one wing of the army, and greatly contributed to the glorious result of that day. When Lord Cornwallis pursued, soon after- wards, the American army towards Virginia, Lord Moira with a very small force was left to defend the extensive frontiers of South Carolina against the provincial generals, Marion and Sumpter: but General Green having con- trived, after the battle of Guildford, to turn Lord Corn- wall's left, fell suddenly upon Lord Moira, who had only a few redoubts to defend his sick and magazines, at Camden. The intention of General Green was evidently to carry these by assault; and as this was likely to be attempted during the night, the troops were withdrawn from them at dusk, and prepared to surprise the enemy on the open ground at the moment when they commenced their attack on the works. General Green, however, was induced to act more cautiously, and wait for the arrival of his artillery; and Lord Moira, who saw all the difficulty of effecting a retreat, resolved to become the aggressor. Accord- ingly, on the 25th of April 1781, he chose the hour of mid-day to make his attempt, when it was least expected ; and his march was concealed by a circuitous route through thick woods. Having by this sudden and rapid manoeuvre reached Hobkirk Hill, even before the Ame- rican general, Green, was aware of his Lordship's move- ments, and who not only supposed himself secure from any attack, on account of the vast superiority of his force, but also from a very extensive swamp which pro- tected him on the weak, and perhaps only assailable point of Hobkirk's Hill, Lord Moira approached the hill with a narrow line of front, and the enemy's pic- quets being driven in, an alarm was immediately spread through the American camp. General Green, who pos- sessed a greatness of mind far superior to any of the American generals, perceived the danger of his situation,, and with the utmost promptitude decided upon the mea- sure most likely to repel the British. Finding that Lord Moira EARL OF MOIRA. 367 Moira advanced in a narrow front, he immediately com- manded a heavy fire of grape-shot from his battel its, and under their protection charged down Hobkirk hill. The British leader, discerning Green's design, immedi- ately extended the whole of his line, and thus completely disconcerted the enemy's plan. The foresight of Lord Moira gained him a complete victory. Having pursued the Americans to the summit of the hill, alter silencing their batteries, he charged them, and put the- whole to the rout. General Green rallied his troops several times; but the continual charges of the British, and the ardour with which they advanced on the enemy, were irresistible, and they were put to flight on all sides. This success enabled Lord Moira to concentrate his army; and being joined by some reinforcements from the coast, he succeeded in driving the enemy to a considerable dis- tance : but the capture of Lord Cornwallis, which soon followed, and the declining state of our American affairs, rendered it necessary that the troops should be with- drawn towards Charlestown, where both armies remained, inactive from the excessive heat, and perhaps a mutual conviction that the contest was nearly at an end. At Charlestown, an American prisoner, named Isaac Haynes, who had been allowed to take the oath of alle- giance, and received his liberty on that account, contrived in the most artful manner to corrupt a numerous body of newly-attested militia-men, having first secured for him- self the rank of Colonel in the American army. The detection of his villainy did not take place till the mo- ment the enemy were advancing on Charlestown, and when he was marching the militia-men to join them. A court of inquiry immediately sat, entirely by the di- rection of the Commandant of Charlestown, to whom this duty appertained independently of Lord Moira, and Haynes was publicly executed; but not before his Lord- ship had endeaved to procure the man's pardon by a private communication with some loyalists, whom his Lordship requested to petition in his behalf. The exe- cution of Haynes being misrepresented in England, it was conceived by many to have been an act of military des- potism, which was not satisfactorily removed until his Lordship's return to this country. Notwithstanding Lord Moira experienced a severe and 3 a 2 dangerous J6S EARL OF MOIRA, dangerous attack from the heat, which obliged him to be conveyed in a cart, his Lordship gave directions for the commencement of the march, and determined on re- maining with the army as long as practicable. In this situation he continued issuing his orders, and directing the route and disposition of his forces, till his malady arrived at so alarming a state as to render his Lordship's return to England absolutely necessary; but the vessel in which he embarked was unfortunately captured, and carried into Brest. Lord Moira was almost immediately released ; and, on his arrival in England, was honoured with repeated marks of distinction and kindness by his illustrious Sovereign, who, amongst other favours, was graciously pleased to create this gallant officer a British Peer, and to appoint him his Aide-de-Camp. In the latter part of the year 1793, Lord Moira was appointed Commander-in-chief of an army intended to co-operate with the royalists in Brittany, and all the ancient nobility of France were to serve with him. It is remarkable too, that the late General Sir Charles Stuart, who was one of the highest characters and best officers of the age, offered to wave his seniority of rank, and be under the command of Lord Moira on this occasion. But, before any operation could be undertaken, the republicans had triumphed completely. Some of the troops, how- ever, were encamped at Southampton during the cam- paign of his Royal Highness the Duke of York in Flan- ders, when the situation of the British army and that of the allies was rendered extremely critical, and the former were compelled to retreat through Brabant to Antwerp. Lord Moira was dispatched with a reinforcement of 10,000 men to aid his Royal Highness, with whom, though nearly surrounded by much superior armies in point of number, Lord Moira, by a well-directed move- ment, effected a junction at Malines, near Antwerp, and thus relieved the British army from the difficulties of its situation, to the mortification of the French General Pi- chegru. The dispatch which his Lordship had employed in embarking his troops without either tents or heavy baggage from Southampton, and in debarking them at Ostend, the 30th of June 1794, prevented the enemy's ascertaining the actual strength under his Lordship's command, which was an object of serious importance ; and, EARL OF MOIRA. 369 and, to maintain it, Lord Moira directed his Quarter- Master-General, the late General Doyle, to issue orders that quarters should be provided at Bruges for 25,000 troops, although the force under his Lordship did not exceed 10,000. The delusion was admirably maintained, and' General Pichegru, who w.^s in the vicinity of Bruges, with a force much greater than that of the British general, completely deceived. Notwithstanding the orders which, his Lordship had directed General Doyle to issue, and al- though the army were labouring under excessive fatigue from the heat of the weather and the greatest privations, he did not deem it prudent to halt at Bruges, the enemy banging upon his flanks; and proceeded therefore to Ghent, where General Clairfait was stationed, and imme- diately on his arrival proposed to that officer an attack on the enemy, but which was objected to. Lord Moira, therefore, continued his march with the utmost rapidity to Alost. At this place, where his Lordship remained three days, the British army was nearly cut off. Some German cavalry, posted on the outskirts of the town as an advanced picquet, were removed contrary to the or- ders of the British General, and a body of the enemy's cavalry entered Alost and surprised our troops : they were, however, immediately attacked with the greatest gallantry by a small detachment, and repulsed. Thus the numbers of this little, but gallant band, were stiil concealed from the enemy, which had they ascertained, a junction with his Royal Highness the Duke of York would most certainly have been prevented. Lord Moira having joined the Commander-in-chief, was entrusted with an important command, which his military talents particularly entitled hirn to. Since the above expedition, his Lordship has been un- employed in a military capacity against the enemies of his country. In the year 1803, his Lordship was ap- pointed Commander of the forces in North Britain. The parliamentary conduct of Lord Moira has displayed a continued series of patriotism and ability, and his do- mestic life an enviable pattern to English noblemen. It may with justice be observed, in delineating the character of this officer, and with every sentiment of impartiality, that Great Britain does not contain a veteran more pa- triotic and liberal, in whom the social virtues, the orna- ments 370 EARL OF MOIRA. T — ments of polished manners, and general talent, have more conspicuously appeared. Temperate, yet liberal and hos- pitable to an excess; possessing the qualifications of a mind so honourable as even to escape the detractions of slander; Lord Moira stands on a proud eminence, respected, honoured, and Severed by all who have the happiness of his acquaintance, or a knowledge of his merits. His Lordship has, for a long time, been honoured with the particular confidence and friendship of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, who, as soon as an opportunity offered of rewarding his merits, conferred on him the high office of Governor-General of Ben- gal, and Commander-in-chief of the army in the East Indies: a situation which his Lordship still holds. During the administration of Mr. Fox, Lord Moira -was appointed Master-General of the Ordnance. He is now Constable of the Tower, and one of the Prince Regent's Council in Cornwall, and Colonel of the 27th regiment of foot Jftemofrs jflemotra OF LIEUTENANT- GENERAL ROWLAND LORD HILL, KB. HPHIS brave and distinguished officer, whose fame is -■■ so much associated with that of the illustrious Wel- lington, is the second son to Sir John Hill, Bart, of Houl- stone, in the county of Salop, who married Mary, one of the daughters and co-heiresses of John Chambre, Esq. of Pitton, in the same county; by whom he had sixteen children, thirteen of whom are now surviving their mother. All the brothers of Lord Hill have devoted their ser- vices to their country. John, the elder brother, arrived at the rank of a Field-Ofhcer in the army. On his mar- riage, by the wish of his friends, he retired from the ser- vice, and raised a regiment of volunteer cavalry in the county of Salop. Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Robert Hill served in most of the campaigns in Spain, and com- manded the Royal regiment of Horse Guards Blue. Sir Francis Hill, Secretary of Legation at the court of the Brazils, was invested with the order of the Tower and Sword by the Prince Regent of Portugal, in the year 1810, which title was graciously confirmed by his Ma- jesty. Major Clement Hill, Brigade-Major in the army, Captain in the Blues, and Aide-de-Camp to his brother, Lord Hill, served during the whole of the war in the peninsula. Colonel Thomas Noel Hdl was created Knight of the Portuguese order ol' the Tower and Sword ; he commanded the firs': Portuguese infantry, in which he ranked as Colonel. Edward, the youngest brother, is an Officer in the Blues. Lord Hdl entered the army in the sixteenth year of his age : his ardour in the pursuit of professional know- ledge, his mild and amiable disposition, suavity of man- ners, 3J9, L0RD HILL - ners, and general good conduct as a gentleman and sol- dier, have not only procured for him the approbation and friendship of the commanders under whom, through many active and severe campaigns, he has served, but also endeared him to the other officers and privates; the last of whom not only honour and revere him as their superior, but gratefully esteem him as a benevo- lent friend, anxious to render them every service in his power. His first commission was an Ensigncy in the 38th re- giment; and having obtained leave of absence, with the view of improving his military knowledge, and other ac- complishments, he was placed at an academy at Stras- burg, where he remained one year, and then accompa- nied his elder brother, and uncle, the late Sir Richard Hill, in a tour through Germany, France, and Holland. Lord Hill commenced his military duty at Edinburgh, where he had the advantage of the best society, and re- ceived from many of the nobility and first families par- ticular marks of notice and attention. His removal from Scotland took place in consequence of an offer he re- ceived of a Lieutenancy, in Captain Broughton's (now Lieutenant-General Sir John Broughton) independent company, on his raising the usual quota of men : this he soon accomplished, and then removed as Lieutenant to the 27th. His friends being anxious for his early pro- motion, obtained permission for him to raise an inde- pendent company, which gave him the rank of Captain in the army, in the year 1792. In the interval of his being attached to any particular corps, he accompanied his friend, Francis Drake, Esq. who went out as minister on a diplomatic mission to Genoa; from whence Captain Hill, through the recommendation of his friend, pro- ceeded to Toulon, and was employed as Aide-de-Camp to the then successive Generals commanding there, namely Lord Mulgrave, General O'Hara, and Sir David Dundas, Lord Hill had not at this time attained his twenty-first year; but had the honour of receiving from each of his commanders decisive proofs of their approbation. He was slightly wounded in his right hand, at the time Ge- neral O'Hara was taken prisoner, and narrowly escaped with his life: it being undetermined for some minutes, between himself and brother aide-de-camp, Captain Snow, LORD HILL. 373 Snow, which should ascend a tree, for the purpose of making observations respecting the enemy; the latter went up, and received a mortal wound, whilst Lord Hill, standing immediately beneath, was preserved unhurt. He was deputed by Sir David Dundas to be the bearer of the dispatches to England, relating to the evacuation of Toulon by the British. His next appointment was to a company in the 53d, with which regiment he was on duty in Scotland and Ireland. His conduct at Toulon recommended him to the notice and friendship of Sir Thomas Graham (now Lord Lyndoch), who made him an offer of purchasing a Majority in the 90th : this step was gladly acceded to by himself and friends, and was soon followed by his promotion to a Lieutenant-Co- lonelcy in the same regiment. He went through a great deal of arduous duty with the 90th at Gibraltar, and other places, and had his full share in the memorable Egyptian campaign. In the action of the 13th of March ISO], Major-General Craddock's brigade formed the front, with the 90th regiment, commanded by Lieutenant- Colonel Hdl, as its advanced guard. Sir Robert Wilson states the conduct of the 90th, in this affair, to have been most honourable and praiseworthy, and that nothing could exceed the intrepidity and firmness with which they charged the enemy. On this occasion his Lordship received a wound in the right temple, from a musquet- ball, the force of which was providentially averted by a strong brass binding in front of his helmet; the blow was, however, severe, and he was removed from the field of battle in a state of insensibility. When his situation was made known to Lord Keith, he immediately sent for him on board the Foudroyant. The kindness and accommodation the invalid received from his noble friend no doubt greatly accelerated his recovery, and enabled him to join his regiment, and continue on duty the whole of the campaign. The Captain Pacha frequently saw his Lordship whilst he was on board the Foudroyant, and, with many good wishes and expressions for his welfare, presented him with a valuable gold box, sword, and shawl. Very soon after the return of the troops from Egypt, the 90th was ordered to proceed through Scotland to Ireland, and Lord Hill continued unremittingly to perform his regimental duty, till he was appointed Briga- vol. hi. 3 b dier- 37 4 L0RD HILL - dier-General on the Irish staff. His principal stations in that country were Cork, Gal way, and Fernoy ; the inha- bitants of which places manifested their approbation of his conduct by the public addresses inserted in the Dub- lin papers. On leaving Cork he was presented with the freedom of that city. Early in the summer of 1808 he embarked with his brigade at Cove, to join the army of England destined to act in the Peninsula. In the battles of Roleia and Vimiera his Lordship was fully employed, and gained the approbation and thanks of his comrades for his own conduct and that of his brigade. During the whole of Sir John Moore's advance and retreat, Lord Hill continued indefatigable in his exer- tions; and he was established with a corps of reserve, guarding the embarkation of the army at Corunna. His humanity and attention to the suffering troops on their landing at Plymouth, earned him the admiration of the humane and benevolent inhabitants of that place ; and he was presented by the mayor and corporation with an address, expressive of their cordial approbation of his conduct; and, as a proof that his proceedings were not obliterated from their recollection, the body corporate convened a meeting in 1811, and unanimously voted him the freedom of the borough, in terms of glowing praise, as stated in the Plymouth papers. On Lord Hill's ar- rival in England, in the beginning of the year 1809, he found himself appointed Colonel of the 3d Garrison Battalion; and, about the same period, he became pos- sessed of a handsome place (Hoodwich Grange) and pro- perty, left to him by his uncle, the late Sir Richard Hill, Bart. The General had not been many days in London, be- fore he was directed by his Royal Highness the Com- mander-in-Chief to hold himself in readiness for further service; and, as soon as his instructions were completed, he proceeded through England (passing five days with his friends in Shropshire) to take the command of the iroops ordered from Ireland for the second expedition to the Peninsula. In the passage of the Douro, May 19, 1809, when Lieutenant-General Sir E. Paget received a wound that unhappily deprived him of his arm, Lord Hill became first in command, and conducted that enterprise with complete success. At LORD HILL. 375 At the battle of Talavera, Lord Hill was slightly wounded on the head: his firmness and courage in repel- ling the successive attacks of the French upon his posi- tion greatly contributed to the success of the day. When the thanks of both Houses of Parliament were voted to the British army for this victory, Mr. Perceval, in noticing the exertions of Sir Rowland Hill, observed, " that the manner in which General Hill had repulsed the enemy at the point of the bayonet was fresh in every one's memory." For his services on this occasion, he had the colonelcy of the 94th regiment given to him; it having been conferred upon him without any solicitation, either on his own part or that of his friends. The generalship and activity of Lord Hill, in sur- prising and capturing a French corps, under General Girard, in Spanish Estremadura, is deserving commemo- ration. General Girard's corps consisted of a division of the 5th corps of the French army, with a considerable body of cavalry ; which having crossed the Guadiana at Merida, and advanced upon Cacares, Lord Wellington ordered Sir Rowland Hill to move with the troops under his command into Estremadura. Lord Hill accordingly marched by Aldea del Cano, to Alcuesca; and, on the 27th of October 1811, having information that the French were in motion, he proceeded through Aldea, being a shorter route than that taken by the enemy, and afford- ing a hope of being able to intercept and bring him to action. On his march, Lord Hill learned that Girard had halted his main body at Arroyo del Molinos, leaving a rear-guard at Albala, which was a satisfactory proof that he was ignorant of the movements of the allied detachment. Lord Hill, therefore, determined to surprise him; and, accordingly, made a forced march to Alcuesca that evening, where the troops were so placed as to be out of sight of the enemy, and no fires were allowed to be made. On his arrival at this place, which is not more than a league from Arroyo, Lord Hill was more fully convinced that Girard was ignorant of his movements, and also extremely off his guard; he deter- mined, therefore, upon attempting to surprise him, or at least to bring him to action, before he should march in the morning; and the necessary dispositions were made for that purpose. 3 b 2 The 376 LORD HILL. The ground over which the troops were to manoeuvre being a plain, thinly scattered with oak and cork trees, Lord Hill's object was to place a body of troops so as to cut off" the retreat of the enemy either to Truxillo or Merida: he, therefore, moved the army from their bi- vouac (or resting-place without tents) near Alcuesca, about two in the morning of the 28th, in one column right in front, direct on Arroyo del Molinos. On arriving within half a mile of the town, when under cover of a low ridge, the column closed, and divided into three columns; the infantry being on the right and left, and the cavalry occupying the centre. As the day dawned, a violent storm of rain and thick mist came on, under cover of which the columns advanced according to the concerted plan; the left column proceeding for the town, under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart ; the 71st, and part of the 60th and 92d, at a greater distance; and the 50th, in close column, somewhat in the rear, with the guns as a reserve. The right column, under Major-Ge- neral Howard, having the 39th regiment in reserve, broke off to the right, so as to turn the enemy's left; and, having gained about the distance of a cannon-shot to that flank, it marched in a circular direction upon the further point of the crescent formed by the troops : whilst the cavalry, under Sir William Erskine, moved between the two columns of infantry, ready to act in front, or move | round either of them, as occasion might require. The advance of the British columns was unperceived by the enemy until they approached very near, at which moment they were filing out of the town upon the Merida road; the rear of the column, some of the cavalry, and ' part of the bagguge, being still within it. At this moment the 71st and 92d regiments charged into the town with cheers, and drove the enemy every i where at the point of the bayonet, having only a few of their men cut down by the enemy's cavalry. The enemy's infantry, which had got out of the town, had, by the time these regiments arrived at the extremity of it, formed into two squares, with the cavalry on their left; the whole were posted between the Merida and Medellin roads, fronting Alcuesca. These squares were formed close to the town; but the garden walls were promptly lined by the 71st light infantry, whilst the 92d filed out and LORD HILL. 377 and formed a line on the enemy's flank, the whole throw- ing in a hot and well-directed fire. In the mean time one wing of the 50th regiment occupied the town, and secured the prisoners; and the other wing, along with the three six-pounders, skirted the outside of it, the ar- tillery, as soon as within range, firing with great effect upon the squares. Whilst the enemy was thus occupied upon the right, General Howard's column continued moving upon their left; and the allied cavalry advancing, and crossing the head of the enemy's column, cut off the cavalry from the infantry, charging it repeatedly, and putting it to the rout. The 13th light dragoons at the same time took possession of the enemy's artillery. In this part of the business, the Spanish cavalry, under the Count dc Penna Villemur, behaved remarkably well; for the British cavalry having been somewhat delaved by the darkness of the night and badness of the road, the Spaniards were the first to form upon the plain, and gallantly engaged the t-nemy until the British came up. The whole body of the French were now in full re- treat: but General Howard's column having gained the point to which it was directed, and the left column coming fast upon them, they had no resource but to sur- render, or to disperse and ascend the mountain, which forms one extremity of the Sierra of Montanches, and is almost inaccessible. The latter attempt they preferred; and, scrambling up the eastern extremity, were followed closeiv by the 58th and 34th regiments, whilst the 39th, and Colone. Ash- worth's Portuguese infantry, followed round the foot of the mountain to take them in flank. As may be imagined, the enemy's troops were by this time in the utmost panic; the cavalry were flying a every direction, the infantry ihrowing away their arms, and the only effort of either was to escape. The troops under General Howard's command, as wed as those lie had sent round the point of the mountain, pursued them over the rocks, making prisoners at every steps un>il his own men became so exhausted, and few in Dumber, that it was necessary for him to halt and secure the prisoners. The force which Girard had with him at the com. nienceuient 37S LORD HILL. mencernent of the business, consisting of 2500 infantry and 600 cavalry, was now totally dispersed, or cap- tured ; amongst the latter of whom were General Brune, the Prince d'Aremberg, two lieutenant-colonels, an aide- de-camp, 30 captains and subalterns, and upwards of 1000 soldiers, with the whole of their baggage, artillery, commissariat, and even the contributions which they had recently levied. The enemy's loss in killed was also very severe, whilst, from the circumstances of the case, it was very trifling on the side of the British. Girard escaped himself, with two or three hundred men, but without arms ; and even these were much harassed in their retreat by the Spanish peasantry. At the opening of the British parliament in 1812, his Royal Highness the Prince Regent thus notices this brilliant affair : — " The successful and brilliant enterprise in Spanish Estremadura, of the destruc- tion of a French corps by a detachment of the allied army under Lieutenant-General Hill, is highly creditable to that distinguished officer, and the troops under his command, and has contributed materially to obstruct the designs of the enemy in that part of the Peninsula." In addition to this gratifying declaration, his Royal High- ness conferred on his Lordship the honour of Knight of the Bath, and appointed him Governor of Blackness Castle. Lord Hill was now entrusted with a separate com- mand in the Peninsula, for the purpose of watching and counteracting the operations of Soult, whilst the Duke of Wellington was pursuing his ulterior measures against the enemy. In this separate command, Lord Hill evinced the same judgment that had always distin- guished him in his military career ; but his proceedings have been so fully detailed in our Memoirs of the Duke of Wellington, that it will be superfluous to notice them again. In the battle of Vittoria Lord Hill bore a con- spicuous part, and might be considered the right hand of the illustrious Wellington on that glorious occasion. In all the subsequent battles, which led to the final ter- mination of hostilities, we find Lord Hill entrusted with the most important part of the operations; and in all the public dispatches the most unqualified praise is bestowed upon him by the Commander-in-chief. As a reward for his LORD HILL. 379 his eminent services, his Royal Highness the Prince Re- gent was pleased to raise him to the British peerage, by the name, stile, and title of Baron Hill of Almarez, and of Hawkestone in the county of Salop. In the late decisive battle of Waterloo, Lord Hill, as usual, bore a distinguished part; and, in noticing his ser- vices on that occasion, the Duke of Wellington says — " I am also particularly indebted to General Lord Hill, for his assistance upon this as upon all former occa- sions." We have nothing further to add to this Memoir; but shall conclude with wishing his Lordship many years of health and happiness, and that he may long enjoy his well-earned honours. ffizmaltz Jflemotns OF SIR W. SYDNEY SMITH, GRAND CROSS OF THE ROYAL SWEDISH MILITARY ORDER OF THE SWORD. HPHE interesting Memoirs of this justly celebrated offi- •*■ cer cannot fail of affording a high degree of pleasure to our readers; and it is with particular satisfaction we are enabled to give an authentic account of him. The father of Sir Svdney Smith was bred to the army, and served, during the early part of the war of 1756, as aide- de-camp to the Right Honourable Lord George Sackville. When the court-martial was held on the conduct of that nobleman, at Minden, Captain Smith came forward in the most zealous manner, not only as an evidence in his behalf, but as a warm and active friend. The charge against Lord Sackville is well known to have consisted in an imputed disobedience of the orders received from Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, whom by his commis- sion and instructions he was directed to obey. Sir William Sydney Smith, the subject of the present Memoir, entered into the navy at the early age of thir- teen years. He was born about the year 1764; and re- ceived the first rudiments of his education at Tunbridge school, then kept by Mr. Knox. In 1773 he was re- moved to Bath, where he was placed under the tuition of Mr. Morgan ; and in 1777 having commenced his maritime career, he not long afterwards removed into the Sandwich, commanded by Captain Young. Pre- vious to his actual embarkation, he had gone through a course of maritime studies, and had accordingly been rated for some time as belonging to the service, in con- formity with the indulgences and allowances then made, which permitted them. In 1780, he was promoted to the rank of Fifth Lieute- nant on board the Alcide, a ship of 74 guns, at that time SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 381 time under orders for the We9t Indies, whither she was to accompany the late Lord Rodney. The Alcide was commanded by the late Sir Charles Thompson; but Sir Sydney did not remain in the rank of Lieutenant more than two years ; and, being advanced to that of Comman- der, was appointed to the Fury sloop, of 18 guns, on the Jamaica station. Without removing from that quarter of the world, he was again promoted, on the 7th of May 1783, to the higher station of Post-Captain, by commis- sion, appointitig him to the Nemesis frigate, of twenty- eight guns. Peace having at this time taken place between all the belligerent powers, the Nemesis, after a short inter- val, was ordered to England ; where she was immediately put out of commission, and dismantled. After an irksome inactivity of nearly five years, on the prospect of a rup- ture between Sweden and Russia, Captain Smith, in 1788, with the permission of his own government, entered into the service of the former. As his conduct during the period of that northern war, in the complicated objects of which so many of the pow- ers of Europe were interested, was of such a nature as to bring his character into general notice, and even procure his admission into an order of knighthood of the court which he had served; it will be necessary to enter into a brief narrative of the several naval operations, but more particularly of the action commonly called the Battle of die Galleys, in which he most eminently distinguished himself. Toward the latter end of April 1790, the grand fleet of Sweden, under the command of the Duke of Sudei mania, consisting of twenty-three ships of the line, and eighteen frigates, sailed for Carlscrona, in the province of Smaland. The pretended object of the expedition was that of ob- structing the junction of two divisions of the Russian fleet, one of which was then riding at anchor in the port of Revel, the other in the port of Cronstadt; the real views, however, were more extensive, being no less than the capture of Revel, and the ruin of the enemy's fleet there. Both the latter designs were put into execution ; and though they were not attended with all the desired success, the conduct of them did not by any means tar- nish the credit of the officers concerned. On the 3d of vol. in. 3 c May 382 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 8 ' p J ' -— i May the Duke reached the heights of Hengo, and on the 13th carried his fleet into the port of Revel. The Russian fleet at anchor there consisted of three three- decked ships, eight others of the line, and five large fri- gates: independent of their own force, they were de- fended in a very advantageous manner by several batte- ries in the harbour, and the fortifications of the place, all of which were planted with heavy cannon. On the approach of the Swedes, a tremendous fire commenced from both sides; notwithstanding which, the Duke con- tinued the attack with the utmost intrepidity, and would, in all probability, have succeeded, had not, in conse- quence of the wind changing, a violent storm arose, which prevented several vessels from using their lower tiers, and kept others from taking any share in the action, so that in the end the fleet was forced to retire at the very moment in which the enemy was in a manner totally defeated. Nor was this all: thrcfugh the fury of the elements, one ship of sixty guns, after being dismasted, fell into the hands of the enemy; another of the same force, being also wrecked, was by his Highness's orders, set on fire and abandoned; and a third ran on shore, but was enabled to escape to sea again, by throwing over- board part of her guns. On the very next day, such was the diligence and zeal of the Duke, with the com- manders under his direction, that the fleet was again under sail, a league and a half from Norglon, and so completely repaired from all damage, that it waited with impatience for a second attack. Of the intervening engagements we shall not enter into a particular account, but proceed to that principal and successful battle in which Sir Sydney Smith was more immediately concerned ; premising only, that an unsuc- cessful attempt had been made by the King of Sweden, who commanded in person, to destroy the Russian coast- ing squadron at Viborg. The approach of the Prince of Nassau, with the Cronstadt division, had already ren- dered the position of the Swedes at the entrance of Viborg bay extremely critical, when the scarcity of am- munition, and the want of provisions, made their return to their own ports a measure of the first necessity. In this situation of affairs, the King resolved to avail him- self of a strong easterly wind, which set in on the 3d of June, SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 3S5 June, to gain Swenksund and Sweaborg. It was neces- sary for the fleet to penetrate through a narrow pass, and to sustain the fire of four Russian ships of the line, two of which were placed on each side the strait; find after this to engage the whole of Admiral Tschitschakoff's line, which was drawn up along the coast at a small distance, while his frigates were ranged among the islands which lie nearer the shore. The Swedish van, under Admiral Modee, passed the Narrows without suffering any essential loss, firing with great spirit both broadsides at the same time against the enemy. The cannonade from the four Russian ships was, however, so powerful, and so well supported, that it was resolved by the Duke of Sudermania to attempt their destruction; but this operation proved so unsuccessful, that the fire-ships em- ployed in it were driven upon two of his Royal High- ness's own fleet, a ship of the line and a frigate, both of which blew up. Confused in a considerable degree by this peculiarly distressful accident, the ships that were to follow were unable to proceed with the necessary order and circumspection ; four struck upon the rocks, and were left to the mercy of the enemy. During their further course along the coast, already diminished in their force, three more vessels of the line surrendered to the Russian flag. The engagement continued all night and part of the next day, and it was not till the evening that the Duke arrived at Sweaborg. The King himself, at the same time, after having lost six galleys, and a large number of smaller vessels, reached Swenksund with a considerable part of his remaining fleet. Though the events of the actions on the 3d and 4th of June were thus unfortunate to the Swedes, his Majesty was in a short time enabled to re-appear at sea in an effective condition to re-contest the victory, and ob- tain ample compensation for his former loss. Having supplied his ships with provisions and ammunition, and being joined by the division under Lieutenant-Colonel Cronstadt, which had not been able to reach the bay of Viborg, he sailed immediately, with a view to prevent the Prince of Nassau, who was advancing with the Cron- stadt and Viborg squadrons, from getting into the port of Fredericksham. This he was fortunate enough to ac- complish. An action took place on the 9th of July, in 3 c 2 which 384 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. which the King commanded in person. It began at half-past nine in the morning, and lasted twenty-four hours, with the intermission of a short space only at midnight, when darkness imposed a temporary ar- mistice. On the preceding day, several vessels of the Russian shore-fleet were discovered at Aspo ; on which the King, attended by M. de Cronstadt, went to reconnoitre. On the 9th, the Prince of Nassau advanced toward the Swedish shore, and the signal was made for the fleet to arrange itself in order of battle. The enemy formed the line by nine o'clock in the morning, and advanced toward Cape Musalo. The right wing of the Swedes advanced to meet them, and the firing commenced. The King, on board the Seraphim galley, made the signal for a general attack. The enemy approached with a brisk fire, which was so warmly returned by both the Swedish wings, that at noon the left of the enemy began to give way. Both the right and left of the Swedes, being reinforced by several divisions posted in the Sound, were enabled to continue the action with great spirit. The Russian line having likewise received some assistance, the larboard wing advanced again, and returned to the charge. About four o'clock some of their larger galleys quitted the line, and struck their colours. Several of these afterwards foundered, and others were taken by the Swedes. The Udema, one of the Swedish galleys, caught fire about six o'clock, and sunk. The same fate befel one of the Rus- sian xebecs; and, after this accident, the smaller vessels began to sheer off. Many of the heavy galleys continued firing till ten in the evening, and then got under sail: some ran on the shoals, and struck their flags. At eleven a cessation, produced by the darkness, took place; the prisoners were removed, and the conquered vessels taken possession of. At three the next morning the cannonade was renewed. One of the Russian frigates surrendered, and several of the small craft were taken : the enemy retreated on all sides, and set fire to their stranded ships. They were pursued till ten at night, and forty-five captured. Out of the Russian vessels which were sunk., one officer only and one surgeon were saved. Six of the stranded vessels were burnt by the Swedes. The victors computed the SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 335 the number of their prisoners at 4500, including 210 officers. This advantage being quickly succeeded by the peace of Reichenbach, Sir Sidney Smith retired from the Swe- dish service; and, on account of his marked and very intrepid conduct during this successful battle, was com- plimented with the grand cross of the Swedish order of the Sword. He had the additional honour of receiving the insignia of his knighthood from his own sovereign at St. James's. During the short period which intervened between the conclusion of the Swedish war, and the breaking out of the French revolutionary war, Sir Sydney, following the bent of his enterprising mind, became a volunteer in the Turkish service. This he, however, soon exchanged for that of his native country; for, towards the conclusion of the siege of Toulon, he repaired thither, and made a tender of his services to Lord Hood, by whom they were readily ac- cepted. The successes of the republican army besieging the city, and the misconduct and treachery of his allies the Neapolitans and Spaniards, having obliged Lord Hood to adopt the resolution of evacuating the place ; apian was therefore formed for destroying such ships as could not be carried away, as welt as the magazines and the arsenal. The Spanish admiral, Langara, undertook to give the necessary directions for destroying such as lay in the inner harbour, and to scuttle and sink the two-pounder vessels, which contained all the powder of the different French ships, as well as that belonging to the distant magazines within the enemy's reach. While the British fleet was busily engaged in embarking the troops, and such of the loyal inhabitants of Toulon as dreaded the vengeance of the republicans, the Spanish admiral neg- lected to fulfil what he had engaged to perform. Sir Sydney Smith had volunteered his services to burn the rest of the ships and the arsenal : that hazardous duty was entrusted to him, and he executed it in such a manner as to justify his appointment to the arduous task. He proceeded at night, with the Swallow tender, accom- panied by three English and three Spanish gun-boats, to the arsenal, where he was to wait for a given signal to commence the conflagration. On entering the dock- yard. 336 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. yard, he found the gates well secured, though the work- men manifested their hostile intentions by substituting the tri-coloured for the white cockade; and 600 galley- slaves, all of whom were either unchained, or employed in freeing themselves from their irons, seemed bent on resisJance. Unwilling to deprive these wretches of the only chance of escaping the dangers with which they were threatened, Sir Sydney gave them no interruption, but took the precaution to point the guns of the Swallow tender, so as to enfilade the quay, on which they must have landed in order to attack him. During these preparations, the enemy kept up a cross fire of shot and shells from the neighbouring hills: but, so far from having the intended effect, this powerfully seconded the operations of Sir Sydney's brave followers, by contributing to keep the galley-slaves in awe, and confining the republican party in the town to their own houses; while, on the other hand, the British sailors, instead of being confused by the fire, pursued their work with steadiness, and distributed their combustibles with- out much interruption from the enemy's efforts. Meanwhile a great number of the besiegers kept draw- ing down the hill towards the dock-yard wall, animating each other's enthusiasm by shouts and republican songs; and when the night closed, they approached so near as to pour in a quick but irregular fire both of musquetry and artillery. Discharges of grape, however, kept them at bay, and prevented their advancing near enough to discover the weakness of the English force. Other pre- cautions were necessary to guard against the Jacobins within. As a defence against these, a boat was so sta- tioned as to flank the wall on the outside; and, within, two field pieces were pointed against the wicket usually frequented by the workmen. The fire-ship, which was not ready when Sir Sydney began his preparations, was now towed into the great arsenal, and immediately placed across the tier of men-of-war lying there. Her arrival promised to insure their destruction; and the additional force of men and guns contributed to keep the galley- slaves in subjection. Their murmurs and tumultuous de- bates now ceased; and no sound was heard among them, but the noise of the hammer clanking against their irons, from which they were eagerly striving to set themselves free. SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 337 Sir Sydney now anxiously waited for the signal ; and no sooner was it made, than the combustibles were lighted, and the flames rose rapidly, though the stillness of the air was not favourable to the diffusion of the fire. The light of the conflagration rendered his little party distinct objects of aim, and made the enemy redouble their dis- charge. But, the Vulcan having been fired, her guns, which, on both sides, were pointed toward the places most likely to be forced, went oft' as the flames reached them, and checked the approach of the enemy ; but their shouts and republican songs continued to be heard, till a momentary cessation of hostilities was produced by the explosion of several thousand barrels of powder, in the Isis frigate, in the inner road. The Spaniards, instead of scuttling and sinking that vessel, had, as it afterwards appeared, treacherously set her on fire. The violence of the shock, and a shower of flaming timber, threatened to overwhelm the whole flotilla; but, fortunately, only one gun-boat, and one of the ships' boats, were destroyed. Both were blown to pieces: in one, an officer and three men perished ; the whole crew of the other were taken up alive. This accident, while it did little damage to Sir Sydney's flotilla, contributed greatly to appal the enemy, who only saw its terrific effects, without being conscious of their cause, or knowing what other dangers of a new and horrible nature might be in store for them. Having completed all the conflagration within his reach, Sir Sydney perceived, to his astonishment, that the Spaniards had not set fire to any of the ships in the bason before the town. He therefore hastened thither with the boats under his command ; but, to his extreme mortification, he found the boom at the entrance laid across, and was obliged to desist from his attempts to cut it, by the repeated volleys of musquetry directed towards his boats, from the flag-ship and the wall of the royal battery. He therefore proceeded to burn the Hero and Themistocle prison-ships, in the inner road, after disem- barking all the men. Scarcely was this service effected, when the explosion of a second powder-ship took place, by means equally unsuspected and perfidious, with a shock even greater than the first, and again threatened the whole detachment with destruction; but. the lives of Sir 38S SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. Sir Sydney and the gallant men who accompanied him were providentially saved from the imminent danger in which they were thus a second time placed. Having now set fire to every thing within their reach, exhausted their combustible preparation, and their strength, to such a degree that the men absolutely dropped at the oars, Sir Sydney and his daring companions di- rected their course to join the fleet, proceeding first to the place appointed for the embarkation of the troops, where they took off as many as the boats could carry. Ten ships of the line and several frigates were destroyed ; but the damage sustained by the enemy was at first sup- posed more severe than it afterwards appeared to have been. The grand magazines on shore escaped the ra- vages of the fire; the only buildings destroyed being some of the smaller store-houses. By the daring intrepidity and ability which Sir Sydney Smith displayed in this arduous undertaking, he recom- mended himself so strongly to the notice of the Admi- ralty, that, in 1794, he was appointed to the Diamond frigate of 38 guns. In this ship, as one of the squadron under Sir Edward Pellew, he assisted on the 27th of October, the same year, in capturing theRevolutionnaire, of 44 guns. At the beginning of 1795, he sailed from Falmouth, with a squadron of frigates, under the orders of Sir John Borlase Warren. On the 3d of January, the commodore detached Sir Sydney to reconnoitre Brest harbour, while he himself remained at some distance with the rest of the squadron. The wind being to the eastward, the Dia- mond was obliged to beat up. About two o'clock in the afternoon, three sail were observed working up, and were soon perceived to be French men-of-war, one of which soon afterwards anchored between Brest and Ushant. At five, the Diamond was also obliged to anchor within two miles of her, to wait for the flood-tide. At eleven, Sir Sydney again weighed, and passed within half a mile of the French ship, which he distinctly perceived to be of the line, under jury top-masts, and much disabled. About two in the morning of the 4th, the Diamond was well up with the entrance of Brest harbour, where a frigate was lying at anchor. The ebb tide making down before it was day-light, Sir Sydney was obliged to keep under SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 5S9 under sail, to prevent getting to leeward or creating sus- i picion, and he continued to stand across the harbour, often within musquet-shot of the enemy. At day-light ! he stood close in; and, having satisfied himself that the French fleet was at sea, he bore away to rejoin the com- modore. A corvette which was coming out of Brest hove to, and made a signal, which not being answered by the Diamond, she hauled her wind, and worked in again. Sir Sydney afterwards passed within hail of the line-of-battle ship, which was still at anchor: she ap- peared to have no upper deck guns mounted, and very leaky. He asked her commander, in French, if he wanted any assistance; to which he replied that he did not, adding, that he had been dismasted in a heavy gale, and had parted from the French fleet three days before. Some other conversation passed ; on which Sir Sydney crowded sail, and stood out to sea. He had so com- pletely deceived the Frenchmen by the manner in which he had disguised his ship, that they had not the smallest suspicion of her being an English man-of-war. The ability with which he executed this commission proved him to be as well qualified for delicate, as for daring en- terprises. On the 4th of July 1795, he distinguished himself ex- ceedingly in a bold but ineffectual attempt on two French ships, with their convoy, near the shore of La Hogue. Continuing on the same station, as well as occupied in the same species of service, he had, in the month of September following, the more fortunate opportunity of destroying a French corvette, which the squadron under his orders fell in with on the morning of the 2d. A chase of t'hree quarters of an hour brought him within gun-shot of her: she endeavoured to elude his pursuit in the labyrinth of rocks before Treguier; but the at- tempt proved fatal to her, for she struck on the Roenna, and soon after filling, fell over. Sir Sydney, with that generous humanity which, even among British officers, may be justly said to render him pre-eminent, immedi- ately ceased firing, and sent the boats of the several vessels to the relief of the crew. Her own boats, which were towing her, saved as many as they could contain ; those of Sir Sydney were not able to preserve more than nine in addition to the former. According to the ac- vol. in, 3 d count 390 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. count of the survivors, about twenty perished, exclusive of the captain, who was washed off the wreck a few mi- nutes before the English could reach him. The swell was so great that the vessel went to pieces very soon ; and Sir Sydney was obliged to anchor, to avoid a similar fate. In the month of March 1796, Sir Sydney greatly dis- tinguished himself in the attack of a French squadron which had taken shelter in Herqui. Notwithstanding the narrowness and intricacy of the channel, Sir Sydney stood in, and attacked the enemy's batteries, which were most gallantly stormed and carried by a party of seamen and marines. The vessels were all burnt, except an armed lugger. In this daring attack, two seamen were killed, and five wounded. The period of his services was now unfortunately drawing to a temporary stand. Eager in the pursuit of that system of warfare which he had already proved, himself so complete a master of, he had, in the ensuing month, the misfortune to fall into the hands of the ene- my. Being stationed off Havre de Grace, he captured, on the 18th of April 1790, with the boats of his squadron, being then on a reconnoitring expedition, a French lug- ger privateer, which, by the strong setting of the tide into the harbour, was driven above the forts. In this situation he remained the whole night; and the dawn of day discovering to the French the lugger in tow of a string of English boats, a signal of alarm was imme- diately given. Several gun-boats, and other armed ves- sels, attacked the lugger and the boats; and another lug- ger, of superior force, was warped out against that which he had captured. By this vessel he was engaged for a considerable time, with so much heavier metal as to render all resistance unavailing; and he had the mortifi- cation of being obliged to surrender himself a prisoner of war, with about nineteen of his people and compa- nions. The Diamond, in the meanwhile, remained in perfect safety, but was totally unable to afford assistance to her commander, on account of the dead calm which prevailed during the whole of the unfortunate transac- tion. When the officers on board the Diamond heard of the disaster which had befallen their gallant commander, they sent in a flag of truce to inquire whether he was wounded, SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 391 wounded, and to pray that he might be treated with kindness. To this message the governor answered, that i Sir Sydney was well, and that he should be used with the utmost humanity and attention. Of the history of his long and well-known imprison- ment, including a period of two years of his life (in which the several and successive rulers of France thought proper to deviate from the established custom of per- mitting the exchange of prisoners of war), and of his no less extraordinary and celebrated escape, the following singularly interesting particulars are gathered from a paper drawn up a short time after his return to London, by an intelligent French royalist. This gentleman col- lected his information from the lips of Sir Sydney him- self; and when he had reduced the several particulars into writing, he presented him the narrative for his per- usal. Sir Sydney allowed its veracity, and expressed his admiration at the fidelity with which the memory of his friend had enabled him to relate the whole of the circumstances. When he was taken, the gallant captain was accom- panied by his clerk, and M. de Tr , a French gentle- man, who had emigrated from his country, and who, it had been agreed, was to pass for his servant, in the hope of saving his life by that disguise. Their expec- tations were not frustrated; for John, as Sir Sydney called him, was fortunate enough to escape ad suspicion. On his arrival in France, he was treated at first with unexampled rigour, and was told that he ought to be tried by a military commission as a spy. The govern- ment, however, gave orders for his lemoval to Paris, when he was sent to the x\bbaye, and, together with his two companions in misfortune, kept a close prisoner. The means of escape now became the constant object on which Sir Sydney and his friends employed iheir minds. The window of their prison fronted the street; and from this circumstance they derived a hope, sooner or later, to effect their purpose. They presently contrived to carry on a silent and regular correspondence, by means of signs, with some women who could see them from their apartments, and who seemed to take a lively interest in their fate. They themselves proposed to assist in the liberation of Sir Sydney- an offer which he accepted 3 d 2 with 392 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. with great pleasure; and he has declared, that, notwith- withstanding the enormous expences occasioned by their unsuccessful attempts, they have not the less claim to his gratitude. Till the time of his deliverance, in which event however they had no share, their whole employ-v ment was that of endeavouring to save him; and they had the address, at all times, to deceive the vigilance of his keepers. On both sides borrowed names were used, under which correspondence was carried on. Those of the women were borrowed from the ancient mythology; so that Sir Sydney was now indulged with a direct com- munication with Thalia, Melpomene, and Clio. At length he was removed to the Temple; to which prison his three Muses soon contrived means of convey- ing intelligence, and plans for effecting his escape. On the first reception of these interesting projects, Sir Syd- ney, as was natural, uniformly accepted them all, and enjoyed for a time the prospect of success; but reflec- tion soon destroyed the hopes to which the love of li- berty had given birth. He was also resolved not to leave his English companion in prison, and still less poor John, whose safety (for, being a Frenchman, it involved his life) was more dear to him than his own emanci- pation. In the Temple, John was permitted to enjoy a consi- derable degree of liberty. He was dressed in the light costume of an English jockey, and knew how to assume the manners which belonged to that character. Every one was fond of John : he drank and fraternized with the turnkeys; he made love to the keeper's daughter, who was persuaded he would marry her; and as the lit- tle English jockey was not supposed to have received a very brilliant education, he had learnt, by means of study, sufficiently to mutilate his native tongue. John appeared very attentive to his service, and always spoke to his master in the most respectful manner. The master, on his part, scolded him from time to time with much gra- vity; and, to use his own words, frequently surprised himself in the act of forgetting the friend, and seriously giving orders to the valet. At length John's wife, Madame de Tr , a very in- teresting woman, arrived at Paris, and made uncommon exertions for the liberation of the companions. She dared SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 393 dared not come, however, to the Temple, through fear of discovery; but from a neighbouring house she daily be- held her husband, who, as he walked to and fro, enjoyed alike, in secret, the pleasure of contemplating the friend of his bosom. Madame de Tr soon communicated a plan for their escape to a sensible and courageous young man of her acquaintance, who acceded to it without the smallest hesitation. This Frenchman, who was sincerely attached to his country, said to Madame de Tr , " I will serve Sydney Smith with pleasure, because I believe the English government intends to restore Louis XVIII. to the throne; but if the commodore is to fight against France, and not for the King of France, heaven forbid I should assist him !" Ch. L'Oiseau (for that was the name which the young- Frenchman assumed) was connected with the agents of the King then confined in the Temple, for whom he was also contriving the means of escape, and it was intended they should all attempt to get off together. M. La Vilheurnois, being condemned to only a year's imprison- ment, was resolved not to quit his station; but Brothier and Duverne de Presle were to follow the example of Sir Sydney and his friends. Sir Sydney has since re- marked, that, had this scheme succeeded, this Duverne would not, perhaps, have ceased to be an honest man; for till then he had conducted himself as such. His con- dition at an after period, Sir Sydney thought, must be truly deplorable, as he did not believe him formed by nature for the commission of crimes. Every thing was now prepared for the execution of their project. The means proposed by Ch. L'Oiseau ap- peared practicable, and it was resolved to adopt them. A hole twelve feet long was to be made in a cellar ad- joining to the prison ; and the apartments to which the cellar belonged were at their disposal. Mademoiselle D , laying aside every prudential consideration, ge- nerously came to reside there for a week ; and, being young, the other lodgers attributed to her alone the fre- quent visits of Ch. L'Oiseau. Thus every thing seemed to favour their wishes. No one in the house in question had any suspicions ; and the amiable little child which Mademoiselle D had with her, and who was only seven years old, was so far from betraying the secret, that she 394 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. she always beat a little drum, and made a noise, while the work was going on in the cellar. Meanwhile, L'Oiseau had continued his labours a con- siderable time without any appearance of day-light, and he was apprehensive he had attempted the opening consi- derably too low. It was necessary, therefore, that the wall should be sounded; and for this purpose a mason was required. Madame de Tr — — recommended one, and Ch. L'Oiseau not only undertook to bring him, but to detain him in the cellar till they had escaped, which was to be effected that very day. The worthy mason perceived the object was to save some of the victims of misiortune, and came without hesitation. He only said, " If I am arrested, take care of my poor chil- dren." But what a misfortune now frustrated all their hopes 1 Though the wall was sounded with the greatest precau- tion, the last stone fell out, and rolled into the garden of the Temple. Tbe centinel perceived it; the alarm was given, the guard arrived, and all was discovered. Fortu- nately, however, their friends had time to make their escape, and none of them were taken. They had, in- deed, taken their measures with the greatest care; and when the Commissaries of the Bureau Central came to examine the cellar and apartment, they found only a few pieces of furniture, trunks filled with logs of wood and hay, and the hats with tri-coloured cock- ades provided for their flight, as those they wore were black. This first attempt, though extremely well conducted, having failed, Sir Sydney wrote to Madame de Tr — — , to console both her and their young friend, who was mi- serable at having foundered just as he was going into port. The confederates were so far, however, from suf- fering themselves to be discouraged, that they still con- tinued to form new schemes for his deliverance. The keeper perceived it; and Sir Sydney was frequently so open as to acknowledge the fact. " Commodore," said he," your friends are desirous of liberating you, and they only discharge their duty: I also am doing mine in watching you still more narrowly.'.' Though this keeper was a man of unparalleled strictness, yet he never de- parted from the rules of civility and politeness. He treated SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 395 treated all the prisoners with kindness, and even piqued himself on his generosity. Various proposals were made to him, but he rejected them all, and kept the closer watch; disdaining at the same time, no less decidedly, to report the attempts that were made either to corrupt himself, or to break from his custody. One day, when Sir Sydney dined with him, he observed that the atten- tion of his prisoner was fixed on a window then partly open, which looked upon the street. Sir Sydney saw his uneasiness, and suffered himself for a few moments to enjoy the amusement that it afforded; however, to put an end to it, he said to him laughing, " I know what you are thinking of; but fear not. It is now three o'clock: I will make a truce with you till midnight; and I give you my word of honour, that till that time, even were the doors open, I would not escape. When that hour is passed, my promise is at an end, and we are enemies again." " Sir," replied he, " your word is a safer bond than my bars and bolts; till midnight, therefore, I am perfectly easy." When they rose from table, he took Sir Sydney aside, and speaking with warmth, said, " Commodore, the Boulevard is not far: if you are inclined to take the air there, I will conduct you." Sir Sydney's astonishment was extreme; nor could he conceive how this man, who appeared so severe, could thus suddenly persuade him- self to make him such a proposal. He accepted it, how- ever; and in the evening they went out. From that time forward this confidence always continued. Whenever Sir Sydney was desirous to enjoy perfect liberty, he offered his keeper a suspension of arms till a certain hour. This his generous enemy never refused; but when the armistice was at an end, his vigilance was unbounded. Every post was examined ; and if the go- vernment ordered that he should be kept closer than before, the command was executed with the most rigid care. Thus Sir Sydney was again free to contrive and prepare for his escape, and the keeper to treat him with the utmost rigour. This man had a very accurate idea of honour, fie often said to him, " Were you even under sentence of death, I would permit you to go out on your parole, because I should be certain of your return. Many very honest 396 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. honest prisoners, and I myself among the rest, would not return in the like case; but an officer, and especially an officer of distinction, holds his honour dearer than his life. I know it to be a fact, Commodore; and therefore I should be less uneasy if you desired the gates to be always open." His keeper was right. While he enjoyed his liberty, he endeavoured to lose sight of the idea of escape; and he even felt that he should have been averse to employ for that object means that had occurred to his imagina- tion during the hours of freedom. One day, he received a letter containing matter of great importance, which he had the strongest desire to read without delay: but, as its contents related to his intended deliverance, he asked leave to return to his room, and break off the truce. The keeper, however, refused ; saying, with a laugh, he wanted to take some sleep. Accordingly he lay down, and Sir Sydney postponed the perusal of his letter till the evening. Meanwhile, no opportunity of flight offered. On the contrary, the Directory ordered their truly noble pri- soner to be treated with severity. The keeper punc- tually obeyed all the orders he received; and he, who on the preceding evening had granted him the greatest li- berty, now doubled his guard, in order to exercise a more perfect vigilance. Among the prisoners was a man condemned for cer- tain political offences to ten years' confinement, and whom all the other prisoners suspected of acting in the detestable capacity of a spy upon his companions. Their suspicions, indeed, appeared to have some foundation; and Sir Sydney felt the greatest anxiety on account of his friend John. He was however fortunate enough, soon after, to obtain his liberty. An exchange of pri- soners being about to take place, he applied to have his servant included in the cartel; and though this request might easily have been refused, happily, no difficulty arose, and it was granted. When the day of the kind and affectionate John's de- parture arrived, he could scarcely be prevailed upon to leave the Commodore, till at length he yielded to his most earnest entreaties. They parted with tears in their eyes, which to Sir Sydney were the tears of pleasure, because SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 397 because his friend was leaving a situation of the greatest danger. The amiable jockey was regretted by every one: the turnkeys drank a good journey to him; nor could the girl he had courted help weeping for his departure; while her mother, who thought John a very good youth, hoped she should one day call him her son- in-law. Sir Sydney was soon informed of his arrival in London ; and this circumstance rendered his own captivity less painful. He would have been happy to have also ex- changed his secretary ; but as he had no other dangers to encounter than those which were common to them both, he always rejected the idea, considering it as a violation of that friendship of which he had given Sir Sydney so many proofs. On the 4th of September (18th Fructidor) 1797, the rigour of his confinement was still farther increased. The keeper, whose name was Lasne, was displaced ; Sir Syd- ney was again kept a close prisoner, and, together with his liberty, lost the hopes of a peace, which he had thought approaching, and which the revolution that then took place contributed to postpone. At this time a proposal was made to him for his escape, which he adopted as his last resource. The plan was, to have forged orders drawn up for his removal to another prison, and thus to carry him off. A French gentleman, M. de Phelipeaux, a man of equal intrepidity and gene- rosity, offered to execute this enterprise. The order being accurately imitated, and, by means of a bribe, the real stamp of the minister's signature procured, nothing remained but to find men bold enough to put the plan in execution. Phelipeaux and Ch. L'Oiseau would eagerly have undertaken it; but both being known, and even notorious, at the Temple, it was absolutely neces- sary to employ others. Messrs. B and L , there- fore, both men of tried courage, accepted the office with pleasure and alacrity. With this order, then, they came to the Temple, M. B in the dress of an adjutant, and M. L as an officer. The keeper having perused the order, and at- tentively examined the minister's signature, went into another room, leaving the two deliverers, for some time, in the crudest uncertainty and suspense. At length he vol. in. 3 e returned. 39S SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. returned, accompanied by the register (or greffier) of the prison, and ordered Sir Sydney to be called. When the register informed him of the orders of the Directory, he pretended to be very much concerned at it; but the adjutant assured him, in the most serious manner, that " the government was very far from intending to aggra- vate his misfortunes, and that he would be very comfort- able at the place whither he was ordered to conduct him." Sir Sydney expressed his gratitude to all the servants employed about the prison, and, as may be imagined, was not very long in packing up his clothes. On his return, the register observed, that at least six men from the guard would be requisite; and the adjutant, without being at all confounded, acquiesced in the jus- tice of the remark, and gave orders for them to be called out. On reflection, however, and remembering, as it were, the laws of chivalry and honour, he addressed him- self to Sir Sydney, saying, " Commodore, you are an officer; I am an officer also : your parole will be enough; give me that, and I have no need of an escort." " Sir," replied Sir Sydney, " if that is sufficient, I swear upon the faith of an officer to accompany you wherever you choose to conduct me." Every one applauded this noble action ; while Sir Sydney and his friends found con- siderable difficulty in maintaining a serious deportment. The keeper now asked for a discharge, and the register gave the book to M. B — — , who boldly signed it, with a proper flourish, " UOger, Adjutant-General." Mean- while, Sir Sydney employed the attention of the turn- keys, and loaded them with favours, to prevent them from having time to reflect; nor indeed did they seem to have any other attention than their own advantage. The register and keeper accompanied the party as far as the second court. At length, the last gate was opened, end they were left alone, after a long interchange of cere- mony and politeness. They instantly entered a hackney coach, and the adju- tant ordered the coachman to drive to the suburb of St. Germain; but the fellow had not gone an hundred paces before he broke his wheel against a post, and hurt an un- fortunate passenger. This unlucky accident brought a crown round them, who were very angry at the injury the stranger sustained. They quitted the coach, took their SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 399 their portmanteaus in their hands, and went off in an instant. Though the people observed the party much, they did not say a word to them, but only abused the coachman. When the latter demanded his fare, M. L , through an inadvertency that might have caused them to be arrested, gave him a double louis- d'or. Having parted when they quitted the carriage, Sir Sydney arrived at the appointed rendezvous with only his secretary and M. de Phelipeaux, who had joined them near the prison; and though very desirous of waiting for his two other friends, to thank and take his leave of them, yet M. de Phelipeaux having justly observed that there was not a moment to be lost, he postponed till another opportunity his expressions of gratitude to his deliverers, and immediately set off for Rouen, where M. R had made every preparation for their re- ception. At Rouen Sir Sydney and his friend were obliged to stay several days ; and, as their passports were perfectly regular, they did not take much care to conceal them- selves, but in the evening walked about the town, or took the air on the banks of the Seine. At length, every thing being ready for him to cross the Channel, Sir Sydney quitted Rouen, and, without en- countering any farther danger, arrived in Loudon in May 1798, together with his clerk, and his friend M. de Phelipeaux, who could not be prevailed upon to separate. He was welcomed in England by the general congratula- tion of the people. His arrival was considered as a miracle, which few who heard it knew how to believe. His sovereign received him with the warmest affection, and afforded him every mark of attention, net only by his behaviour at his public presentation, but by honouring him with an immediate and private interview at Bucking- ham House. In the month of June following, he was appointed to the command of theTigre, of 80 guns; and, in Novem- ber, sailed for the Mediterranean, where he was honoured with a distinct command, as an established commodore on the coast of Egypt. Sir Sydney Smith now entered upon a career which has immortalized his name, and which in splendour out- 3 e 2 strips 400 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. strips all his former deeds. He repaired to Constanti- nople, to hasten the measures which the Porte was con- certing for the expulsion of the French from Egypt. Buonaparte, being informed that his arrival was to be the signal for offensive operations, resolved to anticipate them, and to march to Syria to destroy the preparations which Ghezzar (who had been nominated Pacha of Egypt by the Grand Seignor) was there making. He ac- cordingly marched with great rapidity towards that pro- vince, reduced the fort of El Arisch, and took Jaffa by storm ; after which he directed his course towards Acre, the residence of Ghezzar. Meanwhile Sir Sydney Smith, finding that the Porte was not yet prepared to make any efficient attempt for the recovery of Egypt, proceeded to the coast; and, being apprised of the first movements of Napoleon, endeavoured to check his career by at- tacking Alexandria, which he bombarded without fur- ther injury to the French than the destruction of two transports. After this fruitless enterprise, he sailed to the assist- ance of the Pacha of Syria, who at first entertained no idea of defending himself in Acre, anxious only to se- cure his retreat and convey away his women and trea- sures. Sir Sydney Smith anchored in the road of Caiffa, with the Tigre, Theseus, and Alliance frigate, two days before the French made their appearance. In this in- terval, Captain Miller of the Theseus, and Sir Sydney's friend Colonel Phelipeaux, who accompanied him in this expedition, endeavoured to put the place in a better state of defence, so that it might withstand the attack of an European army. The presence of a British naval force appeared to encourage the Pacha and his troops, and to decide them to make a vigorous resistance. The French advanced guard was discovered at the foot of Mount Carmel, in the night of March the 17th, by the Tigre's gun-boats. These troops, not expecting to find a naval force of any description in Syria, took up their ground close to the water-side, and were conse^- quently exposed to the fire of grape-shot from the boats, which put them to the rout the instant it opened upon them, and obliged them to retire precipitately up the mount. The main body of the army, finding the road between tlie sea and Mount Carmel thus exposed, came in SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 401 in by that of Nazareth, and invested the town of Acre to the east. As the French returned the fire of the English by mus- quetry only, it was evident they had not brought cannon with them, which was therefore to be expected by sea, and measures were accordingly taken by Sir Sydney Smith for intercepting them. The Theseus was already detached off Jaffa. The French flotilla, which came in from sea, fell in with and captured the Torride, and was coming round Mount Carmel when it was discovered from the Tigre, consisting of a corvette and nine sail of gun-vessels. On seeing the English, they instantly hauled off: the ships immediately made sail after them; their guns soon reached them, and seven struck. These gun- boats were loaded, besides their own complement, with battering cannon, ammunition, and every kind of siege- equipage, for the French army before Acre. The cor- vette containing Buonaparte's private property, and two smaller vessels, escaped ; since it became an object to secure the prizes without chasing further, their cargoes, destined for the siege of Acre, being much wanted for its defence. The prizes were accordingly anchored oft' the town, manned from the ships, and immediately em- ployed in harassing the enemy's posts, impeding his ap- proaches, and covering the ships' boats, sent further in- shore to cut off his supplies of provisions conveyed coastwise. The check which the French army had met with, and the loss of their heavy cannon and stores, made Buona- parte draw back his out-posts, and encamp his army on an insulated height, which borders the sea at about a mile distance. After taking possession of SatVet, Naza- reth, and Scheffan, in order to clear the passes on the road to Damascus, Buonaparte reconnoitred Acre more accurately with his officers of artillery and engineers, and determined to attack the front on the east end of the town. On the 20th of March, the trench was opened, at 900 feet from the place. The French pushed their works at first with so much activity, that the ninth day after the opening of the trench they had twelve pieces of cannon and four mortars mounted, and played with such effect as to pierce the tower, while a branch of the mine had been pushed on to blow up the counterscarp. The mine 402 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. mine was sprung, but it only made a hole in the glacis: the French thought the counterscarp injured. The ditch, which had been badly reconnoitred, had appeared of but little depth. The ardour of the grenadiers, and the con- tempt with which the taking of Jaffa had inspired them for this kind of fortification, did not suffer them to hesitate. Instead, however, of finding every obstacle smoothed and levelled, they were stopped by a ditch of fifteen feet, of which scarcely half was filled up by the rubbish of the breach : they plunged into it, placed lad- ders, climbed the breach, but found themselves separated by the counterscarp from the troops which were to sup- port them. The officers who headed the attack, under a most tremendous fire, perished. The Turks who had abandoned the tower, re-entered it; and the French retreated to their trenches. During this time, the ships under the command of Sir Sydney Smith had been forced to sea under a heavy gale, excepting the Alliance, and prize gun-boats, which fortunately rode out the storm. On his return, he found that Captain Wilmot had been indefatigable in mounting the prize guns, under the direction of Colonel Phelipeaux, and that the fire had slackened that of the French. As there was much to be apprehended from the effect of the mine which led under the counterscarp, a sortie was determined on : the seamen and marines were to force their way into it, while the Turkish troops attacked the enemy's trenches on the right and left. The sally took place just before day-light on the morning of the 9th of April. The impetuosity and noise of the Turks rendered the attempt to surprise the enemy abortive; though in other respects they displayed great valour. Lieutenant Wright, of the Tigre, who commanded the seamen pio- neers, notwithstanding he received two shots in his right arm as he advanced, entered the mine with the pikemen, and proceeded to the bottom of it, where he verified its direction, and destroyed all he could in its then state, by pulling down the supporters. Major Douglas of the ma- rines, to whom Sir Sydney had given the necessary rank of Colonel, to enable him to take the command of the Turkish officers of that rank, supported the seamen in this desperate service with great gallantry, under the encreased fire of the French, bringing off Lieutenant Wright, SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 403 Wright, who had scarcely strength left to get out of the enemy's trench (from which they were not dislodged), with the rest of the wounded. The only officer killed on this occasion was Major Oldfield of the marines. About the 1st of May, Buonaparte was strengthened by the arrival of some pieces of battering artillery, three twenty-four-pounders, brought'by the frigates under Vice- Admiral Peree to Jaffa, and six eighteen-pounders, brought from Damietta. These pieces were immediately planted against the town; and the siege was carried on with redoubled vigour. At this period the French met with a great loss in General CarFarelli, one of their prin- cipal engineers, who died of the wounds he had received. They continued to batter in breach with progressive suc- cess, and nine several times attempted to storm, but were as often beaten back with immense slaughter. Sir Sydney had been long anxiously looking for a rein- forcement. The delay in its arrival being occasioned by Hassan Bey's having originally received directions to join Sir Sydney in Egypt, he was obliged to be very peremptory in the repetition of his orders to join him at Acre. It was not, however, til! the evening of the thirty- first day of the siege that his fleet of corvettes and trans- ports made its appearance. The approach of this additional strength was the sig- nal to Buonaparte for a most vigorous and persevering assault, in hopes to get possession of the town before the reinforcement to the garrison could disembark. The constant fire of the besiegers was suddenly increased tenfold ; the flanking fire of the English from r.float was as usual plied to the utmost, but with less effect than heretofore, as the French had thrown up epaulements and traverses of sufficient thickness to protect them from it. The guns that could be worked to the greatest advantage were a French brass eighteen-pounder in the light-house castle, manned from the Theseus, under the direction of Mr. Scroder, master's mate, and the last-mounted twenty- four-pounder, in the north ravelin, manned from the Tigre, under the direction of Mr. Jones, midshipman. These guns being at grape-shot distance of the head of the attacking column, added to the Turkish musquetryj did great execution The Tigre's two sixty-eight pound carronades, mounted in two genus lying in the mole, and worked 404 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH, worked under the direction of Mr. Bray, carpenter of the Tigre, threw shells into the centre of this column with evident effect, and checked it very considerably. Still, however, the French gained ground, and made a lodg- ment in the second story of the north-east tower. The upper part being entirely battered down, and the ruins of the ditch forming the ascent by which they mounted, day-light shewed the French standard on the outer angle of the tower. The fire of the besieged was much slack- ened in comparison of that of the besiegers; and the flanking fire was become of less effect, the French having covered themselves in this lodgment, and the approach of it, by two traverses across the ditch which they had constructed under the fire that had been opposed to them during the whole night, and which were now seen, composed of sand-bags and the bodies of their dead built in with them, their bayonets being only visible above them. Hassan Bey's troops were in the boats, though as yet but half-way in shore. This was a most critical point of the contest ; an effort was necessary to preserve the place for a short time till their arrival. Sir Sydney Smith, accordingly landed the boats at the mole, and took the crews up to the breach armed with pikes. The compa- nions of Sir Sydney proved themselves worthy of their leader; and the effect produced by the arrival of a rein- forcement of such men at so critical a moment is not to be described. The enthusiastic gratitude of the Turks — men, women, and children — knew no bounds. Many fugitives returned with them to the breach, which they found defended by a few brave Turks, whose most de- structive missile weapons were heavy stones, which striking the assailants on the head overthrew the fore- most down the slope, and impeded the progress of the rest. A succession, however, ascended to the assault, the heap of ruins between the parties serving as a breast- work for both : the muzzles of their musquets touching, and the spear-heads of the standards locked. Ghezzar Pacha, hearing that the English were on the breach, quitted his station, where, according to the ancient Turkish custom, he was sitting to reward such as should bring him the heads of the enemy, and distributing mus- quet-caitridges with his own hands. The energetic old man. SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 405 man, coming behind them, pulled them down with vio- lence, saying, if any harm happened to his old friends all was lost. This amicable contest as to who should defend the breach occasioned a rush of Turks to the spot, and time was gained for the arrival of the first body of Hassan Bey's troops. Sir Sydney Smith had now to combat the Pacha's re- pugnance to admit any troops but his Albanians into the garden of his seraglio, which had become a very impor- tant post, as occupying the terrepleiu of the rampart. There were not above 200 of the 1000 Albanians left alive. This was no time for debate; and Sir Sydney overruled his objection, by introducing the Chifflic regiment of 1000 men, armed with bayonets, disciplined after the European method. The garrison, animated by the appearance of such a reinforcement, was now all on foot ; and there being consequently enough to defend the breach, Sir Sydney proposed to the Pacha to get rid of the object of his jealousy, by opening the gates to let them sally and take the assailants in flank. He readily complied ; and Sir Sydney gave directions to the Colonel to get possession of the enemy's third parallel, or nearest trench, and there fortify himself by shifting the parapet outwards. This order being clearly understood, the gates were opened, and the Turks rushed out; but they were not equal to such a movement, and they w r ere driven back with loss. Mr. Bray, however, as usual, protected the town gates efficaciously with grape from the 68- pounrlers. The sortie had this good effect, that it obliged the French to expose themselves above their parapets, so that the flanking fire brought down numbers of them, and drew their force from the breach, consequently the small number remaining on the lodgment were killed or dispersed by hand-grenades. The French began a new breach, by an incessant fire directed to the southward of the lodgment, every shot knocking down whole sheets of the wall, much less solid than that of the tower, on which they had ex- pended so much time and ammunition. The group of generals and aides-de-camp, which the shells from the 68-pounders had frequently dispersed, was now assembled on Richard CoBur de Lion's Mount. Buonaparte was distinguishable in the centre of a semicircle : hisgesticula- vol. Hi. 3 f tions 406 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. tions indicated a renewal of the attack, and his dispatch- ing an officer to the camp shewed that he only waited for a reinforcement. Sir Sydney Smith gave directions for Hassan Bey's ships to take their station in shoal water to the southward, and made the Tigre a signal to weigh and join the Theseus to the northward. A little before sun set, a massy column appeared ad- vancing to the breach with a solemn step. The Pacha's idea was, not to defend the breach at this time; but rather to let a certain number of the French in, and then close with them, according to the Turkish mode of war. The column thus mounted the breach unmolested, and descended from the rampart into the Pacha's garden, where, in a few minutes, the bravest and most advanced amongst them lay headless corpses ; the sabre, with the addition of a dagger in the other hand, proving more than a match for the bayonet: the rest retreated precipi- tately; and the commanding officer, who was seen man- fully encouraging his men to mount the breach, was carried off, wounded by a musquet-shot. General Rom- baud was killed. Much confusion arose in the town from the actual entry of the French, it having been im- possible, and even impolitic, to give previous information to every one of the mode of defence adopted, lest the enemy should come to a knowledge of it, by means of his numerous emissaries. The English uniform, which had hitherto served as a rallying point for the old gar- rison wherever it appeared, was now, in the dark, mis- taken for French, the newly-arrived Turks not distin- guishing between one hat and another in the crowd ■ and thus many a severe blow of the sabre was parried by the English officers, some of whom had nearly lost their lives as they were forcing their way through a crowd of fugitives. Calm was restored by the Pacha's exertions; and thus the contest of twenty-five hours ended, both parties being so fatigued as to be unable to move. After several in- effectual assaults, the French had no alternative left but a precipitate retreat, which was put in execution in the night between the 20th and 21st. The battering-train of artillery, except the carriages, which were burnt, fell into the hands of the English, amounting to 23 pieces. The howitzers, and medium twelve-pounders, originally con- veyed SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 407 veyed by land with much difficulty, and successfully em- ployed to make the first breach, were embarked in the country vessels at Jaffa, to be conveyed coastwise, to- gether with the worst among the 2000 wounded, which embarrassed the march or" the army. This operation was to be expected; Sir Sydney took care, therefore, to be between Jaffa and Damietta, before the French army could reach the former place. The vessels being hurried to sea without seamen to navigate them, and the wounded being in want of every necessary, even water and pro- visions, they steered straight to the English ships, in full confidence of receiving the succours of humanity; in which they were not disappointed. Thus terminated this remarkable siege, which con- tinued without intermission for sixty days, and in which the hitherto victorious Napoleon, at the head of 13,000 men, was baffled in his repeated and desperate attempts to make himself master of an almost defenceless town, by a handful of English seamen, and was at last obliged to return with disgrace, with the loss of one fourth of his men, and all his artillery. The loss of the English amounted to 216. According to the custom of the Turks, the heads of 13 French generals, and 300 officers, who fell into their hands, were forwarded to the Grand Seignior, in the front of whose palace they were pub- licly exposed; seven bags full of the ears of French sol- diers, killed in Syria, were likewise sent him. On receiving intelligence of the important services of Sir Sydney Smith, the Emperor sent him an aigrette and sable fur, similar to that presented to Lord Nelson, worth 25,000 piastres. Nor were his services without their re- ward in his own country. The King, in his speech at the opening of the ensuing session of parliament, noticed the heroism of Sir Sydney Smith, and expressed how much the country was likely to be benefited by his ex- ertions. Parliament voted to him, and the officers and men under his command, their thanks for his eminent services. Having left every necessary assistance with the Turkish army for its future operations against the common enemy, Sir Sydney repaired to the different islands in the Archipelego and Constantinople, to refit his small squa- dron, and to concert with the Ottoman Porte the most effectual measures to extirpate the French from Egypt. 3 r 2 In 408 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. In the mean time, Buonaparte had advanced with the greater part of his army, and attacked that of the Turks in their entrenched camp before Aboukir, which, after a most desperate and bloody conflict, was stormed and carried, together with that of Aboukir. The carnage was dreadful on both sides: the greater part of the Turkish army perished either by the sword, or were drowned in attempting to get off to the vessels in the bay. The French army also suffered a considerable loss, amongst which were several of their principal officers. Sir Sydney Smith, who had just arrived in the bay, was witness of this defeat, without having it in his power to render the Turks the least assistance. Towards the end of October, a considerable reinforce- ment of troops and ships had arrived from Constan- tinople. This accession of strength determined Sir Syd- ney to proceed to the mouth of the Damietta branch of the Nile, and to make an attack upon it, to draw the at- tention of the enemy that way; which, as had been agreed with the Grand Vizier, would leave him more at liberty to advance with the grand army on the side of the Desert. For this purpose the coast was sounded, and the pass to Damietta marked with buoys and gun-boats. The attack was begun by the Tigre's gun-boats with great resolution, and the Turks took possession of a ruined castle, from which the French in vain endeavoured to dislodge them. On the 1st of November the troops were disembarked: at first a considerable advantage W3S gained over the French, and they were completely routed; but the impetuosity of Osman Aga, and the troops he commanded as a corps de reserve, who rushed imprudently forward in pursuit of the fugitives before they were commanded, soon turned the fate of the day. The French availed themselves of their superior tactics; rushed on the Turks with such fury, that they were thrown into the utmost confusion and disorder, fled to the water-side, and, throwing themselves into the sea, implored the assistance of the boats, which, with much difficulty and danger, saved all those who were not taken prisoners. Buonaparte having succeeded in effecting his escape from Egypt, the command of the French army was en- trusted to General Kleber, who was induced, by the hope- less SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 409 less situation in which he found himself, to agree to evacuate Egypt, on condition of obtaining a safe con- duct to France. A convention to this effect was signed between that General and the Porte, and by Sir Sydney on the part of England. The British government, how- ever, denied the authority of Sir Sydney to conclude the convention of El Arisch, and they refused to ratify it: Lord Keith peremptorily informed General Kleber, that a passage to France would not be allowed. This intelli- gence roused the drooping courage of the French, who were now rendered desperate by necessity; and Kleber prepared anew to dispute the possession of the country he had so lately been willing to evacuate. Whether Sir Sydney was, or was not furnished with powers to treat, it soon became evident how politic it would have been to have ratified his convention, the violation of which in- curred an expenditure of many millions of treasure, and the loss of many thousands of lives, in the expedition which it was afterwards found necessary to send out for the re-conquest of Egypt. No sooner was Sir Sydney Smith informed of the dis- approval of the treaty by his government, than he gave notice of the rupture to the French general at Cairo. On the faith of the convention, the Turkish army had ad- vanced as far as Heliopolis, where the French accordingly met and totally defeated it. Sir Sydney's honourable frankness towards the enemy so much displeased the Turks, that, on the arrival of the British army to co- operate in the reduction of Egypt, the Captain Pacha insisted on the recal of Sir Sydney. The Turks pro- bably never forgave that generous honesty which would not betray an enemy, and they attributed to him the de- feat of the Grand Vizier at Heliopolis. Notwithstanding the honourable conduct of Sir Syd- ney in a great variety of instances during his services in Egypt, he was not exempt from a considerable share of abuse on the part of his illustrious opponent; and direct charges against him were openly promulgated, as the following will shew : — " The General-in-Chief to the Chief of the Etat- Major General." " The commander of the English squadron before Acre having had the barbarity to embark on board a vessel 410 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. vessel which was infected with the plague the French prisoners made in the two tartans, laden with ammuni- tion, which he took near Caiflfa ; having been remarked at the head of the barbarians in the sortie which took place on the ISth, and the English flag having been at the same time flying over many towers in the place; the barbarous conduct which the besieged displayed in cutting off the heads of the two volunteers which were killed, must be attributed to the English commander; — a conduct which is very opposite to the honours which have been paid to English officers and soldiers found upon the field of battle, and to the attentions which have been shewn to the wounded, and to prisoners. The English being those who defend and provision Acre, the horrible conduct of Ghezzar, who caused to be strangled and thrown into the water, with their hands tied behind their backs, more than 200 Christians, inhabitants of this country, among whom was the secretary of the French Consul, must be equally attributed to this officer; since, from circumstances, the Pacha found himself entirely dependent upon him. This officer, besides, having refused to execute any of the articles of exchange established between the two powers, and his proposals in all the communications which have taken place; and his conduct, since the time he has been cruising here, having been that of a madman ; my desire is, that you order the different commanders on the coast to give up all communication with the English fleet actually cruising in these seas," (Signed) " Buonaparte." Sir Robert Wilson, in animadverting upon the charges here exhibited against Sir Sydney, says, " Many, perhaps, will think them too contemptible to be noticed ; but there are others, who, infatuated with Buonaparte, instance grounds for recrimination. I therefore shall briefly ob- serve, first, as to the massacre of the Christians, that Ghezzar Pacha, previous to the disembarkation of any individual from the English ships, caused thirty men in the French interest to be strangled, foreseeing that re- sistance would be made to the act, if not perpetrated before Sir Sydney's landing. That the embarkation of prisoners in vessels infected with the plague is a ludi- crous charge ; for would Sir Sydney, in that case, have placed SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 41 1 placed an English guard over them. So contrary, how- ever, is the fact, that some French sick embarked after- wards at Jaffa for Damietta in eight or ten tartans, having heard of the kind treatment their comrades experienced, stood out to the Tigre, then cruising off, and surrendered themselves. The charge of cutting off the heads of dead men is frivolous; besides, how could Sir Sydney abolish the practice? and it is urged with some effrontery by the man who a short time since butchered in cold blood near 4000 Turks. The abusive part is too low to be noticed ; but I will exalt the victorious adversary of Buonaparte even higher than his character has yet reached, by relating, that when Sir Sydney found that the French had raised the siege of Acre, he sailed for Jaffa, off which place he stood close in with the shore, and saw a body of the enemy filing into the town. Immediately he cannonaded what he supposed was an enemy, and his shot evidently did considerable execution; at last, by his glass, he per- ceived that the column he was attacking consisted of only wounded and sick men riding on camels, almost all the soldiers having bandages on some of their limbs, when he immediately ordered the firing to cease, and allowed the whole convoy to pass unmolested — a trait which must secure to him the gratitude of Frenchmen, and the love of his own countrymen." Many other instances of the philanthropy and benevo- lence of Sir Sydney Smith, even to his enemies, during his command in the Mediterranean, might be adduced; but the following shall suffice. An account, published by the French themselves, stated, that in September 1800, a flag of truce arrived at Barcelona, from Port Mahon, bringing thither more than 100 prisoners, Spaniards, Ligurians, and French, rescued by our countrymen from the cruel hands of the French. Among those captives was M. Thevenard, whose father resided at Toulon. He had belonged to the French army in Egypt: his brother had fallen in the battle of Aboukir; and he himself had languished in captivity for some time, till Sir Sydney became apprised of his distressed situation. He imme- diately made every exertion to procure his release, and with success; but his generosity did not stop here, he supplied him with necessaries, with money, with recom- mendations to various persons at Constantinople, and afterwards M2 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. afterwards caused liim to be conveyed to Rhodes, in a vessel purposely equipped for his use. The conduct of Sir Sydney on this occasion was acknowledged with the utmost gratitude by the French; and the following letter, selected from among many others equally benevo- lent, was published in the French papers. Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Sydney Smith to Captain Gabriel Thevenard. " On board the Tigre, June 15, 1800. " M. Thevenard is requested to come and dine with Sir Sydney Smith on board the Tigre, this day, at three o'clock. Sir Sydney takes the liberty to send some clothes, which he supposes a person just escaped from prison may require. The great-coat is not of the best; but, excepting English naval uniforms, it is the only one on board the Tigre, and the same Sir Sydney wore during his journey from the Temple, till he reached the sea: it will have done good service if it again serves a similar purpose, by restoring another son to the arms of his aged father dying with chagrin." How different this from the treatment he had himself experienced when under similar circumstances! In 1801, when a powerful British military force was sent to Egypt, Sir Sydney Smith was one of the naval officers appointed to co-operate with the army, at the head of a detachment of seamen; and the commander- in-chief bore the most honourable testimony to his me- rits, as having been " indefatigable in his exertions to forward the service on which he was employed." In this service, he received a wound in the battle of the 21st of March (which proved fatal to the lamented Aber- crombie) ; but it was not so material as to deprive his brave colleagues of his assistance. Being soon afterwards prevented, by the jealousy of the Turks, from any further participation in this contest, Sir Sydney returned to England. On his arrival, the corporation of London (whose public-spirited remunera- tion of naval valour should not be passed over unnoticed) resolved to bestow on him the freedom of the city, and to accompany it with the present of a valuable sword. Accordingly, on the 7th of December 1801, the hero at- tended at Guildhall, to be invested with the civic privi- leges SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 413 leges of which he had been deemed worthy, and to re- ceive the symbol of valour he had so justly merited. On this occasion the Chamberlain addressed him in the fol- lowing terms: — " Sir Sydney Smith, I give you joy in the name of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, of the city of London, in common council assembled, and present you the thanks of the court for your gallant and successful defence of St. Jean d'Acre, against the desperate attack of the French army under the command of General Buo- naparte: and, as a farther testimony of the sense the court entertains of your great display of valour on that occasion, I have the honour to present you with the free- dom of the city, and this sword. [_Sir Sydney received the sicord, a?id pressed it with fervour to his lips.'] I will not, Sir, attempt a panegyric upon an action to which the first oratorical powers in the most eloquent assemblies have been confessed unequal ; but I cannot help exulting, on this happy occasion, at the vast national reputation acquired by your conduct, at the head of a handful of Britons, in repulsing him who has been justly styled the Alexander of the day, surrounded by a host of con- querors, till then deemed invincible. By this splendid achievement you frustrated the designs of the foe on our eastern territories, prevented the overthrow of the Ottoman power in Asia, the downfal of its throne in Europe, and prepared the way for that treaty of peace, which, it is devoutly to be wished, may long preserve the tranquillity of the universe, and promote friendship and good-will among all nations. It must be highly gra- tifying to every lover of his country, that this event should have happened on the very spot where a gallant English monarch formerly displayed such prodigies of valour, that a celebrated historian recording his actions, struck with the stupendous instances of prowess dis- played by that heroic prince, suddenly exclaimed, ' Am I writing history or romance ?' Had, Sir, that historian survived to witness what has recently happened at St. Jean d'Acre, he would have exultingly resigned his doubts, and generously have confessed, that actions no less extraordinary than those performed by the gallant Cosur de Lion have been achieved by Sir Sydney Smith." vol. in. 3 G Peace 414 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. Peace now produced a temporary suspension of the active professional exertions of our hero; who, at the general election in 1S02, aspired for the first time to a seat in the House of Commons. After canvassing Ro- chester, which had chosen Sir Cloudesley Shovel, and a great number of other celebrated naval commanders, for its representatives, he determined to become a candi- date. He attained the object of his ambition; for, at the conclusion of the election, his name stood at the head of the poll. On the renewal of hostilities in the following year, Sir Sydney was appointed to the Antelope of 50 guns, with the command of a flying squadron. In April 1804, he received the appointment of Colonel of Marines. On the 16th of the following month he had a smart action with a French flotilla which had left Flushing for the purpose of forming a junction with that at Ostend ; but, notwithstanding the vigorous measures adopted by the Commodore, and the squadron under his command, the greatest part of their vessels reached the place of their destination; a circumstance which could only be imputed to the disadvantages to which the English ships were subjected in consequence of the shallowness of the water, and the effect of the enemy's battering and field- artillery on shore. By these causes he was prevented from taking possession of several of the enemy's vessels which had struck their colours. One, however, was cap- tured, and three schooners and a schuyt were sunk. The loss sustained by the British squadron amounted to J,3 killed, and 32 wounded. It was probably the disappointment he experienced in this instance that led him to direct his thoughts toward the construction of vessels capable of acting in shallow water, and fit for transporting artillery and troops; for, in September following, we find him, at Dover, making ex- periments with two vessels of his own contrivance, called the Gemini and Cancer, which were said perfectly to answer all the purposes for which they were designed. These were the kind of vessels called carcases, or cata- marans, with which it was attempted to destroy the Bou- logne flotilla. On the 9th of November 1S05, Sir Sydney attained to the rank of Rear-Admiral of the Blue. Early the fol- lowing SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. 41.5 lowing year he hoisted his flag on board the Ponipee, of 80 guns, one of the ships lie had himself been instru- ' mental in carrying away from Toulon in 1793. In her he proceeded to the Mediterranean, where Lord Colling- wood placed a small squadron under his orders to annoy the French in their newly-conquered kingdom of Naples. On his arrival, he had the satisfaction to find that the gallant Prince of Hesse still held out in the fortress of Gaeta ; but, being without succour, Sir Sydney's first care was to supply him with the most essential articles for the defence of that important, place. Conceiving 1 that he could best co-operate with the governor by draw- ing off some of the attacking force to Naples, the Rear- Admiral proceeded thither in the Pompee, accompanied by the Excellent, Intrepid, and Athenian. The city was i just then illuminated on account of Joseph Buonaparte proclaiming himself King of the Two Sicilies. " It would have been easy," says Sir Sydney, " to have inter- rupted this ceremony and shew of festivity : but I con- ' sidered that the unfortunate inhabitants had evil enough on them ; that the restoration of the capital to its lawful ; sovereign, and its fugitive inhabitants, would be no gra- tification, if it should be found a heap of *ruins, ashes, and bones; and that, as I had no force to land and keep order in case of the French army retiring to the for- tresses, I should leave an opulent city a prey to the li- centious part of the community, who would not fail to profit by the confusion the flames would occasion." Swayed by these motives of genuine humanity, the Rear- Admiral would not suffer a single gun to be fired. But no such consideration prevented his attempting to dis- lodge the French garrison from Capri, the possession of which was of considerable importance to the enemy: he accordingly summoned the commandant to surrender; and, on his refusal, a party of seamen and marines were landed. In the conflict which ensued, the French com- mandant fell, on which the second in command thought fit to accept the terms proposed by Sir Sydney. A capi- tulation was signed; and the garrison was allowed to march out and pass over to Massa, on the Neapolitan coast, with every honour of war, after the interment of their former brave commander. After the acquisition of this important post, Sir Sydney continued on the 3 g 2 same 416 SIR WILLIAM SYDNEY SMITH. same station, engaged either in co-operating with the army on shore, or in annoying the enemy's coast wher- ever opportunity offered. Napoleon, in 1807, having declared that the house of Braganza had ceased to reign, a French army was dis- patched to Portugal to enforce this decree ; in conse- quence of which the Prince Regent, with the Queen his mother, his family, and a great number of the lords of his court, emigrated to Brazil, in South America. Sir Sydney Smith had the honour of conveying this illus- trious party to their destination ; since which no oppor- tunity has been afforded him of distinguishing himself, and peace will probably long suspend his active ex- ertions. Sir Sydney's mother was Miss Mary Wilkinson, daughter of Pinkney Wilkinson, an opulent merchant, who had another daughter married to the late Lord Camelford. The union between Sir Sydney's father and mother, which took place in 1760, being effected without the con- sent of Mr. Wilkinson, the great property left by that gentleman devolved on Lady Camelford. Previous to Mr. Wilkinson's death, Sir Sydney and his brother being withdrawn from his protection, he cancelled a codicil to his will, by which he had made some provision for them. jflemous iftemottt* OF GENERAL THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM SCHAW VISCOUNT CATHCART, K.T. nPHIS highly distinguished officer was born at Peters- ■*■ ham, the J 7th of September 1753, and was educated at Eton ; which college he left at an earlier period than usual to accompany his father, Lieutenant-General Charles Lord Cathcart, in 1708, to Russia, his Lordship being ap- pointed ambassador to that court. During a stay of four years at that court, the subject of our present Memoir had continual access to the manage of a Russian noble- man, which contained the finest horses ; and, profiting by the instructions of a most excellent riding-master, he attained great perfection both in the theory and practice of horsemanship. On his return to England, he studied law at the uni- versity of Glasgow, and became an excellent classical scholar. On this foundation, perseverance and abilities enabled him even to be called to the Scotch bar, in a most creditable manner. This, however, was not the sphere in which he was born to shine ; and in the year 1777, having come to his title, his Lordship's natural and here- ditary genius for the art of war broke forth, and he com- menced his military career in North America, by joining the 17th regiment of Light Dragoons, at Philadelphia, in which he commanded a troop. The army, during the winter of the year 1778, was not in a state of much acti- vity ; but the light troops were greatly harassed; and the zeal and activity of Lord Cathcart, as a partisan, are recorded in the orders of that period. Soon after Sir Henry Clinton succeeded to the command of the army, he appointed Lord Cathcart one of his aides-de-camp, with Lord Moira ; and a firm friendship was cemented between these two gallant officers. On the return of the 418 VISCOUNT CATHCART. the army to New York, several provincial corps were raised, and the command of one was presented by Sir Henry Clinton to Lord Cathcart, with the rank of Co- lonel in the Provincial army. This corps was composed of both horse and foot; but his Lordship's modesty would not allow him to adopt the usual custom, of having it called by his own name, and he styled it " The Bri- tish Legion." As it was not supposed that this rank would be confirmed on officers holding two commissions, being desired to abide by one, his Lordship retained his situation in the line, after having acquired great credit in the command of the British Legion, under Sir William Erskine, and resigned it to his Lieutenant-Colonel, now General Tarleton, whom he had sought out, and whose fame and glory were acquired at the head of this corps. In 1779, his Lordship married Miss Elliot, daughter of Andrew Elliot, Esq. of New York; and by this alliance his Lordship has had a numerous family. To- wards the end of this year he was appointed Acting Quarter-Master-General to the army, and evinced his capability to fill that important department by the very able manner in which he superintended the embarkation of the troops on the expedition to Charlestown. The climate of Carolina, however, was found so pre- judicial to the health of Lord Cathcart, that he was obliged to quit it previous to the fall of Charlestown. The sea-voyage recovered him ; and, on his return to New York, his Lordship was enabled to take the com- mand of the 38th regiment, wherein he held the rank of Major, and distinguished himself in an affair at Long Island. A relapse obliged him to return to England; and, soon after his arrival in this country, his Lordship purchased a company in the Coldstream regiment of foot guards, and for some years held the command of the grenadier company; in which situation he gained the esteem of his illustrious Colonel, the present Commander- in-chief, and this he has ever since retained. In 1788 he was elected one of the sixteen peers of Scotland, and in 1790 appointed Chairman of the Committees of the House of Lords. The legal education Lord Cathcart had received, eminently qualified his Lordship for the dispatch of business connected with the latter appoint- ment; VISCOUNT CATHCART. 419 merit; and it acquired him much approbation from those who had bills to pass through that House. As Lord Cathcart experienced much inconvenience from having two duties of importance to discharge in London, his Lordship exchanged into the line, and became Lieute- nant-Colonel of the 29th regiment, then commanded by his old school-fellow and friend, Lord Harrington. The rigid attention Lord Cathcart observed to the system of his Colonel, and to all his wishes, rendered that regiment a most perfect model of the new system of tactics. The 29th was quartered at Windsor for two years ; and these two officers were so highly favoured by his Majesty, that on the death of Lord Dover, Colonel of the 1st regiment of Life Guards, the King, in the most hand- some manner, at his card party, announced to Lord Harrington his succession to the vacant regiment, and Lord Cathcart to the Colonelcy of the 29th, before either had heard of the vacancy. In 1793, the Earl of Moira being appointed to the command of an expedition des- tined for La Vendee, Lord Cathcart received the rank of Brigadier, and commanded the advance of a most rapid march made from Ostend to join his Royal High- ness the Duke of York, under circumstances of the greatest difficulty and danger; this little band, of about 8000 men, having, by these manoeuvres, to effect a junc- tion with the illustrious Duke, who was surrounded by three armies, all superior in point of number to that under the command of his Royal Highness. The rank of Lord Cathcart and Lord Moira inter- fering with that of other officers in the army under the Duke of York, they both returned to England. The Earl of Moira immediately repaired to Southampton, for the purpose of forming another army intended to act in Brittany, and Lord Cathcart received the command of a large body of cavalry no officer was better qualified to perfect it in the new system, as was evinced by the for- ward state of discipline to which, in a short period, his Lordship brought these troops. From Southampton Lord Cathcart was suddenly or- dered to join his Royal Highness the Duke of York in Holland. The winter campaign of 1794 and 1793 was a most severe one, and Lord Cathcart very much distin- guished himself in an affair at Thurl. The last stages of the 420 VISCOUNT CATHCART. the retreat through Holland were the most difficult and harassing ; and a very principal share of it was entrusted to Lord Cathcart, who acquitted himself with much credit and satisfaction to his illustrious Commander-in- chief. Lord Cathcart was left in Germany with the com- mand of a brigade of light cavalry, in an army of instruc- tion, under the orders of Sir David Dundas. His Lord- ship was also appointed to the command of some German corps, and to organize Loyalist French corps: with all he was popular and successful. A foreigner remarked to the King his having heard Lord Cathcart give the word of command to his corps in English, German, and French, with equal facility: but these are not the only languages in which his Lordship is versed; he possesses a knowledge of the greater part of those spoken on the continent. On Lord Cathcart's return to England his Lordship was placed on the Staff at Weymouth, and held that appointment until his Majesty presented him with the Colonelcy of the 2d regiment of Life-Guards. In this corps there existed a wide field for improvement and amelioration, and Lord Cathcart devoted himself to ac- complish its perfection. A few years of his Lordship's efforts produced a regiment of such men on horseback, as to gain the admiration of every scientific beholder. In 1803, Lord Cathcart, now a Lieutenant-General, held the command of the Home District, at a period- when arrangements of defence were concerting with the lieutenantcy of each county. At all the meetings which were occasioned by these proceedings, and by his ar- rangements, Lord Cathcart gave further proofs of being a most valuable officer. The following interesting letter and plan relative to the fortification of London was deli- vered by Lord Cathcart, the 17th July 1803, to the Mar- quis of Tichfield: — " It is in the contemplation of his Majesty's govern- ment to provide the most effectual means for securing the metropolis from the invasion of an enemy, who, favoured by extraordinary fortune of war, might not only have eluded the dispositions made by land and sea to resist invasion, but, being landed in superior force, should, through the same fortune, be enabled to penetrate into the country, near enough to the capital, at least to oc- casion VISCOUNT CATIICART. 421 easion apprehensions for its security, if there were no precautions taken, and no plan made for its protection. Such a plan must not only be thoroughly digested, but must actually be put in a state of preparation sufficient to insure the practicability of its being carried into effect the moment the appearance of danger may justify the expence and inconvenience, small as these objects may be. Although the completion of the operations proposed may for the present be postponed, it is never- theless indispensably necessary to proceed, without the delay of an hour, to make certain preparatory arrange- ments, through the aid of the Lords Lieutenants of the adjacent counties ; and even to mark out some ground relied upon, in case of necessity, for the construction of field-works and batteries. His Royal Highness the Com- mander-in-chief has, in the course of last war, directed his thoughts to the consideration of this subject. A most accurate military survey has been made, under the in- spection of an officer of the greatest eminence and pro- fessional skill and experience. The situation of every necessary work, battery, and line, has been ascertained; the necessary guns and troops to guard and defend these works have been calculated, as well as the number of hands necessary to complete them within a given period. The whole arrangement has undergone consideration and revisal for years, and is ripe for execution. It must af- ford the greatest satisfaction to every well-wisher to his country to know, that, in the opinion of all professional men who have been consulted, the means which nature has afforded to the cities of London and Westminster of providing for their security, are beyond what have been found in the case of almost any city in the universe ; that, with due attention to the advantages to be made by such positions as encircle them, and with the armed force which may be collected for their defence, and that amply supplied with provisions, this capital may bid defiance to any invading force, at least until ample time is given for the arrival of such a power from the country as, when combined with the force within the lines, must he much more than sufficient to exterminate any army that could be transported to England. Part of the line of defence alluded to in what has been said, runs through the county of Middlesex in a semicircular form, begin- vol. in. 3 ij ninrj 422 VISCOUNT CATHCART. ning at the Thames near the mouth of the river Lea, and ending at the Thames above and near to Battersea Bridge. It passes in its northern and north-western di- rection through Stratford-le-Bow, and near Clapton, along the high grounds which bound the marshes on the right or western bank of the river Lea, as far as the neigh- bourhood of Stamford Hill; when it quits the Lea and takes a western course, passing from near the turnpike on Stamford Hill by Hornsey Wood, to the ridge extend- ing by Mount Pleasant, over the village of Crouch-End, and from thence, by the Sheep-house ridge, to Highgate and adjacents; from thence, by Hampstead and adja- cents, towards Willsdon Green; here it changes its direc- tion to the south-west and south, running down to the canal near the Red House, then crossing the canal near Kensal Green, proceeding to Kensington Gravel-pits and Holland House, passing near Little Chelsea, and reaching the Thames above Battersea Bridge. The Lord Lieute- nant having appointed a general meeting of the lieute- nantcy of the county„of Middlesex to be held on the 18th instant, for the purpose of carrying into effect cer- tain provisions of an act passed this session of parlia- ment, entitled ' An act to enable his Majesty more effec- tually to provide for the defence and security of the realm during the present war;' it becomes the duty of Lieutenant-General Lord Cathcart, in consequence of orders given to him by his Royal Highness the Com- mander-in-chief, as commanding the district in which that part of the county of Middlesex through which the intended lines of defence pass,_is situated, to communi- cate with the Lord Lieutenant on this subject; and to request, that, in framing the arrangements for the country divisions of the county of Middlesex, under the powers of the above-recited act, according to the plan of esta- blishing a system of communication, and another plan for rendering the body of the people instrumental to the general defence, proposed by his Majesty's principal Secretary of State for the war department, the Lord Lieu- tenant will be pleased to hold in view the peculiar cir- cumstances of the intended construction of the lines of defence. Whatever assistance might be rendered from the metropolis itself, or from the adjacent and inland counties without the line, in the event of completing the VISCOUNT CATHCART. 493 the works (and such assistance would doubtless be am- ply and systematically afforded), it is essentially requisite, for the sake of order, expedition, and regularity of pay- ment, as well as protection of property, that all" prepara- tory and incipient operation should be made through the assistance of the inhabitants resident upon and near the line of defence; for this reason it is to be wished, that in appointing the Lieutenants of Divisions and Inspectors of Hundreds, provision may be made to ascertain as many points of communication near the residence of Lieutenants of Divisions, or of Inspectors of Hundreds, as possible, the same being contiguous to, or within reach of the line. If the residence of gentlemen accepting charges of Lieutenants or Inspectors do not suit this purpose, the inconvenience may be obviated by appoint- ing inns, or places near inns, where post-horses may be had, and where letters or requisitions may be addressed, and received and forwarded to the responsible person. These places will also serve for rendezvous to the super- inte'ndants of parishes, who will also have places of meet- ing for the agents they employ in their respective parishes. Thus a system of most expeditious communication will be established between the commanding general and the lieutenantcy, and hetween the lieutenantcy and the pa- rishioners of the parishes in the adjacent hundreds: op- portunities will be given to make those who are expected to comply with requisitions, clearly understand the na- ture of the requisitions likely to be proposed to them, and to know the places where individuals may be de- sired to assemble, or where materials may be collected and deposited. With such confidential persons, imple- ments necessary for works of this sort, but not otherwise to be found, will be deposited: through their means, in a few hours, the whole power of the parish may be col- lected ; or, in the first instance, a few hands to mark out ground : and, lastly, through their means, proper notice and communication may be given or made to the owners and occupiers of any lands, tenements, or hereditaments, intended to be measured, surveyed, or marked for the lines of defence, or any of the purposes of the above recited act. The same arrangements will also facilitate the payment of such labour or materials as may be fur- nished. In the next place, and as soon as the system of 3n2 communication 424 VISCOUNT CATHCART. communication is completed, it will be necessary, with the utmost dispatch, to prepare the registers of the pa- rishes near the above-mentioned line; which must be made with reference to the object of the line of defence, as well as to the other objects set forth in the Secretary of State's letter. Those registers must specify resident gentlemen, willing to attend to animate and encourage the work, or given parts of the line ; gardeners, and others, expert in, or habituated to, laying off and measuring ground, with remarks distinguishing superior abilities; smiths, and master and journeymen carpenters and saw- yers; timber-merchants willing to supply timber for plat- forms, and fit persons to overlook their construction and erection; carts and teams; labourers and tools; men who have been trained to great guns ; the few men in each division who would first be wanted to mark and measure ground, and proper attendants for that purpose, with carts and stakes. When it is reflected upon, it must strike every inhabitant, that it must be much more agree- able to have a survey, or preparation of this sort, made by neighbours and acquaintances, in many cases by their own servants and labourers, than by strangers. But the object and its advantages are equally lost, if the utmost dispatch and celerity are not used in making all previous arrangements ; and in proportion as these arrangements are completed, the security of the metropolis is in- sured." About the autumn of 1803, Lord Cathcart was dis- patched to Ireland, as Commander-in-chief of the forces in that country, an invasion being apprehended. On his Lordship's arrival, his usual promptitude and discernment soon placed all things on the best footing; and, availing himself of the favourable opportunity, he formed camps of instruction, on a very extensive scale, on the Curragh of Kildare. In these a foundation of discipline was laid, that has tended to the perfection and successes of our armies in all parts; and Lord Cathcart's popularity in Ireland, with the benefits he rendered to that country, are still fondly remembered there. In the autumn of 1805, Lord Cathcart was sent to Russia as ambassador, and his Lordship's appointment was framed in a military form. On arriving in London, previous to his departure, he had much intercourse with Mr. VISCOUNT CATHCART. 425 Mr. Pitt, with whom he had always been on intimate terms; and that lamented statesman always placed the highest confidence in him. After several arrangements, his Lordship was finally sent to take the command of the British army in Hanover. By his well-timed management he acquired an entire ascendancy over the senate of Bre- men, and obtained all that was necessary to the establish- ment of his head-quarters in that city. The Russian army was at this period combined with the British; and Lord Cathcart perfectly succeeded in conciliating General Benningsen and all his officers. The fatal battle of Aus- terlitz changed the aspect of affairs; and that event was soon followed by the death of Mr. Pitt. The new admi- nistration, formed on the latter event, determined to recal the army. Lord Cathcart stated fifteen days as the period required for embarkation; and though it generally happens that such calculations are exceeded, in this case Lord Cathcart, the last man, embarked on the thirteenth day. His Lordship's next appointment was Commander of the forces in Scotland, and he remained in that situa- tion till May 1807, when he was sent for by the Duke of Portland's administration to be again employed on foreign service. His first mission was to the King of Sweden; afterwards his Lordship was directed to join Lord Gam- bier, and proceed against Copenhagen. The result of this expedition is well known, and has been fully detailed in our Memoirs of the Duke of Wellington. His Lordship's conduct throughout the whole of this short campaign was marked with a high degree of honourable feeling; and the following letter, in answer to one he had received from the Danish gene- ral, exhibits incontestible proofs of a superior mind. Letter addressed by Lieutenant-General Lord Cathcart to Major-General Peymann, the Commandant of Coper*- hagen, previous to the commencement of the siege of that city. Head-Quarters, Aug. 20ih, 1307. « Sir — Your letter of the 18th did not come into my hands till late last night. The passport for Prince Frederick Ferdinand, with his retinue, is given on the same principle with those which have already been sent; but it must be strictly limited to the persons described. An 426 VISCOUNT CATHCART. An irregularity is reported to me to have occurred on the part of the bearer of your letter: it will be of reci- procal convenience that such circumstances should not occur. Every mark of respectful attention having been paid to the illustrious persons related to the blood royal of Denmark, and due regard having been shewn to the household and equipage of his Danish Majesty, circum- stances imperiously demand that a etop must now be put to the departure of any person whatever from the metro- polis. In making this communication, I cannot refrain from availing myself of this opportunity of representing, in my own name, as well as in that of the Admiral com- manding his Majesty's fleet, to the most serious considera- tion of your Excellency, the existing state of affairs at Copenhagen, which are drawing to an awful crisis. If this city — the capital of Denmark — the residence of the King, and of his royal court and government— -the seat of learning, and the rendezvous of commerce— full of in- habitants of all ranks, ages, and sexes, will put itself on the footing of a fortress besieged, it must be attacked by all the means which may appear best calculated for its reduction, as soon as orders are given t© that purpose; and when such is the case, the officers employed have no choice but to use every effort to take the place. The attack of a city so rich and populous, cannot fail to be attended by consequences most destructive in prepara- tion, as well as in final execution, to the persons and pro- perty of individuals. Impelled by the necessity of the case, our government has at the same time supplied positive orders and ample means to attack by sea and laud, in case of refusal on the. part of Denmark to treat in an amicable manner. The preparations are, perhaps, in a more forward state than you imagine. For God's sake, Sir, let it be calmly considered, whether resistance may not lead to the destruction of the very treasure you wish to preserve ; and whether, under the circumstances of the present dispute, the praise of displaying the valour, for which every body is prepared to give you credit, will compensate the ruin and destruction inseparable from the siege of a capital city, and the ultimate loss or destruc-~ tion of your fleet and arsenal, which might be avoided. Property of every kind without the walls has been re- spected; you must know likewise, that other objects, and VISCOUNT CATIICART. 437 and of the greatest national importance to the power of Denmark, are within my grasp, and have remained hitherto unremoved: this is a state of things which can- not continue. I mean not to offend you by any thing like a menace; but I exhort your Excellency and your council to think seriously of the irreparable loss which the operation of a few days may occasion, but which might still be averted. I have the honour to be, with the greatest personal consideration, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, (Signed) " Cathcart, Lieut.-Gen." On Lord Cathcart's return, his Majesty was pleased to create him an English Viscount for his important services, and he forthwith resumed his command in Scotland; where he continued till May 1812, when he was again called upon to be employed on another mission to Peters- burgh. From this time we find his Lordship constantly em- ployed in all the various military operations of the Rus- sian armies, the result of which has proved so beneficial to the human race. His dispatches to the English go- vernment were written with great clearness and per- spicuity; indeed, his Lordship's selection for this im- portant situation was universally approved : his abilities are consummate; his powers of persuasion great; his activity of body and mind cannot be exceeded. In subordinate command it was always Lord Cathcart's merit to preserve unity of system, by the strictest con- formity to the wishes of his superiors; to those under him, a behaviour conciliatory and gentlemanly, which obtains the esteem of all: and his Lordship may, on the ground of the many noble qualifications he so fortunately enjoys, be correctly styled an ornament to the British peerage. fflemotrs ffiemit* OF GENERAL SARRAZIN XfOR the interesting Memoirs of General Sarrazin we x have the best authority, the General himself having furnished the world with his own life in his celebrated work entitled " The Philosopher," which was written during his residence in this country, where he fled for refuge against the resentment of Napoleon; we shall therefore give it in his own words. " Born in France the 15th of August 1770, Captain of Infantry in 179C Engineer in 1794, Colonel of the 14th regiment of dragoons in 1796, General in 1798, and ex- changed by the English government as a Lieutenant- General, the 8th of October 1798, for the English gene- ral Sir Harry Burrard, an ensign, a serjeant, and five soldiers; I received orders from the Directory to repair to the army of Italy, commanded by General Joubert. No sooner arrived at this destination, than I was.entrusted with the command of a column, consisting of eight bat- talions, to join the army of Rome, commanded by Gene- neral Championnet. The Neapolitan army having been beaten, was pursued by the French, who took possession of Naples. This movement leaving defenceless the Ro- man states, where a spirit of disaffection was general, determined the General-in-chief to leave at Rome the reinforcement I had brought him. " It was not long before the great propriety of this measure was made apparent. Civita Vecchia rose up in arms, and I received orders to march and bring the inha- bitants to submission. The chief command of this expe- dition was confided to General Merlin, a good grenadier, but totally unacquainted with the art of war. After having invested and reconnoitred the place, I designed to GENERAL SARRAZIN. 429 to open the trench, and proceed according to the rules prescribed for sieges. The General, having seen the commencement of the first parallel, fell into a strong fit of laughter, and asked if I was making graves to bury our troops alive ? ' 1 am waiting for fifty ladders that are to be sent from Rome,' said this stupid commander; * and the very evening they shall arrive, I will carry the place without removing a handful of earth:' he then ordered the workmen away. The ladders came: in vain had I represented to him, that the place was too strong to be taken by a scalade; my remonstrances were dis- regarded. The 62d regiment twice attempted to scale the ramparts, but was driven back with the loss of (300 killed or wounded. Two days previous to this silly and rash operation, I had been sent for to Naples by General Championnet. " All the environs of Salerno were occupied by the Neapolitan insurgents. After having subdued Cithara, a village upon the sea-coast between Salerno and Amalfi, I marched upon Santa Lucia, near Nocera, in the high road from Lacava to Naples. Twenty thousand insur- gents, half of them armed with firelocks, were stationed upon the heights lying to the east of Santa Lucia. I had only with me the 30th regiment of infantry, and the 19th regiment of horse chasseurs, with a company of light artillery. At the very moment I was going to attack them, a Neapolitan on horseback appeared at some dis- tance from our advanced posts, and laid down a basket, which I sent to take up; it contained the virile members of some French soldiers, with this written paper — ' We are ten to one ; before twenty-four hours are elapsed, you will all have experienced the same fate as the bri- gands of whom we herewith send you a sample.' " I had no occasion to harangue the troops; it wa9 quite enough to shew them the contents of the basket. I forbade any firing till we were upon the heights, where the enemy was encamped, and which was ascended in a charging step; every thing that opposed us was over- thrown; our cavalry stationed upon the highway to pur- sue the runaways, made them repent of their cruelty, the more so as those who had been so barbarously mur- dered were almost all of the 19th regiment of Chasseurs. I was upon the point of taking Nocera by storm, when vol. in. 3 i the 430 GENERAL SARRAZIN. the principal inhabitants, with the bishop at their head in his pontifical robes, were announced to me. The troops requested orders to attack with loud outcries, that they might plunder the town guilty of the assassi- nation of their comrades. I succeeded in calming their indignation, and it was agreed upon to allow a gratifica- tion to the soldiers. This event took place on the 1st of March 1799. General Macdonald wrote me a very obliging letter upon the success of this operation, with orders to repair to the Pouille, a province of the king- dom of Naples, to replace General Broussier, recalled to France, and implicated in the disgrace of General Cham- pionnet. When Broussier gave me up the papers of his command, he noticed to me a list of contributions, which he had required in consequence of his instructions; they were very exactly paid. These riches were likely to have been fatal to me, and to my troops. " A man-of-war, called he Genereux, which had es- caped from the battle of Aboukir, had landed at Brindisi a battalion of the 8th regiment of light infantry, com- manded by Colonel Godard. The very day this intelli- gence reached me, I received orders from General Mac- donald immediately to evacuate La Pouille, and to re- pair to Naples by forced marches. The disaster of Scherer upon the Adige rendering the co-operation of the army of Naples necessary to make head against the Austro-Russians, I immediately wrote to Colonel Godard to hold himself in readiness to effect a junction with me, and to take proper measures to make a brisk sally either by day or night, as soon as he should hear the firing of six pieces of cannon at the interval of a minute between each. I was at Bari, which is three good days' march from Brindisi. I took the choice of my column, consist- ing of 3000 infantry, 600 dragoons, and the company of light artillery: I left the remainder with the treasure in garrison at Bari. The third day of the march, being still within three leagues of Brindisi, whilst my troops were making a halt in order to prepare for an engagement, I ordered the signal agreed on to be given. It turned out that it was unnecessary, as at that moment the arrival was announced to me of the garrison, with their Colonel Godard, who came to me with tears of joy, from my having snatched him from inevitable death. They had been sur- rounded GENERAL SARRAZIN. 431 rounded by 10,000 of the insurgents under the orders of Cardinal RufTo, who had refused entering into any kind of treaty with them, replying to all their proposals, that they should all be put to the sword, to revenge the death of so many unfortunate people slaughtered at Trani and Andria, two considerable towns, which had been taken by storm, and pillaged under General Broussier. " As I had not a moment to lose, I retrograded to Bari. The troops of the Cardinal, who upon news of my arrival had raised the blockade of Brindisi, conveyed themselves with rapidity towards Matera and Ponte de Bovino, to take possession of the passes of the Apennines, which General Oliver, who had occupied them, had abandoned, to join Macdonald. My letter, which was to inform him of my movement towards Brindisi, only reached him at Avelliuo, and he continued his march towards Naples. I was greatly blamed for not having executed my orders, as they then concluded me lost with all my troops, who amounted to 6000 men. I was surrounded by 60,000 peasants, of whom 30,000 men were posted upon the Apennines. My position was critical. It was held out to me, that, if I would restore the contributions I had in possession, they would leave the road free for me to rejoin the army. The perspective they had given the garrison of Brindisi, made me appreciate such a propo- sition at its just value; for, when they had received the money, it would only have rendered them more insolent and more enterprising. I had recourse to stratagem. " My conduct had made me friends. I had endea- voured, by mild proceedings, to obliterate the lemem- brance of my predecessor's harbaio'is conduct. I pro- posed to establish myself chief of the country, subordi- nate to tne King of Naples, one of whose governors I meant to become, as soon as ihe grand army should we quitted the kingdom. I ordered a general meeting at Bitonto, of all the magistrates of provinces between the Apennines and the Adriatic Sea. Many chiefs of the insurgents repaired t lit ier; they appeared to be sincere. The conferences lasted three days. That the deputies might not be frightened, I had only kept with me 400 dragoons, and three pieces of light artillery; the re- 3 1 2 mainder 432 GENERAL SARRAZIN. mainder of my column, with the treasure, was stationed at Trani and Braletta, associating with the inhabitants in the most cordial manner. The number of deputies was about 200- My design of getting them from guarding the entry of the Apennines was completed. I did not lose a moment in celebrating our reconciliation by a sumptuous feast, the honours of which I had done by four Neapolitan officers, who were not in my confidence. I quitted the guests under the pretext of accompanying a very handsome lady to her lodgings, whom they had destined for me in marriage. My dragoons were on horseback outside of the town. It was near midnight when we put ourselves in march. I rejoined my infantry, and we reached the entry of the Apennines, of which we took possession without touching a trigger, as the insurgents were fully persuaded that every thing was done with the friendly connivance of those of their chiefs •who had repaired to Bitonto to negotiate. During this march I caused my column to halt upon the field of battle of Cannce, so celebrated for the victory obtained by Hannibal over the Roman consuls Varro and Paulus iEmilius. This ground is a vast plain, almost unculti- vated, terminated on the east by the Adriatic sea, on the north by the plain of Foggia, on the west by the Apen- nines, and on the south by the river Ofanto, called by the ancients Aufidus. " When my arrival was announced toMacdonald,he was very much astonished, and asked if it was I alone. The state of my troops was related to him, with my whole loss for a month, which did not amount to fifty men, and they chiefly victims to their eagerness for plunder. What caused him perhaps as much pleasure as he had before experienced surprise, was the safe arrival of the contribu- tions. This expedition gave him so favourable an opinion of me, that, though so ill as not to be able to get on horseback, he charged me with the retaking of Castel- lamare, of which the English had possessed themselves on the 26th of April. " I attacked the town on the 29th, which was taken after a brisk engagement, and the fort surrendered the same day. 1 marched upon Sorrento and Massa, which were carried without much resistance. During this ex- pedition, which Macdonald had considered requisite to the GENERAL SARRAZIN. 433 the more quietly effecting his retreat towards the north of Italy, the army took the direction of Capua, towards Rome. Our march was slow, and our stay in Tuscany very badly calculated. " The 13th of June 1799, the army marched towards Modena. Macdonald appeared uneasy. The divisions which were to have made an attack, by the way of Bo- logna, did not arrive. Our troops, huddle! together upon the high road, were very much incommoded by the can- nonading of the enemy. I had got the ditches sounded which covered the position of the Austrians. I told Macdonald, that if he would give me full liberty, I would in one hour be master of Modena: he had the goodness to answer me, that the manner in which he always treated me, rendered my request unnecessary; and that I might be sure that he w 7 ou!d always previously approve whatever I might do, even should I not succeed. There- upon I immediately ordered to beat the charge; I crossed the ditch with 1500 grenadiers, commanded by Colonel Coutard. I forbade firing, but ordered them to make loud shouts. The Austrians made a charge of mus- quetry, and retreated into the town, which we entered with them promiscuously. " The 19th of June, second day of the battle of Trebia, a mere whim saved the army from a complete rout. Whilst I was gone reconnoitring, with the 7th and 19th regiments of horse chasseurs,' General Oliver had sta- tioned my infantry nearly upon the border of the Trebia, in a deep hollow. I was very much surprised at this dis- position. General Macdonald, who felt that I was in the right, and who wished to excuse General Oliver, said jocularly, that they would be brought nearer again for the distribution of the provisions. After breakfast, which was taken in the open lieid, I observed, that if the Russians were to attack us in my present position, we should be either taken prisoners, or drowned, without being able to defend ourselves. The reply was, that it was my concern, and that I was free to do what I might conceive most advantageous for the defence of the left bank of the Trebia. It required a long time to get the stragglers together, and to put the arms in condition. It was three o'clock in the afternoon when I commenced my movement; I had not gone a quarter of a league, when I fell 434 GENERAL SARRAZ1N, fell in with the Russian columns, marching to attack us. The Cossacks, who thought to surprise us, perceiving we were under aims, fell impetuously upon us, making loud shouts. This was the first time I had seen the Rus- sian troops, of which we had frequently received such a dreadful description. General Salin's column, which was upon the left, was attacked and overturned; General Salm waswounderl: but his troops rallied on observing the steady countenance of mine. " A brisk firing having commenced between the vans, the Cossacks pursued their favourite manoeuvre, marched themselves upon my rear, between me and the Trebia, with a view of cutting off my communication with the French army. I marched my two regiments of chasseurs in column, by squadrons, towards them in good order and in silence: it was essentially necessary to proceed cautiously, in order to begin with a success, and to re- animate the spirits of my troops, somewhat damped by the reports which had been circulated concerning the daringness, the cunning, and the cruelty of the Russians. The Cossacks were about 1500; I had 1200 chasseurs: as soon as we were within pistol-shot, they wheeled about, and retired at full gallop. The 7th regiment rushed into the midst of them, killed nearly 200, making but few prisoners, as they preferred being killed to surrender- ing. This action took place on the borders of the Trebia, in presence of the whole French army, who did not fail to shout aloud for joy. " The contest sustained by the infantry, wore a less sa- tisfactory appearance: the Russians, after the first dis- charges, attacked us with the bayonet; and, by their su- perior numbers, as also their audacity, caused us to lose some ground. The cavalry was under the necessity of charging the Russian infantry, which was overthrown; but the second line obliged the cavalry to draw back, and to repass upon the first line, which did it much in- jury : there might be seen Russian grenadiers mortally wounded, who yet found sufficient strength to take up their musquets, fire them off, or give strokes with their bayonets, till they were overpowered and killed outright. The engagement lasted till ten o'clock at night: we kept possession of the left bank of the Trebia. At the mo- ment that all was nearly over, an howitzer, thrown by the GENERAL SARRAZIN. 435 the Russians, fell by my side, killed my horse and two ordnance chasseurs, and wounded me in the right thigh. Macdonald, who had been informed that I was mortally wounded, came to me as some soldiers were carrying me to Placentia; he expressed his concern, and left me with tears in his eyes. As soon as I learnt that the bat- tle of the following day was lost, I got myself conveyed to Leghorn ; whence I proceeded to Genoa by sea. I obtained leave to go to France. Bernadotte had just then been nominated minister of war; he was anxious to have me near him, and entrusted me with the superin- tendance of the office for the movement of troops, as also for nominations. " Bernadotte's resignation of the ministry of war, the particular circumstances of the revolution of the 18th Brumaire, my letters of service for La Vendee, those for the army of the Rhine, under the orders of Moreau, and my command of the camp at St. Renan, near Brest, and at Amiens, would require details too long for the limits I have prescribed myself. I pass over with equal silence my discussions with Murat, now king; my stay at Paris during the peace of Amiens; and my campaigns in Ame- rica and Germany : I shall find occasion to speak of them elsewhere. The works which I have published since my arrival in London, contain the principal particulars of my commands in 1807, 180S, 1809, and 1810, at Ghent, Bruges, Cadzand, and Boulogne. With regard to my stay in England, and of the manner in which I am treated, I shall be able to speak definitively upon the motives of this conduct towards me, only after having obtained a decision from Parliament : till then, all my calculations must be uncertain, that alone excepted which I ground upon the justice of the constituted authorities of the British empire." From the period of the General's leaving England, we have no account of him; and we therefore cannot say whether his renouncing the government of Napoleon has so far obtained the confidence of the present French go- vernment, as to entrust him with command in the French army. ffltmaits gemote OF LJEUTENA NT-GENERAL LORD W. CAVENDISH BENTINCK T^HE many active and important military and diplo- -*- matic transactions in which Lord William Bentinck has lately been engaged, give him a strong claim to our notice; and without hesitation, therefore, we hasten to present his Memoirs to our readers. The illustrious family of Bentinck, following the for- tunes of their native prince, our Third William, accom- panied him to England at a period the most remarkable, and at the same time the most glorious, in the English annals; when a thorough, a salutary revolution, both in church and state, was happily effected by the consum- mate wisdom and prudence of our ancestors, without the effusion of a single drop of British blood. Lieutenant-General Lord William Cavendish Bentinck, son to the late, and next brother of the present Duke of Portland, was born 16th of September 1774. Like all gentlemen who devote themselves to their country, and prefer a military to any other life, his Lordship en- tered the army when he was very young; but as it was in a time of profound peace, neither could his promotion be rapid, nor could he obtain much of practical know- ledge in his profession : and with respect to theory, it may be said, with the solitary exception of war, that every trade, calling, or profession, has one which is pe- culiar to it ; but events occur in warfare of such a nature, attended by such unlooked-for circumstances, bearing an aspect so different from whatever before appeared, and demanding of course such a versatility of talents, of which the most capacious mind of man is susceptible, or rather a concurrence of every talent which can dignify human nature, — that theory will be found absolutely in- adequate LORD WILLIAM C. PENTINCK. 437 adequate to the host of difficulties opposed to it. This assertion will be contradicted only by those who are so impenetrably dull, as to think that the individual who has not talents sufficient to fill the most humble depart- ment in life is becomingly qualified for the army, in which mere negative talents prove a recommendation. When the French revolution broke out, a favourable opportunity presented itself; and Lord William accom- panied the Duke of York into the field, and, in the dis- tinguished capacity of Aide-de-Camp to his Royal High- ness, remained on the continent until the fate of war ren- dered it necessary for the British troops to return home, after having performed prodigies of valour, and displayed every martial virtue which could extort commendation even from the unprincipled enemy with whom they had to contend. An aide-de-camp is a most efficient officer in war time: and the general, in selecting a gentleman duly qualified for that post, and in whom he can repose perfect, bound- less confidence, may be said to be exerting one of his highest privileges; for, next to himself, the aide-de-camp can promote his views most essentially, in action, by his activity, his well-timed observations, and the precision with which he delivers his orders to the corps which are about to be dislocated, and sent to reinforce a weak point abruptly assailed by superior numbers. During the campaigns of his Royal Highness in French and Aus- trian Flanders, Holland, Westphalia, &c. &c. Lord Wil- liam evinced uncommon capability, and abundantly jus- tified his Royal Highness in the choice he had made. On the day of battle he was seen as if flying in every direction, heedless of the shower of balls falling on all sides, displaying at once great presence of mind, much intellectual and superior penetration. His Lordship was universally beloved and esteemed in the army. Affable and unassuming, urbane in his man- ners, great suavity of disposition, with an eager wish to forward the interests of those of his acquaintance who applied to him for a portion of his influence, were all admirable qualifications, and calculated to insure respect, esteem, and affection. It has been observed of the Bentiuck family, that they possess more of the solid than of the brilliant in their vol. in. 3 k nature 438 LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. nature — that they have more of Saturn than of Mercury in their disposition; and that at the council-table their representations produce much more effect than the long speeches of others, delivered with classical purity, and clothed in all the pomp of ornamented language. The late Duke is said to have been endowed with the very pe- culiar talent of bringing over to his sentiment, by dint of sound logic, those members of the state, in council as- sembled, who piqued themselves most on their own mental powers; and Lord William, we are assured, is gifted with similar qualities, and admirably adapted for situations of the greatest importance in the diplomatic line. We have already remarked, that Lord William Ben- tinck made his first campaign in Flanders; where the variety of circumstances attending the progress of the British arms at that period, afforded this gallant officer an opportunity of acquiring a thorough knowledge of the profession he had chosen. During the years 1799 and 1800, Lord William served with the Austrian army, severally commanded by Gene- ral Suwarrow, General Melas, and General Count Belle- garde; and had the good fortune to be an eye-witness of many important operations. His Lordship was, about this time, also employed in a diplomatic capacity; in which he displayed a considerable talent for business, and an intimate acquaintance with the political views and relations of the continental states. From the theatre of war in Austria his Lordship pro- ceeded to Egypt; being appointed to command the ca- valry of the expedition under Lieutenant-General Sir Ralph Abercrombie. But, notwithstanding the utmost dispatch, that glorious campaign was terminated before his arrival. In 1803, Lord William proceeded to India, as Gover- nor of Madras; and remained in that high situation until the month of October 1807, when he returned to Europe. A wider field was now about to be opened for the dis- play of his Lordship's political talents: and when the burst of patriotism spread throughout the Peninsula, Lord William Bentinck was selected to proceed on an important mission to the Supreme Junta; where his firmness, LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. 439 firmness, under circumstances of peculiar difficulty, aug- mented by the convulsed state of the nation, and the reverses sustained by the Spanish arms, proved the high, opinion entertained of his Lordship's abilities were not over-rated. Lord William, in the frequent conferences he had with Count Florida Blanca, urged the adoption of such energetic measures as he conceived would prove advantageous to the Spanish cause; but he soon saw; with regret, the supineness with which the Junta be- held the gigantic efforts of Buonaparte to complete the subjugation of their country. Still there was a good disposition in the people, and a patriotism which only wanted a proper and vigorous direction. In a dispatch about the beginning of October, Lord William Bentinck observes, " I am more and more convinced, that a blind confidence in their own strength, and natural slowness, are the rocks upon which this good ship runs the risk of being wrecked." His Lordship's opinion, so emphatic- ally expressed, has proved but too correct, as the events in the Peninsula have evinced the penetration and judg- ment with which he viewed the actions of the Spaniards. Lord William continued with the Junta, corresponding with his government and Sir John Moore, until the latter end of November, previous to which Mr. Frere had ar- rived at Aranjuez, as Minister Plenipotentiary of Great Britain ; and General Moore, conceiving that his Lord- ship's services, now that he was superseded in his diplo- matic character, would be useful to the army, was pleased to give him an order to join. The high sense entertained ol Lord William's military talents by that distinguished officer, is particularly expressed in his letter to Mr. Frere of the 19th of November 1809, from Salamanca. On that very day Sir John Hope arrived in Madrid, at the pressing instance of his Lordship, in company with whom next morning he waited upon Don Thomas Morla, au- thorized by the Junta to converse with them upon the state of affairs. Much desultory reasoning passed i.t this conference; and it was perfectly evident that the Spa- niards were altogether without a pian as to their future military operations, either in the case of success or mis- fortune: and every branch seemed affected by the dis- jointed and inefficient construction of their government. Don Thomas Morla gave it as his decided opinion, and 3 k 2 statui 440 LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. stated it as the wish of the Supreme Junta, that, in case the British force was then prevented from forming a junction for the purpose of advancing to undertake offensive operations, a junction of whatever part of that force it might he practicable to bring together should take place in the centre of Spain. Subsequent events having revealed Morla's treachery, there can be no doubt that the above advice was insidiously given. Immediately after this conversation, Lord William Bentinck proceeded to the army, which he accompanied throughout their calamitous retreat. At the battle of Corunna, his Lordship had an opportunity of particu- larly distinguishing himself. Owing to local circum- stances, the right wing of the British army was placed on very unfavourable ground, and it was of the utmost consequence that this point should be maintained to the last. Lord William Bentinck's brigade, consisting of three incomparable regiments, the 4th, the 42d, and 50th, occupied this important point in the British position; the brigade of Guards were in their rear, and Sir John Moore directed the Honourable Major-General Paget to bring up the reserve to the right of Lord William Bentinck. Sir David Baird, leading on his division, of which Lord William's brigade formed the right, had his arm shattered with a grape shot, and was obliged to leave the field. The French artillery plunged from the heights, and the two hostile lines of infantry mutually advanced beneath a shower of balls. They were still separated from each other by stone walls, and hedges, which intersected the ground; but as they closed, it was perceived that the French line extended beyond the right flank of the Bri- tish, and a body of the enemy were observed moving up the valley to turn it. An order was instantly given, and the half of the 4th regiment, which formed this flank, fell back, refusing their right, and making an obtuse angle with the other half. In this position they com- menced a heavy flanking fire; and the General, watching the manoeuvre, called out to them, " That was exactly what I wanted to be done." He then, accompanied by Lord William Bentinck, rode up to the 50th regiment, whiih had got over an inclosure in their front, and charged the French in the most gallant style. They succeeded LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. 441 succeeded in driving the enemy out of the village of Elvina, with great slaughter. In this conflict, Major Napier, advancing too tar, was wounded severely and taken prisoner ; and Major Stanhope also, of the 50th, unfortunately received a mortal wound. Sir John Moore then proceeded to the 42d regiment, forming the left battalion of Lord William Bentinck's brigade, and addressed them in these words — " High- landers, remember Egypt." They rushed on, driving the French before them, till they were stopped by a wall. Sir John accompanied them in this charge, and told the soldiers he was well pleased with their conduct. He sent Captain Hardinge to order up a battalion of the Guards to the left flank of the Highlanders; upon which the officer commanding the light company conceived, that as their ammunition was nearly expended, they were to be relieved by the Guards, and began to fall back; but Sir John, discovering the mistake, said to them, " My brave 42d, join your comrades; ammunition is coming, and you have your bayonets." They instantly obeyed ; and all moved forward. At this period, and just as he had directed the most able dispositions, Sir John Moore fell by a cannon-shot. The troops, although not unacquainted with the irreparable loss they had sus- tained, were not dismayed ; and, by the most determined bravery, not only repelled every attempt of the enemy to gain ground, but actually forced him to retire, although he had brought up fresh troops in support of those ori- ginally engaged. The enemy, finding himself foiled in every attempt to force the right of the position, endeavoured by numbers to turn it. A. judicious and well-timed movement, which was made by Major-General Paget, with the re- serve, upon the right of Lord William Bentinck's brigade, defeated this intention. The Major-General having pushed forward the 95th (rifle corps), and 1st battalion of the 52d regiment, drove the enemy before him, and in his rapid and judicious advance threatened the left of the French position. This circumstance, with the posi- tion of Lieutenant-General Fraser's division (calculated to give still further security to the right of the line), in- duced the enemy to relax his efforts in that quarter. The rcry able and gallant mauner in which Lord Wil- liam 442 LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. liam acquitted himself in the command of his brigade, on this trying and memorable occasion, obtained the approbation of Lieutenant-General Sir John Hope, and was particularly noticed in that officer's elegant and ad- mirable dispatch of the battle of Corunna. Major-General Lord William Bentinck was next ap- pointed to command a division of Sir Arthur Wellesley's army, with the local rank of Lieutenant-General; but he was prevented acquiring fresh laurels in the Peninsula, government having selected his Lordship to till the im- portant situation of Minister at the Court of Sicily, and Commander-in-chief of all his Majesty's forces in that island; a situation which, at that political crisis, when Europe, nay, the world, was in a great measure un- hinged, called aloud for the union of good and sound heads and hearts, in order to effect the deliverance of all nations from thraldom, degeneration, and de- basement. The conduct of his Lordship on his first arrival in Sicily, was such as to justify the British government in having placed him in a situation of so much trust and delicacy. Finding the court of Palermo under the in- fluence of Napoleon, and that the inhabitants of Sicily deprecated the Queen as the adviser of measures which would have led to the invasion of the island from the opposite coast, Lord William Bentinck returned to Eng- land, preferring to make his representations in person, instead of entering into a detailed correspondence with ministers, as to the real state of affairs; and so much confidence was placed in his Lordship's judgment, that full powers were granted him to adopt such a line of policy, as might appear best adapted to secure the inde- pendence of the island, and prevent the Queen's party from obtaining any ascendancy in the state. Her Ma- jesty did not submit to these arrangements without ma- nifest reluctance, and great exertions to place matters on a different footing, but in vain; and Lord William Ben- tinck released from their dungeons those virtuous nobles whom the Queen had confined in consequence of their opposition to her views. By the firmness of his conduct on this trying occasion, his Lordship secured the good opinion of the inhabitants, who entertained a high regard for their British allies; and so little was an invasion to be apprehended, LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. 443 apprehended, that a considerable part of the Sicilian army was detached to the assistance of the Spaniards : and the landing effected by Lieutenant-General Maitland, at Alicant, produced a beneficial effect upon the opera- tions of the Duke of Wellington, by diverting the French army under Suchetfrom making any movement towards the scene of those events which shed such lustre on the British arms. After the failure of Sir John Murray in his attempt upon Tarragona, Lord William Bentinck arrived from Sicily, and took the command of the Anglo-Sicilian army in the eastern part of Spain. He arrived at the Col de Balaguer on the 17th of June; and, having brought back the army to Alicant, he made the necessary preparations for forwarding the instructions of the Duke of Welling- ton. His Lordship, on his arrival to take the command, was received with great demonstrations of joy. He found the army much disorganized from its recent disasters; having, however, in some measure repaired its losses, he, on the 10th of August, received intelligence that Marshal Suchet had returned to Villa Franca from Barcelona, and had brought with him 5000 men, which raised the con- centrated force in that quarter to 25,000, including (5000 brought to join him by De Caen, and all that he could collect from his different garrisons; which intelligence, together with the reports of the succeeding days, left no doubt that it was his intention to move forward a second time to raise the siege of Tarragona. At this period the allies were stationed on the river Gaya, communicating with the squadron and transports which had brought them from Alicant; but Lord William did not feel satisfied with his position, which he could not occupy in sufficient strength, not being yet joined by all the troops which he had reason to expect, and the position itself being liable to be turned on the flanks. Indeed, when his Lordship came to reconnoitre the position itself personally, he found that there was no such position upon the river as he had been led to sup- pose: for there were only two carriageable roads across it, and they are at a distance of ten miles from each other; whilst the river itself having no water in it at that season, and being only difficult from the steepness of its banks, it was of course passable for infantrv every where. In 444 LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. In consequence of this intelligence, and the circum- stances of his position, Lord William suspended all operations for the siege of Tarragona, except the making of fascines, and landed neither artillery nor stores, until the arrival of additional troops should place him on a footing with the advancing army. Indeed, at that period, his corps was insufficient to guard both passes: if he had placed himself before one, the other would of course have been open; and the whole corps itself, if placed in the centre, could not have been able to reach either flank in time to check the enemy in their passage of the river. General Whittingham also, whom he had sent with his corps to the Cols of San Christina and Llebra, reported these not to be defensible with so small a force as could be allotted to that object. The position at Gaya, under all circumstances, being totally untenable; and the immediate vicinity of Tarra- gona, though it offered a very good position in itself, being liable to be completely turned by an enemy who, crossing the Cols, should approach by Vails and Reuss, his Lordship determined to retire slowly upon Cambrills in proportion as Sachet advanced; a movement which the Duke of Wellington entirely approved of. On the 14th, Suchet moved a large corps upon Alta Fulla; but, the road being close to the beach, the navy were upon the watch, arid the gun-boats prevented his passing, as he at first seemed to demonstrate was his in* tention. On the 15th, he still advanced on the land side, and drove back the posts on the Cols of San Christian and Llebra; and afterwards forced the advanced corps at Brafia, by which they were supported, also to retire, as nearly his whole army was now marching by this route. One column of the French were pushing forward at this time on the road towards Vails ; and in the after- noon Lord William ordered his brother, Lord Frederick Bentinck, to march with the small brigade of cavalry under his command to reconnoitre them beyond Nulles and Villabella. This service was accordingly performed. But no sooner had Lord Frederick began to retire, than the enemy followed him with both cavalry and infantry; and a squadron of the French 4th Hussars pressed closely upon his rear-guard, consisting of Captain Wultfen's troops LORD WILLIAM C. BENTINCK. 445 troops of the Brunswick Hussars, and attempted to charge and overpower it: but the assailants were op- posed each time with determined spirit and resolution, though greatly superior in number; and Captain Eriche- son, with his troop, being sent to the support of Cap- tain WidrTen, the French were soon completely driven back, with the loss of one officer kl lied, another officer wounded, and between twenty and thirty men left sabred on the field ; besides sixteen prisoners and eleven horses, which fell into the hands of the Brunswick Hussars. The whole of the allied army arrived at Cambrills on the 16th of August, Suchet still advancing; and on the lj)th their head-quarters were at Hospitalet: but on the preceding day Suchet himself thought proper to retire; and not being willing that the allies should pos- sess themselves of Tarragona, he blew up and destroyed the whole of the works at that place, previous to his re- trograde movement. From this time, Lord William Bentinck continued suc- cessfully to maintain the interests of his country at the court of Palermo; and a happy train of events, leading to the restoration of the royal family of Naples to the throne of their ancestors, has crowned the exertions of his Lordship, whose mission to that court had in view the promotion of their most essential interests. In the year 1802, his Lordship conducted the Honour- able Mary Acheson, daughter of the late Earl of Gosford, to the hymeneal altar. Her Ladyship accompanied her husband to India, and again braved the dangers of the ocean in her recent voyage to Sicily. vol. in. 3 l jtemoto OF GENERAL THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR DAVID DUNDAS, KB. FOR the Memoirs of this veteran officer, the oldest we believe in the British army, we are much beholden to a valuable modern publication, whose biographical resources are unquestionably of the first order. The father of Sir David Dundas was a merchant of great respectability, residing in Edinburgh, a descendant from the ancient Scotish family of that name, and the father of several children. Sir David, from his earliest years, having shewn an attachment to the military pro- fession, he was of course educated in a manner suitable to the situation and society into which the pursuit of arms might lead him. At the age of thirteen he was placed at the military academy at Woolwich, where after a residence of two years, he was appointed, in 1752, to assist in a survey of the kingdom of Scotland, then carrying on under the inspection of his maternal uncle, the late General Watson, at that time a Colonel in the army, and Quarter-Master-General and Senior Captain in the corps of Engineers. On this service he continued three years, under the more immediate direction of his friend, the late Major-General Roy. In the year 1754, he was appointed to a Lieutenancy in the royal regiment of Artillery; and in the year following was made a practi- tioner engineer. In the next year, 175G, he was ap- pointed a Lieutenant in the 56th regiment, and also an Assistant Quarter-Master-General : and at the age of twenty-one, he joined a very considerable armament, then preparing, in the above situation. This armament was to be employed in harassing the enemy's coasts, in order to divert the attention of the French government, during the conflict for the possession SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 447 possession of Canada, and was commanded by the i Duke of Marlborough. The squadron, un'er the command of Commodore Howe, sailed from Portsmouth on the 1st of June 1758, and arrived in due time in Cancalle Bay, at a short dis- tance from the city of St. Malo; which latter place was the point of attack. On the advance of the troops it was j discovered, that the strong natural defences of the place, together with its insulated situation, would render all attempts against it utterly abortive, unless supported by numbers and artillery, in both of which the English were deficient: they accordingly returned to Cancalle, after having destroyed, in the harbour of St. Malo, a large fleet i of privateers, an I several other vessels of different de- 1 scriptions, amounting to upwards of an hundred sail. Alter performing this service, which the enemy very slightly opposed, the troops re-embarked. The squadron 1 coasted along by Granvnie and Cherbourg, and made dis- positions for landing at tne latter place; but a hard gale and a lee-shore ob'iged them to stand for England, where they arrived on tlit c 29th of June, and came to an anchor- ; age at St. Helen's. A lew weeks' rest, and fresh provisions, having re- cruited the troops, tin squadron again weighed anchor, an.i stood over .01 the French coast. Auspicious gales 1 brought the fleet within sight of Cherhourg in a few ) hours, an 1 immediate preparations were made for an 1 attack; the army being now commanded by Lieutenant- 1 General Bligh. T'le landing was accomplished about four miles so 1 he west of Cherbourg. T • French had j every advantage which nature and art could furnish to resist the invading army; but judicious dispositions on the part of the British, together with a smart fire, so paralyzed their efforts, that they made not the smallest display of resistance, nor even ventured beyond tne line of their own works, except to abandon them to the assailants, who accordingly took possession of them; and on the following day the whole force, amounting to be- • tween 5 and 6000 men, marched into Cherbourg with- out meeting the least resistance. The town and har- bour of Cherbourg are admirably situated for annoying the trade of Great Britain, by affording shelter to the privateers of her enemies. The harbour, considered 3 L 2 separately 44S SI R DAVID DUNDAS. separately, did not naturally supply safe and commodious anchorage for ships; but the celebrated Belidore had exerted all his skill in erecting fortifications and other works for its defence and security; he had also projected and accomplished improvements which counteracted its natural defects, and rendered it a point of attack worthy of the genius and valour of Englishmen. Having de- stroyed the labours of the engineer, and burned those of the shipwright, the British withdrew, after a sojourn of ten days in France, carrying with them hostages and spoils of war. On their arrival in England, the brass cannon and mortars were paraded from Kensington to the Tower, adorned with all the trophies and symbols of battle, to the infinite delight of the populace, and the annoy- ance of those graver personages who do not approve of ostentation. The troops employed on these expeditions were in excellent health, and so admirably supplied with every requisite article, that they did not disembark on their return to Spithead. It was determined that the coast of France should have no respite; and they accordingly sailed again for St. Malo. The troops landed to the west- ward of the town; but, being unable to make any mate- rial impression on that side, it became necessary once more to give up the enterprise, and to find a more proper place of re-embarkation. For this purpose the Commo- dore and fleet moved westward to the Bay of St. Cas, and the army in two days march arrived near that place; as did also the Duke d'Aiguillon, governor of Brittany, with a corps of twelve battalions, six squadrons, and two regiments of militia. A re-embarkation became neces- sary, in the presence of a superior enemy, covered by the fire of the fleet, and a rear-guard composed of 1200 guards and grenadiers. This was effected by the body of the army without any considerable loss; but when the rear-guard only remained on shore, it was vigorously attacked by very superior numbers, and almost totally lost. The bravery of our troops deserved a better fate: broken after a sanguinary resistance, many rushed into the sea, and were drowned. Until the fire of the cover- ing ships ceased, the enemy could give no quarter ; above 400 men lay dead on the beach, and 700 remained pri- soners to the enemy. Lieutenant SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 449 Lieutenant Dundas, reserved for a long career and better fortune, escaped unhurt; and. soon after the re- turn of the armament to England, he set out to join the army of that prudent and distinguished general, Prince Ferdinand, as an Assistant Quarter-Master-General and Engineer. In the German campaign, under that prince, there was much practical knowledge to be acquired, and Lieut. Dundas was not backward in obtaining such experience in his profession as the time afforded. In the year 1759, Lieut. Dundas was appointed to a troop in the 15th Light Dragoons, on which occasion he returned to England, and resigned his appointments of Engineer and Assistant Quarter-Master-General. Early in the year following, he again repaired to the theatre of continental warfare with his regiment, and as aide-de- camp to its Colonel, that distinguished cavalry officer, General Elliot. In this campaign 25,000 British served with the allies; a greater number than had been seen on the continent for two hundred years. During \,he petite guerre of this campaign, the services of the British troops, and more especially those imme- diately commanded by General Elliot, displayed all the intrepidity of the national character. In the affair of Emsdorff* one of the most brilliant actions of the cam- paign, Elliot's light horse (commanded by Sir William Erskine, proud to be led on by the Hereditary Prince of Brunswick, and worthy of that honour) had the greatest share in the glory and sufferings of that day; so young a corps had never so eminently distinguished itself. The combat of Corbach had preceded that of Ems- dorff; the successful battle of Warbourg followed it, and added new laurels to the British arms. The posts of honour and danger again fell to their share, and again their brave companions in difficulty and glory accorded them their meed of well-deserved praise. On the 31st of July 1760, Prince Ferdinand, having his main body on the heights of Cassel, moved towards the enemy, who were advantageously posted near Warbourg; in the mean time the Hereditary Princo, with two columns, wheeled round the enemy's left, and began a vigorous attack at once upon that flank, and upon the rear. The French com- mander poured reinforcements on that quarter, and a warm 450 SIR DAVID DUNDAS. warm ar four hours, with uncertain success, which, however, at last appeared to decide agaiust the French. Prince Ferdinand relied much on the English cavalry, which surpassed uis expectations, and indeed ad former examples. They consideied themselves as defrauded of their share of the glory of Mmden, and panted for an occasion to signalize then.selves. They came up five odes on a gallop, without the least con- fusion, and attacked the enemy's line with great spirit; the French horse did not stand the charge. The English artillery were brought up with the same celerity, and acted with the same effect. The Brush infantry, dis- daining to be outdone, made such efforts to support their fellow-soldiers, that, in straining their passage through marshy and mm assy ground, and in burning weather, many of them sunk down on their march. The French made a precipitate retreat to Statberg, having lost 1500 men killed, and as many prisoners: the English lost 590, killed, wounded, and prisoners. Captain Dundas served also at the battle of Closter- Camp, on the 16th of October, and at the siege at Wesel. The operations of this vigorous campaign were various atid uninterrupted; and the army retired into winter quarters in the end of November. In this campaign, the 25,000 English who served with the allies continually courttd and obtained the honour and giory of any action in which they were engaged; and although the whole summer was passed in warlike opera- tions, and five sharp encounters had taken place, yet the whole British loss was not very considerable. In January 1761, Captain Dundas took the field again with the allied army, and witnessed the expulsion of the French from the Hessian States, and their retreat to Frankfort on the Main. The army fell back to West- phalia, into quarters, in the month of March. In the succeeding operations of the campaign Captain Dundas continued to serve, being at the battle of Felling Hauson, and the affair which took p>ace at Eimbach: this last action, which happened in December, concluded the campaign of that year in Germany. From all the rigour of a German winter, Captain Dundas was suddenly called to extend his services to climates the very reverse. Yet such is a soldier's life, and SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 451 and such was the lot of our present subject; who, in the year 1762, the twenty-fifth year of his age, accompanied Gene r al Elliot, as his aide-de-camp, to the attack on the island of Cuba, and the performance of a service as memorable and remarkable as any in the whole history of West-India warfare. The army, about 15,000 strong, was commanded by the Earl of Albermarle, to whom General Elliot was second; and the fleet by Sir George Pocock, seconded by Commodore Kt ppel. The Havannah, at that time the most rich, populous, and flourishing city in the Western hemisphere, was the object of attack; and the British force employed against it suffered incredible hardships, miseries, and privations. During a siege of three months, the governor of the Havannah, Don Lewis de Vclasco, defended his trust with all the firmness of an old Castilian, and all the ardour of a modern soldier. The Spaniards, who had been for some time preparing for war, had formed a considerable navy in the West Indies, composed chiefly of ships of the line, and which lay at that time in the bason of the Havannah; but they had not received any authentic intelligence of hostilities having commenced between the two countries: this may perhaps account for their fleet, at the approach of the English, continuing to lie quietly at their moorings. When all things were in readiness for landing, the Ad- miral (Pococke) with a great part of the fleet, bore away to the westward, in order to draw the enemy's attention from the true object, and made a feint as if he intended to land on that side; while Commodore Keppel and Captain Harvey, commanding a detachment of the squadron, approached the shore to the eastward of the harbour, and, after having silenced a small forf, they, on the 7th of June, effected a landing in the utmost order. The main hotly of the army was destined to act upon this side. It was divided into two corps; one of which was advanced a considerable way in the country, towards the south-east of the harbour, to Guanabacon, in order to cover the siege, and to secure our parties employed in watering and foraging. This corps was commanded by General Elliot. The hardships which the English army sustained in the siege of the Moro, were dreadful. The earth was evny where 452 SIR DAVID DUNDAS. where so thin, that it was almost impossible to cover themselves in their approaches ; there was no spring or river near them, and water was obliged to be carried from a great distance; and many dropped down dead from thirst, heat, and fatigue. But such was the resolution of the besiegers, and such the unanimity of the land and sea forces, that no difficulties slackened for a moment the operands against this important, strong, and well-de- fended place. In the midst of this sharp and doubtful contention, the principal battery raised by the British against the fortress took fire; and, being constructed chiefly of timber, score bed by the intense heat and incessant cannonade, the flames overpowered every opposition, and the labour of GOO men for seventeen days was destroyed in a mo- ment. This was a severe misfortune, and was the more keenly felt, as the other hardships of the siege were be- coming almost insupportable. Five thousand soldiers were sick ; 300C seamen in the same condition. A great want of provisions and water retarded their recovery, and aggravated all their sufferings. The hearts of the most sanguine sunk within them. A thousand anxious and impatient looks were directed to the point from which the expected reinforcements were to come ; none, how- ever, appeared, and the exhausted army was left to its own endeavours. But, in the midst of these dishearten- ing distresses and disappointments, the steadiness of the commanders infused vigour and activity into the troops, and roused them to incredible exertions. The rich prize which was before them — the shame of retiring home baffled — and even the strenuous resistance made by the enemy; all these motives called loudly on their interest, their honour, and their pride, and inspired them to the exertion of all their powers. New batteries arose in the place of the old ; the fire became equal, and soon superior to that of the enemy. They by degrees silenced the cannon of Fort Moro, and, on the 20th of July, made a lodgement in the covert-way. In a few days their labours were rewarded by the arrival of reinforcements and a supply of ammunition ; and the hopes of the be- siegers were revived. After a siege of forty-four days, the English, on the 30th of July, made a breach in the fort, which was thought SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 433 thought practicable; they accordingly mounted it, en- tered the fort, and formed themselves with so much cele- rity, and with such a determined coolness, ihat the enemy, who were drawn up to receive them, astonished at their demeanour and intrepidity, fled in all directions. Four hundred of the garrison were killed or drowned, and four hundred obtained quarter. The second in com- mand, the Marquis de Gonzales, fell whilst he was making brave, but ineffectual efforts, to rally his people. Don Lewis de Velasco, the heroic governor, collected an hundred men round his colours, and, disdaining to retire or call for quarter, he received a mortal wound, and died, offering his sword to his conquerors. The English paid a just tribute to the memory and valour of this brave soldier : they wept with mingled pity and admiration over him. Notwithstanding the bloodshed and reduction of Fort Moro, the garrison, with the city and Fort Puntas, which were separated from the Moro and its commanding heights by the breadth of the harbour, made the best defence the nature of their circumstances would allow; and it was not until the 10th of August, after every gun had been silenced by the fire of the besiegers, that the Governor sent forward flags of truce, which appeared at the same moment in every part of the city, to the inex- pressible joy of the fleet and army: the result was a capi- tulation, wherein the remainder of the garrison, now reduced to 700 regular troops, were allowed the honours of war; and on the 14th of August, the English troops took possession of the Havannah, after a siege of two months and eight days. This conquest was, without doubt, the most consider- able that had ever been made in the West Indies. The acquisition united in itself all the advantages which can be acquired in war; and in the plunder it equalled a national subsidy, the bullion and merchandise toge- ther found in the place being calculated at three mil- lions sterling. At the general peace Captain Dundas returned to England, and'arrived in the month of January 1703; but, a soldier in principle and spirit, he again forsook the allurements of his native home, and proceeded to the continent once mcfre in search of military improvement; yol. in. 3 m and 454 SI R DAVID DUNDAS. and as a state of profound peace prevented practical ex- perience, he spent the greater part of 1764 in France, obtaining that theoretical knowledge which his services have perfected. From that time to 1770 he continued doing duty with the 15th dragoons as Captain, when he was advanced to the rank of Major, in the same regiment, by purchase. He then went to the continent, to attend the French and Austrian exercises in Flanders. On the commencement of the American war, 1775, Major Dundas made a warm solicitation to be allowed to exchange into the infantry, for the purpose of serving on that continent; but government considering his ser- vices essential in another part of his Majesty's dominions, he accordingly purchased the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the 12th Light Dragoons, and went to that regiment in Ireland. In 1778, he received the appointment of Quar- ter-Master-General in Ireland; and in 1781 was made Colonel by brevet. In 1782 his unwearied services were further rewarded by the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the 2d regiment of horse; and in 1785 he attended the Prussian exercises at Berlin, Pomerania, Silesia, and Magdeburg: from which time to 1787, his life was passed in acquiring that knowledge in his profession, in the different conti- nental military schools, which has rendered him, if not the first tactician of the times,, at least inferior to- none. In the year 1788 he produced the effects of long study and practical acquaintance with the art of war, in the celebrated and useful work on the principles of military movements, and which has become the basis of our army regulations. His Majesty, fully aware of the important advantages to be derived from the zeal, professional knowledge, and accuracy of Colonel Dundas, expressly appointed him Adjutant-General in Ireland, for the purpose of intro- ducing his mode of discipline and tactics into that coun- try, and to perfect the infantry military regulations: and his system was soon after put in practice in the gar- rison of Dublin, under his immediate command. The follow ing year, Colonel Dundas was promoted to the rank of Mijor-General; and in 1791 was appointed to the Colonelcy of the 22d regiment of foot. In 1791 he resigned SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 4.55 resigned the Adjutant-Generalship, and was placed upon the Irish staff as Major-General. In 1792, the convulsed state of the French government, and the people's republican propensities, having induced England to all}' herself to the continental princes, in order to crush the enormities of the French, and if pos- sible to put a period to the wide-spreading mischief, many officers of talent and activity resigned appointments of emolument, and relinquished the milder but equally use- ful prosecution of regimental discipline, to join in services of actual warfare. Those sentiments which have, during the whole course of cur subject's military career, so particularly maiked his character, continued to urge him onward in search of military reputation. He therefore resigned the Irish Staff in 1793, and came to London, in order to be upon the spot, should his services be called for. The govern- ment, conscious of his zealous attachment to its cause, employed the General on a military mission to the island of Jersey, for the purpose of ascertaining the practica- bility of an attack on St. Malo. Soon after his return from making these observations, the General was dis- patched to the head-quarters of his Royal Highiu-s the Duke of York, then besieging Dunkirk, in order to eou- fer with him on subjects of importance; and, on the ter- mination of that untoward bnsiness in the month of Octo- ber of that year, he travelled through Germany and Italy to Toulon, where he remained second in command to the late General O'Hara. The French having erected a battery which commanded the town and arsenal of Toulon, a plan was formed to de- stroy it, and bring off the cannon and ammunition. The plan was completely executed by General Dumlas; but part of the troops, in their ardour, having pursued the retreating enemy too far, were thrown into disorder. General O'Hara hastened to the spot to encourage and recal them, when he received a wound, which rendered him incapable of avoiding the. enemy : he was made a prisoner, and the command of the troops and eov< rument of Toulon devolved upon Major- General Dundas. The struggles of the Gent ral to maintain himself in t-he possession of this post were highly praiseworthy, and «uch as called forth the approbation of his sovereign and 3 M 2 the 456 SI R DAVID DUNDAS. the country. He however found his situation untenable, and, after many arduous endeavours, he perceived all hopes of retaining it utterly futile. No occasion wherein British science or intrepidity could display themselves was lost by the General, although his force was ill- organized, and composed of Spaniards, Neapolitans, Pied- montese, and French loyalists, amounting, together with the British, to 12,000 men. Deserters and others coming in daily, the General was supplied with ample information of the enemy's plans; he therefore made arrangements for repelling them in the best and most judicious manner, considering his limited force, and the disadvantages under which he acted. For the complete defence of the town and harbour, he was obliged to occupy a circumference of fifteen miles, by eight principal posts, with their several intermediate dependent ones ; the greatest part of these were merely of a temporary nature, and constructed in such a man- ner as the exigency of the time admitted. His force, which did not exceed 12,000 men bearing arms, and composed, as we have before observed, of various countries, was disposed thus — 9000 in supporting those posts, and the remaining 3000 were stationed in the town. On the 16th of December, at half-past two o'clock in the morning, the enemy, who had kept three batteries in continual play, opened two new ones, and commenced a very heavy cannonade on Fort Mulgrave till next morn- ing; the works suffered much, and the allies lost a great number of men. The weather was very bad; and the troops in consequence suffered much from fatigue. At two o'clock on the morning of the 17th, the enemy attacked the fort in great force. It was defended a con- siderable time; but, on the enemy entering on the Spanish side, the British quarter, commanded by Captain Conolly, of the 18th regiment, could not be maintained much longer: it was finally carried; and the remains of the brave garrison of 700 men retired towards the shore of Balaguier, As this position was most essential to the pre- servation of the harbour, every means had been taken to strengthen it, and at that time 3000 men were there. The firing at this post having discontinued during the darkness, SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 437 darkness, the garrison waited the return of day-light in the most anxious suspense. On the morning of the IStli a new scene met their view, by an attack of all our posts on the mountain of Pharon. The enemy were repulsed on the east side, by a force commanded by a distinguished officer the Piedmontese Colonel De Jermagnan, who fell in the affair; they, however, crowded up in numbers on that side of the mountain which overlooks Toulon, and found means to penetrate between our posts. In consequence of these events, a council of flag and general officers assembled, when it was determined to evacuate the place. It would have been insanity to at- tempt further opposition; and measures were taken for immediate departure, which service was performed with admirable effect. The destruction of the arsenal, ship- ping, and magazines, was entrusted to Sir Sydney Smith, who executed the same in a manner which amply justified his appointment; and the whole allied army, under the able direction of General Duridas, together with several thousand of the Toulon loyalists, all the British artillery, and part of the French fleet, were brought off, without the loss of a single life, on the 29th of December 1793, having embarked under the strong citadel of La Malgue, which was then evacuated, The British general letired to the Isle of Elba. In January 1794, Lieutenant-General Dundas landed in the island of Corsica, captured the town of San Fiorenza, and secured good anchorage for the British fleet; when, from ill-health and his presence being no longer necessary in the Mediterranean, he travelled through Italy and Germany to England. Shortly after his arrival he set out to rejoin the army in Flanders; where, with the rank of Major-General, he commanded a brigade of cavalry at the battle of Tournay, which was fought on the 29d of May 1796- The allies, having re-united their scattered forces, prepared, with unabated resolution, to meet the republicans. At five in the morning; the attack was commenced by the latter on the advanced posts of the allies, which were driven back on the mam body: here the steadiness and intrepidity of the troops, and par- ticularly the British, checked their further progress; and, notwithstanding the impetuosity of their various attacks, which continued until ten at night, they were baffled in every 458 SIR DAVID DUNDAS. every attempt, and obliged to fall back upon Lisle. The loss of the French in this battle was very considerable; and had they not taken the precaution to cover both their flanks by thick woods, through which the cavalry could not penetrate, it would have been much greater. Major-General Dundas still continued in his command with the army under his Royal Highness the Duke of York, whose plan for the campaign had been wholly dis- concerted by the defeat of that brave, but unfortunate officer, General Clairfait. The Prince de Cobourg had not been in greater favour with the capricious dame, apd opposed to such numbers as the French could bring into the field, the allies, with all their united force, were weak : war and " la nation" being the fashion with that extravagant and hyperbolical people, the ranks were crowded with the flower of the country; and the fall of thousands only served, like the teeth of the hydra, to produce tens of thousands. The Duke of York was therefore obliged to remove from his position at Tournay to Oudenarde, in order to act against the French, who had invested it with a great force ; and from thence the whole army, consisting of British, Hanoverians, Hessians, and Brunswickers, retired to the frontiers of Holland, upon the Rhine and Waal, which they crossed and main- tained. In November, his Royal Highness returned to England, and General Walmoden took the command of the army. In December, Sir David Dundas was appointed to command on the Lower Waal, and had the honour to bear away the palm of victory in two successful actions near Gelder-Malsen. The British troops stationed at Arnheim and its vici- nity, were, from incessant fatigue, the inclemency of the weather, and the difficulty of procuring supplies, in the most distressing situation. The French seized this mo- ment to attempt the passage of the Waal, on rafts con- structed for that purpose; but, notwithstanding the state of the British and German forces, reduced by war, sickness, and famine, they were repulsed in every part. The winter of 1794-5 being of uncommon severity, the French were enabled to cross the Meuse and Waal, with an immense force, together with all their artillery, baggage, SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 439 baggage, and military stores; at which time the allies were too much reduced to render any effectual opposi- tion. They carried all the posts in the island of Bommel, forced the lines of Breda, made 1G00 prisoners, and took a quantity of cannon. They were complete masters of the Waal, and menaced the towns of Culenberg and Gorcum. In order to preserve these towns, Major- General Dundas, with 8000 British, marched against them on the 30th of Decern her. The French were posted at Thuyl; to arrive at which place it was neces- sary to take a road flanked with batteries, and the place itself was surrounded with a strong abbatis. By the persevering spirit, and admirable dispositions of the General, these great obstacles were surmounted ; and, notwithstanding the superiority of the enemy in physical strength, they were driven from their posts, and com- pelled to re-cross the Waal, with a considerable loss of troops and baggage. But these instances of judgment and valour in our generals and their troops availed but little to the general cause, having to repel an enemy whose strength was so enormous, and whose numbers, filling and overpowering the whole country, effectually rendered resistance impracticable. In the month of Ja- nuary 1795, the superiority of the enemy having become overwhelming, and the natural defences of Holland being frozen up, the allied army was obliged to evacuate the country, and retire behind the river Ems, on the frontier of Germany. Major-General Dundas remained in his command on the Ems, in East Friesland, until the month of April ; when the British infantry returned to England, under General Harcourt; and the cavalry, amounting to twenty- four squadrons, together with some foreign emigre corps attached to it, in all about 10,000, continued in Westphalia, under the command of the former, the whole army being commanded by General Walmoden. In the summer of this year, the British force under Lieu- tenant-Geueral Dundas enjoyed a cessation from the fa- tigues and calamities of war, though subject to various alarms: it occupied the countries of Friesland, Olden- burg, and Bremen, the remainder of the allied army being cantoned in Westphalia ; and the French occupy- ing Holland and the banks of the Waal and Rhine. Throughout 460 SIR DAVID DUNDAS. Throughout the whole of this season no offensive ope- rations were carried on; and the British cavalry were exercised by brigades, upon a general system then laid down to them by the Lieutenant-General. In December of this year Lieutenant-General Dundas was appointed Colonel of the Queen's, or 7th Light Dragoons. In January 1796, the whole of the British cavalry were embarked on the Weser. The rest of the allied army fell back to their several countries, according to the Hue of demarcation then agreed upon with the French. The British troops arrived safely in this country: and, soon afterwards, Major-General Dundas was placed on the Home staff, and appointed Quarter-Master-Gene- ral of the army. In the course of this year the General composed the cavalry regulations and movements, which the cavalry were ordered to follow. Camps being formed at Weymouth, and on Windsor Forest, under the immediate inspection of his Majesty, Major-General Dundas had the honour to direct the ex- ercises and instructions of the same, both cavalry and infantry: the remaining portion of 1796, and the three following years, were passed by the General in the useful labour of training the gallant army of Great Britain to future glory; and it must be an enviable feeling to this industrious officer, to observe, by the fields of Talavera, Salamanca, and Vittoria, that his labours have not been bestowed in vain. In the year 1797, a further reward to the services of the General was accorded by his august Sovereign, in the rank of Lieutenant-General and Governor of Land- guard Fort. In 1799, the late Sir Ralph Abercrombie commanded in the expedition to Holland ; when, after many difficul- ties and much obstruction, from extreme turbulent wea- ther and adverse winds, the British army succeeded in effecting its first object, which was to land and take up an advantageous post. Their next exploit was, in con- junction with the navy, the capture of the Dutch fleet, consisting of twenty-four vessels of war, and four India- men. An affair, wherein much gallantry was displayed, took place on the 10th of September; and his Royal High- ness the Duke of York taking the command on the 13th, having .SIR DAVID DUNDAS, 461 f i ~"~i " — ■ — — mSSSSSSmm — — — mSSSSSSSS mSSSSSm — — — — 5358 having been accompanied by Lieutenant-General Dundas, a plan of operation was immediately devised, and a ge- neral attack determined upon: and on the 19th every ar- rangement was completed. The army advanced in four columns: the first, consisting chiefly of Russian troops, under Lieutenant-General D'Hermann; the second com- manded by Lieutenant-General Dundas, and consisting of two squadrons of the llth light dragoons, two bri- gades of foot-guards, and Major-General Prince William of Gloucester's brigade; the third commanded by Sir James Pulteney; and the fourth, by Sir Ralph Aber- crombie. It was planned that the Russian division of the army should advance to the right, through a country near to the village of Bergen, and almost covered with wood, this being the enemy's principal post. The Russians advanced with the most impetuous courage; but, allowing themselves to be impelled beyond the bounds of that order which is so requisite to a military operation, they fell into confusion, and, after displaying all their national hardihood, were compelled to retire, with considerable loss. Both the second and third columns had great difficul- ties to overcome, in consequence of the ground of their operations being intersected by deep ditches and morass. The 6econd column, under Lieutenant-General Dundas, having performed the service first allotted it in the most gallant and decisive manner, which was to force the enemy's position at Warmenhuysen and Schoreldam, and to co-operate with the column under General D'Hermann, extended itself, after the retreat of the Russians, to the right; and, although weakened by an extension so dispro- portionate to its force, nevertheless renewed the battle with great bravery; but, owing to the unfortunate state of the ground, and other disadvantageous circumstances, after a conflict wherein the skill and gallantry of the British were eminently conspicuous, the column wa9 obliged to retire. The exertions of the British were stre- nuous and successful, answering well to the high repu- tation of their generals : and on a review of the success which attended the three columns of British troops, we cannot but lament that the Russian corps lost sight of that spirit of discipline and subordination for which they vol. in. 3 n ever 462 SIR DAVID DUNDAS. ever are so remarkable, as on that alone hung the subse- quent disasters of the day; and had General D'Hermann been able to keep possession of the ground so rapidly won, until the troops of General Dundas had come to his support, the event of the day would have justified the hopes of the Duke of York. The spirits of the British were, however, unbroken, and the Russians were anxious to repair their late disaster : the army kept the field in defiance of every natural and artificial obstacle. The Duke of York determined on fur- ther exertions • and a reinforcement of British and Russian troops arriving, his hopes were strengthened and con- firmed. The operations of the allied armies having been sus- pended by inclement weather, which now becoming more moderate, the British were put in motion on the morning of the 2d of October, and an attack was commenced on the whole of the enemy's line. A severe and sanguinary conflict ensued, which lasted from six in the morning un- til the same hour at night. The British right wing was led on by Sir Ralph Abercrombie; the centre divisions by General Dundas; and the left wing by Major-General Burrard. The first impression made on the enemy's line was by the centre division of our army, under the com- mand *of General Dundas; the right next attacked ; and finally the left wing. They overcame all opposition, and entirely defeated the French. On the night after the battle, the British troops lay on their arms, and, on the morning of the Sd, they moved forward, and occupied the positions of Lang-Dyke, Alkmaar, Bergen, Egmont-op-Hoof, and Egmont-op- Zee. The Duke of York, in his dispatches, bestowed the warmest praise on the whole of the troops under his command, and in an especial manner particularized the Generals Sir. R. Abercrombie and Dundas, for the ability they displayed ; and his Royal Highness attributed much of the success of the day to their personal exertions. The British and Russian troops were again engaged with the enemy on the 4th of October; and after a severe conflict, in which 1900 men were killed and wounded, the enemy retired, leaving the English in possession of the fiejd of battle: but the season, the roads, and other ob- stacles, SIR DAVID DUNDAS. 463 stacles, prevented the British commander from following up these advantages. Intelligence also arrived, importing that the enemy were daily strengthening, and would shortly bear down with all their force upon him: he therefore, with the concurrence of the lieutenant-generals in his army, Withdrew from his advanced positions at Schagenbrug; and, on the 17th of the month, agreed on a suspension of hostilities with the Geneials Brane and Daendels, to evacuate Holland before the end of November. In 1801, Lieutenant-General Dundas was appointed Colonel of the North British Dragoons, and was made Governor of Fort George after the decease of Sir R-ilph. Abercrombie; and, in 1809, was promoted to tne rank of General in the army. In 1803, General Dundas resigned the situation of Quarter-Master-General of the army, and was placed in the command of the Southern district, viz. Kent and Sussex. In 1804 he was appointed Governor of the Royal Hospital at Chelsea, and Knight of the Bath. In 1805 the General was, from indisposition, under the necessity of resigning the command of the Southern district; and, in 1809, he received from his Sovereign a most gratifying distinction and reward for long and ardu- ous services, in bemg appointed Commander-in-chief of the armies of Great Britain, upon the resignation of the Duke of York — a. post which any prince in Europe might be proud to hold; and, in the same year, the 95th, or regiment of Riflemen, was presented to him. Having continued in full authority at the Horse- Guards for two years, with the entire satisfaction of the ministry and the army, the veteran General, finding the infirmities of age required a retreat from the burdens of office, obtained permission to resign the high appoint- ment, which he accordingly did on the 26th of May 1811. The next mark of royal favour the Genera! reeeived was the presentation of the King's regiment of Dragoon Guards, which circumstance took place in the course of 1813. Few officers have arrived at higher honours, or have been more deserving of them than Sir David Dundas; and it is our earnest wish that he may long live to enjoy them. 3 n 2 jflemotrs iflemotrs OF GENERAL THE RIGHT RONOURABLE LORD HUTCHINSON, KB. ORD Hutchinson, to whom the command of the -" Egyptian expedition devolved on the death of the lamented Abercrombie, is descended from a very ancient Irish family, of the name of Hely. His father was brought up to the bar, in which honourable profession he acquired fame and fortune; and the latter was consi- derably augmented by his marriage with the niece and heiress of Richard Hutchinson, Esq. of Knocklofty, Tip- perary county. This gentleman afterwards obtained the appointment of Provost of Trinity College, Dublin; which post he filled three years, and, at the expiration of that time, became Secretary of State, and was the first native of Ireland who for some centuries had enjoyed a situation of such importance. In this department, Mr. Hely Hutchinson acquired sufficient interest to raise his lady to the peerage, with remainder to her children, by the title of Baroness of Donoughmore, of Knocklofty ; on which occasion he exhibited a noble and uncommon instance of disinterested affection, by declining the ho- nour of nobility himself. Lady Donoughmore was the mother of six sous and four daughters, all of whom sur- vived her. The second son, John Hely Hutchinson, the subject of our present Memoir, being from his earliest years in- tended for one of the liberal professions, the utmost pains were bestowed upon his instruction. In order that every advantage might be afforded him, he was placed under the private tuition of Dean Bond; and, having passed through the course of an enlarged edu- cation, he was, at a proper age, removed to Eton, and from thence to Trinity College, Dublin. At LORD HUTCHINSON. 465 At the age of eighteen, having made his election of that profession to which he found his talents and incli- nation best adapted, he was presented with a commis- sion in the ISth light dragoons, from which corps he was removed to the 67th regiment of foot, and afterwards to the 77th Highland regiment. Captain Hutchinson now commenced a course of mili- tary studies at the academy of Strasburg, where he in a short time acquired all the tactical knowledge of the Prussian and French military schools ; and, on the first appearance of the republican armies in the held, he re- paired to their head-quarters, and had the good fortune to be with the army at some very memorable epochas. Captain Hutchinson witnessed the flight of La Fayette; and it is said, on surveying the army under the late illus- trious Duke of Brunswick, that he predicted its disas- trous fate. At the commencement of the revolutionary war, the elder brother of Lord Hutchinson, who had, by the death of his mother, succeeded to the Barony of Donoughmore, raised a regiment for the service of his country; and Cap- tain Hutchinson was permitted to follow his example, by which he acquired the rank of Colonel. During the convulsions which agitated Ireland at that critical period, Colonel Hutchinson displayed much energy of mind, tempered with those milder virtues which become the citizen and patriot; and although he afterwards supported by his vote in parliament the ques- tion of the Union, yet he always remembered he was an Irishman, and assimilated with his military duties a due regard to unity and indulgence. When Ireland was invaded by a division of French troops under General Humbert, Colonel Hutchinson obtained much credit for his able conduct in the com- mand of his regiment. At the battle of Castlebar, he was second in command, and assisted in concluding the capitulation signed soon after by the French General. In the year 1792, he volunteered to serve with the army in the expedition to Holland : and he had the good fortune to be employed by Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who had appointed him his supernumerary aide-de-camp, in negotiations by means of flags of truce, and every thing connected with la diplomatique militaire; in all of which he IQ6 LORD HUTCHINSON. he acquitted himself in such a manner as to obtain the esteem of Sir Ralph Abercrombie, which that officer ever after took opportunities to demonstrate. Colonel Hutchinson having acquired the rank of Major- General, he was employed in the second expedition under his Royal Highness the Duke of York, in the year 1799, and had the honour to be distinguished by that illustrious priuce in a particular manner, both in the public dis- patches and by private eulogium; and particularly for the bravery displayed by him in leading on Lord Cavan's brigade, when that General, in consequence of an acci- dent, was carried off the field. In this expedition he received a wound in his thigh. Early in life he was elected a member of the Irish par- liament for the city of Cork ; and, without entering into his particular views or political sentiments, we shall merely offer an extract from a speech on the Union, deli- vered by him on the 17th of February 1800, which, for its point, brilliancy, and elegance, has never been sur- passed even by the most celebrated orators of this country. " All the arguments I have heard against the Union are addressed to the pride, the passions, the prejudices of an irritable nation, more in the habits of acting from the impulse of quick feelings than from the dictates of sound discretion and of sober reason. I am perfectly convinced of the political necessity of endeavouring to preserve a sense of national dignity. It is the source of all pre-emi- nence — the fountain of glory to nations, and of honour to individuals — the origin of all power, strength and great- ness. I wish, amidst the wreck and ruin which sur- rounds us, that we had any thing to nourish this noble passion — any thing to soothe vanity or console pride. But the history of this country for the last six centuries, has been the sad, degrading, melancholy picture of barbarous discord and savage acrimony; of party zeal and sectarian struggle ; a fugitive government without fixed principles ; a minister without responsibility; a parliament fearless of the people, from whom they did not derive their origin; a triumphant aristocracy, and a deluded nation. Your rights were invaded; your commerce annihilated; your constitution laid in the dust. You submitted to be slaves abroad, provided you were allowed to be tyrants at home. LORD HUTCHINSON. 467 ■"'■-■'■ ■ ■ ■ ' ■ — 1 home. Certainly, for the first eighty years of this cen- tury, the government of this country was the most arbi- trary and oppressive of any in Europe. Every weak habit of the human intellect — every bad passion of the human breast— every base disposition of our infirm na- ture, were called into action, presided at the judgment seat of justice, and expounded a code, whose monstrous absurdity was only to be equalled by its sanguinary' cruelty; a code, unexampled in the annals of civilized man — which put three-fourths of the inhabitants of this country out of the protection of the law — which' gave any ruffian, who prefessed to believe the established religion, a power of invading the property of the innocent oatholic, and of seizing on the fruits of his industry. This criminal legislation offered premiums to hypocrisy and perjury, and endeavoured to secure the state by un- dermining the morals of the citizen. I dwell with little pleasure on this subject, though I am convinced that the infatuated policy of our ancestors has been the great source of the calamities which have afflicted their de- scendants. Certainly, during the course of his Majesty's long and auspicious reign, a wiser and more liberal line of conduct has been pursued towards this country; but, in human affairs, it is much easier tocommit than remedy an error: the wisdom of one age cannot always repair the folly of another. Though much of those laws have been repealed, the consequences of a barbarous code are still evident amongst us. The dregs of this deadly poison still remain, and have implanted in too many bosoms those unhappy jealousies, those ill-founded suspicions, those idle fears, those sanguinary passions, which black, malignant, rancorous, religious fanaticism, alone can excite. This country has exhibited the singular spectacle of a parliament trampling upon the wisdom, the prin- ciples, and the duties of a legislator, and adopting the manners, the tone, and the habits of an inquisitor. " The effects of this system were such as might naturally have been expected ; Ireland, in many respects, sunk below the level of other European countries. It was impossible to hope for love to the law, zeal for the constitution, or attachment to the government; for pro- tection is the parent of obedience, reverence and sub- mission are its honourable children. That pure, un- sullied, 468 LORD HUTCHINSON. sullied, unalloyed allegiance, the vital principle of states 9 the only solid foundation of legitimate rule, which will not yield to the clumsy chain of force, but is created by benefits, acknowledged by gratitude, and nourished by hope, can only be expected by a good and beneficent go- vernment from a happy and contented people. The powers of the earth will at length learn this salutary truth — that government must ever be in danger when the subject has nothing to lose. Surely there must have been some predisposing cause, which rendered the admission of French principles more easy and more general in this country than almost in any other in Europe. God has not cursed the land with barrenness, nor the people with intellectual darkness; but much of the energies of an acute, a brave, and a generous nation, have been suffered to prey upon its own powers, to rot and perish in ob- scurity, indolence, and wretchedness. ** The vice and virtue of subjects must generally be attributed to the government under which they have lived. Hard and oppressive laws naturally tend to corrupt the human heart, and to make man brutal and ferocious. If to this shall be superadded the tyranny of manners, more insulting and humiliating than any system of law, nothing can be more wretched than the state of such a nation, nothing more dangerous and more menacing than such a government, resting on so frail and so tottering a foundation. What is the security of the tyrant? the de- basement of his slave. What is his punishment? the corruption of his own principles. If, in a state so cir- cumstanced, the forms of a free constitution shall still be adhered to, the ferocity of the lower class of men will assault from without, whilst the venality of the upper will undermine him from within. " The light of the French revolution, with all its fond delusions, broke on a country where there was neither equal law, nor equal liberty; where the line of separation between the rulers and the ruled was immense; where the spirit of persecution was substituted for the spirit of peace and charity, and even atoned for the want of re- ligion itself. This island was, therefore, a prepared soil for the reception of jacobin principles, and they have flourished with all the growth of rank luxuriance. If almost the whole people of England have flocked to the standard LORD HUTCHINSON; 459 standard of loyalty — if they have shewn the highest zeal for their constitution, and the greatest reverence for their laws, it has neither been the effect of passion nor of pre- judice, but the wise and deep-rooted sentiment of the benefits which they have derived from the one, and of the protection which the other has afforded them. Under this system they have flourished and prospered; they have enjoyed for a century a degree of liberty and secu- rity unknown to other nations. With a limited popula- tion, with natural resources by no means of the first magnitude, they have become a great and flourishing empire; commanding commerce, displaying a triumph- ant flag, in every quarter of the globe ; protecting Europe by its resources, its councils, its courage, and its energies; rallying again the powers of the continent to the standard of order, religion, and government; and covering the best institutions of social man with the adamantine shield of true philosophy and immortal reason. From whence then arise the different circumstances of two islands, only separated from each other by a narrow channel? Open the annals of your own country; ask your own hearts; and you will then find the solution of the problem. In what events of your history can you take pride? The past is without glory ; the present disastrous and humi- liating: all is darkness and desolation around us. Op- pression, rapine, anarchy, rebellion, follow each other in melancholy gradation. In nominal possession of the laws and constitution of one of the most illustrious na- tions that have ever existed ; where liberty has been better secured, better understood, and better enjoyed, than in any other state, ancient or modern, we never have experienced for any lengthened period either order or peace. The British constitution appears to have lam a dead weight upon us, inoperate and oppressive; the ma- gistrates without authority, the laws without respect The frequency of insurrection among the lower class of men clearly proves that there has been something radically wrong in the state of Ireland. It would be absurd to argue, and a libel on the national character to assert, that the fault has been entirely with the people. The circumstances of the two islands are certainly as different as possible; but the operation of the laws, and the administration of the government, have also been as vol. in. 8 o different 470 LORD HUTCHINSON. different as that of two nations that were in possession of distinct and opposite constitutions. He who was capable of maintaining that Ireland has been well governed, would pay an ill compliment to your understandings, and be guilty of an idle perversion of the truth. We must acknowledge and deplore the sad circumstances of the times in which we live ; licentious manners, profligate morals, the perversion of all sound and honest principle, the ardent desire of the poor to invade the property of the rich, have not only menaced the entire overthrow of all governments, but the utter subversion of civilized society." When the expedition to Egypt, which forms so splendid a figure in the military history of Great Britain, was determined upon, and the chief command invested in Sir Ralph Abercrombie, that officer made such repre- sentations to his Majesty's ministers of the physical ca- pabilities of Major-General Hutchinson, as induced them to appoint him second in command — a measure which created some surprise at the time, as the Major-General had not been employed on any previous occasion in the command of an army: the wisdom of the decision was, however, proved by the occurrences of a campaign which terminated in the discomfiture and flight of the enemy Buonaparte, and laid the foundation of much future glory to the British arms. In the memorable battle of Alexandria, General Hutchinson bore a conspicuous part. An attack on the enemy being projected, he was detached to perform that service, but he was anticipated in his intention by the French, who met the column on its march; they were* however, repulsed by the British, and took up a defen- sive position on the fortified heights of Alexandria. Sir Ralph Abercrombie, in his official dispatch, uses the following expressions: — " It was intended to have attacked them in this, their last position ; for which purpose the reserve, under the command of Mnjor-General Moore, which had remained in column during the whole of the day, was brought forward; and the second line, under the command of Major-General Hutchinson, marched to the left, across part of the lake Mariotes, with a view to attack the enemy on both flanks: but, on reconnoitring their posi- tion,. LORD HUTCHINSON. 471 tion, and not being prepared to occupy it after it should be carried, prudence required that the troops which had behaved so bravely, and were still willing to attempt any thing, however arduous, should not be exposed to a certain loss, when the extent of the advantage could not be ascertained. They were therefore withdrawn, and now occupy a position with their right to the sea, and their left to the canal of Alexandria and the lake Mariotes, about a league from the town of Alexandria." After the fatal wound which evidently deprived the General-in-chief of life, the superior command devolving on General Hutchinson, he had every opportunity of displaying those powers by which he is enriched, and his narrative of the battle of Alexandria, and death of Sir Ralph Abercrombie, does infinite honour both to his head and heart. " We have suffered," said General Hutchinson, " an irreparable loss, in the person of our never sufficiently to be lamented Commander-in-chief, Sir Ralph Abercrom- bie, who was mortally wounded in the action, and died on the 28th of March. I believe he was wounded early, but he concealed his situation from those about him, and continued in the field giving his orders with that cool- ness and perspicuity which had ever marked his charac- ter, till long after the action was over, when he fainted through weakness and loss of blood. Were it permitted for a soldier to regret any one who has fallen in the ser- vice of his country, I might be excused for lamenting him more than any other peison ; but it is some consola- tion to those who tenderly loved him, that a9 his life was honourable, so was his death glorious. His memory will be recorded in the annals of his country— will be sacred to every British soldier — and embalmed in the recollection of a grateful posterity." Although the battle of Alexandria had placed the British army in a triumphant posture, yet the Comman- der-in-chief did not conceive himself strong enough to threaten that city; and being in daily hopes of re- ceiving reinforcements, by the arrival of the Ottoman auxiliaries, and also of the troops from Europe and Asia, he abandoned the design, and engaged his army in a war of posts. Early in April, General Hutchinson detached Colonel 3 o 2 Spencer, 472 LORD HUTCHINSON. Spencer, with a corps composed of the combined English and Turkish troops, to force the enemy from the town and citadel of Rosetta, and open a communication with the Delta by the western branch of the Nile, in order to secure the army against the consequences attending a short supply of provisions. This service was performed in the best possible man- ner; the French garrison, after a feeble resistance, sur- rendered the fort on the 19th of April, the English bat- teries having been opened upon it for three days. In the beginning of May General Hutchinson quitted his position near Alexandria, and on the 7th occupied that of El-Aft, which latter position had been recently evacuated by the enemy. The General thus followed close on their retreat; and having pushed on a corps in advance, succeeded in taking possession of Rahmanich. The enemy then fell back upon Cairo, when the British again pursued ; which operation was deemed highly judi- cious, as by it General Hutchinson was enabled to cover the Turkish army, and to effect a junction with that ex- pected from India. On the 1 4th of May, a valuable convoy of germs, which had been sent from Cairo by the canal of Menouff", at the same tune several prisoners, some cannon of large dimen- sions, five thousand pounds in specie, and a quantity of clothing, wine, and spirits, fell into the hands of the British. After this, the British army encamped at Alkam; and on the 17th of May the Arabs gave notice of the ap- proach of a considerable body of the enemy, who were coming from Alexandria: they advanced towards the Nile, and General Hutchinson immediately ordered the cavalry out, supported by the brigade of infantry under the command of Brigadier-General Doyle, the whole under the direction of that officer. The French per- ceiving the gade\s or boats of the Turkish commander lying at anchor on the Nile, suspected that the British were in his vicinity, and retired into the Desert without further delay, where they were pursued by General Doyle, who after a inarch of three hours came up with them; when a flag of truce from the British, with a pro- mise to respect private propeity, and that the French should be sent into France, induced the French corps, which was commanded by Colonel Cavasier, to surrender to LORD HUTCHINSON. 473 to the British force, by which means 600 of the best French troops became prisoners of war, also part of the dromedary corps, a piece of artillery, and 550 camels. On the same day the French evacuated the fort of Lisbit and Burlos. In consequence of these successes, and the able conduct of General Hutchinson in his command, his Majesty was pleased to confer on him the honour of Knighthood, and to advance him to the rank of Lieutenant-General. General Hutchinson having succeeded, by gradual ad- vances, in all his operations, invested the city of Cairo on the 21st of June, together with the Turkish troops under the Capitan Pacha; and on the morning of the 22d, the enemy having sent out a flag of truce, a capitulation was agreed upon, by which the enemy engaged finally to evacuate the place in ten days. In all these operations the army under General Hut- chinson endured the burning sun and sands of Egypt, thirst, fatigue, and anxiety, with the most heroic forti- tude, and finally triumphed in every undertaking. The complete evacuation of Egypt by the French troops was now agreed upon, and General Hutchinson having re- duced the ancient city of the Ptolemys, the British be- came masters of the whole of that extraordinary and interesting country. When the peace of Amiens restored the soldiers of Great Britain to the enjoyment of domestic scenes, and our gallant army quitted the shores of Africa, General Hutchinson returned to this country to reap the reward of his toils on the plains of Egypt. He was created a Peer of the realm, and soon after employed on an im- portant mission to the court of St. Petersburgh ; but un- fortunately French influence, of a nature not to be over- come, at that time swayed the councils of the young Emperor, and the mission of General (now Lord) Hut- chinson was more honourable than successful. Since that period, his Lordship has not been employed in any public capacity, but has divided his time between literary pursuits and those elegant pleasures for which his rank, manners, and talents, peculiarly qualify him. iflemoto OF MAJOR-GENERAL THE HONOURABLE SIR CHARLES W. STEWART, K.B. KNIGHT COMMANDER OF THE ROYAL PORTUGUESE MILITARY ORDER OF THE TOWER AND SWORD, &C. r T , HIS gallant and distinguished officer is the second •*■ son of the Earl of Londonderry, and brother to Lord Castlereagh. His family is a branch of the house of Stewart, descended from Sir Thomas Stewart, of Minto, second son of Sir William Stewart, of Garlies, ancestor of the Earls of Galloway. The great-grandfather of Sir Charles Stewart, William Stewart, Esq. of Ballylawn Cas- tle, in Donegal, (great-grandson of John Stewart, Esq. who had a grant from Charles I. of the manor of Stew- art's Court, where he erected the Castle of Ballylawn) took an active part in the transactions of the north, to prevent the subversion of the constitution which James II. and his chief governor, Lord Tyrconnel, were attempt- ing to effect: he reared a troop of horse at his own ex- pence, when the city of Londonderry was invested, and did essential service to the Protestant interest in that part by protecting those who were well-affected to King William III. and was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel in the regiment commanded by Sir William Stewart, of Fort Stewart, in Donegal, grandson of Sir William Stewart, Bart, privy counsellor to James I. whose descendant, Sir William Stewart, Bart, was created Baron of Ramal- ton and Viscount IVlountjoy in 1682. Sir Charles Stewart was born the 18th of May 1780; and, before he attained the age of fifteen, received a com- mission in the late 108th regiment of foot, in which he was appointed to a company in 1706; and, in the month of June of that year, joined the expedition under the Earl of Moira, destined to relieve his Royal Highness the Duke SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. 475 - ■ ■ -- Duke of York from the perilous situation in which he was placed after the reduction of Ypres, the defeat of General Clairfait, and the taking of Charleroy in Flan- ders. Captain Stewart was appointed Assistant-Quarter- Master-General to that division of the forces which, landed at Isle Dieu, under General Doyle. On the return of the British army, he was attached to Colonel Crawfurd's mission to the Austrian armies, in 1795, 1790, and 1797. At the battle of Donauwert he was wounded by a musquet-ball, that entered his face under the eye, went through his nose, and was extracted on the opposite side: the wound was received whilst charging with some heavy Austrian cavalry, that were driven back by the French hussars; and, in a senseless state, he was carried back to the village of Donauwert, where he was put into a cart with some wounded Austrians, and in this condi- tion conveyed to the rear. On his return to his native country, tie was appointed Aide-de-Camp to Lord Cam- den, then Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. He had succeeded, on the 31st of July 1795, to the Majority of the late lOGtli foot; and, on the 1st of January 1797, was promoted to a Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the 5th dragoons. At the time he received the latter appointment, the 5th dragoons, in point of discipline, was one of the worst regiments in the service ; but, from the exertions of Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, it was shortly brought to a very high state of discipline and efficiency. The most satisfactory proof of the latter circumstance is a letter which the veteran General Dundas in 1799 wrote to Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, and which was made known to the officers of the 5th dragoons as an honourable testimony of their improvement. It is as follows : — " Kilktillen, 3d March 1799. '* When we are separated by seas from those we love and esteem, the only resource is a letter ; and I hasten to thank you, my dear Colonel, for your kind favour, which I received this morning. Continue now and then to make me happy in like manner. Your correspondence will be flattering and consolatory in the distracted line in which my command has placed me. What is intended to be done with your regiment, the 5th dragoons, I know not; but from what I know of them when encamped under my command in the Curragh, I will, without hesi- tation, 47*6 SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. tation, pronounce them to have been the worst of all possible bad regiments. When you, soon after, got the di- rection of that corps, I was unacquainted with your merit: I felt the Herculean labour thrown on the shoulders of so young a man: I looked upon any progress towards disci- pline, or even decency in appearance, as a work of much time. I was, however, most agreeably surprised on seeing, soon after, a considerable part of this regiment under your immediate command, whose appearance and movements upon the camp-ground at Kilknllin, were such as to astonish me, and to lead me to think they had never formed a part of the 5th dragoons: but my admi- ration was greatly heightened when I came to consider that their reform had been effected in the midst of a raging rebellion, when no other corps but your own ever dreamt of a drill. This declaration, my dear Colonel, I owe to justice, to friendship, and to that love for the ser- vice, which even in old age is still in vigour»with me. You possess the characteristic powers that are necessary to make a good officer; and I am perfectly convinced that had the 5th dragoons remained in Ireland under your direction, they would soon have become the best regi- ment of cavalry in this country. I have only to add, that you must recollect how much real pleasure I felt, and testified in my plain way, when you first called on me at Castle Martin. When I began to love and esteem you, I had soon after occasion to admire you as an officer. Then you saw, and I hope have ever since thought me incapable of flattery. My dear young friend, may God direct your steps, and may success attend them. " R. DUNTJAS." Colonel Stewart served in the 5th dragoons during the rebellion in Ireland, and until it was disbanded. The insubordination of this regiment, and its departure from the discipline and principles which have ever distin- guished the army, induced the Lord-Lieutenant to make a representation of the same to the Commander-in-chief, and his Royal Highness immediately ordered the corps to be disbanded. The Adjutant-General, in making public this order, also stated, that his Majesty was persuaded that there were many valuable officers in the regiment, who had used their best endeavours to restore the order and preserve the credit of the corps: and though in this measure SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. 477 measure of indispensable severity it was impossible to > make any exceptions, yet bis Majesty would hereafter make the most pointed discrimination, and those of any rank who were deserving of the royal favour might rely on his Majesty's disposition to reward their merit, and to avail himself of their future services. This favourable disposition was most particularly extended to Colonel Stewart, who, six days alter the issuing of this order, was appointed to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the ISth light dragoons, now made a regiment of Hussars, and •>vhich commission he has held ever since. At the period he obtained the latter appointment, the 18th light dragoons was a skeleton regiment: however, his activity and success in completing and rendering effi- cient the corps, were equaJly conspicuous as in the in- stance which gave rise to the flattering testimonial from General Dundas. Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart accompanied two squa- drons of the 18th light dragoons in the expedition to Holland, which were attached to the left column, under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir Ralph Aber- crombie, and in the general attack made upon the whole of the enemy's positions on the 19th of September 1799, was highly distinguished. Whilst serving in Holland, he was wounded in the head, at the outposts near Schagenbrug, on the 10th of October, by a musquet-ball: the ball struck the glass he was looking through, which it broke, and was stopped by the brass tubes of the glass, or it would have proved fatal. In 1803, Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart was made a Colo- nel in the army, and honoured with the appointment of Aide-de-Camp to the King: soon afterwards he was selected for the civil situation of Under Secretary of State in the War Department, in which his professional knowledge and experience were of service in the active and extensive military measures that originated in that. department during the period it was under the superin- tendance of his brother, Lord Castlereagh. He left this situation to assume the command of a brigade of Hus- sars under Sir John Moore in Portugal, where he was to act with the rank of Brigadier-General. On the advance of that army into Spain, Brigadier- General Stewart covered the march of Sir John Hope's vol. in. 3 p division. 478 SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. division, which proceeded by the Escurial to Salamanca» During this march he surprised at Rueda a French post, and took the whole escort of a valuable convoy of cot- ton. Sir John Moore, in acquainting Lord Castlereagh with this event, observed, " The French seem to have been ill-informed of our movements; they are, however, soon acquainted with them, as our advanced posts have met, and General Charles Stewart, with a detachment of the 18th dragoons, on the night of the 12th of December, surprised a detachment of their cavalry and infantry in the village of Rueda, killed and took prisoners the greater part of them. The affair was trifling; but was managed by the Brigadier-General with much address, and was executed with spirit by the officers and men. It was a detachment from Valladolid, where General Franceschi commanded with three or four hundred cavalry." And in his letter of the 28th of December further observed that, " since that, few days have passed without his taking or killing different parties of the French, generally superior in force to those which attacked them." On entering Valladolid he took a French Major of cavalry, who was proceeding with an escort to join his regiment. Throughout the retreat of Sir John Moore's army, Brigadier-General Stewart conducted himself in a man- ner that repeatedly called forth the warmest praises of that officer. Lieutenant-General Lord Paget, who was Commander-in-chief of the two brigades of cavalry, oi» the march to Sahagun, had information of six or seven hundred cavalry being in that town. He marched on the night of the 20th, from some villages where he was posted in front of the army at Majorga, with the 10th and 15th hussars. The 10th marched straight to the town, whilst Lord Paget, with the 15th, endeavoured to turn it. Unfortunately he fell in with a patrole, one of whom escaped and gave the alarm ; by this means the French had time to form on the outside of the town before Lord Paget got round. He immediately charged them, beat them, and took from 180 to 190 prisoners. On the 24th of December the advanced-guard of Na- poleon's army marched from Tordesillas, which is an hundred and twenty miles from Madrid, and fifty from Benevente ; and strong detachments of cavalry had been pushed forward to Villalpando and Majorga, On the 26th SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. 479 2<3th Lord Paget fell in with one of these detachments at the latter place. His Lordship immediately ordered Colonel Leigh, with two squadrons of the 10th hussars, to attack thrs corps, which had halted on the summit of a steep hill. One of Colonel Leigh's squadrons was kept in reserve; the other rode briskly up the hill: on ap- proaching the top, where the ground was rugged, the Colonel judiciously reined-in to refresh the horses, though exposed to a severe fire from the enemy. When he had nearly gained the summit, and the horses had recovered their breath, he charged boldly, and overthrew the enemy, many of whom were killed and wounded, and above 100 surrendered prisoners. Nothing could exceed the cool- ness and gallantry displayed by the British cavalry on this occasion. The 18th hussars had signalized them- selves in several former skirmishes; they were successful in six different attacks. Captain Jonts, of that regiment, when at Palencia, had even ventured to charge 100 French dragoons with only thirty British: fourteen of the enemy were killed, and six taken prisoners. The cavalry, the horse-artillery, and a light corps, remained on the night of the 20th at Castro Gonzalo; and the divisions under General Hope and Frazer marched to Benevente. The next day Brigadier-General Stew* art crossed the Eslar, and followed the same route, after completely blowing up the bridge. The gallant conduct of the cavalry on all occasions gave rise, about this time, to the following observation from Sir John Moore < *• Our cavalry is very superior in quality to any the French have; and the right spirit has been infused into them by the example and instruction of their two leaders, Lord Paget and Brigadier-General Stewart." At nine o'clock on the morning of the 29th, some of the enemy's cavalry were observed trying a ford near the bridge which had been blown up; and presently be- tween five and six hundred of the Imperial Guards of Napoleon plunged into the river, and crossed over. They were immediately opposed by the British picquets, who had been much divided to watch the different fords, but were quickly assembled by Colonel Otway. When united, they amounted only to 200 men. They retired slowly before such superior numbers, bravely disputing every inch of ground with the enemy. The front squa* 3 F 2 drons 4S0 SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. drons repeatedly charged each other; and upon the picquets being forced by a small party of the 3d dra- goons, they charged with so much fury that the front squadron broke through, and was for a short time sur- rounded, by the enemy's rear squadron wheeling up: but they extricated themselves by charging back again through the enemy. They then quickly rallied, and formed with the rest of the picquets. Lord Paget soon reached the field, and found Brigadier-General Stewart, at the head of the picquets of the 18th and 3d German light dragoons, sharply engaged, the squadrons on both sides sometimes intermixing. His Lordship was de- sirous of drawing on the enemy further from the ford, till the 10th hussars, who were forming at some distance, were ready. This regiment soon arrived, and Lord Paget immediately wheeled it into line in the rear of the pic- quets. The latter then charged the enemy, supported by the 10th hussars. In the charge Brigadier-General Stewart had his sword struck out of his hand by a mus- quet-ball, which was immediately replaced by that of Lieutenant-Colonel Otway, with which he continued the contest. On the British cavalry commencing a charge, the French wheeled round, fled to the ford, and plunged into the river. They were closely pursued, and left on the field fifty-five killed and wounded, and seventy pri- soners, among whom was General Lefebvre, the Com- mander of the Imperial Guard. As soon as the enemy Teached the opposite side of the river, they formed on the bank ; but a few rounds from the horse artillery, who arrived at that moment, quickly drove the French up the hill in the greatest disorder. The gallant and enterprising manner in which this service was performed, displaying a degree of personal courage and intrepidity almost amounting to rashness, was pointed out by the following general order of Sir John Moore as an example for the emulation of the rest ©f the army under his command. GENERAL ORDER. Head-quarters, Astorga, Dec. 30th, 1803. " It is very probabie that the army will shortly have to meet the enemy ; and the Commander of the forces has no doubt that they will eagerly imitate the worthy example SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. 45 1 example set them by the cavalry on several occasions, and particularly in the affair of yesterday, in which Brigadier-General Stewart, with an inferior force, charged and overthrew one of the best corps of cavalry in the French army." Sir John Moore also took occasion to notice it in his dispatch to Lord Castlereagh, dated from Astorga, De- cember 31, 1808, in the following manner: — " The morning I marched from Benevente, some squadrons of Buonaparte's guards passed the river Eslar, at a ford above the bridge. They were attacked by Brigadier-General Stewart at the head of the picquets, of the 18th and 3d German light dragoons, and driven across the ford. Their Colonel, a General of Division, Lefebvre, was taken, together with 70 officers anu\ men. The affair was well-contested. The numbers with which General Stewart attacked were inferior to the French. It is the corps of the greatest character in their army; but the superiority of the British was very con- spicuous." On arriving at Corunna on the 13th of January, Sir John Moore determined to send to England Brigadier- General Stewart, for the purpose, as he stated, of detail- ing to the British minister the events which took place since his letter from Astorga, of the 31st of December. He had selected Brigadier-General Stewart as an officer who appeared to him best qualified to give the minister every information he might desire, both with respect to the actual situation of the army at that period, and the events which led to it. Sir John Moore remarks in his letter^- that " Brigadier-General Stewart is a man in whose honour I have the most perfect reliance; he is in- capable of stating any thing but the truth, and it is the truth which at all times 1 wish to convey to your Lord- ship and to the King's government: and, in a following paragraph, he adds, " In the mean time I rely on General Stewart for giving your Lordship the information and detail which I have omitted. I should regret his absence, for his services have been very distinguished; but the state of his eyes, having been seized at this time with a very bad ophthalmia, makes it impossible for him to serve, and this country is not one in which cavalry can be of much use. If I succeed in embarking the army, I shall send 4S2 SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. send it to England ; it is quite unfit for further services until it has been refitted, which can best be done there." After this, Brigadier-General Stewart was appointed, in 1809, Adjutant-General to the army under Sir Arthur Wellesley : in which situation he particularly distinguished himself during the pursuit of the French army under Marshal Soult across the Douro, by leading on two squa- drons of the 16th and 20th dragoons, who charged the enemy in the most gallant manner, and destroyed and took many prisoners. He continued to hold this appoint- ment until his appointment as Ambassador to the court of Berlin; and, on various occasions, his name has been most honourably mentioned, particularly after the pas- sage of the Douro, and the affair at El Bodon. On the 5th of February 1810, he received the thanks of the House of Commons for his gallant conduct at the battle of Talavera ; on which occasion he was addressed by the Speaker as follows: — " Brigadier- General Charles Stewart — Amongst the gallant otlicers to whom this House has declared its gra- titude for their distinguished services in Spain, your name has the honour to stand enrolled. " During the progress of the two last campaigns in Spain and Portugal, whoever has turned his eyes towards the bold and perilous operations of our armies in Leon and Gallicia — whoever has contemplated the brilliant passage of the British troops across the Douro, an exploit which struck the enemy himself with admiration as well as dismay, must have marked, throughout those memorable achievements, that spirit of energy and enterprise with which you have rapidly advanced in the career of mi- litary fame, and by which you have now fixed your name for ever in the annals of your country, as a chief sharer in those immortal laurels won by British fortitude and valour in the glorious and hard-fought battle of Ta- lavera. " Upon the great Commander, under whom it was there your pride and felicity to serve, his sovereign, this House, and the voice of an applauding empire, have con- ferred those signal testimonies of honour and gratitude, which posterity will seal with its undoubting approbation. And it is no mean part of the merits for which you are to be this day crowned with our thanks, that you were chosen SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. 483 chosen by such a commander to be the companion of his councils, and the sure hand to which he could entrust the prompt and effectual direction of his comprehensive and victorious operations. " To you, Sir, I am therefore now to deliver the thanks of this House; and I do accordingly, in the name and by the command of the Commons of the United King- dom, thank you for your distinguished exertions on the 27th and 28th days of July last, in the memorable battles of Talavera, which terminated in the signal defeat of the forces of the enemy." Upon which Brigadier-General Stewart said, " Mr. Speaker — [ feel myself totally inadequate to ex- press the high sense I entertain of the distinguished honour that has been conferred upon me— an honour far exceeding any little services I may have rendered in the fortunate situations in which I have been placed. If a sentiment of regret could, at such a moment, arise in my mind, it would be that (from the circumstance of a severe indisposition) I stand alone here on the present occasion, the army being still on service; and that I am not accompanied by my gallant brother officers (equally members of this House) who are far more eminently entitled to its thanks, and to the applause of their country, than myself. V If I might venture to arrogate any thing beyond the most anxious zeal for the king's service, and a sincere love for the profession I belong to, it is an ardent desire to follow the footsteps of my great and gallant com- mander, to whose sole abilities and exertions we stand indebted, not only for the battle of Talavera, but for all those successes which have rendered him alike an orna- ment to his country, and a terror to her foes. To follow his bright example, to emulate his achievements, and to be thought worthy of his confidence, I shall ever consider as the surest passport to the greatest distinction that can be conferred on a soldier — I mean, the approbation of this honourable House. " I must now offer my sinccrest acknowledgments to you, Sir, for the very marked kindness you have shewn me in expressing to me the thanks of this House, by con- descending to enumerate my humble services in the partial 434 SIR CHARLES WILLIAM STEWART. partial manner you have done. And I beg to assure you, it will be my anxious study, to avail myself of all occa- sions to merit the honour which has this day been con- ferred on me." As a most distinguished testimony of the high estima- tion in which his general professional merits and services have been regarded, he has had conferred upon him the marked distinction of being admitted to the Order of the Bath, as one of the Knights of that order; and further permitted to accept and wear the insignia of an Ho- norary Knight and Commander of the Royal Portuguese Military Order of the Tower and Sword, with which his Royal Highness the Prince Regent ot Portugal was pleased to honour him, in testimony of the high sense which he entertained of his great courage and intrepidity displayed in the Peninsula. When the defection of the King of Prussia from the cause of Napoleon took place, Sir Charles Stewart was appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- tiary to the court of Berlin. In this capacity he attended the Prussian army, and reported all its proceedings to the British government, until its triumphant entry into the capital of France. His dispatches are very clearly writ- ten, and evince great military knowledge. His personal exertions were not less remarkable than his activity in collecting every material information for his own govern- ment; and his ardour in the field had well nigh "proved fatal to him, having received a severe contusion by the explosion of a shell shortly after the commencement of the battle of Kulm, which ended in the discomfiture of the French. Peace, the fruit of so many victories, will doubtless afford this gallant officer an honourable repose in the bosom of his country, which has been so much benefited by his exertions. fflitmoix* jflemotrs OF LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR EYRE COOTE, KB KNIGHT OF THE TURKISH ORDER OF THE CRESCENT, &C. I N the prescribed limits of our work, it becomes a matter -*- of some difficulty to select the Memoirs of individuals from amongst those who have strong claims upon the public attention. We shall not, however, be charged with trespassing upon the patience of our readers in pre- senting them with the Memoirs of the present distin- guished individual, whose public services entitle him to cur particular notice. Sir Eyre Coote, youngest son of the late Charles Coote, Dean of Kilfernora, brother to Lord Castle Coote, and nephew of the late Sir Eyre Coote, the Commander of the British forces in India, very early displayed a par- ticular ambition for military pursuits. In the year 1776, after finishing at Eton the education which he had com- menced in the University of Dublin, he began his career in the 37th regiment, in which corps he carried the co- lours at the battle of Brooklyn, Long Island, &c. He was present at the reduction of Fort Washington and York Island ; also in the expedition to Rhode Island and the Chesapeake; the battles of Brandy wine, German- town, Monmouth, New Jersey ; and at the siege of Mud Island. As Captain in the same regiment, he was present at the attack of Washington's Dragoons at New Jersey, and made the whole campaign in the provinces of New York and South Carolina; was at the siege of Charles- town in the campaign in Virginia, and at that of York Town, where he was taken prisoner. Upon his release, he returned home; and, after performing duty live years in Ireland, as Major of the 47th regiment, he was pro- muted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the 70ih in 1788. At the commencement of the revolutionary war in vol. in. 3 o 1703, 486 SIR EYRE COOTE. 1793, an expedition under the command of Sir Charles Grey was dispatched against the French West-India islands; and General Coote, then a Lieutenant-Colonel, was appointed to the command of the 1st battalion of light infantry. Throughout the whole course of that ex- pedition, he exhibited the greatest gallantry, singular presence of mind, and professional knowledge, which were recorded bv the notice of the Commander of the forces, in his dispatches to government, announcing the capture of Martinique, St. Lucia, and Guadaloupe; in the reduction of which places he was materially con- cerned, particularly in the siege of Fort Bourbon, Mar- tinique, and the storming of the outworks of Morne Fortunee in St. Lucia, as will appear in the following general orders issued by Sir Charles Grey at St. Lucia. St. Lucia, April Sd, 1794. " The Commander-in-chief embraces the first oppor- suuily of declaring his thanks to Lieutenant-Colonel Coote and the light infantry under his command, for their gallant and successful attack upon a redoubt and two batteries last night, so near to the enemy's principal works upon Morne Fortunee, which must make a deep impression upon them. His Majesty's service is particu- larly indebted to Lieutenant-Colonel Coote (as well as the Commander-in-chief) for his judicious and spirited con- duct, having stormed and seized that important redoubt and two batteries, spiking their cannon, without firing a shot (bayonets alone being made use of), and without the loss of a man : at the same time two officers and thirty of the enemy were killed, one British sailor released from captivity, and one prisoner taken. " Lieutenant-Colonel Coote has not failed to report the active and meritorious services of Major Evatt, Cap- tains Buchanan, Crosbie, Welch, Stoven, and Captain Grey, aide-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief, with Major of Brigade Vesscher, and Lieutenant Drozier, and a detachment of royal artillery; to all of whom the Ge- neral makes his particular acknowledgments for their able and zealous assistance." In the attack of the enemy's camp at St. Lucia, the rapidity and energy of the British troops will never be forgotten in the military annals of their country. Owing to SIR EYRE COOTE. 4S7 to the mistake of the French General Bellegarde in de- scending the heights which prevented the investment of Fort Bourbon, and attacking the left wing of the British army under the command of General Prescot, at a mo- ment when Sir Charles Grey had meditated an attack on the heights, the success of the British troops was rendered almost inevitable. General Bellegarde being repulsed, the opportunity of storming the enemy's camp was im- mediately laid hold of, and they were obliged to abandon it, with very considerable loss. This point being accom- plished, the Commander-in-chief was enabled to carry into immediate execution the remainder of his plan; and, by the surrender of Fort Bourbon, the whole island fell into his hands. Soon after the recal of Sir Charles Grey, the enemy at- tempted to repossess himself of the above places; and the partial success which attended his first operations, induced the British government to dispatch General Sir Ralph Abercrombie to take the command. He arrived in the West Indies early in 1796; and soon after obtained pos- session of Grenada, Demarara, Essequibo, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Trinidad. In the different actions which took place during this West-Indian and South-American campaign, the valour of the British troops was not more conspicuous than the judgment of their several com- manders. Many occasions were afforded of general in- struction and information, to mature the young officer, and render him fully acquainted with active and arduous service. These favourable opportunities were never lost sight of by Colonel Coote ; and he therefrom acquired a pre-eminence in military knowledge, for which he has ever since been highly distinguished. On his return to England in 1795, with the dispatches of the unfortunate failure at Flem d'Epee in Guadaloupe, Lieutenant-Colonel Coote was honoured with the ap- pointment of Aide-de-Camp to his Majesty. In 1796 he was appointed Brigadier on the Irish staff, and com- manded the camp nearBandon; and in 1798, beinsj a Major-General, was removed to the English staff, and commanded at Dover, till he was appointed to take the command of an expedition sent to destroy the sluices and works in the canal near Ostend. The fleet arrived at its destination, and the troops effected a landing east- 3 q 2 ward 488 SIR EYRE COOTE. ward of Ostend on the 19th of May. General Coote immediately directed Major-General Burrard to occupy the different forts which protected the sluices, and might impede the execution of the plan. The strongest oppo- sition was shewn on the part of the enemy; but the perseverance of the British troops was finally successful, and numbers of the French were cut off from the town. This first obstacle being removed, the remainder of the operations was ably executed within five hours from the commencement of the attack ; and at eleven o'clock in the forenoon a re-embarkation was ordered. Tempes- tuous weather unfortunately prevented the troops regain- ing their ships; several boats endeavoured to accomplish that point, but were compelled to return to the shore. In this untoward state of affairs, the enemy being ena- bled to collect a numerous force, Major-General Coote directed every possible means to be taken in order to strengthen their position. Early next morning several columns maiie their appearance: and, notwithstanding their superiority of numbers and in point of artillery indicated that resistance would be useless, the gallantry and spirit of the British troops, flushed with recent suc- cess, would not admit of a tame submission; and, every mode of defence which would aid their position being made, they steadily awaited the attack. At five o'clock on the morning of the 20th, the enemy's artillery opened a heavy fire on the British ; and he was soon enabled, from his numerical strength, to turn their flank. Major-Gene- ral Coote then perceived that his case was desperate; and in his dispatches to government observes, "that no mea- sure remained to us, but to consult the honour of his Majesty's arms by defending ourselves as long as might be possible." The action lasted nearly two hours, during which an extrenn ly galling fire was sustained, particularly against the left flank of the British, which, as well as the right, was finally turned. In endeavour- ing to rally the left wing of the army, the principal point of the enemy's attack, and which was obliged to give way to overpowering numbers, Major-General Coote received a severe wound; and, further resistance being unavailing, the British troops were compelled to sur-p render themselves prisoners of war. Being exchanged, Major-General Coote returned to his former SIR EYRE COOTE. 489 former command at Dover; and, the following year, 1799, he commanded a brigade in the expedition to Holland. On the 19th September, in the attack made upon Alk- maer, Major-General Coote's and Major-General Don's brigades formed the third column, and, under the com- mand of Lieutenant-General Sir James Pulteney, were directed to obtain possession of the great road leading to Alkmaer, called Ouds Carspel. This post, situated at the head of the Lang Dyke, was carried by storm; but the division was subsequently compelled to perform a retrograde movement, in consequence of the disasters that befel the 1st and 2d divisions of the army, from the wretched state of the country, and the formidable posi- tion occupied by the enemy at Alkmaer; as was also the 4th division of the army, under Lieutenant-General Sir Ralph Abercrombie, who had been equally successful as the 3d, and had taken possession of the city of Hoorn and its garrison, which he was now obliged to evacuate. In this expedition the conduct of Major-General Coote was honoured with the highest marks of approbation from the illustrious Commander-in-chief. After the termination of the campaign in Holland, Sir Eyre Coote resumed the command at Dover till 1800, when he was employed in the expedition to Fer- rol, and subsequently accompanied Lieutenant-General Sir Ralph Abercrombie to Egypt. In this campaign, which terminated so gloriously to the British arms, Major-General Coote maintained the renown he had previously acquired, by the success- ful discharge of several important duties confided to him, in which his profound skill, military talent, and persevering ardour, were eminently conspicuous. He commanded the disembarkation of the 1st division of the army on the Sth of March 1801, one of the most bril- liant exploits which the annals of this, or perhaps any country have upon record. The fleet had anchored in the Bay of Aboukir on the 1st of March ; but the unfa- vourable state of the weather, and heavy surf on the beach, prevented them attempting a landing till the Sth. During this interval the enemy had an opportunity of making every preparation which he thought necessary, to oppose us. Notwithstanding this advantage, the landing 490 SIR EYRE COOTE. landing was effected in the face of a large body of French troops, though with considerable loss on our part, the British troops having to form on the beach under a very heavy fire of grape and musquetry, exclusive of the heavy guns on the castle of Aboukir, which com- manded the whole line. Both in this affair, in the attack on the 13th, and in the battle of the 21st, the enemy's most vigorous and repeated efforts were directed against our right and centre, where Major-Gene ral Coote's bri- gade was posted. The exertions of General Coote were eminently displayed during a most trying and arduous blockade of four months before Alexandria, while Lord Hutchinson's division of the army was at Cairo. Upon Lord Hutchinson's return, General Coote was detached with a large corps to the westward of the town. He took the castle of Marabout; attacked the enemy on the 22d August, completely defeated them, and, as he states in his official dispatches, drove them to the walls of Alexandria. On his return to England, General Coote received the thanks of both Houses of Parliament, and the Order of the Bath, as a reward for his distinguished conduct. The Turkish Order of the Crescent was afterwards conferred on him bv the Ottoman court. In 1805, after doing duty some time on the English and Irish staff, Sir Eyre was appointed a Lieutenant-General, and Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica, where he remained upwards of three years. In that honourable situation, his zeal lor the public good, and his exertions for the welfare of the island, will ever be preserved in the memory of its inhabitants. On the 22d of July 1809, he embarked at Portsmouth, in command of a division of the army sent to act with Lord Chatham, in an expedition to Walcheren, which was ready to sail about the end of July. On the 28th of July the expedition sailed from the Downs, under convoy of Rear-Admiral Sir Richard Strachan, and anchored in East Capells Roads in the evening of that day, on the 29th, and on the 30th. The left wing of the army, under Lieutenant-General Sir Eyre Coote, was particularly destined for the ope- rations against Walcheren, and arrived in the morning SIR EYRE COOTE. 491 of the last-mentioned day, under convoy of Rear-Admi- ral Otway. On the 1st of August the troops advanced to the investment of Flushing, which was vigorously contested by the enemy, who was, however, repulsed with much loss. The Commander-in-chief remarks on this affair, " that nothing could exceed the gallantry of the troops throughout the whole of this day, and my warmest praise is due to the several general officers for their judicious dispositions in the advance of their re- spective columns. To Lieutenant-General Sir Eyre Coote I feel much indebted, for bis exertions in this service, and the prompt and able manner in which he has exe- cuted my orders." The siege of Flushing commenced on the 3d; and on the 16th the town surrendered to the British arms. It is here proper to remark, that a naval blockade was to be established, except on the side of Veer and Ram- makins, but which did not take place; and the enemy succeeded in throwing from the opposite coast, probably from the canal of Ghent, considerable reinforcements into the place, which enabled him constantly to annoy our outposts and working parties, and to attempt a sally in force, when he was fortunately repulsed. The diffi- culty of communication which thence arose -between the several parts of the British line, determined Lord Chatham to avail himself of the services of the troops under Sir Eyre Coole, though expressly intended for an after ope- ration, in order that his Lordship might relieve the forces before Flushing, and press forward the siege as much as possible. The unfortunate termination of this expedition, prin- cipally arising from the delay that bad taken place pre- vious to the army leaving the Downs, and which, as already mentioned, protracted the operations till the un- healthy season of the year, when upwards of one-third of the army were either destroyed or invalided, it is not necessary here to expatiate upon. We shall only observe, that the conduct of Sir Eyre Coote, in commanding the only part of the expedition which was successful, was not more deserving of praise than his unremitting and truly paternal attention to the comfort and relief of the brave but unfortunate soldiers, whom he saw in his crowded 492 SIR EYRE COOTE. crowded hospitals suffering under the effects of that pes- tilential climate*. On the 24th of June 1S10, Lieutenant-General Coote succeeded to the Colonelcy of the 34th regiment, the command of which he still holds, revered and beloved by all his officers, and highly respected by the whole regiment. * The dangerous effects of this climate on British constitutions had been experienced in the year 1747. Walcheren was at that period in the possession of Great Britain, and the sick were in the proportion of four to one ; and when auxiliaries were furnished to the Dutch by the Swiss cantons, they conceived it essential to stipulate that they should not be employed in Walcheren. The statement laid before the House of Commons of our loss in this expedition was as follows : — Adjutant-General's Office, ist Feb. 1810. Serjeants, Rank & File. Embarked for Service 1738 . . 37,481 Officers. Rank x conducted their different corps under those trying circumstances," &c. &c. In this short but severe action, the troops of the French republic made a vigorous attack on the British lines at day-break on the 26'th of April, but were repulsed with considerable loss; their General Chapuy was made pri- soner; 35 pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the British, whose troops, the cavalry in particular, covered themselves with glory. In this battle the British army had to lament the loss of a brave and most respectable officer, Major-General Mansell, who fell in the arms of victory. In the untoward affair before Nimeguen, about the middle of October in the following year, General Aber- crombie was wounded, for the first time. The successes of the republican troops at that period naturally alarmed the fears of every court in Europe, and called into active display talents for the field and for the cabinet, which, without such incentives, might have died with their possessors. Circumstances of a most trying and painful rtature served to exhibit the mildness and excellence of this re- spectable officer's mind and heart. In the winter of 1794, after Lieutenant-Genera I Harcourt had retired into cantonments behind the river Ems, the sick and wounded of the army, as also the Guards, were entrusted to his command. In a melancholy march through an inhos- pitable country, and in a season of great severity, the active and humane mind of General Abercrombie had ample scope for exertion; he conducted the harassed army from Deventer to Oldensaal, through roads almost 3 it 2 impassable, 496 SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. impassable, inclement weather, and surrounded by an in- furiated enemy, licentious and overbearing, on whom neither the love of man nor the fear of heaven could make an impression. It was in the course of this arduous re- treat, that the unbounded philanthropy of the veteran General was so strongly evinced; and it is to be lamented that the amiable bent of his mind rather operated to retard than to accelerate such dispositions in the forces under his command as might have rendered their situa- tion less calamitous, and their final security more certain. However, after much mental suffering and bodily exer- tion, the General arrived with his army in Oldensaal at the end of January 1795. French intrigues and republican principles were be- ginning to disseminate themselves in every part of the civilized globe, and the existence of our colonies in the •western hemisphere was seriously threatened. General Sir Charles Grey had successfully terminated the war in that quarter; but, on the return of that officer to Europe, affairs assumed a discouraging aspect. The tri-coloured flag was hoisted in the islands of Grenada, St. Vincent, and Marie Galante; the republicans had made reprisals of Guadaloupe and St. Lucia. The exigencies of circum- stances demanded an able and enterprising commander there; and the ministry fixed upon General Abercrombie, who had been appointed a Knight of the Bath, to carry the victorious banners of his country to those rich and important settlements. In the autumn of 1795, an arma- ment for this purpose was assembled near Southampton, whither Sir Ralph A bercrombie repaired ; but circum- stances untoward and unforeseen occurred to retard the sailing of the expedition; and it was not till after the equinox had set in, that the convoy could be got under weigh. After many losses in the Channel, and other disasters incident to a winter voyage, General Aber- crombie and his staff arrived at their destination, when he immediately commenced his plan of operations. On the 24th of March 1/96, by a sudden and unexpected attack, the troops under his command obtained complete possession of Grenada; and, shortly after, by his able and decisive directions, the British flag was seen flying on the ramparts of Demerara and Issequiho, settlements in the important apd extensive Dutch provinces of Surinam. After SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. 497 After the reduction of the above places, Sir Ralph Abercrombie completed his arrangements with Admiral Christian, the naval commander on the station, tor the attack projected on the island of St. Lucia. The arma- ment intended for this service sailed on the 24th of April, and proceeded to attack the fortress of Morrie. In this expedition the difficulties which presented them- selves to the persevering Abercrombie were overcome by means of the most strenuous exertions and indefatigable endeavours ; and, on the 2b"th of May, the garrison sur- rendered themselves prisoners of war. Pigeon Island also became a dependency of Great Britain. Having by a series of successful operations reduced the island of St. Lucia, in addition to those already enumerated, Sir Ralph Abercrombie turned his attention towards that of Grenada, where hostilities were carrying on under the orders of Major-General Nicholls against the celebrated Fedon, whose courage, talents, and ferocity, rendered him a powerful and implacable enemy. The presence of the veteran Abercrombie, aided by the talents and zeal of General Nicholls, insured complete success; and on the 19th of July the British standard was erected on every post in the island. The General now turned his attention to the Spanish settlement of Trinidada; and, in con- juction with the gallant Rear-Admiral Harvey, dis- positions were immediately made for investing this im- portant place. As soon as the season for military opera- tions commenced, the squadron sailed without loss of time; and, on the 16th of February 1797, the armament, consisting of ships of war and transports, passed through the Gulf of Paria, and the fortifications of Gasper Grande: here the Spanish admiral, with four sail of the line and a frigate, lay at anchor. The British frigates led the transports higher up in the bay, where they came to an anchorage, and arrangements were made for a gene- ral attack upon the Spanish squadron the next morning before break of day; however, the enemy's ships were discovered to be on fire, and the only one which escaped the devouring element fell to the boats of the British squadron. That part of the island was also evacuated by the enemy, and the British commander landed his forces in order to reduce the town of Port d'Espagne, which was speedily effected, together with every defen- sible 498 SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. sible point, except two small forts whither the Spanish garrison had retired. The next day, the whole island passed under the dominion of his Britannic Majesty by capitulation of its Governor, Don Josef Maria Chacun. The navigation from the Leeward to the Westward Islands beins; infested by Spanish privateers, which found a safe and expeditious rttreat in the harbour of Porto Rico, an expedition was planned against that place in about two months after the reduction of Trinidada: but, from the natural barriers opposed to invasion, the strength of its fortifications, and the impossibility of bringing ar- tillery to act therein, the project was wisely and humanely abandoned by Sir Ralph Abercrombie: the troops were in consequence re-embarked with very trifling loss or molestation. This expedition concluded the services of Sir Ralph Abercrombie in those islands, and his cam- paigns of 17U7. On the return of Sir Ralph to Europe, his reception by his countrymen, and the ministers of his Majesty, gave him the most distinguishing proofs of the high esti- mation in which his zeal and talents were held; and, in the domestic circle of an amiable and affectionate family, the veteran for a short time found repose after the toils of war and the vicissitudes of climate. But those en- dearing comforts so grateful to the husband, the father, and the friend, were not long permitted to the General. Ireland exhibited symptoms of anarchy, and the stifled flame of insurrection threatened to burst forth in all its devastating horrors: from the inflexible justice, calmness, prudence, and moderation of Sir Ralph, he was selected to take the command in that kingdom. Unfortunately, a disposition to insubordination, and indeed actions bor- dering on licentiousness, had in some degree tarnished the character of the British troops serving there. The susceptible mind of Sir Ralph Abercrombie was keenly awakened by a disgrace which he felt as a soldier; and the strong language in which those feelings were ex- pressed, although considered harsh and impolitic by some individuals, was nevertheless in strict unison with the proper and honourable sentiments of a man entrusted with the lives and honour of the army, and the interests of the king he served. Sound policy requiring that the civil SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. 499 civil and military government of that convulsed country should be united under one and the same commander, Sir Ralph was accordingly superseded by the late Mar- quis Cornwallis. The next appointment filled by the General was that of Commander-in-chief of the forces in North Britain. In consideration of his services, Sir Ralph was appointed on the 4th of January a Privy- Counsellor. In the summer of 1799, the British cabinet, actuated by the most honourable feelings of generosity and na- tional honour, prepared, in alliance with that of St. Petersburgh, to strike a vigorous blow for the emancipa- tion of the States of Holland from her subjugators; and accordingly an expedition was prepared with almost un- exampled rapidity. On the 13th of August, Sir Ralph Abercrombie, ac- companied by Admiral Mitchell, sailed from Deal. It may be said that this General was never the favourite of the silver-footed goddess, for in his passage the weather was more tempestuous than man could remember for the season. After a most dangerous and turbulent pas- sage, the fleet and transports made the Dutch coast on the 21st of the same month, and immediately prepared for landing, but was again baffled by adverse winds; nor did he until the 26th overcome the elementary obstacles he was opposed to — obstacles which neither the zeal, for- titude, nor perseverance of this officer could provide against. At day-break on the 27th the troops began to debark, covered by Admiral Mitchell, and directed by Sir Ralph, with all the vigour and intrepidity so emi- nently his own: the most cordial unanimity prevailed in the two services, and, to use the expressive words of the gallant Admiral, they " pulled most heartily together." The British had no where sufficient ground to form more than a battalion in line; but in the opinion of Sir Ralph the position was not. unfavourable, he having nei- ther cavalry nor artillery. The enemy attacked the right flank of our army ; and after a severe contest, in which the British lost 500 men, the enemy retreated to a position five miles distant. An attack on the Helder was resolved upon; but, the garrison withdrawing, the town was on the 28th taken possession of by the Marquis of Huntley and Major-General Moore, Reinforcements slowly 500 SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. slowlv arrived ; and Sir Ralph, considering the fdrce and strong position of the French and Batavian troops, pru- dently resolved to continue on the defensive until fresh supplies should enable him to attempt offensive warfare. Here the enemy attacked him on the 10th of September, and were repulsed with very considerable loss. His Royal Highness the Duke of York landed in Holland on the 13th of September; and reinforcements arriving augmented the allied force to 35,000 men, of which 17,000 were Russians. A general attack was de- termined upon, and planned accordingly, the left column of which was commanded by the subject of this Memoir: but, owing to the impetuosity of the Russian troop?, the whole of the admirably-planned order of battle was dis- organized; and the division of Sir Ralph, which had ad- vanced and taken possession of Thorn together with its garrison, was recalled, and the army took up its former position. The Duke of York, not disheartened by the adverse fortune of the day, and having acquired strength by a fresh arrival of Russian troops, determined on offen- sive measures. On the 26th of September the allied army was put in motion; and on the 2d of October an attack commenced on the whole of the enemy's line. In this affair the right wing of the British was led on by the veteran Abercrombie : the enemy were totally de- feated, and retired in the night. The Gazette account of this battle, transmitted by his Royal Highness* bestows warm praises on the conduct of Sir Ralph Abercrombie; but, however brilliant might be the exploits of our gal- lant army, they could not prevent a reverse of fortune, occasioned principally by the severity of the season, and disadvantages of the country in a military point of view. These circumstances conspiring induced the Duke of York, in concurrence with Sir Ralph, to enter into a con- vention with the French general for the unmolested em- barkation of his army. The veteran Abercrombie quitted his command, and landed with a dejected air, and coun- tenance strongly expressive of the feelings of a disap- pointed soldier, at Tynemouth'in Northumberland ; from whence he proceeded to join his family in North Britain. On the 5th of October 1800, Sir Ralph, having the chief command in the Mediterranean, appeared off Cadiz jointly SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. 501 jointly with Lord Keith. Morla, since so famous in the annals of his unhappy country, as the traitor who deli- vered up her capital to her enemies, was governor there. i The two British commanders summoned him to surren- der the fleet and citadel; the proposal was rejected with 'indignation: Sir Ralph therefore made preparations to land his forces, consisting of 20,000 men ; but the strength of the works being found adequate to the de- fence of Cadiz, and an epidemic disease raging there, Sir Ralph, with his accustomed prudence, relinquished the enterprise, and the British armament withdrew from before Cadiz. In the year 1800, the " successful destinies" of Buona- parte led him to attempt the possession of the inexhaust- ible riches of Hindostan, through the wilds and deserts of Africa: the whole of Egypt was in possession of his myrmidons; and the safety of British India demanded vigour and promptitude on the part of the cabinet of St. James's. The regular troops of France then in Egypt, together with adventurers of every nation, driven by ne- cessity, or drawn by the hopes of gain, into the service, amounted to 45,000 men. The English force destined to expel the tyrants and desolators of Europe from the barbarous but interesting shores and cities of Egypt, had, under cover of annoying the coasts of France, Italy, and Spain, assembled at Malta, and sailed from thence under Sir Ralph Abercrombie on the 10th of December 1800. They arrived at Minorca on the 28th, when the whole army, amounting to 18,000 men, were alternately landed an. I refreshed by the land breezes of Coromania. Having waited there nearly two months, during which time a small reinforcement arrived from England, they sailed for Egypt on the 22d of February 1800. The troops, in health and spirits, arrived in Aboukir Bay upon the 2d of March, at ten in the morning. A sham descent had been practised in Marmorice to exercise the soldiers. It was found by this that 6000 men might be lauded in the most perfect order, and ready for immediate action, in the short spate of twenty-three minutes. Their pas- sage had been boisterous. Several Greek transports had parted from the fleet during a gale of wind, and disap- peared for many days, with part of the 12th. the 20th, and Hompesch's regiments of Dragoons. From these vol. in, 3 $ circumstances, 502 SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. circumstances, and the lateness of the day, the landing was postponed till the following day, and therefore a great advantage lost. Had the landing been attempted then, there would have been no opposition. The enemy, although long before informed of our approach, was totally unprepared, and the lives of many brave soldiers would have been spared. The army was unable to land on the following day, and thus the enemy gained time to collect their forces. Preparations were accordingly made for a stout resistance. The succeeding morning was equally unfavourable, and six days were lost in the same manner. During all this time the English fleet continued in sight of the French army, and were at length so little regarded, that the French, becoming dupes to the delay, actually believed that the whole was merely a feint to cover operations in another quarter; and that our real intention was to steal off in the night, and land at Jaffa, upon the coast of Syria. The delay, however, was not solely owing to the wea- ther : a part of it may be referred to another cause. Major M'Arras, chief engineer, had preceded the fleet from Marmorice to reconnoitre the country. He had been twice on the Egyptian shore, and with the greatest success. He had observed the lake of Aboukir; had surveyed all the adjoining territory; ascertained the dif- ferent heights; and selected a convenient spot for land- ing. Having finished all his plans, he unfortunately ven- tured on shore a third time to confirm their accuracy, and was observed by a French armed boat at the very- instant he was putting off to return to his ship. The wind was against him; and the crew of his boat, finding every effort ineffectual, fell alongside the enemy, and surrendered. By a most dastardly instance of cruelty on the part of the French, they poured a volley of mus- quetry into the boat after the surrender had taken place, by which Major M'Arras was killed. Our fleet arrived very shortly after this disaster; and the Commander-in- chief, instead of obtaining the information expected, was compelled to wait till the business of reconnoitring, now become more difficult than ever, could be again accomplished. Thus was the descent of our army postponed until the Sth of March 1801. The French had thus gained even more SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. ,503 more time than they thought proper to use as the means of defence, and were stationed on the sandy heights east- ward and within gun-shot of Aboukir Castle, between that fortress and the entrance to the Lake Said. The spot selected for landing was immediately under this hill; and that a worse place could hardly have been chosen is • evident from this circumstance, that the enemy had, be- sides their artillery upon the heights, a covering for their flanks of eight field-pieces on the right and four upon the left. These, together with the guns of the castle, bore down upon the place of landing. The day prior to that of the descent, signals were made to cook three days' provisions for the troops, and for the boats of every description to put off from their respective ships, and to repair to the Mondavi brig, as a point of rendezvous, when a false fire should be shewn from the Foudroyant, the ship of the Commander-in-chief. On the following morning, the 8th of March, at three o'clock, A.M. the expected signal was made. Every boat instantly repaired to the several ships to take in their quota of troops; and then proceeded to the appointed station, close in under the hill, about three miles from the enemy, whence they were to move according to the order of battle. Thus they all remained until the whole of the reserve was collected around the Mondavi. This interesting and ever-to-be-remembered operation is described, by those fortunate persons who composed the gallant army, as the most beautiful, solemn, and im- posing spectacle, that man could witness or imagine — a scene that filled the reflecting mind with the most sublime and lofty ideas, which carried it back to those ages hid- den behind the veils of fable, or to those more heroic times when the shores of Egypt were trodden by the kings of the world, the heroes of Horner, the patriots of Greece. Silently the British advanced, determined and in arms, to the ancient state of the Ptolemys, within view of that city which yet bears the name of its immortal founder — the scene of Cleopatra's enchantments, of An- thony's magnificence, of the coldness of Octavius, and the fall of Pompey — the ancient mother and nurse of the sciences — that land where the great and divine legislator of the Hebrews was nourished by a daughter of the house of Pharaoh — the land flowing with " com, wine, 3 s 2 and 504 SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. and oil," with " milk and honey," now the hot-bed of fanaticism, ignorance, and barbarism. Language does not describe, nor history record, a military operation of more dignity and interest, or conducted with greater skill and intrepidity, than this memorable descent on the Egyptian coast. Never was any thing conducted with greater regularity. The French, to their astonishment, as they afterwards related, instead of beholding a number of men landed pell-mell, saw the British troops preparing a regular line as they advanced in their boats, although the wind was directly in their teeth, and finally landed in regular order of battle, under the heaviest fire perhaps ever expe- rienced. Shells, cannon-balls, and grape-shot, coming with the wind, fell like a storm of hail about them, yet not a soldier quitted his seat or moved, nor did a single sailor shrink from the hard labour of his oar. Not a musquet was suffered to be charged until the troops could form upon the strand. They were commanded to sit still in the boats; and this command, with incon- ceivable firmness, did these men obey, with the excep- tion only of returning for each volley of shot from their enemies three general cheers— an effect of ardour in which their officers found it impossible to restrain them. The feelings of those who remained in the ships were not proof against such a sight. Several of our brave seamen wept like children, and many of those upon the quarter- decks, who attempted to use telescopes, suffered the glasses to fall from their hands, and gave vent to their tears. But the moment of triumph was at hand. For three long miles, pulling in this manner against the wind, did our brave tars strain every sinew. Several boats were sunk by the bursting of the shells, and about 270 men were killed before they reached the shore. At length, with all their prows touching the beach at the same instant, the boats grounded. Then a spectacle was presented that will be ever memorable. Two hundred of the French cavalry actually charged into the sea, and were seen for a few seconds hacking the men in the boats: these assailants were every one killed. It was now about ten o'clock in the forenoon; and within the space of six minutes from this important crisis, the contest was de- cided. SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. S05 cided. The 42d regiment, leaping up to their middle in water, formed rapidly upon the shore; and, with a degree of impatience nothing could restrain, without waiting to load their musquets, broke from the main line before it could be formed, and ran gallantly up the hill, sinking deep in the sand at every step they took. In this perilous situation a body of French cavalry pushed down upon them; but, instead of being thrown into any disorder, they coolly received the charge upon the points of their bayonets, and, the rest of the army coming up, routed the enemy on all sides. The French fled with the greatest precipitation. Our troops had been taught to expect no quarter, and therefore none was given. The wounded and the dying neither claimed nor obtained mercy; all was blood and death. Humanity remembers some things she may wish to forget. Let us express a hope that British glory will not often be thus impaired by such unnecessary havoc on a subdued enemy. Our loss in killed and wounded amounted to 560. When our troops landed, Jacques Abdullah Menou, commander-in-chief of the French armies in Egypt, was in Cairo. Intelligence had been repeatedly sent to him, accompanied by entreaty, that he would hasten to the relief of Alexandria. The French describe him as a pompous, obstinate, corpulent man, entirely absorbed in composing or in delivering harangues to his soldiers. No persuasion could induce him to move. He consi- dered the affair of our invasion as of little importance. Until our army had actually gained footing in the coun- try, and twice defeated the French troops, he took no measures to inten upt their progress. According to the French statement, General Friant, with a body of cavalry, amounting to 1500 men, was the only force upon the spot to oppose the landing of the English army. Had the resistance been greater, and Menou present, it is believed that the superior advantages of the French po- sition would have rendered a descent upon the coast impracticable. A skirmish took place upon the 12th of March. In this affair the 12th regiment of dragoons, by too preci- pitate a charge, suffered very considerably. Colonel Archdale, who commanded it, lost an arm, receiving a shot iu the very instant he was raising his sabre as a sig- nal 506 SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. nal for his troops to advance. This did not prevent him from leading his men gallantly through a body of the enemy, much superior in numbers. Captain Butler, of the same regiment, was also taken prisoner. This brave but rash action was publicly noticed by the Commander- in-chief, and a caution added against the ill effects of such intemperate valour. On the 13th, the following day, our army attacked and drove the enemy from the heights to which they had retreated after the action of the 8th. This battle was desperately fought on both sides. The result, however, proved the superiority of the English bayonet. The French were found to have used on this occasion bullets and cannon-shot of copper and brass, generally deemed a dishonourable practice, as calculated only to gratify cruelty and malice. The slightest wounds so inflicted are said to be mortal. This species of ammunition was obtained from the sheathing of the ships in the port of Alexandria. Several of those balls were exhibited in the fleet, and some of them were afterwards found in the sand where the action took place. This action, it was reported, was not duly followed up. The enemy were allowed to establish themselves in a most advantageous position, upon some heights, whence it was found ex- tremely difficult to dislodge them. To this place our army pursued them, and then retreated to an eminence near some ruins, rendered afterwards renowned, as the theatre of the most dreadful carnage during the battle of the 21st. About the 19th of March, Menou arrived in Alexandria, pouring forth a torrent of abuse against the garrison and troops who had opposed the landing of the English army. He reproached them in one of his turgid harangues, with *' allowing, to their everlasting shame, an army of heroes to be chastised by a mob of English school-boys." The fat figure of Menou, added to his blustering and gas- conading manner, rendered him a pleasant object of ridicule to the natural vivacity of the Frenchmen, who distinguished him by the name of the " Cochon General." Immediate preparations, however, were made for a ge- neral attack upon the English with his whole force, pour les anneantir, as he expressed it. The day for this great event was fixed for the 21st, when our army was to be surprised SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. 507 surprised before day-light in its encampment, routed, and tumbled into the lake Aboukir. At the hour appointed the attack was made. In the beginning of it the French conducted themselves with admirable skill. It is certain our army did not then ex- pect them, although, for two preceding nights, the soldiers had been ordered to lie down upon their arms, and to be ready at a moment's notice. They came silently on, and in good order. With amazing per- severance they crept even upon their hands and knees, through the fear of alarming our videttes. The French videttes were, however, observed to draw nearer and nearer to our's, until, at length, the English sentinel ob- served the French army close behind, coming slowly on in a line. This man gave the alarm, by firing his piece, and retreating with all possible expedition. The French instantly and rapidly charged up the hill, beginning a false attack upon our left, and carrying a redoubt by means of the bayonet; intending thus to draw our at- tention from its right, where the main assault was in- tended. This project, however, was soon perceived by our commander, and failed of its effect. It was still dark. The firing ceased upon the left, and was soon heard very warm upon the right. To that point, there- fore, General Abercrombie directed all his attention, al- though both armies discharged their artillery without dis- cerning a single object, except during the flashes of the cannon, when the French army was not otherwise visible, although now so near, than by the appearance of a long black line, disclosed during those momentary corusca- tions. As dawn appeared, the French were found to have succeeded in turning our right wing; and a party of their cavalry were actually seen advancing to the rear of the 28th regiment. The prudence and gallant conduct of this regiment gave the first favourable turn to the conflict of the day. Cavalry in the rear of the infantry, have generally the power to throw them into disorder. It was at this critical moment, decisive as to the fate of Egypt, that an Adjutant of the 28th gave the word, " Rear rank, right-about, face .'" This was readily obeyed; and the soldiers, with astonishing firmness and presence of mind, sustained a severe attack in front and rear 508 SIR RALPH ABERCROMB1E. rear at the same time, without a single man moving from his place. At this juncture, the 42d regiment coming up to aid the 28th, were themselves overwhelmed and broken by a body of the enemy's cavalry. Still, though dispersed, they resisted to a man; and were seen so intermingled with the enemy, that the flank companies of the 40th, stationed in the openings of the ruins upon the right, were afraid to fire for fear of destroying them. Menou had promised a lonis to every French soldier who should be concerned in establishing a position in that building; and several attempts were made for the pur- pose. The 58th had been stationed there in the begin- ning of the action, with a part of the 23d, and had already repulsed a column of the enemy in its attack upon this place; when, during the severe conflict sustained by the 28th in front, three columns forced in behind the redoubt where that regiment was stationed, and, while some of them remained to carry on the attack upon its rear, the principal part penetrated into the quadrangular area formed by the ruin. Here they were received by the 58th and 23d, and followed by a part of the 42d, who cut off the retreat, so that a most desperate conflict ensued. Our men attacked them like wolves, with less ardour than valour, displaying a degree of intrepidity nothing could resist. After expending all their ammuni- tion, they had recourse to stones and the butt end of their pieces, transfixing the Frenchmen with their bay- onets against the walls of the building, until they had covered the sand with the blood and bodies of their ene- mies; where they remain heaped at this hour, a striking monument of the horror of that day. Not fewer than 7Q0 Frenchmen were bayoneted or shot among those ruins. By some unaccountable negligence, the principal part of the artillery and ammunition had not been brought to the station then occupied by our army; hence originated the saying, that the French had been beaten by an enemy destitute of artillery. Certain it is, that both the 28th and 42d regiments, towards the termination of the con- quest, were reduced to the necessity of throwing stones. General Sir Ralph Aberrrombie, with a view, as it is related, of rallying the 42d, hastening towards the dread- ful conflict in the ruin upon the right, was nearly sur- rounded SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. £09 rounder] by a party of French cavalry. A dragoon made a thrust at him; but Sir Ralph, receiving it between his breast and his left arm, wrested the weapon from his antagonist. At this instant an English soldier, seeing another ride towards the General to aim a blow at him, and being without ball, thrust his ramrod into his piece, and with it shot the dragoon. Soon after, Sir Ralph was seen without his horse, the animal having been shot under him; when Sir Sydney Smith coming up supplied him with that whereon he was mounted. It was on this occasion that Sir Ralph presented to Sir Sydney the sabre he had wrested from the dragoon. Soon after, our venerable Commander received in his thigh the fatal shot of which he afterwards expired. Victory now declared itself for the English; and it may be said to date from the moment when Abercrombie received his mortal wound. Five French generals were killed. Menou's horse was shot under him. It is said that he wept when he beheld the fate of the day, and ex- erted himself in vain endeavours to rally his retreating army. Amongst the wounded on our side were Generals Oakes, Moore, Hope, and Sir Sidney Smith. The loss sustained by the French was not less than 4000. Eleven hundred of their dead were buried by our own troops. After the action, both armies maintained the same po- sitions they had occupied before the battle. Every officer, every soldier bearing British arms, shared in the glories of that memorable day, when the French were routed and driven from every part of the plains. But, in the language of Schiller, " it was a dear bought victory, a melancholy triumph ;" for their father, their friend, their humane and just commander, the venerable Abercrombie, carried his death-wound from the field. He had been struck in the thigh by a mus- quet-ball early in the action, but continued to lead his army to conquest, until, faint from loss of blood, the grey-haired warrior retired to his tent. It was not until victory displayed her broad banner over his venerable head, that the old man's spirits forsook him; while the fortune of the day was yet doubtlul, he remained upon his horse cheaiing and directing his troops. Every care which medical skill joined to affection and respect could invent, was tried in vain to save Sir vol. ill. 3 x Ralph; 5 10 SIR RALPH ABERCROMBIE. Ralph: the ball could not be found; and he expired on board of the fleet on the 28th of March 1801. He was interred in the Island of Malta in a soldier's grave, em- balmed with their tears, and fixed in their remembrance; and in the same year the British government voted him a monument at the public expence, which is erected in the cathedral church of St. Paul's. General Abercrombie fully knew, and deeply felt, the nice responsibility of a man who is intrusted with the lives of his fellow-creatures, and the interests of his native land. He considered war not so much the school of fame and high road to fortune, as a sacred and trying duty; and he looked upon victory as only gratifying when it served to advance the prosperity and security of mankind. " These victories," he would say, " make me melancholy." The simplicity of his manners, and the integrity of his principles, had endeared him to those who best knew him, and who survived to mourn his loss; and his renown as a soldier rendered his fall a source of regret to the nation he had served, in almost every climate, for forty-six years. Memoirs Jflemofts OF THE LATE LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR JOHN MOORE OIR JOHN MOORE was born at Glasgow, in the year ^ 1760. He entered the army at a very early period of life; and, from the connexion which his father, Dr. Moore, had formed with the families of Hamilton and Argyle, he rapidly rose in the service. In 1790 he was promoted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the 51st regiment of foot, and shortly after was actively employed m the Mediter- ranean. The force under Lord Hood having been obliged to evacuate Toulon in the latter part of the year'1793, not- withstanding the most spirited exertions on the part of that gallant commander; and a place of arms in that quarter being absolutely necessary for our troops and navy, and for the reception of those numerous bodies of emigrants who at that period solicited the protection of Great Britain, the kingdom of Corsica was regarded as suitable to those objects. General Pascal Paoli had de- termined to contend once more for the sovereignty of his native isle; and this officer entered into a secret corres- pondence with Great Britain, to which he made an oiler of the sovereignty of Corsica. Lieutenant-Colonel Moore and Major Koehler were selected as most proper officers to inquire into the pro- bability of success that would attend operations in that quarter. These officers landed secretly, had an inter- view with Paoli, and made a flattering report of his power and authority. This intelligence determined Lord Hood to anticipate the French, who had embarked a body of troops at Nice for the subjugation of the island, and accordingly sailed from the Hieres in the beginning ot 1795. Having anchored in a bay to the westward of 3 t 9, Mortella 512 SIR JOfcN MOORE. Mortella tower, a body of troops (consisting of the 2d battalion of the Royals, the 11th, 25th, 30th, 50th, 51st and 69th regiments, amounting in all to about 1400 men) was landed under Lieutcnant-General Dundas, and it was determined that this important post should be im- mediately seized, without which the anchorage could not be deemed secure. A regular siege was, however, ren- dered necessary ; and the garrison surrendered in two days. Lieutenant-Colonel Moore was not present; he had been detached with two regiments, a small howitzer, and a six-pounder, for the purpose of seizing on Fornelli by a sudden and unexpected movement. Having dragged these for the space of several miles through' a moun- tainous country, on reconnoitring the place (which in the preceding year had resisted the attack of our flying squadrons), it was found that it could not be taken by a coup de main. The present expedition, however, proved the means of its capture; for Sir John Moore reported that, provided heavy artillery was brought up, an attack on the enemy's posts seemed likely to be attended with success. Accordingly, after four days' incessant fatigue, a sufficient quantity of ordnance was advanced to an eminence, elevated no less than 700 feet above the level of the sea. From this commanding height a single eighteen-pounder so annoyed two French frigates in the adjacent bay of St. Fiorenzo, that they were forced to retire; while one battery, consisting of three pieces of artillery, enfiladed the redoubt of the convention, and a second took it in reverse. A body of Corsicans, amount- ing to 1200 men, now advanced to the support of the British troops; and the French commander having re- fused to capitulate, an immediate assault was resolved upon. The assault commenced on the evening of the 17th of February: a column under Lieutenant-Colonel Moore advanced against the nearest part of this redoubt, while Lieutenant-Colonel Wauchopeand Captain Stewart extended in the centre and on the left, and having thus divided the attention of the enemy, drove them down a steep hill in the rear. The English now became masters of the town as well as the gulf of St. Fiorenzo. The possession of Calvi was the next object of the British General ; and on the 9th of June 1795, the troops having received considerable reinforcements under Lieu- tenant- SIR JOHN MOORE. S IS tenant-General Stewart, they encamped at Serra del Cappucliine, distant three miles from the object of their attack. But, before the body of the place could be at- tacked, it became necessary to carry two detached forts, Mollinochesco and Mozello. The movements of the army compelled the French to evacuate the former; and, a breach appearing by this time practicable in the latter, Lieutenant-Colonel Moore was directed to take it by assault. Day-break was judged the most proper for making the attempt, while, to arrive there at the ap- pointed moment, it became necessary to post the troops among bushes, and as near the breach as possible, so as not to alarm the enemy, who refused to yield until drawn out by force, and were prepared with grenades, as well as musquetry and cannon, to defend the position. In the mean time false attacks were made in other quarters; and General Stewart, who was extremely anxious for the event, having arrived before day-light, after a short con- sultation gave the signal for attack. On this, Lieutenant- Colonel Moore and Major Brereton rapidly advanced with unloaded arms, so as, if possible, to surprise the enemy. While in the midst of this career, they were observed from the ramparts, and a volley of grape-shot was fired, which did little execution. The storming party now scrambled up amidst the rubbish, regardless of the fire of small arms, and the bursting of shells. While Lieutenant-Colonel Wemyss, with the Royal Irish regi- ment of artillery, and two pieces of cannon, carried the battery on the left, the assailants pursued their progress towards the breach. A variety of impediments occurred, both from the nature of the ground and the desperate resistance made by the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonel Moore received a contusion in the head by the bursting of a shell, yet, notwithstanding the effusion of blood, he entered the place along with the grenadiers. On General Stewart quitting Corsica, he recommeuded Lieutenant-Colonel Moore, now invested with the rank of Adjutant-General, as a proper person to succeed him. On the return of Adjutant-General Moore to Eng- land, he was appointed to serve in an important ex- pedition projected against the French West-India colo- nies, under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir Ralph Abercrombie. The .514 SIR JOHN MOORE. The expedition left the British shores in the autumn of 1795; and the fleet and transports arrived early in the succeeding year atCarlisle Bay, in the island of Barbadoes. After the capture of the Dutch colonies of Demerara, Issequibo, and Berbice, part of the troops selected for the reduction of St. Lucia (among which the subject of this Memoir served with the rank of Brigadier-General) proceeded to Loiiguevi lie's Bay, and effected a landing without any considerable opposition. Having advanced next morning to Choe Bay, the centre division of the army disembarked near the village of the same name, on which an advanced body of the enemy retired to Morne Chabot, one of the strongest posts in the island. Before any further progress could be made, it was deemed necessary to occupy this high and commanding eminence. Accordingly two officers were selected to lead the troops, and were employed in two separate attacks. General Moore, with seven companies of the 53d regiment, 100 of Malcolm's, and 50 Lewinstein's Rangers, was ordered to advance by a circuitous path, while General Hope, with 350 of the 57th, was to march by a nearer and more direct route. But, in consequence of some error on the part of the guides, arising from the circumstance of its being anight attack, the former fell in with an advanced picquet, considerably more than had been expected, so that his intentions were discovered, and the meditated assault anticipated. Notwithstanding this, General Moore immediately resolved to commence operations without waiting for the approach of the other column, and, by a prompt and decisive movement, succeeded in carrying this post. The next day he advanced and seized on Morne Duchassaux, in the rear of Morne For- tunee, in the possession of which the principal strength of the enemy consisted. The French batteries, however, were not carried for some days after; but two parallels, provided with heavy artillery, having been completed, and the enemy repulsed by General Moore during a desperate sally for the protection of the village, a lodgment was effected within a few hundred yards of the fort; and on the 25th of May 1796, this island surrendered to the British arms. The next services of General Moore were in the expe- dition to Holland under the command of the Duke of York. SIR JOHN MOORE. 515 York. Iu that army he commanded a brigade, and highly distinguished himself on all occasions. From Holland he went with Sir Ralph Abercrombie to Egypt. The army arrived in Aboukir Bay on the 7th of March; and the first division having embarked in the boats, a rocket was fired at three o'clock in the morn- ing as a signal to proceed to the place of rendezvous, and at nine they advanced towards the beach, steering di- rectly towards that part of the shore where the enemy appeared most formidable. The position occupied by the enemy consisted of a steep sand hill, receding to- wards the centre, in form of an amphitheatre, which, together with the castle of Aboukir, poured down a de- structive and continual discharge of shot, shell, and grape, so as to furrow up the waves on all sides of the approaching flotilla. Notwithstanding this, Major-Ge- neral Moore having leaped on shore with the reserve, the 23d regiment, and the four flank companies of the 40th, belonging to his brigade, rushed up the eminence, and charged with fixed bayonets. The effect produced by this movement was such as might have been expected; for another body of troops was also enabled to get on shore. The army continued to advance, pushing the enemy with the utmost vigour, and ultimately forcing them to put themselves under the protection of the for- tified heights, which form the principal defence of Alex- andria. It was intended to have attacked them in their last position ; for which purpose the reserve under Major- General Moore, which had remained in column during the whole day, was brought forward, and, the second time, under the command of Major-General Hutchinson, marched to the left, across a part of the lake Mareotis, with a view to take the enemy on both flanks: but, on reconnoitring their position, prudence required that the troops which had behaved so bravely should not be ex- posed to a certain loss. In the action of the 13th of March, the reserve under Major-General Moore was kept in column for a consi- derable time, with a view to assail one of the flanks of the enemy; but after some hesitation it was deemed ad- visable to encamp with the right to the sea, and the left to tbe canal of Alexandria. After this action, " when the enemy had been repulsed and driven back to the heights 516 SIR JOHN MOORE. heights near Alexandria, it seems the British columns fol- lowed the French, and advanced close to their heights. The enemy, believing that they should be instantly at- tacked, had withdrawn their artillery, and were preparing to retreat, when to their surprise the English army was halted. The moment this was observed, an officer be- longing to the French Etat-Major made a signal with his hat, and the artillery which had been withdrawn was instantly brought again on the heights, and a severe fire directed on the British army. His cannonade could not be returned, as General Abercrombie had not been able to bring up his artillery. This unfortunate halt, and the consequent deliberation which took place among the general officers, consumed a considerable portion of time, during which the English forces suffered severely. At length, a retreat was ordered, and they retired out of the reach of the enemy's cannon. It is well known, however, that the late gallant Sir Ralph Abercrombie' s sight was very imperfect; the indecision which has been noticed on this occasion, may, perhaps, be attributed to that cause." In the battle of Aboukir Major-General Moore was wounded in the leg ; he, however, refused to quit the field, and continued to exert himself' to the utmost. We shall in this place introduce the observations of his Royal Highness the Duke of York on this battle, when he thanked the troops for their gallant exertions: — '.* An attack begun an hour before day-light could derive no advantage over the vigilance of an army ever ready to receive it ; the enemy's most vigorous and repeated efforts were directed against the right and centre. Our in- fantry fought in the plain, greatly inferior in the num- ber of their artillery, and unaided by cavalry. They relied upon their discipline and courage. The desperate attacks of a veteran cavalry, joined to those of a numerous infantry, which had vainly styled itself Invincible, were every where repulsed; and a conflict the most severe terminated in one of the most signal victories which ever adorned the annals of the British nation." Notwithstanding General Moore's wound, Major-General Cradock having been confined at Cairo by illness, General Hutchinson, who had succeeded the gallant Abercrombie, entrusted the command of the troops to Major-General Moore, SIR JOHN MOORE. 317 Moore, who, during a long march of a very novel and critical nature, displayed his usual judgment. After the campaign in Egypt, Major-General Moore was placed on the staff of the southern military district, and commanded the troops stationed at and in the neigh- bourhood of Sandgate. In May 1808, he was entrusted with the command of 10,000 men to assist the King of i Sweden against a combined attack from Russia, France, and Denmark. The expedition reached Gottenburgh on the 17th of May; but, some opposition having been made to the landing of the troops, Sir John Moore repaired to Stock- holm. The General's brother, Mr. James Moore, in " A Narrative of the Campaigns of the British army in Spain," has furnished the public with the following statement of his conduct at the court of Sweden. On Sir John Moore's arrival at Stockholm, " he there found to his surprise that, although the Swedish army was quite inadequate even for offensive operations, his Majesty's thoughts were entirely bent on conquest. It was first proposed that the British should remain in their ships, till some Swedish regiments should be collected at Gottenburgh; and that the combined forces should land and conquer Zealand. Upon an examination of this plan, it was acknowledged, that the island of Zea- land, besides containing several strong fortresses, waaf filled with a far superior regular force to any that could be assembled ; and also that the island of Funen was full of French and Spanish troops, which could not be hindered from crossing over in small bodies. Sir John Moore, in the mildest and most respectful manner, represented that these difficulties seemed too great to be surmounted by the bravest troops. It was next proposed that the British alone should land in Russian Finland, storm a fortress, and take a position there. This notion was still more preposterous than the former; and Sir John Moore endeavoured to prove, that 10,000 British were insuffi- cient to encounter the principal force of the Russian empire, which would quickly be brought against them at any point so near Petersburg!). The objections which he was obliged to make to these, and to another scheme equally impracticable, drew upon him the resentment of his Swedish Majesty, who arrested him in his capital. vol, in. 3 v He 51 s SIR JOHN MOORE. He, however, with considerable address, withdrew him- self from the thraldom of Sweden without committing his government; and, conformably to his instructions, brought back the army to England." Allowing for the natural partiality of a brother, the above statement may be considered in a great degree cor- rect. It is, however, well known that Sir John Moore possessed a reprehensible warmth of temper, which was most particularly evident in the case of Monsieur de Charmilly ; and we have therefore every reason to suppose that the King of Sweden would not have resorted to so violent and unjustifiable a measure, had not some grounds existed for the same, further than the mild and respectful manner in which Mr. James Moore states his brother to have started objections to the plans of the Swedish monarch. By far the most important event, however, in the life of Sir John Moore, is the command of that expedition entrusted to his charge, which was undertaken in aid of the Spanish patriots, for the defence of their country against the usurpations of France. In every former field of action, with the exception of his expedition to the Baltic (where his military talents were not called into display), Sir John had only held a subordinate command: in his campaign in the Peninsula, however, he commanded in chief; his conduct of that campaign must therefore form the principal grounds on which impartial history will be enabled to form a judgment of his character as a general. But, although it too often happens, that the opinion of mankind as to the merits of an individual in the execution of an important operation is drawn from the fortunate or unfortunate result of it, with- out regarding the causes which more immediately or remotely affect such a contingency; yet, in the case of the unfortunate termination of Sir John Moore's cam- paign, however disastrous to the army which he com- manded, and to the cause which he was sent to serve, no one has ever ventured to accuse the General of in- capacity or want of military skill in the conduct of the forces entrusted to his command. The high reputation his former services had acquired him, as well as his last signal triumph over the enemy, when he fell glori- ously in the arms of victory, utterly preclude the pos- sibility j SIR JOHN MOORE. 519 sibility of any such imputation. The difficulties by which he saw himself surrounded when advanced into the heart of Spain, and the overwhelming force of the enemy opposed to him, appeared to him to render any farther exertions unavailing; and the only alternative that remained, was the relinquishment of a cause already de- serted by a government and people whose interests it was more particularly calculated to serve. Although a slight review of the transactions of this campaign has already appeared in our former Memoirs, particularly in those of the immortal Wellington (where, for the sake of continuity in our narrative, we had found it necessary to take a retrospective glance at the proceed- ings of the British army in the Peninsula previous to the period of that illustrious character being invested with the chief command) ; yet the circumstances connected with that campaign form so prominent a feature in the life of the gallant subject of our present biography, that it would be by far too great an omission to pass over the whole unnoticed in this place. We shall, however, en- deavour to avoid as much as possible a repetition of what has been already related; confining ourselves principally to a developement of those circumstances which operated in inducing a conviction in the mind of Sir John Moore, of the necessity of that abandonment of the Spanish cause which terminated so disastrously in the unfortunate re- treat to Corunna. Immediately after the return of Sir John Moore from his expedition to the Baltic, he was directed to proceed with the army then under his command, and Lord Paget's brigade of cavalry, to Portugal, where he arrived whilst the convention of Cintra was pending; and it was in- tended that he should have served in that country as third in command. Soon after that event, however, Sir Hew Dalrymple and Sir Harry Burrard were recalled, to attend a Board of General Officers instituted to inquire into the merits of that convention. Sir John Moore was then nominated to the chief command of that army destined to advance into Spain in aid of the patriots. [n order to shew the views of the British ministry as to the operations to be undertaken by the British army after its arrival in Spain, and upon other subjects con- nected with the deliverance of the Peninsula, we cannot refer to a better authority than to Lord Castlereagh's 3 u 2 letter, 520 SIR J0HN MOORE. letter, of the 30th of September 1808, to Major-General Lord W. Bentinck, who had proceeded to Madrid for the purpose of consulting with Count Florida Blanca and the Central Assembly upon those subjects. His Lordship says — " The amount of the British force, which it is proposed to employ in Spain, will fall very little short of 40,000 men ; to consist of 30,000 infantry, rank and file, 5000 cavalry, and the necessary proportion of foot and horse artillery, waggon train, &c. the whole to be assem- bled under the orders of Sir John Moore, on the borders of Gallicia and Leon, from whence they may operate in the open country, as soon as the necessary proportion of horses and mules can be procured to render them move- able; leaving it to the Spanish armies, not having a due proportion of cavalry, to act on their flanks in the moun- tains. Sir David Baird, with 12,000 men, is ordered im- mediately to sail for Corunna. Sir John Moore is to move the remainder of the force required to complete the 30,000 infantry, from Portugal, either by land or sea, as he may find most convenient, sending the two regiments of cavalry under Brigadier-General Stewart, through the interior; the rest of the cavalry will be sent from hence as speedily as circumstances will permit. To render the northern provinces the more secure while our army is assembling, and to co-operate with the other Spanish corps in circumscribing the enemy's positions on the Ebro, the Marquis of Romana has determined to proceed with his own corps, amounting to nearly 10,000 men, to St. Andero; and he proposes, on his arrival there, by the incorporation of the armed peasantry of the Asturias and the Montagna, to augment their numbers to at least 20,000 men, which, with the Asturian army and Blake's, will carry the force in that quarter to 60 or 70,000 men, exclusive of the armies operating towards the front and left of the enemy's line. I am not enabled to send you any precise calculation of the number of horses and mules we shall want; the cavalry, artillery, and waggon train, will be provided from hence; the stores and bag- gage of the army, the commissariat, &c. must be equip- ped in Spain. I have sent a commissary into the northern provinces to collect what can be had. Sir David Baird is directed, on his arrival at Corunna, to equip his corps, if possible, from the resources of Gallicia and the north of SIR JOHN MOORE. r><$\ of Portugal. Sir John Moore, when he has arranged the movement of his army from Portugal, will probably superintend the equipment on the spot. I have only, in the mean time, to request you will communicate with those in authority on the best means of rendering this im- portant force serviceable as early as possible, and that you will cause orders to be sent into the provinces of Gallicia, &c. to facilitate the equipment of the army, and insure them a good reception. The Marquis of Romana has written to make his government perfectly understand the principles upon which our decision has been taken, and why they must not expect the British troops to take the field in detached corps." Such were the plans devised by the British ministry for affording the most effectual aid to the Spanish pa- triots. Their recent successes, and the spirit which seemed to animate the whole nation against its perfidious invader, as displayed in the heroic defence of Saragossa by General Palafox, together with the surrender of Dupont's army at Baylrn to ihe forces under General Castanos and Reding, appeared to warrant the expecta- tion of the most zealous co-operation on their behalf. Sir John Moore, having received the final instructions of his court, quitted Lisbon on the 27th of October, the whole of his troops having pn viously marched in three columns, and by different routes. The right column, under the command of General Hope, consisting of the cavalry and artillery, with four regiments of infantry, proceeded by Elvas and Badajos, on the high road to Madrid; and two brigades, under Major-General the Honourable Edward Paget, by Elvas and Alcantara: the rest of the army moved through Almeida; two bri- gades, under Major-General Beresford, by way of Coim- bra; those under Lieutenant-General Fraser took the route of Abrantes. These troops were to unite at Sala- manca, which was fixed upon as the point for the whole army to concentrate. Head-quarters, and the medical staff, proceeded by the central route. Sir John Moore warned the troops, in general orders, previous to the commencement of his march, that the Spaniards were a grave, orderly people, extremely sober, but generous and warm in their temper, and easily offended by any insult or disrespect that was offered them; 522 SIR J0HN MOORE. them; and he endeavoured to impress upon their minds the propriety of accommodating themselves to these man- ners, and not shocking, by their intemperance, a high- minded nation, who were grateful to the British, and worthy of being their allies. Respecting the sick, he observed, with much concern, their numbers were daily increasing; it was owing, in a great degree, to their own intemperance, that so many of them were rendered in- capable of marching against an enemy; and, having stated this, he felt confident that he need say no more to British soldiers to insure their sobriety. This sick- ness was greatly increased by the heavy rains to which they were exposed in their ill-constructed huts. In passing through the Portuguese territory the troops were regular and orderly in their conduct towards the inhabitants, which formed a striking contrast to the cruelty and rapine that, of late years, have disgraced the armies of France. The people were civil ; but consider- able difficulties arose in provisioning the troops. The army had marched from Lisbon without money; and great inconvenience was the result. The difficulty arising from this being at length surmounted, Sir John Moore, on the 12th of November 1808, arrived at Ciudad Rodrigo, and on the 13th with his advanced guard at Salamanca, the leading regiments from Almeida on the following day; and, except the 1st battalion of the32d, which was left to bring up the heavy stores from Villa Velha, all the troops reached Salamanca before the 24th. Previous to his entering the city, he was apprised that the army of Estremadura, commanded by Blake, had been defeated alter several actions, commencing on the 31st of October, near Sornosa, where he was repulsed, and obliged to retire on Valmaseda, and from thence on Espinosa de los Montreros. At the first place an action was fought on the 5th of November, which was par- tially favourable to our allies; but an attack made by the French on the 10th and 11th, at Espinosa de los Mon- treros, completely destroyed the Spanish army; their left wing was forced to give way, and the road by which the Spanish general attempted to defile being com- manded by a hill in the possession of the enemy, further resistance on the part of the Spaniards was useless. On the second night after his arrival, Sir John Moore was awakened SIR JOHN MOORE. 523 awakened by an express from General Pignatelli, the governor of the province, to inform him that the French army had taken possession of Valladolid, twenty leagues only from Salamanca. This intelligence gave the British General the greatest uneasiness: he had only three bri- gades of infantry with him, and none of his artillery had come up. In this dilemma his first thought was to fall back upon Ciudad Rodrigo ; but he soon learnt that the enemy had retired to Palencia, and that none of their infantry had advanced beyond Burgos; he, therefore, sent orders to Sir David Baird, who had arrived with a force of 12,000 men at Corunna on the 14th of October, and Sir John Hope, to concentrate their divisions, and join him with all speed. Every day now brought with it new causes of anxiety, and intelligence of fresh disasters. Blake's army was dis- persed, and Buonaparte was at perfect liberty to turn his force against Castanos, or march to prevent a junction of the English. Sir John Moore, placed nearly in the centre between two divisions of his army which were ap- proaching upon Salamanca by different points, was com- pelled to remain inactive. In this situation of affairs, per- ceiving the supineness of the Spanish government, and indignant at discovering the weakness which they had concealed from him until he was in the heart of Spain, he began to despair of their cause. He saw nothing around him but an inactivity, which he attributed to torpor and indifference. They had not, he said, shewn themselves a wise and a provident people; their wisdom was not apparent in their actions. Such were the im- pressions the British General received of the Spanish nation ; and he daily regretted his advance into the coun- try without having previously ascertained the real senti- ments of the Spanish nation, and their ability to resist the invaders. In the mean time the army under Lieutenant-General Sir David Baird had reached Corunna on the 14th of Oc- tober. It did not appear that the Junta was prepared for the arrival of these troops; and consequently it became necessary to send an express to the Supreme Junta, at Madrid, for directions in respect to their de- barkation. Sir David Baird is a brave experienced vete- ran ; he had signalized himself in Indian warfare, and conducted, 624 SIR JOHN MOORE. conducted, with considerable ability, across the burning sands of Arabia, the army destined to co-operate with Sir Ralph Abercrombie in the expulsion of the French from Egypt; but the difficulties he experienced in the first instance, respecting the landing of his troops, and subse- quently in their advance through the country, gave him an unfavourable idea of the cause in which he was now employed, and his sentiments tended to increase the despondence which had already taken deep root in the "breast of the Commander of the forces. Sir John Moore, in a letter to Lord William Bentinck, observes, " that he is sorry to say, from Sir David Baird he hears nothing but complaints of the Junta of Corunna, who afford him no assistance. They promise every thing, but give nothing; and, after waiting day after day for carts, which they had promised to procure for the carriage of stores, his commissary was at last obliged to contract for them at an exorbitant price. This is really a sort of conduct quite intolerable towards troops that the Spanish government have asked for, and whose ad- vance they are daily pressing." Owing to these circum- stances, Sir David Baird was under the necessity of dividing his army into small detachments, which followed each other at considerable distances. About the 18Lh of November the position of Sir Da- vid Baird's army, with the advance somewhat beyond Astorga, and a tail of troops reaching to Corunna, became a matter of serious moment. The Lieutenant-General, therefore, assembled his general officers, and informed Sir John Moore of their unanimous opinion, in conse- quence of Blake's army being defeated, and the critical situation of that under Castanos, that he ought not to at- tempt to advance till his force was assembled there, which would not be before the 4th of December. The distance between Corunna and Astorga is little more than 200 miles, but the British commissaries were at that time inexperienced, and the Spaniards gave no assistance to facilitate the advance of the troops. Sir John Moore's opinion of the hopelessness of alfairs was thus con- firmed by the report Sir David Baird made of the diffi- culties he had already met with in his march from the coast. On the 28th of November, Sir John Moore received the SIR JOHN MOORE. 595 the intelligence of the armies of Arragon and Valencia, under Generals Castanos and Palafox, being defeated at Tudela. He had never entertained any other expecta- tion; it had always been his opinion that the south of Spain should have been fixed upon as the scene of action in preference to the north, and that Cadiz, not Corunna, should have been chosen for the disembarkation of the British, who might afterwards form a junction at Seville or Cordova. He now determined to retire upon Portu- gal. " In this case," Sir John expresses himself in a letter to Mr. Frere, " I shall fall back upon my resources at Lisbon; cover a country where there is a British inter- est; act as a diversion in favour of Spain, if the French detach a force against me; and am ready to return to the assistance of the Spaniards, should circumstances again render it eligible. By marching into Spain I de- tach myself from my resources, and should probably be able to take with me only a small portion of the military stores I have brought forward; in which easel should not be able, for a time, for much contest: but every thing could be sent from Lisbon to Cadiz, and thence join me. The movement into Spain is one of greater hazard, as my retreat to Cadiz or Gibraltar must be very uncertain. I shall be entirely in the power of the Spa- niards; but, perhaps, this is worthy of risk, if the go- vernment and the people of Spain are thought to have still sufficient energy, and the means to recover from their defeats; and, by collecting in the south, be able, with the aid of the British army, to resist, and finally repel, the formidable attack which is prepared against them." On the same day that Sir John Moore made this com- munication to Mr. Frere, he expresses himself in a pri- vate letter to Mr. Stuart as follows: — " I have every inclination to think well of the Spanish cause; that I wish it well is most certain, and shall be most proud to give it every aid in my power; but, really, so little abi- lity has been displayed by the government, or by those employed to direct their armies; there appears so much apathy in the people, and so little means prepared for resistance, that I do not sec how they can stand against the enemy. The French will have troublesome subjects; but, in the first instance, they will have little more than a vol. in. 3 x inarch 5 <2Q SIR JOHN MOORE. march to subdue the country. I have not a shilling. The Spaniards, I find, promise much more than they perform. Sir David Baird, upon some false intelligence that the French had collected a large force at Rio Seco and Ampudia, has taken measures to retreat, but I shall be able to stop him ; and I hope, by the 7th or 8th of December, we shall be able to effect a junction. I hope to meet Romana on his passage to the army. The intel- ligence was sent to Baird by General Blake. The French have many friends in this country; it is from them that a thousand reports are daily spread to the disadvantage of the good cause." Circumstances, henceforward, still continued to in- crease this gloomy presentiment of the future, which filled the mind of the British general. It is true, the patriotism which he had been taught to expect, was not visible in the actions of the Spaniards, nor was a due attention paid to the wants of their ally; however, this cannot, with justice be charged upon the people, but was, in truth, owing to their disjointed and ill-constructed form of government, in which there was not a sufficient portion of talent and ability to direct and organize the vast means and resources of the kingdom. Previous to the destruction of the army commanded by General Castanos, at Tudela, Sir John Moore entertained a slight hope that something favourable to the cause might yet occur; this unfortunate event, however, confirmed his apprehensions. The first idea that presented itself afterwards was a retreat upon Portugal, although by so doing he was aware that an opportunity would be af- fonkd the enemy of destroying the remaining Spanish armies in detail. While a respectable British force re- mained in the country, the patriotic spirit was kept alive and animated to a further resistance against the power of Fran e. Of this Sir John Moore was sensible, and also of how much importance the presence of his army was to the success of the great struggle' in which Spain was engaged; yet, by remaining in his present position, he was afraid of drawing the whole power of the French upon himself. With this impression upon his mind, he ordered Sir David Baird to fall back upon Corunna, and sail from thence to the Tagus, directing him to write im- mediately to England, and request that transports might be SIR JOHN MOORE. .507 be sent without delay to Lisbon, as he conceived it would be impossible to defend Portugal if Spain was completely subdued by the enemy, and therefore the only remain- ing object appeared to be the embarkation of the troops. This object seemed now to be uppermost in his mind, as he concluded the safe return of the army would be grate- ful to the people of England, and reconcile them, in some degree, to the disappointments which he was well aware would be generally felt on the non-success of the measures proposed by government to secure the Penin- sula from the thraldom of Buonaparte. He had written, a. few days before, to Lord Castlereagh, saying, " that he had ordered a depot of provisions, for a short consump- tion, to be formed at Almeida, and perhaps the same should be done at Elvas; in that case the progress of the enemy might be cheeked, while the stores were embarking at Lisbon, and arrangements were made for carrying off the army. Beyond this, the defence of Lisbon, or of Portugal, should not be thought of." In communicating his resolution of retiring to the British government, Sir John Moore wrote in the same desponding spirit. " Portugal," he said, " could not be defended against a superior enemy; the Spaniards, however, might rally in the south, and the English might still be of use if they were landed at Cadiz. But it was impossible to be very sanguine on the subject, after what had been seen." When the intention of retreating was made known to the army at Salamanca, it was very generally disapproved of. Murmurs against it were heard in every quarter, from men of all ranks. Even the staff officers lamented this resolution of their Commander, and doubted the wisdom of his decision. In his letter to Mr. Frere, written before the defeat of Castanos was known, Sir John Moore proposed the question, what the British army should do, in case of that event ; whether he should retreat upon Portugal, or march upon Madrid, and throw himself into the heart of Spain? thus to run all risks, and share the fortunes of the Spanish nation. " The question," he observed, " was not purely a military one. It belongs, at least, as much to you as to me to decide upon it. Your communications with the Spanish go- vernment, and the opportunities you have had of judging 3x2 of 523 SIR J° HN MOORE. of the general state of the country, enable you to form as just an estimate of the resistance that is likely to be offered, You are, perhaps, better acquainted with the views of the British cabinet; and the question is, what would that cabinet direct, were they upon the spot to determine? It is of much importance that this should be thoroughly considered; it is comparatively of very little, on whom shall rest the greatest share of responsi- bility. I am willing to take the whole, or a part; but I am very anxious to know your opinion." Mr. Frere knew that what the Spanish government most deprecated was a retreat of the British upon Lisbon, from the well-grounded apprehension that it would de- press the hearts of the whole country, and would make them believe, that England, after an ineffectual effort, had relapsed into the old limited system of protecting Portugal. If, therefore, a retreat was determined upon as absolutely necessary, he thought the army should fall back upon Gallicia, and the strong country about Astorga. But, he said, in his reply to the Commander of the forces, that Leon and the two Castiles (with the exception of La Mancha and the city of Madrid) were the pro- vinces least distinguished for a military, patriotic, or pro- vincial spirit in all Spain; the people had been passive during the late events, and had seen their country suc- cessively occupied by the strongest party. It was diffi- cult to blame them ; living in open villages, in vast plains, without arms and without horses, they had neither the means of defence or escape. That country must neces- sarily belong to the party which was superior in cavalry; yet there was no want of a right feeling: the towns were abandoned at the approach of the enemy; not a single magistrate had been brought over to take the oath of allegiance to the intruder, nor had the French been able to enlist a single soldier. The other provinces were pos- sessed by the most ardent and determined spirit. There was no do'ibt of the people. The government was new, and had hitherto betn too numerous to be very active; but there was hope that that inconvenience would soon be remedied. " They are resolute," said Mr. Frere, " and I believe every man of them determined to perish with the country. They will not, at least, set the ex- ample, which the ruling powers and higher orders of other SIR JOHN MOORE. 339 other countries have exhibited, of weakness or timidity." Great advantages, the Ambassador thought, would result from advancing speedily to cover Madrid. It was a point of great moment for effect in Spain, and still more id France, and in the west of Europe. The people of the town were full of resolution, and determined to defend it, in spite of its situation; and nothing could be more un- favourable to the claim of the intruder than a siege of the capital. The first object of the English therefore, he thought, should be to march there, and collect a force capable of resisting the French, before further reinforce- ments arrived from France. There were reports that the resistance to the conscription had been much more obsti- nate than usual, and a pastoral letter of the bishop of Carcassone seemed to prove that these reports were not wholly without foundation. Any advantage obtained over the French at the present moment would be doubly valuable, as it would render a conscription, for a third attempt upon Spain, infinitely difficult, if not imprac- ticable. But if, with their present strength, they were allowed to retain their present advantages, and to wait the completion of the conscription, they would pour in forces which would give them immediate possession of the capital and central provinces, and the war would then be reduced to an absolute competition between the two countries which could stand out longest against the waste of population. If, however, Mr. Frere said, this view of the subject should not appear sufficiently clear or conclusive to the Commander-in-chief, to induce him to take this step, which he (the Ambassador) was well con- vinced would meet with the approbation of his Majesty's government, he would venture to recommend retaining the possession of Astorga. A retreat from thence to Corunna (as far, said he, as an unmilitary man may be allowed to judge of a country which he has travelled over) would be less difficult than through Portugal to Lisbon; and we ought in that position to wait for rein- forcements of cavalry from England: the army would thus be enabled to act in the flat country, winch opens immediately from that point, and extends through the whole of Leon and Old Castile. Before this letter arrived, the General's resolution had been taken, in consequence of the news of Castanos' de- feat. ,530 SI R JOHN MOORE. feat. It was not shaken by the able reasoning of the Ambassador, and he waited only for the junction of Ge- neral Hope to commence his retreat on Portugal. The plan which Mr. Frere had proposed, of making a stand at Astorga, Sir John Moore appears not to have deemed worthy of consideration. On the 5th of December a messenger arrived, with a dispatch from the Prince of Castel Franco and Don Thomas Morla, informing him, in the name of the Junta, that about 25,000 men of the army of Castauos were falling back on Madrid, to unite with its garrison; that 10,000 from Somosierra were coming to the city for the same purpose; and that nearly 40,000 would join them. With that number of troops, the French army which had presented itself was not to be feared. But the Junta, apprehending an increase of the enemy's forces, hoped he would be able to unite with their army, or fall on the rear of the enemy ; and they did not doubt that the rapidity of his movements would be such as the interests of both countries required. This letter was written on the 2d, and it is now proved that the men who signed it were then plotting to betray their country; but the success of their treason was not yet certain, and though they might have wished, and designed to draw on the British army to destruction, the proposal that it should advance came not from them alone, but from the civil and military Junta also. While Sir John was considering this letter, Colonel de Charmiily, a French emigrant in the British service, and denizened in England, arrived with dispatches from Mr. Frere. Colonel Charmiily was in Madrid on the night of the 1st of December, when the inhabitants were working by torch-light at the trenches, breaking up the streets, and barricading the houses. He had seen the Duke del Infantado, who told him that a new Junta had been formed, of which he was the president; that there were provisions and ammunition in Madrid; that more than 30,000 men had that day enrolled themselves as volun- teers; and that it was of material importance to the com- mon cause that the British Commander should make a diversion, which would compel the French to divide their forces, and thus afford some relief to Madrid, which he was determined to defend to the last moment. This he requested SIR JOHN MOORE. 53 1 requested Colonel Charmilly to communicate to Sir John Moore, as he himself had been an eye-witness of the spirit of the people, and the preparations which they were making for resistance. By another grandee (whose name does not appear) he was requested to inform Sir John, that he must employ this moment to save Spain, by making conditions with the Junta for a better govern- ment, but especially that he should require the Spanish army to be put under the orders of the British General for the time being, as it had been formerly under Lord Peterborough. When Colonel Charmilly reached Talavera de la Reyna on his way, he found that Mr. Frere had just arrived, following the Central Junta, who were retiring from Aranj uez to Badajos. To him he communicated the state of Madrid, and the subject of his conference with the Duke del Infantado; and the Ambassador requested him, as a Colonel in the British service, to take charge of a letter to Sir John Moore, urging him to suspend his retreat, as a measure which would have the worst effect upon the Spanish cause, and be of the greatest injury both to Spain and England. But thinking that, having commenced the retreat, Sir John might suppose his responsibility engaged to go on with it, Mr. Frere en- trusted Colonel Charmilly with a second letter, to be delivered in case the General persisted in his determina- tion of retreating. The purport of the letter was to request the bearer might be examined before a council of war; and the reason given for this measure was, that the decision of a council of war might exonerate the Commander-in-chief from the responsibility by which he might otherwise feel himself fettered. Charmilly reached Salamanca while Sir John was de- liberating upon the dispatch from Morla and Castel Franco. " He delivered the Ambassador's first letter. The state of Madrid, Mr. Frere said, was so strong a confirmation, or more properly speaking, so much ex- ceeding every thing which he had ventured to say of the spirit and resolution of the people, that he couid not forbear representing to the General, in the strongest manner, the propriety, not to say the necessity, of sup- porting the Spanish people by all the means which had been entrusted to him for that purpose. " I have no hesitation," 532 SIR JOHN MOORE. hesitation," he added, " in taking upon myself any degree of responsibility which may attach itself to this advice, as I consider the fate of Spain as depending absolutely, for the present, upon the decision which you may adopt; I say for the present, for such is the spirit and charac- ter of the country, that, even if abandoned by the Bri- tish, I should by no means despair of their ultimate success." Having read this letter, and heard Charmilly's com- munication, Sir John Moore gave him no reason to sup- pose the idea of retreating was given up. He retired, however, to reflect upon what he had heard. His in- structions directed him to receive the representations both of the Spanish government and the British Ambas- sador with the utmost deference and attention : both deprecated his retreat. Charmilly had been an eye-wit- ness of the preparations which were making at Madrid, and accounts confirming his report came from various other quarters. Sir John Moore was persuaded that a great improvement in the public affairs had taken place, and that it was not becoming him to fly at such a time; and he wrote that night to Sir David Baird, telling him to suspend his retrograde march till he heard again, and to make arrangements for returning to Astorga, should it be necessary. Notwithstanding this communication, Sir John Moore's hopes of any effectual co-operation on the part of the Spanish people were very little improved; his sentiments at this period may be gathered from a letter of this date (5th December) to Lord Castlereagh, in which be thus expresses himself — " I find considerable hopes are en- tertained from the enthusiastic manner in which the people of Madrid resist the French: I own, I cannot derive much hope from the resistance of one town against forces so formidable, unless the spark catches, and the flame becomes pretty general ; and here the peo- ple remain as tranquil as if they were in profound peace. I have, however, in. consequence of the general opinion, which is also Mr. Frere's, ordered Sir David Baird to suspend his march, and shall continue at this place until I see further, and be guided by circumstances: unless the spirit becomes general, Madrid must soon fall. At all events, if I marched into Portugal, it would be with a view SIR JOHN MOORE. 533 view to return the moment a favourable opportunity offered ; but I shall not go towards Madrid until I know with more certainty the force of the enemy, and see some- thing to convince me that more confidence can be placed in the steadiness of the Spaniards." Next morning (December fith) he addressed Sir David Baird to the following purport: — "I wrote to you last night to suspend your retrograde movements; I now write to beg that you will put to the right-about, and return bag and baggage to Astorga. The people of Ma- drid, it is said, are enthusiastic and desperate, and cer- tainly at this moment do resist the French; the good, which may result from this, it is impossible to say; lean neither trust to it, nor can I altogether despise it. If the flame catches elsewhere, and becomes at all general, the best results may be expected ; if confined to Madrid, that town will be sacrificed, and will be as bad or worse than ever. In short, what is passing at Madrid may be decisive of the fate of Spain, and we must be at hand to aid and take advantage of whatever happens. The wishes of our country, and our duty, demand this of us, with whatever risk it may be attended. I mean to pro- ceed bridle in hand; for if the bubble bursts, and Madrid falls, we shall have a run for it." These were ominous words: it was apparent that he had no confidence in the patriotism of the Spaniards, nor in his own means of re- sisting the French, however strong the country; it was apparent also, that while these apprehensions weighed upon him, he looked forward with dread to the opinion of the English public, and in deference to that opinion he was sacrificing his own. While Sir John Moore was dispatching these instruc- tions to General Baird, it was not known at Salamanca that he had changed his intention of retreating; officers and men alike were delivering their opinions loudly, and speaking of another investigation. Charmilly hearing this, and being equally ignorant of the determination which had been formed, supposed that his second letter was necessary, and accordingly delivered it. The Gene- ral, not perceiving the intent for which it was written, and feeling like a high-spirited officer, Who thought him- self injured, tore the letter in pieces, and gave vent to his indignation in violent language. Part of his anger fell vol. in. S y upon ^ SIR JOHN MOORE. — - ■ i i ■ ■■ §a upon Charmilly; and on the following day he ordered him to quit Salamanca. By what authority he was em- powered to order an English subject to quit a Spanish town, he probably did not ask himself; and his prepos- session against Charmilly, as a French emigrant, pre- vented him from perceiving that there were circumstances in his situation which might exempt him from such a suspicion, or from feeling the cruelty of thus insulting and disgracing an officer in the British service, because he had been trusted, by the British ambassador, with a commission which had offended him. Charmilly respect- fully represented that he had not deserved this treatment. The General replied, that he did not mean to give him the smallest offence; but he repeated the order, and it was obeyed. Sir John Moore, in his resentment against what he conceived the improper interference of the Ambassador, soon, however, recollected what was due to him as the King's minister. He told him, therefore, that he should abstain from any remarks on the two letters delivered by Colonel Charmilly, or on the message which accompa- nied them. " I certainly," said he, " did feel and express much indignation at a person like him being made the channel of a communication of that sort from you to me. These feelings are at an end, and I dare say will never be excited towards you again. If M. Charmilly is your friend, it was perhaps natural for you to employ him; but I have prejudices against all of that class, and it is impossible for me to put any trust in him." He informed the minister that every thing should be done for the assistance of Madrid and the Spanish cause, that could be expected from such an army as he commanded ; but he could not make a direct movement on Madrid, because the passes of Guadarama and Somosierra were in the hands of the French, and besides he was much too weak until joined by Sir David Baird. On the following day (December 7th) Sir John re- ceived a letter from the Junta at Toledo, telling him that they intended to re-unite the dispersed armies there, and defend the city to the last extremity. He replied, that if the Spaniards acted up to such sentiments, there could be no doubt of their ultimate success, whatever temporary advantages the French might gain; and he sent SIR JOHN MOORE. $35 sent a British officer to reside at Toledo, and concert measures for its defence. On the 8th, he informed Sir David Baird, that he should move a corps on the 10th to Zamora and Toro, and ordered him to push on his troops, by brigades, to Benevente. But on the 9th Sir Thomas Graham (now Lord Lyndoch), whom he had dispatched I to Morla and Castel-Franco, returned from Talavera with tidings that these men had betrayed Madrid. The num- • ber of the French there was computed at between 20 and 30,000; and it was said that they remained at the Retiro, not having taken possession of the city, in con- sequence of the temper of the inhabitants. Another part of the French army was engaged in besieging Zaiu- gossa. From Toledo the news was equally discouraging; ; Victor no sooner approached the place than it surren- dered to him. These circumstances did not induce the British Gene- ral to alter his plan; his object was to threaten the French communications, and draw their attention from Madrid and Zara^os^a, and thus favour any movements which might be projected by the armies forming on the south of the Tagus. If no advantage was taken of it, and no efforts made, he saw that the French might turn against him what portion of their force they pleased. That they would be able to do this he expected ; and he believed that nothing which his army could effect would be attended with anv other advantage than the character which might be won for the British arms. He looked, therefore, to a retreat as an event which would soon be unavoidable; in his dispatches home, dissuaded the go- vernment from sending out reinforcements, and desired that transports might be ready at Lisbon and at Vigo to receive the troops; being fully persuaded that the efforts of England would be of no avail, and that it would be necessary to evacuate the Peninsula. He left Salamanca on the 12th of December. Lord Paget, with the principal part of the cavalry, marched from Toro to Tordesillas; and General Stewart surprised and cut off a party of French who were potted at Rueda: this was the first encounter between the British and the French in Spain; and the prisoners all declared that it was universally believed the English army had retreated. On the 14th, when Sir John, was at Alaejos, a packet of 3 y 2 letter-. ;36 SI & JOHN MOORE. letters, from the head-quarters of the French army was brought to him. Some peasantry had killed the officer who had them in charge. Among them was a letter of Berthier's to Marshal Soult, directing him to take posses- sion of Leon, drive the enemy into Galicia, and make him- self master of Benevente and Zamora: he would have no English in front, it was said, for every thing evinced that they were in full retreat. A movement had been made to Talavera, on the road to Badajos, which must compel them to hasten to Lisbon, if they were not already gone; and when they had retired, the Emperor thought Soult could do whatever he pleased. It appeared from this letter, that Soult had two divisions with him atSaldanha; that Junot was collecting another Burgos; and that ano- ther under Mortier (Duke of Trevisoj had been ordered to march against Zaragossa. Sir John Moore had intended to march to Valladolid ; but, seeing that Soult was stronger than had been repre- sented, he thought it better to move to Toro, and unite his army there, Sir David Baird doing the same at Be- nevente; from whence the two corps might be joined, either by a forward or flank movement, and strike a blow against Soult, before that General could be reinforced. The cavalry under Lord Paget were pushed so forward, that their patroles reached Valladolid; and frequent skirmishes took place, in all of which the British dis- played that superiority which, whenever a fair opportu- nity is given them, they are sure to maintain. On the 20th the Commander of the forces reached Ma- jorga, where Sir David Baird joined him. The British forces were now united; they amounted to 23,000 infan- try, and about 2300 cavalry, besides some small detach- ments left to keep up the communication. On the 2lst of December the head-quarters were ad- vanced to Sahagun ; the weather was severe, the roads bad, and covered with snow; and, as the soldiers had suffered a great deal from forced marches, the General halted, that they might recover. A co-operation was also completely concerted here between the British and Romana, who was collecting the. wreck of Blake's army at Leon. They were in a miserable state — badly armed, and worse clothed ; but they might still occupy the attention of a part of the enemy's force, and, if he were SIR JOHN MOORE. 637 were defeated, would prove active in completing his de- struction. Soult had concentrated his troops, to the amount of 18,000 men, behind the river Carrion. Every arrange- ment was made for attacking him, and orders were issued accordingly — never more welcome to a British army. The convents in Sahagun were prepared for the recep- tion of the wounded ; and the soldiers confidently anti- cipated a glorious victory. But the sentiments of the General were not in unison with his brave troops. " The movement I am making," he said to Mr. Frere, " is of the most dangerous kind. I not only risk to be sur- rounded every moment by superior forces, but to have my communication with Galicia intercepted. I wish it to be apparent to the whole world, as it is to every in- dividual of the army, that we have done every thing in our power in support of the Spanish cause, and that we do not abandon it until long after the Spaniards had abandoned us. At the hour appointed, on the 23d of December, the whole force was under arms; the right column had begun its march, and the rest were in high spirits expecting the word of command. Just at this time came a letter from the Marquis de la Romana, with intelligence that the French were advancing from Madrid, either to Valladolid or Salamanca; and information to the same purport was received by other messengers; and also, that considerable reinforcements had arrived at Carrion from Palencia. Orders were immediately issued, that the troops should go back to their quarters, and by day-break next morn- ing, be again under arms. " In my life," says one who heard the order, " 1 never witnessed such an instan- taneously-withering effect upon any body of living crea- tures; a few murmurs only were heard, but every coun- tenance was changed, and they who, the minute before, were full of that confidence which insures victory, were at once deprived of all heart and hope." The next, morning General Hope fell back to Majorga, on the road to Benevente, with his own division and General Fraser's. Sir David Baird was ordered to pass the river at Valencia ; and on Christmas-day the Commander-in-chief followed General Hope, with the reserve and the light brigades; and the cavalry, under Lord Paget, followed the reserve on the 2Gth. Sir 33S S I R J°HN MOORE. Sir John Moore had made up his mind to lose some of his baggage, and not to fight, if he could avoid it. As- torga was to be his rallying poiut: there he informed Romana he should stand, as his retreat from thence, if necessary, would be secure, and he should be in the way to receive the supplies, and the reinforcements which he expected from England. At the worst he could defend himself, and, with Romana's aid, defend Galicia. " You may rest assured," he added, " that I shall not retreat a foot beyond what is necessary to secure my supplies from being intercepted." But his dispatches from Be- nevente, on the 28th, show that this intention was aban- doned. His force, he said, when he reached Astorga, would be about 27,000 : Romana could not have above S000. The troops moving against him he estimated at not less than 50,000; and it was said that Buonaparte himself was coming with 10,000 of his guards. His in- tention was not to stop longer at Astorga than to secure the stores, and then retreat to Villa Franca, where he had been told there was a position. Romana had inti- mated to him, some time ago, his intention of retiring into Galicia by this route, but Sir John begged it might be left open to the British, as being the only communi- cation they had for their retreat or supplies. From the 22d to the 24th, Soult received such rein- forcements as made his army superior to the British. Junot had advanced to Palencia, and threatened their right flank. Buonaparte was hastening on, in person, from Madrid, with his Imperial cavalry, and also the dis- posable force in that quarter. The force under Lefebvre (Duke of Dantzic) was counter-ordered from the road to Badajos, and directed towards Salamanca. Of the num- bers that were advancing against him Sir John Moore was not informed ; and so little idea was there of flying, when he began his retreat, that it was determined to carry off the prisoners which had been taken, and they were accordingly stowed in covered waggons. A thaw came on the day when they first fell back, and on the following it rained heavily, without intermission; the soil in that part of the country is a heavy loam, and the roads were about a foot deep in clay. The proclamations of the French travelled faster than the British army; these were, as usual, full of promises which would not be SIR JOHN MOORE. 639 be fulfilled, and menaces which would. They were come, they said, to deliver Spain ; to emancipate the peo- ple from the yoke of a tyrannical nobility, and a fanatic priesthood. Alt persons who remained quiet in their houses, or who, having forsaken them, speedily returned, should receive no injury ; but otherwise all that belonged to them should be confiscated. Unhappily, the conduct of our people now began to give effect to these hand-bills. The soldiers were indig- nant with the Spaniards for their apparent supineness; they were exasperated by the conduct of some poor wretches, whose carts had been pressed to carry the sick and wounded, and who, as many of them as could, had taken their mules, and run away in the night; partly from natural selfishness, still more because the move- ments of a retreating army exposed themselves to immi- nent danger, and their beasts to certain destruction. Weary and disheartened — in want of rest and of food — disappointed of their confident hopes of victory, and in- dignant at turning their backs upon an enemy whom they would so eagerly have met in the field, it was a relief to the soldiers to give vent to these feelings, in the shape of anger, upon the only objects within their reach. Sir David Baird, who took the shorter line to Astorga by way of Valencia, effected his march without molesta- tion: the sick and wounded, following the same track, halted at the latter place, to pass the night; this was on the 26th. Hardly were they provided with the necessary food, and lain down to rest, before the alarm was sounded, and they were again hurried into the waggons. The night was cold and misty, and exceeding dark, and the Ezla was to be forded, some little distance from the town. The ford is dangerous, because of the rapidity of the stream, occasioned by two narrow banks of shingles, which form an angle in the middle; and at this time the water was fast rising, from the melting of the snow upon the mountains. A Serjeant's guard had been left by Sir David Baird, on the opposite bank, to assist the waggons in passing, and skuttle two ferry-boats when they had effected their passage. They kindled a fire with grass and rushes for the sake of its light; but the materials were wet, and the wind soon extinguished it. A Spanish muleteer 54O S1R J° HN MOORE. muleteer attempted to cross, to guide them over the ford; his mules tript in the mid stream, he was thrown, and saved by a soldier when just in the act of sinking. Perilous, however, as the ford was, the passage was ac- complished without other loss than that of some baggage- waggons, which broke down. Sir John Moore next day reached Benevente, with the other division of the army, and there issued Ge- neral Orders, which reflected severely upon the con- duct both of his men and officers. " The misbe- haviour of the column which marched by Valderas exceeded," he said, " what he could have believed of British soldiers. He could feel no mercy towards- officers who neglect, in times like these, essential duties, nor towards soldiers who disgrace their country by acts of villainy towards the people whom they are sent to pro- tect." Alluding then to the discontent which was mani- fested at the hurry of the retreat, and the mystery which was thrown over their proceedings, he said, it was impos- sible for the General to explain to his army the motive of the movements he directed ; he could, however, assure them that he had made none, since he left Salamanca, which he did not foresee, and was not prepared tor; and, as far as he was a judge, they had answered the purposes for which they were intended. When it was proper to fight a battle he would do it, and he would choose the time and place which he thought most fit. In the mean time he begged the officers and men of the army to at- tend diligently to discharge their parts, and leave to him, with the general officers, the decision of measures which belonged to them alone. Strong as this language was, it had no effect, and the havoc which had been committed at Valderas was renewed at Benevente. The castle there is one of the finest monuments of the age of chivalry; we have nothing in England which approaches to its grandeur. With Gothic grandeur, it has all the wildness of Moorish decoration; open galleries, where Saracenic arches are supported by pillars of porphyry and granite; cloisters, with fountains playing in their courts; jasper columns and tesselated floors, niches, alcoves, and seats in the wall, over-arched in various forms, and enriched with every grotesque ornament of gold and silver, and colours which are hardly less gorgeous. The extent of the SIR JOHN MOORE. Ml the magnificent structure may be estimated from this cir- cumstance, that two regiments, besides artillery, were quartered within its walls. They proved the most de- structive enemies that had ever entered them: their in- dignant feelings broke out again in acts of wanton mis- chief; and the officers, who felt and admired the beauties of this venerable pile, attempted in vain to save it from devastation. Every thing combustible was seized; fires were lighted against the fine walls; and pictures of un- known value, the works, perhaps, of the greatest Spanish masters, and of those other great painters who left so many of their finest productions in Spain, were heaped together as fuel. The soldiers had, however, here an opportunity of displaying a spirit more becoming them as Englishmen. This was on the 28th; and, soon after the rear of the army had marched into the town, the alarm was given that the enemy were on the opposite heights. In an instant all was on the alert; every man hastened to the place of rendezvous, and the cavalry poured out of the gates; the plain in the opposite direction was covered with fugitives ; and the streets were filled with women, bewailing their fate, and calling on their saints and the Virgin for protection. The French, seeing with what alacrity they would be encountered, looked at our men from the heights, and retired. It was towards evening; and as the enemy were so near, orders were given to de- stroy the bridge. This was effected about day-break the following morning, and it was supposed their progress was for a while impeded. The troops again continued their retreat; and the whole of the infantry and heavy artillery had departed, when intelligence arrived that the French were re-appearing, and that their cavalry were in the act of passing the Ezla : they had formed a ford about three hundred yards below the bridge. Lord Paget and General Stuart were still in the town. The picquets of the night, under Lieutenant-Colonel Otway ami Major Bagwell, amounting to 250 men, were sent down; the cavalry were ordered to repair to their alarm posts ; and many volunteers came forward Lord Paget hastened to the spot: iie found four squadrons of Imperial guards air ady formed, and skirmishing with the picquets; other cavalry were in the act of passing. The 10th hussars were sent vol. iii. 3 z for: 342 SIR J0HN MOORE. for: as soon as they arrived, Major-General the Honour- able Charles Stuart placed himself at the head of the picquets, and charged the enemy. The French never have been able to withstand the charge of British soldiers, •whether cavalry or foot; they gave way, and repassed the ford more precipitately than they had crossed it. On the other side they formed again, and threatened a second at- tempt; but three pieces of horse artillery, which now came up, were stationed near the bridge, and opened a fire upon them, that did considerable execution. About 100 prisoners were taken ; among them was General Lefebvre, commander of the Imperial guard of cavalry. The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained : several were drowned, many killed and wounded: it was va- riously guessed, from GO to 200. Our's was about 50 in killed and wounded; among the latter was Major Bag- well. It was reported that Buonaparte was on the heights during this action. As very ample details of the farther prosecution of this disastrous retreat have already been given in our Memoirs of the Marquis of Anglesea, who had the com- mand of the cavalry, a very short summary will be suffi- cient in this place. From Benevente the troops pro- ceeded to Astorga, which place they reached on the 30th of December, and Villa Franca on the 2d of January. In the neighbourhood of this latter place, the rear-guard had a slight affair with the advance of the enemy under General Colbert, who was killed in the encounter. From hence the army proceeded to Lugo where the dif- ferent divisions were ordered to halt and collect. Sir John Moore now found it impossible to execute his design of proceeding to Vigo, whither he had ordered the trans- ports to be sent, as the distance was double that to Corunna, and the roads were said to be impracticable for artillery. Here the French attacked our outposts on the 6th, and again on the 7th; which assaults were repelled with great steadiness and spirit : and Sir John, expecting from the reports of the prisoners a more formidable at- tack, drew up his whole army on the 8th, and offered the enemy battle. But the sample of British valour which the French had received during the two preceding days, made them desirous of waiting the arrival of more troops before they came to an engagement: Sir John, therefore, to SIR JOHN MOORE. 613 to whom delay was dangerous, after waiting the whole day in order to bring the enemy to action, continued his retreat during the night, and reached Corunna on the 11th of January with little further molestation. Here, however, the transports which had been ordered round from Vigo, had not yet arrived ; and it soon be- came apparent, that, before an embarkation could be [ effected, a battle must be fought, for which arrange- ments were accordingly made. One division, under Ge- neral Hope, occupied a hill on the left, commanding the road toBetanzos; the height decreased gradually to the village of Elvina, taking a curved direction: at this vil- lage General Baird's division commenced, and bent to the right: the whole formed nearly a semi-circle. On the right of Sir David Baird the rifle-corps formed a chain across a valley, and communicated with General Fraser's division, which was drawn up about half a mile from Corunna, on the road to Vigo. The reserve, under Major-General Paget, occupied a village on the Betanzos road, about half a mile in the rear of General Hope. The French made their appearance on the morning of the 12th, moving in force on the opposite side of the river Merc They took up a position near the village Perillo, on the left flank, and occupied the houses along the river. Their force was continually increasing. On the 14th they commenced a cannonade, which was re- turned with such effect, that they at last drew off their guns. In the evening of this day the transports from Vigo hove in sight. Some slight skirmishes took place the following morning. Preparations, meantime, were making for the embarkation; and Sir John, finding that, from the nature of the ground, much artillery could not be employed, placed seven six-pounders and one howitzer along the line, and kept four Spanish guns as a reserve, to be advanced to any point where they might be wanted. The rest of the artillery was all embarked. The sick and the dismounted cavalry were also sent on board with all possible expedition. Some of the horses also were embarked; but there was little time for this; most of them were completely disabled: slaughter, therefore, was made of them, and the beach was covered with their bodies. Some of these poor animals, seeing their fellows fall, were sensible of the fate intended for them; they 3 z c 2 became 544 SIR J0HN MOORE. became wild with terror, and a few of them broke loose. All the preparations for embarking were completed on the morning of the lGth of January; and the General gave notice, that be intended, if the French did not move, to begin embarking the reserve at four in the after- noon. This was about mid-day. He mounted his horse, and set off to visit the outposts: before he had proceeded far, a messenger came to tell him that the enemy's line were getting under arms; and a deserter arriving at the same moment confirmed the intelligence. He spurred forward. Their light troops were pouring rapidly down the hill on the right wing of the British, and tie advanced picquets were already beginning to fire at them. Lord William Bentinck's brigade, consisting of the 4th, 42d, and 50th regiments, maintained this post. It was a bad position; and yet, if the troops gave ■way on that point, the ruin of the army was inevitable. The guards were in their rear. General Paget was ordered to advance with the reserve, and support Lord William. The enemy opened a cannonade from eleven heavy guns, advantageously planted on the. hills. Two strong co- lumns, one advancing from a wood, the other skirting its edge, directed their march towards the right wing ; a third column approached the centre; a fourth advanced slowly upon thi- Itft; a fifth remained half way down the hul, in the same direction. Sir David Baird had his arm shattered by a grape-shot as he was leading on his division. The two lines of in- fantry advanced against each other: they were separated by stone walls and hedges, which intersected the ground ; but, as they closed, it was perceived that the French line extended beyond the ri^ht flank of the British, and a body of the enemy was observed moving up the valley to turn it. Half of the 4th regiment, which formed this flank, was ordered to fall back, forming an obtuse angle with th( other half. This manoeuvre was excellently performf', and they commenced a heavy flanking fire. Sir John Moore called to them, that this was exactly what he wanted to be done, and rode on to the 50th, commanded by Majors Napier and Stanhope. They got over an inclosure in their front, charged the enemy most gallantly, SIR JOHN MOORE. 345 gallantly, and drove them out of the village of T?l"ina; but Major Napier, advancing too far in the pursuit, re- ceived -everal wounds, and was taken prisoner, and Ma- jor Staohope was mortally wounded. The General now proceeded to the 42d: " High- landers," said he, " remember Egypt!" and they rushed on, driving the French before them till they were stopped by a wall: Sir John accompanied them in this charge. He now sent Captain Hardinge to order up a battalion of guards to the left flank of the 49d. The officer com- manding the light infantry conceived, at this, that they were to be relieved by the guards, because their ammu- nition was nearly expended, and he began to fall back. Sir John, discovering the mistake, said to them, " My brave 42d, join your comrades; ammunition is coming, and you have your bayonets." Upon this they instantly moved forward. Captain Hardinge returned, and pointed out to the General where the guards were advancing. The enemy kept up a hot fire, and their artillery played incessantly on the spot where they were standing. A cannon-shot struck Sir John, and carried away his left shoulder, and part of the collar-bone, leaving the arm hanging by the flesh. He fell from his horse on his back; not a muscle of his face altered, nor did he betray the least sensation of pain. From the size of the wound, it was in vain to make any attempt at stopping the blood; and Sir John consented to be removed in a blanket to the rear. In raising him up, his sword, hanging on the wounded side, touched his arm, and became entangled between his legs: Captain Hardinge began to unbuckle it; but the General said, in his usual tone and manner, and in a distinct voice, " It is as well as it is; I had rather it should go out of the field with me." Six sol- diers of the 40d and the guards bore him. Captain Hardinge, observing his composure, caught at the hope that the wound might not prove mortal, and said to him, he trusted he would be spared to the army, and recover. Sir John turned his head, and looking stedfastly at the wound for a few seconds, he replied, " No, Hardinge; I feel that to be impossible." General Paget, meantime, hastened with the reserve to support the right wing. Co'onel Beckwith dashed on with the rifle-corps, repelled the enemy, and advanced on J46 SIR JOHN MOORE. on them, flanking so far as nearly to carry off one of their cannon; but a corps greatly superior moved up the valley, and at length forced him to retire. General Paget, however, attacked this body of the enemy, repulsed it, and pressed on, dispersing every thing before him, till the enemy, perceiving their left wing was now quite ex- posed, drew it entirely back. The French then advanced upon Generals Manningham and Leith in the centre, and there they were more easily repelled, the ground being more elevated, and favourable for artillery. The position on the left was strong, and their effort there was very unavailing : but a body of them took possession of a village on the road to Betanzos, and continued to fire from it, till Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls attacked it, and beat them out. Night was now closing fast; and the French had fallen back in all parts of the field. The firing, however, was not discontinued till it was dark. Never was any victory gained under heavier disad- vantages. The French force, at the lowest computation, exceeded 20,000 men, and was more generally estimated at 30,000; the British were not 15,000. The supe- riority in artillery was equally great: they had met English guns on the way, sent off, thus late, to the pa- triotic armies; and these they had turned back, and em- ployed against the English army. Our artillery was em- barked; and the Shrapnell shells, which contributed so materially to the success at Vimiera, were not used in this more perilous engagement. If the moral and physi- cal state of the two armies be considered, the disadvan- tages under which our soldiers laboured were still greater. The French, clothed in the stores which they had over- taken upon the road, elated with a pursuit in which no man had been forced beyond his strength, and hourly re- ceiving reinforcements to their already superior numbers: the English, in a state of misery, to which no army, per- haps, had ever before been reduced, till after a total de- feat; having lost their military chest, their stores, their baggage, their horses, their women and children, their sick, their wounded, their stragglers, every thing but their innate — unequalled — unconquerable courage. Our loss in the battle did not amount to 800; that of the French exceeded 2000. The General lived to hear that the battle was won. " Are SIR JOHN MOORE. *>±J " Are the French beaten ?" was the question which he repeated to every one who came into his apartment; and he expressed how great a satisfaction it was to him to know that they were defeated. " I hope," said he, " the people of England will be satisfied! I hope my country will dome justice." Then addressing Colonel Anderson, who had been his friend and companion in arms for one- and-twenty years, he said to him," Anderson, you know that I have always wished to die in this way. You will see my friends as soon as you can ; tell them every thing. Say to my mother — " but here his voice quite failed, and he became excessively agitated, and did not again ven- ture to name her. Sometimes he asked to be placed in an easier posture. " I feel myself so strong," he said, " I fear I shall be long dying! It is great uneasiness — it is great pain." But, after a while, he pressed Colonel Anderson's hand close to his body, and in a few minutes died without a struggle. He fell, as it had ever been his wish to do, in battle and in victory. No man was more beloved in private life, nor was there any General in the British army more universally re- spected. All men had thought him worthy of the chief command. Had he been less circumspect; had he looked more ardently forward, and less anxiously around him, and on all sides, and behind; had he been more confi- dent in himself and in his army, and impressed with less respect for the French generals, he would have been more equal to the difficulties of his situation. But, let it ever be remembered with gratitude, that when some of his general officers advised him to conclude the re- treat by a capitulation, Sir John Moore preserved the honour of England. He had often said, that if he was killed in battle, he wished to be buried where he fell. The body was re- moved at midnight to the citadel of Corunna. A grave was dug for him on the rampart by a party of the 9th regiment, the aides-de-camp attending by turns. No cof- fin could be procured; and the officers of his staff wrapped the body, dressed as it was, in a military cloak and blaukets. The interment was hastened; for about eight in the morning some firing was heard, and the officers feared that, if a serious attack were made, they should be ordered away, and not suffered to pay him their 548 SIR JOHN MOORE. their last duty. The officers of his family bore him to the grave; the funeral service was read by the chaplain; and the corpse was covered with earth*. We shall now conclude the biography of this la- mented officer with the General Orders issued by his Royal Highness the Duke of York in commemoration of a distinguished and devoted life passed with honour in the defence of his country, and which ppurtray Sir John Moore as a bright example to British officers, by whom he was universally beloved and respected; and a brief account of his most honourable private character, as represented by his brother, Mr. James Moore. « GENERAL ORDERS. " The benefits derived to an army from the example of a distinguished commander, do not terminate at his death; his virtues live in the recollection of his asso- ciates, and his fame remains the strongest incentive to great and glorious actions. " In this view, the Commander-in-chief, amidst the deep and universal regret which the death of Lieutenant- General Sir John Moore has occasioned, recals to the troops the military career of that illustrious officer for their instruction and imitation. " Sir John Moore, from his youth, embraced the pro- fession with the feeling and sentiments of a soldier; he felt, that a perfect knowledge, and an exact performance of the humble, but important duties of a subaltern offi- cer, are the best foundations for subsequent military fame; and his ardent mind, while it looked forward to those brilliant achievements for which it was formed, applied itself with energy and exemplary assiduity to the duties of that station. In the school of regimental duty, he obtained that correct knowledge of his profes- sion, so essential to the proper direction of the gallant spirit of the soldier; and he was enabled to establish a characteristic order, and regularity of conduct, because the troops found in their leader a striking example of the discipline which he enforced on others. Having risen * For some farther particulars attending the last moments of Sir John Moore, see the note to page 274 of the first volume of this work. to SIR JOHN MOORE. 549 to command, he signalized his name in the West Indies, in Holland, and in Egypt. The unremitting attention with which he devoted himself to the duties of every branch of his profession, obtained him the confidence of Sir Ralph Abercrombie ; and he became the companion in arms of that illustrious officer, who fell at the head of his victorious troops, in an action which maintained our national superiority over the wms of France. " Thus Sir John Moore at an earl)' period obtained, with general approbation, that conspicuous station in which he gloriously terminated his useful and honour- able life. " In a military character, obtained amidst the dangers of climate, the privations incident to service, and the sufferings of repeated wounds, it is difficult to select any one point as a preferable subject for praise: it exhi- bits, however, one feature so particularly characteristic of the man, and so important to the best interests of the service, that the Commander-in-chief is pleased to mark it with his peculiar approbation. " The life of Sir John Moore was spent among the troops. " During the season of repose, his time was devoted to the care and instruction of the officer and soldier; in war, he courted service in every quarter of the globe. " Regardless of personal considerations, he esteemed that to which his country called him the post of honour; and, by his undaunted spirit, and unconquerable perse- verance, he pointed the way to victory. " His country, the object of his latest solicitude, will rear a monument to his lamented memory; and the Commander-in-chief feels he is paying the best tribute to his lame, bv thus holding him forth as an example to the army. " By order of his Royal Highness the Commander- in-chief. " Harry Calvert, Adjutant-Central. « Horse-Guards, July 1st, 1809." His character has been thus drawn by Mr. James Moore, in a letter to his mother, with which we shall conclude this subject. " Should they (historians) enter vol. in. 4 a into 5^0 SIR JOHN MOORE. into his (Sir John Moore's) private character, they ought to represent him as a man who felt for his father and mother filial piety, and for his sister and brothers pa- ternal affection ; who was faithful in friendship, and in his intercourse with the world was guided by honour. When they shall display those qualities and actions which properly belong to the province of history, if truth be observed, he must be described as exercising his genius in the profession of arms for the service of his country, to which he had devoted his life. Finally, he must be shewn leading on to victory a British army, which he had preserved by his wisdom, and falling gloriously in the front of battle." jfflemofrs iWemofas OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE HENRY ADDINGTON, VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. f T , HE family of Lord Sidmouth cannot trace its origin -*• from any illustrious ancestry, but it may boast of ancient and highly respectable connexions. His Lord- ship's virtues and talents have deservedly raised him to the British peerage; and a short sketch of his life cannot fail of proving a source of gratification to the reader. The father of Lord Sidmouth, who died in the spring of the year 1790, was educated at Trinity College, Oxford, where he took his third degree of M.D. on the 4th of January 1744. He first resided at Reading, in Berkshire, where he kept a private mad-house, and where he married a Miss Hiley, from whose father the brother of Lord Sidmouth takes one of his Christian names. He at length became a physician of great eminence ; and, by his professional exertions, he succeeded in amassing a large fortune. His mind, however, was not wholly oc- cupied by medical researches; he entered considerably into the subject of politics; and as his principles were congenial with those of the great Earl of Chatham, to whom he was then physician, he was employed by his Lordship in a negotiation with the Earl of Bute respect- ing the ex-minister's return to power. Though this ne- gotiation did not succeed in bringing the Earl of Bute and Lord Chatham into office together, yet it laid the foundation of the future greatness of the Addington family, since it improved the intimacy between the Doctor and the latter nobleman to the day of his death. Sir James Wright was the plenipotentiary of the Earl of Bute on the above subject; and, as the two negotiators could not agree upon the precise verbal terms said to have been in the first proposal made use of, Dr. Addington 4 a 2 wrote 5j2 VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. wrote a short pamphlet concerning the whole affair. This, with a small tract on the scurvy, was all the Doctor ever wrote for the press, except now and then a political paragraph for the newspapers. His son, Henry Addington (now Lord Sidmouth), was born in the year 1756, and was sent to Cheam School under the care of the Reverend Mr. Gilpin. He was next sent, with his brother John Hiley, to Winchester School, where Dr. Wharton presided; and, while there, an incident occurred which unfolded his natural goodness of heart, and displayed no small share of fortitude. Se- veral of the boys had been guilty of depredations in the neighbouring orchards, and various complaints had been made to the master. One day, when Dr. Wharton had taken an excursion on horseback, he perceived at a dis- tance several of his pupiis engaged in the predatory act which we have mentioned. The Doctor immediately proceeded to the spot; but, as his approach had been descried, the scholars had the good fortune to effect their escape. One of them, however, accidentally dropped his hat in the flight, which was secured ; and as it bore the initials H.A. the Doctor was resolved upon making an example of its owner. A boy whose name corresponded with those initials, and who was strongly suspected of being guilty, was accordingly brought up for punish- ment; which he would no doubt have received, had not young Addington advanced, with trembling step and downcast eye, exclaiming, " Pray, Sir, do not hurt him — it is my hat." After an avowal so noble in a boy, it would be a libel on the good sense of the master to suppose that any punishment was inflicted. From Winchester School, the two brothers were removed to Oxford. From the transaction which we have related to have taken place between Dr. Addington and the Earl of Chatham, it is easy to suppose that a great degree of in- timacy must have subsisted between the families. We accordingly find the sons of the Earl and of the Doctor sedulously cultivating a friendship, which was drawn still closer by their becoming members of the Society of Lincoln's Inn, and eating commonly in the same hall. One of the first briefs, if not the very first, which Mr. Pitt ever received, was from Mr. Petrie, in the case of the VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. 553 the famous Cricklade election. We are uncertain as to the progress which Mr. Addington made in the way of his profession. His first seat in ttie House of Commons was for Devizes; and it was not long before an oppor- tunity presented itself for eliciting a display of his powers: this opportunity was furnished by tie coalition between Lord North and Mr. Fox. Mr. Addington after- wards strongly opposed the India bill of the latter gentle- man, and thereby contributed his assistance to raise his friend, Mr. Pitt, to the eminent station which he so long held, and through which he almost exclusively owed his own advancement. On the promotion of Mr. Grenville to a peerage, the chair of the House of Commons became vacant, and Mr. Addington was elected to fill it. His nomination was made by the Marquis of Graham; and his majority over Sir Gilbert Elliot was 74, the numbers being, for him 215, against him 141. In addressing the King, he adhered to the common practice of the Speakers of the House of Commons when they are presented for his Majesty's approbation. He observed, that " he felt himself unequal to the arduous task which the partiality of the House had imposed upon him, and hoped that his Majesty would be pleased, by his royal disapprobation of their present choice, to afford his faithful Commons an opportunity of electing a person better qualified to dis- charge the duties of an office so important." On the assembling of a new parliament, a few months after Mr. Addington was unanimously re-elected to the office of Speaker, an event soon occurred which gave him an opportunity of exercising that power of discrimination for which he is remarkable. The assiduity and judg- ment which he displayed in his researches after pre- cedents, and his clear stating of them to the committee, proving that an impeachment (as in the case of Warren Hastings, Esq. then before the House) would exist after the dissolution of parliament, gained him great and de- served respect. The manner in which he pointed out the close connexion in principle between impeachment and writs of error, excited the admiration of most of the law members; and the whole House could not but be pleased with his conduct as Speaker throughout, since it was not only strictly constitutional, but calculated also to add 554 VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. add to the dignity and importance of the third branch of the legislature by securing to it the exercise of its own rights and privileges. He proved in many instances his zeal to preserve the franchises of the House over which he presided; for, upon the House of Lords, in 1791, making a slight alteration in a bill intended to amend the 8th of Queen Anne, respecting the reward to be given on the conviction of felons, he caused the bill to be thrown out, by referring to a precedent on the journals, where a similar bill had been rejected because it af- fected the revenue. After having filled the chair of the House of Commons for a considerable period, Mr. Addington at length re- signed it to occupy a place of much higher importance. At the time when Mr. Pitt undertook the difficult task of uniting the kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, it was much feared that difficulties almost insurmount- able would be opposed to it on the part of the Irish Roman Catholics. To smooth the way, therefore, Mr. Pitt, Lord Castlereagh, and Lord Cornvvallis, gave it to be understood to the chiefs of the Catholic party, that if they would assist in carrying the measure into execution, the government would, immediately after the union, concede to the Catholics such advantages as would be almost equivalent to a complete emancipation. The King does not appear to have been consulted by his mi- nisters respecting this engagement; and as soon as he was informed that it was in agitation to bring in a bill with sweeping clauses in their favour, he declared that he never would consent to pass such an act, so directly contrary to his coronation oath, which bound him " to maintain to the utmost of his power the laws of God, the true profession of the gospel, and the Protestant reformed religion established by law." On this Mr. Pitt and his friends resigned. The Catholic question, however, we conceive to have been rather the ostensible, than the real cause of Mr. Pitt's resignation. His health had been for some time extremely deranged, which had obliged him to go, during the summer of 1800, to Bath for its re-establishment. Lord Sidmouth's friends (after he became minister) gave it out, that about that time Mr. Pitt had intimated to the King that in case his health would not permit him to continue to direct his Majesty's government, no person was VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. 555 was in his opinion so proper to conduct it as Mr. Ad- dington, then Speaker of the House of Commons. Be this as it may, it is certain, that in the course of the sum- mer the King shewed a very marked attention towards Mr. Addington, first at Windsor, and afterwards at Wey- mouth, where he had frequent and long conversations with his Majesty; who, when lie found himself under the necessity of changing his administration, sent for Mr. Addington, and offered him the place of First Lord of the Treasury. Mr. Addington requested permission to consult Mr. Pitt, who advised him to accept it. Mr. Addington observed on the occasion, that he was about to leave a most honourable and permanent situation for one which was uncertain and dangerous. Mr. Pitt en- deavoured to dissipate his alarms: Mr. Addington alleged his want of experience in the new career which was laid open to him; but his fears were appeased by Mr. Pitt's assurances of assisting him with his advice. The general belief is, that Mr. Pitt's primary motive for resignation was, that, considering a peace as necessary for the wel- fare of the country, he thought it most advisable that the negotiation of it should be left to another administra- tion. The government of France had changed, but the sentiments of the French had remained nearly the same: Mr. Pitt had been declared by the National Convention of France "an enemy to the human race," and it was said the French would not treat with him : Mr. Adding- ton was thought adequate to the negotiation; and his objections having been done away, he proceeded to form a new administration. Lord Spencer, Lord Grenville, and Mr. Windham, were replaced by the Earl of St. Vincent, Lord Hawkesbury (now the Earl of Liverpool), and Lord Hobart (now the Earl of Buckinghamshire). Lord Hawkesbury, who was Master of the Mint, wished to resign ; but Mr. Pitt advised him to remain, and ac- cept the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, promising him the assistance of his counsel and support. Lord Loughborough, the then Chancellor, would have willingly remained; but, going to see Lord Eldon, he found that the latter had already received a letter from the King with the offer of the seals of the Court of Chan- cery ; and, on his return home, he himself received a letter from his Majesty containing his dismission, but at the 356 VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. the same time granting him an Earldom (with remainder to his nephew), and the rank of an Earl's daughter to his niece. Whether the emancipation of the Catholics really- occasioned Mr. Pitt to retire from office, is not now the question. However, he kept his word so well with the new ministers, that, even after his resignation, he opened the budget for the year 1801; was constantly consulted during the negotiations for a peace; approved the preli- minaries ; and, during the discussion in parliament on the treaty of Amiens, after Lord Hawkesbury had in a very detailed speech justified all the articles of it, Mr. Pitt gave entire acquiescence to his arguments. What- ever might be Mr. Pitt's real opinion, the palm of wis- dom, as well as that of magnanimity, was due to Mr. Windham for his just and manly sentiments respecting this unfortunate treaty. It must be well remembered, that, as Mr. Windham expressed himself, the wax had scarcely had time to cool upon the treaty of peace, before the war re-commenced ; and it soon became manifest that it was the wish of the country that Mr. Pitt should again take a share in the administration. To this object a common friend of both parties opened a kind of nego- tiation ; but it was not attended with success. Every one spoke of this affair according to his attachment to the one or the other party. It is, however, unfounded, that Mr. Pitt had consented to leave Lord Grenville out of the administration: on the contrary, he insisted that the seals of the foreign department should be again confided to his Lordship. Moreover, Mr. Pitt shewed no eagerness to re-enter the cabinet. He declared that in such a mo- mentous crisis it would be indecorous to embarrass the administration by an unseasonable opposition. He pro- tested he would not consent to force himself into power; observing that, if his Majesty should see occasion for his services, it was easy to signify to him his royal com- mands. Lord Spencer gave the same example of mode- ration, and repaired to his country-seat to form a corps of volunteers for the national defence. Mr. Pitt did the same; and, as his place of Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports gave considerable influence, he soon found himself at the head of 7000 men, whom he exercised and man- oeuvred with a science and activity very unusual with a person VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. 657 person not trained to military tactics. His attention was next drawn to the defence of the river Thames; and it was from his counsels and recommendations that a few frigates and some armed Indiamen were stationed at the mouth of the river, for the defence of this important post. In spite of the moderation in the conduct of the mem- bers of the former administration, it is not to be doubted that they would have returned to office if Mr. Addington would have consented to retire. The emancipation of the Irish Catholics was no longer a question, for it had become evident that the majority of that body was per- fectly indifferent to the measure. The King was, how- ever, unwilling to give up Mr. Addington : he found himself more at his ease, and exercised his kingly functions with less restraint than heretofore. Mr. Addington con- sidered himself bound in gratitude to obey the orders of his Majesty, who had conferred upon him so many fa- vours, and shewn him such undisguised attachment. From this exposition, we cannot refrain from admiring the moderation, wisdom, and patriotism of Mr. Pitt. His friends were, however, rather displeased at his not ex- erting the whole force of his influence and talents in forming an opposition against the existing administra- tion, which could not fail to be successful; but this rea- soning is far from being conclusive. Mr. Pitt himself, about twenty years before, had shewn the example, that it is not so easy as some imagine to overturn an adminis- tration supported by the King. Mr. Pitt had then a great majority of votes in the House of Commons ; yet he re- mained at his post, and public affairs proceeded without interruption. The parliament was dissolved ; a new elec- tion took place; and the nation, by its suffrages, ap- proved his Majesty's choice, and the conduct of the mi- nisters. Nevertheless, some among the subalterns, who called themselves Mr. Pitt's friends, shewed a disposition less noble and prudent than marked the conduct of their patron. More anxious for places than for the prosperity of their country, they were not deterred from raising a tempest, provided they could fish in troubled waters. Such was the situation of affairs when the King became seriously ill. As there was reason to fear that this ma- lady was the same as had attacked him fifteen years vol. in. 4 b before, 558 VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. before, Mr. Pitt was the more desirous to abstain from any systematic opposition to Mr. Addington's administra- tion. He observed, that it was to be apprehended that such an attempt would tend to agitate the King's mind, and endanger the public tranquillity. He satisfied him- self, as occasion required, with giving his opiuion on certain bills in parliament; and his advice was frequently followed. In spite, therefore, of the opposition of se- veral noble families, the ministers might have continued to hold their places, if, on a sudden, the heads of oppo- sition — those who had heretofore been the loudest in de- claiming against the measures and principles of Mr. Fox — had not shewn a disposition to join in his views, and to partake of the loaves and fishes with him and his friends. A sort of political shame, however, rendered the term coalition obnoxious: co-operation was now the phrase. " Each party had the same ends ; each pursued the same road to attain them: nothing was more natural.'* By this means it was attempted to elude the odium which must have resulted from such an heterogeneous union. " When we reflect on this new coalition between the Grenville party and Mr. Fox and his friends," observes a certain anti-jacobinical writer* " our astonishment in- creases beyond measure. These parties were the very antipodes of each other: during the whole course of the last eventful war, on every leading question, on every principle, on the French revolution, and, lastly, on the peace of Amiens, their sentiments were opposite as the poles. Mr. Fox held up the regicides of France to the admiration of Europe; publicly adopted and proclaimed theii grand principle of the sovereignty of the people, whence all their subsequent opinions and acts were al- most necessarily deductions; reprobated the war as un- just and unnecessary; systematically opposed every mea- sure of the ministers for prosecuting it with success; declared his joy at the peace of Amiens, not because he thought it safe or honourable to his country, but because it was a glorious peace for France ; paid his adorations at the consular shrine; and, lastly, on the renewal of hos- tilities, steady and consistent for once in his life r he pleaded with energy and eloquence the cause of Napo- leon, and pretty plainly insinuated that he had justice on his side. To say that Lord Grenville, Mr. Windham, and VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. 559 and their friends, did the reverse of all this, is to say only that which in notorious to all the world." To consoli- date, and to render irresistible, an opposition already so formidable, nothing remained but to engage Mr. Pitt to act in concert. He at length consented to do so, but without entering into any engagement with the different parties as to thje consequences that might result from their joint efforts. The opposition thus constituted produced the desired effect. The ministers, perceiving their in- fluence in parliament to decline daily, tendered their resignations to the King. His Majesty, whose health had been for some time progressively amending, observed to the Chancellor, that he had long expected the event which had just happened, and that his health was suffi- ciently re-established to cause no apprehensions of any unfavourable return of his indisposition. On the 7th of May 18C4, Mr. Pitt was sent for by the King, who offered him the same situation which he had formerly held, and desired he would form a new admi- nistration. On the following day, Mr. Pitt presented a list, to the King, in which he had selected all the names in the kingdom most distinguished for their talents; Mr. Fox, Lords Grenville and Spencer, and Mr. Windham, were among the number. The King refused to admit Mr. Fox into the administration : Mr. Pitt was going to make some representations on the subject; but his Ma- jesty observed, that it appeared a contradiction, that a person should be proposed to him as one of his ministers, whom the cabinet (of which Mr. Pitt was at that time a member) had recommended to be struck ofi* the roll of his privy-counsellors. On account of the principles which he had avowed, and his speeches in parliament, Mr. Pitt had nothing further to say. He then proposed to Lord Spencer, Lord Grenville, and some others, to take a part in the new administration; but, although a month had scarcely elapsed since the new opposition had connected itself with Mr. Fox, and that many of them had been in strict alliance with Mr. Pitt upwards of fifteen years, they conceived themselves bound in honour to follow the fortune of Mr. Fox. Mr. Pitt now became sole ma*ter ol the field of battle; and he, who for a long time had been urged to join the opposition, to turn out Mr. Addington, became sole possessor of the spoils, 4 b 2 which 560 VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. which he distributed among his friends. Thus, those who had laid the foundation of this opposition, and who had cemented it by different coalitions, and who had al- ready anticipated the disposal of the great offices of state among their own connexions, now found their hopes frustrated, with no one but themselves to blame. The Addington administration had been obnoxious as well to the higher shafts of ridicule, as to the more serious attacks of political writers; but it was mostly admitted to be of a well-meaning nature. The writer in the Anti- Jacobin expresses himself thus, upon this subject : — " No administration, perhaps, possessed a greater portion ©f good personal qualities, of public integrity, and of fair- ness of intention; nor was it, in its subordinate parts, destitute of talent: but he who ought to have instilled life, spirit, and vigour into the whole body, was unfor- fortunately himself destitute of those endowments and qualifications which are at all times essential in a prime- minister, and were at the present critical period indis- pensably necessary; hence, with this deficiency in its leader, the administration was destitute of energy and decision. It is a singular fact, which will not fail to be noticed by the historian of the times, that, though Mr. Addington was certainly a sound member and a staunch friend of the established church, he nevertheless wanted resolution to act up to his principles, and to do for the churcn all that his situation enabled him to do ; and suffered in this, as in many other instances, the advice of those who were not competent to advise him to control his own sentiments and wishes: at least, this is the most favourable construction we can put upon the neglect which we deplore — sad effects of a wavering and tem- porizing policy! Justice requires us to add, that Mr. Addington's departure from office has been attended with circumstances highly creditable to his feelings, and to his character." Of those who composed the preceding administration, Mr. Pitt retained the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Portland, Lords Hawkesbury, Chatham, Westmoreland, and Castlereagh; and admitted with himself into the cabinet Lords Melville, Camden, Harrowby, Mulgrave, and the Duke of Montrose. The opposition, who were left in the back ground, being VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. 561 being frustrated in their attempt, appeared disposed to contest the King's prerogative in ihe choice ot his minis- ters : but this right was so well established as being essen- tial to the constitution, that all the speeches and pam- phlets published on the occasion evaporated into smoke; and the idea which was attempted to be enforced, that it was the duty of the King not to oppose any one indi- vidual's being a part of his cabinet, soon appeared not only futile but ridiculous. Mr. Pitt commenced his administration by introducing a bill into the House of Commons for regulating the esta- blishment of the volunteer corps. The opposition, which •was almost hopeless, took this opportunity to summon all its forces against this measure, but in vain; and, during some very acrimonious debates which arose put of the discussion of this bill, Mr. Pitt, perceiving that the opposition entertained hopes of gaining a triumph over him in the conflict, used some very remarkable expres- sions which produced a considerable effect : — " Suppose for a moment," said this great statesman, " that this bill was thrown out, my antagonists would not approach nearer to the object of their wishes. If they could get rid of the bill, they cannot get rid of me. I am resolved not to quit my post so long as I enjoy the confidence of his Majesty and his faithful subjects; and the repeated attacks of my adversaries shall only increase my energies, and the means of my defence. In respect to the King's prerogative, it is well known that I have always main- tained it; and the attempt to dispute the right of his Majesty in the choice of his ministers, is, in effect, to de- stroy- one of the most fundamental principles of our con- stitution, which still remains monarchical" Mr. Pitt then launched out into some warm eulogiums of his noble relations among the Grenville party : — " I remem- ber^" says he, " with pleasure and satisfaction, their de- clarations in my favour, and I was always grateful for the partiality they have shewn me. Having a better opinion of me than I have of myself, they pressed me to resume my station ; they solicited me to join without stipulation or conditions, and publicly declared that his mum- stance alone would inspire general confidence. I am sure I have done nothing to alter their good opinion of me ; and they can alone explain why I no longer enjoy thajfc 5 62 VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. that regard which I have always held in such high esti- mation." Being unable to shake Mr. Pitt, the opposition next attempted to weaken his administration by ruining his friend and colleague, Lord Melville. This nobleman had been successively Treasurer of the Navy during eighteen years, Secretary of State for the Home Department for eight years, Secretary of State for the War Department three years, and afterwards First Lord of the Admiralty. He had, besides, and at the same time, the direction of the affairs of Scotland, as well as the control over the Indian affairs, during eight years; so that he had the superintendence of three or four principal departments for several years. But the capacity of his genius, the clearness of his understanding, the method and regularity in his conduct of business, made that easy to him which in another would have been found impossible. He had filled all the functions of these departments with the greatest success, and had rendered the greatest service to the state. Why then attack a person of this description ? His integrity was equal to his talents; and he seemed invulnerable. What did the opposition do? It was found advisable to scrutinize into the conduct of his deputy, who, it was said, had enriched himself greatly by con- verting the public money to his own profit, while he was Treasurer of the Navy. Lord Melville was accused of conniving at this management, and even of participating in the profits. It was alleged, that he had employed .£10,000 of the funds of his department to the illegal means of corruption. His Lordship had himself de- clared, that this sum had been appropriated to secret services, which he neither could nor ought to reveal; but it was not admitted that he had a right to do so. Very long debates arose in the House of Commons on this subject; and, as we have seen, the result was a formal impeachment, which terminated in the honourable acquittal of his Lordship. Mr. Addington, in the mean time, by the mediation of some common friends, had become reconciled to Mr. Pitt; had been re-admitted into the administration ; made a Peer of the realm, by the title of Viscount Sidmouth ; and appointed, on the 17th of January, President of the Council. But this reconciliation appears to have been neither VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH. s^3 neither cordial nor sin?ere on his part. His friends in the Lower House ot Parliament very frequently voted against Mr. Pitt on those occasions which were known to be nearest his heart, and particularly in the impeach- ment of Lord Melville. Lord Sidmouth, perceiving that he ought no longer to continue in office, made a volun- tary resignation of his office on the 5th of July fol- lowing. His Lordship remained in somewhat an inactive state until after the lamented death of his early friend and pa- tron, Mr. Pitt. On the formation of the new ministry, which took place subsequent to this event, his Lordship was invested with the honourable office of Keeper of the Privy Seal, which he continued to fill until the death of Mr. Fox. In the subsequent changes of the administration, his Lordship filled different posts; and, at present, he holds the high office of Secretary of State for the Home De- partment. Mmaixi j&emotrs OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS LORD ERSKINE. HPHE subject of this Memoir is the third son of the ■*■ late, and youngest brother to the present, Earl of Buchan. There are no satisfactory documents of the youthful part of his history. It is, however, well known that he entered very early in life in the navy, a service for which he had imbibed a strong predilection. Lord Erskine went to sea with the late Sir John Lind- say, nephew of the great Earl of Mansfield. He never, it is believed, had the commission of Lieutenant, but acted for some time in that capacity by the appointment of his captain. His reason for quitting the navy is said to have been the slender chance of obtaining promotion; and as he had only served as an Acting Lieutenant in con- sequence of the friendship of his commander, he was unwilling, after having been honoured with such a distinction, to return to sea in the inferior capacity of Midshipman. On quitting the naval service, he entered into the army as an Ensign in the Royals, or 1st regiment of foot. In the year 1768, he went with his regiment to Minorca, in which island he spent three years, and con- tinued in the service about six. During the period he served in the army, he acquired considerable reputation for the acuteness and versatility, of his talents in conversation. Mr. Boswell, who met him about this time in a mixed company in London, mentions, in his Memoirs of Dr. Johnson, the delight which the Doctor and himself felt from the ability of a gentleman, who was no other than the subject of this Memoir, while discoursing on some temporary topic which, at that time, happened to be an interesting ques- tion of dispute in the circles of the metropolis. Whether LORD ERSKINE. 565 Whether the consciousness of these powers, or the suggestions of his friends, or the embarrassments of a scanty income, first invited him to make preparations for the study of the law, it is of no importance to in- quire. The resolution, from whatever cause it proceeded, must, in a great measure, have been supported by that 'internal confidence in his own talents, wtiich is insepa- rable from great and elevated minds, and from that spirit of adventure which is incidental to genuis — which over- looks slight obstacles, and contemns ordinary difficulties. It has been said, that his Lordship had no merit what- ever in embarking in so new and arduous a pursuit; but that it was literally and most unwillingly forced upon him by the importunities of his mother, the Countess of Buchan, after the death of his father; and that the hopes of succeeding in it were fortified and kept alive, against his own prepossessions, by her counsel and persuasions. Lord Erskine was about twenty-six when he com- menced his course of legal study. He entered as a fellow- commoner of Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1777; and, at the same time, inserted his name as a student on the books of Lincoln's Inn. One of his college^ decla- mations is still extant, as it was delivered in Trinity College Chapel. The thesis was the revolution of 16*88. It displays extraordinary powers of language; and it is easy to discover, in some of its passages, the elements, as it were, of that forensic eloquence in which he after- wards acquired such a decisive pre-eminence. It would be too mean a praise to say, that it bears very striking features of superiority over the declamations which are usually produced on those occasions. It gained the first prize, which he refused to accept; not attending Cam- bridge as a student, and only declaiming in conformity to the rules of the college. His Lordship did not enter the university for any aca- demical purpose, but merely to obtain a degree to which he was entitled as the son of a nobleman, and by which he saved two years and a half in his passage to the bar. His education had been previously completed in Scot- land. His father, one of the most accomplished men of his time, had uniformly felt an extraordinary solicitude as to the education of his children, and actually removed from his family estate in Scotland for the purpose of re- vol. in. 4 c siding A(](] LORD ERSKINE. siding at St. Andrew's, where he continued for many years. During this time he procured for them a private tutor, one of the most elegant scholars of that part of the island, to assist their studies at the school and uni- versity. In order to acquire a necessary idea of the me- chanical parts of his future profession, his Lordship entered as a pupil into the office of Judge Buller, then an eminent special pleader at the bar. During this period of his life, he experienced all the difficulties arising out of a very limited income. He had been al- ready married about four years, and was obliged to ad- here to a most rigid frugality of expenditure. While he remained in the office of Mr. Buller, he pursued the business of the desk with unremitting activity and ardour ; and, on that gentleman's promotion, he went into the office of Mr. Wood, where he continued a year after he had been in considerable business at the bar. In what manner he first cultivated popular declama- tion does not clearly appear. It has been said, that he was an assiduous attendant at Coachmakers' Hall, where a debating club of some estimation was at that time held. But the style of his oratory bears internal testimony against this assertion: the eloquence acquired by such, means is of a nature far remote from the uses of the bar or the senate. His Lordship had now completed the probationary period allotted to the attendance in the inns of court; and he was called to the bar in Trinity term 1778. An op- portunity was almost immediately afforded him of dis- tinguishing himself in Westminster-Hall. Capt. Baillie, who had been removed from the superintendence of Greenwich Hospital by the late Earl of Sandwich, then first lord of the admiralty, and one of the governors of Greenwich Hospital, was charged with having published a libel on that nobleman, and the Attorney General was instructed to move for leave to file a criminal information against him ; this was the occasion of Lord Erskine's first speech in court. In opposing the motion of Mr. Attorney-General, an opportunity presented itself of entering into the merits of the case in behalf of Captain Baillie. He accordingly expatiated upon the services which had been rendered by his client, and on the firm- ness LORD ERSKINE. 567 ness with which he resisted the intrigue and artifice to which he attributed the prosecution set on foot against him. In the course of his speech, he also attacked the noble Earl in a tone of sarcastic and indignant invective, i Lord Mansfield interrupted him more than once ; but the advocate did not abate of the severity of his animadver- sions. It was at that time no common spectacle to observe a man, so little known to the court and the bar, com- menting with asperity of remark on the conduct of a powerful statesman who held an elevated post in the administration, and distinguishing himself by a species of confidence not usually felt in early efforts of public speaking, under circumstances that rendered it prudent to abstain from personal severity, and conciliate the bench he was addressing. These strictures on the noble Lord were unquestionably severe; but, if any faith is to be placed in the testimony of his contemporaries, both in office and in opposition, they are not unfounded. Mr. Luttrell, speaking of him in the House of Commons, ob- served, with a pointed eloquence, that " there was in his conduct such a sanctimonious composure of guilt, that the rarity and perfection of the vice almost constituted it a virtue." This was the first trial of his talents at the bar, having been called only in Trinity term, and having been em- ployed for Captain Baillie m the Michaelmas term fol- lowing. He is said to have been indebted for this op- portunity to no interference, recommendation, or con- nexion. His acquaintance with Captain Baillie origi- nated in his having accidentally met him at the table of a common friend. Almost immediately after, his Lord- ship appeared at the bar of the House of Commons, as counsel for Mr. Carnan, the bookseller, against a bill in- troduced by Lord North, then prime-minister, to re-vest in the universities the monopoly in almanacks, which Mr. Carnan had succeeded in abolishing by legal judg- ments; and he had the good fortune to place the noble Lord in a considerable minority upon a division. To the reputation which these speeches conferred upon him, it has been said, that he attributes the subsequent success he has experienced in his profession; and that, as he left the court upon one of these occasions, nearly thirty briefs were offered to him by the attorneys who 4 c 2 happened 5 (5S L0RD ERSKINE. happened to be present. He was now surrounded by clients, and occupied by business. Of the various cases in which he was employed, it would be absurd to ex- pect any mention, as they consisted only of the ordinary and daily transactions of the term and the sittings. The public feelings were now altogether occupied by the interesting trial of Admiral Keppel. Lord Erskine was retained as counsel for the Admiral : a circumstance owing to the ignorance the counsel (Mr. Dunning and Mr. Lee) who were originally engaged displayed relative to the sea phrases, without some knowledge of which the case was in a great measure unintelligible. The former (afterwards created Lord Ashburton) recommended him as completely qualified for the task, in consequence of having been made acquainted with the manner in which he had past the former part of his life. The duty of a counsel before a court-martial is very limited, by the rules and usages of that tribunal: he is not permitted to put any question to the witnesses, but he may suggest to his client such as occur to him as necessary to be asked; nor is he suffered to address the court: and almost the only assistance he can render is in the arrangement of his defence, and the communication of such remarks on the evidence as are most likely to present themselves only to the minds of those who are habituated to the rules of testimony in courts of justice. This service was most effectually and ably performed. Having drawn up his defence, he personally examined all the Admirals and Captains of the fleet, and satisfied him- self that he could substantiate the innocence of his client, before the speech which he had written for him was read. For his exertions on this memorable occasion he received a thousand guineas. He was now in possession of the best second business in the King's Bench. By the phrase second business is meant that sort of business in which the lad is not given to the counsel who are not yet arrived at the dignity of a silk gown, and of a seat within the bar of the court. But an event took place which called his talents into activity on a most memorable occasion: we allude to the riots which disgraced the city of London in 1780. Every one knows the universal consternation which at that time agitated the kingdom, when the security of the nation was LORD ERSKINE. 569 was threatened in the destruction of the capital. After the suppression of these tumults, the vigilance of the magistracy was exercised in directing the insulted jus- tice of the country against the actors in that dreadful conflagration. The part attributed to Loid George Gordon in these outrages is well known. His Lordship was retained as counsel for Lord George, in conjunction with Mr. Kenyon (afterwards Lord Kenyon). The duty which more immediately devolved on his Lordship, was that of replying to the evidence — a duty which he sus- tained with infinite judgment and spirit. His speech on this trial abounds with many of the most finished graces of rhetoric. It is rapid and impetuous, and altogether in that style and character which are most impressive in judicial assemblies. Trie exordium is after the artificial method of the ancients, who never be^in an oration without an appeal to the tribunal they are addressing, upon the embarrassments and peril of the function they have undertaken. " I stand," said his Lordship, " much more in need of compassion than the noble prisoner. He rests stcuie in concious innocence, and in the assurance that his innocence will suffer no danger in your hands. But I appear before you a young and inexperienced ad- vocate ; little conversant with courts of criminal justice ; and sinking under the dreadful consciousness of that in- experience." There is perhaps no department of his profession, in which this celebrated advocate has reached higher excellence, than in his observations on evidence. The defence of Lord George Gordon required the exer- cise of these powers to their amplest extent; as the case on the part of the crown was supported by a variety of witnesses. Having delivered to the jury the doctrine of high treason, as it had been established by the celebrated act of Edward the Third, and as it was expounded by means of the best authorities, he made a most dextrous application of those rules to the evidence which had been adduced. They who study this speech will observe, with tmotions of admiration, the subtleties with which he abates the force of the testimony he is encountering, and the artiul eloquence with which he exposes its defects, and its contradictions. " I say, by God, that man is a ruffian, who on such evidence as this seeks to establish a conclusion of guilt!" was his exclamation, as he was finishing 570 L ORD ERSKINE. finishing this topic of his defence: — an impassioned mode of address, which, although it may find some apology in the perpetual example of Cicero, is not al- together suited to the soberness of English eloquence. Of this speech the concluding sentence is truly pathetic : we scarcely hesitate to pronounce it to be the best effort of Lord Erskine's talents. It does not, indeed, display the minute beauties of cultivated diction, nor those grave remarks of moral wisdom with which his latter speeches, in imitation of Mr. Burke, are pregnant; but, considered in reference to the occasion on which it was delivered, it is a most astonishing effort of vigorous and polished intellect. In the month of May 1783, he received the honour of a silk gown ; his Majesty's letters of precedency being con- ferred upon him, as has been said, on the suggestion of the venerable Lord Mansfield. To this distinction, his portion of the business, and his acknowledged talents, gave him unanswerable pretensions. His professional labours were now considerably augmented, and he suc- ceeded to that place which had been so long occupied by Mr. Dunning (afterwards Lord Ashburton). In no part of his professional engagements has he de- served or acquired an higher reputation than in the mode of conducting trials for Crim. Con. It has frequently fallen to his lot to be concerned in behalf of plaintiffs in these actions — a circumstance which has given him con- siderable advantage; for, besides the attention which is sure to be afforded to accusing eloquence, the sympathies of mankind are naturally in alliance with him who hurls his invective against the disturber of domestic peace, and the invader of conjugal happiness; and, alarming as the frequency of these cases may be, yet the torrent of public licentiousness has received no slight impediment from the indignant feelings of the world, and the ex- emplary damages awarded by juries. To this honourable and useful end the eloquence of the advocate is sub- servient: he calls the slumbering emotions, and the vir- tuous sensibilities of men, into a sort of active league against the crime which he denounces. Lord Erskine's speech, in the memorable cause of Sykes and Parsloe, is still remembered by those who heard it as an uncommon effort of rhetorical abilitv. He LORD ERSKINE. 571 He has also been concerned in some of the remarkable causes tor Crim. Con. on behalf of defendants. His ex- ertions are well known in the memorable cases of Bald- win against Oliver, tried at York, and of Sir Henry Vane Tempest; in both which there were but one shilling da- mages awarded : and, on these occasions, his Lordship has done equal service to the cause of morality and virtue, by pointing out the infamy of unyoking the female passions from the restraints of conjugal protection and domestic attachments. His speech in Howard against Bingham will be long remembered at the bar : it contains a most affecting apology for the lady, who was married against her consent, while her affections had been bestowed upon another: it abounds with pathetic remarks on the harshness and cruelty of chaining down to a man whom, she hated a young and beautiful woman, and, for the purposes of family arrangement or ambition, dedicating her life to a reluctant discharge of duties, the obligations of which she could not perceive, and the conditions of which she could not sustain. In this speech there is no apology for vice, but an excuse for human frailty, which is pleaded with great warmth and great eloquence. From the infinite variety of these causes in which he has been concerned, it is not extraordinary that he should have acquired too artificial and common-place a method of putting his topics ; but it is no just cause of reproach that he should, in a great measure, have expended his store of expression and of thinking on these subjects: this is not poverty, but exhausted wealth — the indigence arising from too lavish a prodigality of his mental opu- lence. He who looks for a perfect model of his style, must examine his speech on the trial of Stockdale. When the charges against Mr. Hastings were published by the House of Commons, a Mr. Logie, a clergyman of the church of Scotland, and a friend of the Governor- General, wrote a tract, in which those charges were in- vestigated with some acrimony, but with considerable warmth and vigour; so that the pamphlet being con- sidered as libellous by a resolution of the House, a criminal information was filed by the Attorney-General against Stockdale, the publisher* In the course of his defence, Lord Erskine urged many collateral topics in. favour of Mr. Hastings, in a style of fervid and orna- menttd 572 LORD ERSKINE. merited eloquence. Adverting to the charges preferred against that gentleman, he expatiates on the obvious ab- surdity exhibited by a power, guilty of rapine and op- pression, in presuming to sit in judgment upon those to whom ils authority had been delegated, and by whom its own tyranny had been exercised. He dwells upon the ridiculous conduct of a nation, proceeding in its ini- quitous career of plunder and rapacity, in saying to the subordinate instruments of its usurpation, " Thus far shait thou go, and no farther." He remarks, that a great empire was to be preserved by Mr. Hastings, and that it was only to be preserved by the means which were used to acquire it — by acts of rigorous and severe authority. He then takes notice of the violation of human happi- ness, for which the nation was responsible, in the exercise of her eastern dominion; concluding the topic in the following strain of energetic oratory: — " Gentlemen, you are touched by this way of considering the subject; and I can account for it. I have been talking of man, and his nature, not as they are seen through the cold medium of books, but as I have myself seen them in climes reluct- antly submitting to our authority. I have seen an in- dignant savage chief, surrounded by his subjects, and holding in his hand a bundle of sticks, the notes of his unlettered eloquence: ' Who is it,' said the jealous ruler of a forest, encroached upon by the restless foot of Eng- lish adventure, ' Who is it that causes these mountains to lift up their lofty heads ? Who raises the winds of the winter, and calms them again in the summer? The same Being who gave to you a country on your side of the water, and our's to us on this." Lord Erskine was elected member for Portsmouth in the year 17S3; an honour which he probably derived from the reputation he had acquired at the court-martial which sat there on the trial of Admiral Keppel. His political character may be extracted from his speeches in courts of justice, as well as from his uniform conduct in parliament: whether the consistency of his course is to be attributed to a singular felicity of fortune, or to the demands which his business has at all times had on his time and his exertions, and which rendered his political ambition subordinate to his love of professional fame ; yet the praise of inflexible patriotism, and a rigid ad- herence LORD ERSKINE. 573 herence (o the rnen ;md measures he approved, must ever be yielded to his character. From no transaction of his life is a greater and more permanent reputation derived by him than from his noble itruggles in defence of the trial by jury. The law, as it "is now expounded by Mr. Fox's bill, which Lord Ers- kine paved the way for in the courts, and seconded and supported in parliament, is a monument erected to his patriotism and ability. A strange paradox had crept into the judicial practice, which, restricting the power of juries in questions of libel to the arbitrary interpre- tation of the judges, reduced it in fact to a shadow and a nullity. A rule derived from the venal opinion and practice of bad judges in bad times, was adopted by honest and upright men from real conviction, and a sense of duty in adhering to what they conceived to be precedent and authority. The question had already been frequently agitated in trials for libel. It had ex- ercised the pens and tongues of the ablest lawyers, and had been discussed in the luminous and elegant letters of Junius. It was reserved for Lord Erskine, in his celebrated argument in support of a rule for a new trial in the Dean of St. Asaph's case, to concentrate all the doctrines, and to combine all the reasonings, which lay scattered throughout so many volumes of legal learning. In this elaborate harangue, he most triumphantly esta- blished his position, that juries were judges of the law as well as the fact. Upon the principles laid down in this speech, Mr. Fox framed his immortal bill; which, though it received the most acrimonious opposition in both houses of legislature, happily rescued the question from controversy, by the establishment of a criterion to which the rights and duties of juries may at all times be referred. On the original trial of the Dean of Asaph, at Shrews- bury, where Lord Erskine appeared as counsel for him, a special verdict was delivered by the jury, finding the defendant guilty only of the fact of publishing. Mr. Justice Buller, who presided at the trial, desired them to recon- sider it, as it could not be recorded in the terms in which they expressed it. On this occasion Lord Ers- kine insisted that the verdict should be recorded as it was found. This was resisted by the Judge, who, meet- vol. in. 4 d irig 574 LORD ERSKINE. ing with unusual opposition from the advocate, peremp- torily told him to sit down, or he should compel him. " My Lord," returned the advocate, " I will not sit down. Your Lordship may do your duty, but I will do mine." The Judge was silent. It would have been more consistent with the dignity of the court, if the threat, which he did not feel himself prepared to exe- cute, had not escaped the learned Judge. Lord Erskine concludes his argument in this case with the following sentiment: — " It was the first command and counsel of my youth, always to do what my conscience told me to be my duty, and to leave the consequences to God. I shall carry with me the memory, and 1 trust the practice, of this parental lesson to the grave. I have hitherto followed it, and have no reason to complain that my obedience to it has been even a temporal sacrifice. I have found it, on the contrary, the road to prosperity and wealth ; and I shall point it out as such to my children." The independence exhibited on every occasion threw upon him the defence of a multitude of persons prose- cuted for sedition or libel by government. No reasoning can be more uncandid than to infer that his political opinions had any real sympathy with those entertained by the numerous race of libellers who resorted to him for legal protection. They know but little of the duty of a counsel who reason in this manner. As a servant of the public, he was bound by the obligations of pro- fessional honour to afford his assistance to those who engaged him in their behalf. It is the privilege of the accused, in a free country, to be heard impartially and equitably, and to be tried by the fair interpretation of the laws to which he is amenable. They who imagine that the advocate identifies with his own the opinions and acts of the party he is representing, are carried away by erroneous reasonings, tending, in their consequences, to deprive the innocent of protection, by denying a fair measure of justice to the guilty. This sense of duty Lord Erskine has carried to an honourable extreme, not having been deterred from it by the malignant repre- sentations of party calumny, nor tempted to abandon it by the hopes and promises of professional pro- motion. His LORD ERSKINE. ^75 His defence of Paine, however, occasioned his sud- den dismission from the office he held as Attorney- General to the Prince of Wales. Injustice, however, to the Prince, there is no reason to believe that he approved of the measure, or willingly acceded to it. In a period of political phrenzy, it was forced upon him by those who could not feel the enlarged and liberal sentiments of that great personage on such an occasion, and who -were not ashamed to make use of the most unworthy instruments of political artifice and intrigue, having no other science than that of pursuing objects most familiar to their minds, by means most adapted to their understandings. The most brilliant event in Lord Erslsine's profes- sional life was the part cast upon him, in conjunction with Mr. (now Sir Vicary) Gibbs, in the state trials, in the year 1794. He undertook their several defences with an enthusiasm which rendered him insensible to the fatigues of a long and continued exertion; nothing was omitted that could elucidate their innocence; no- thing overlooked that could tend to weaken the force of the case stated against them by the crown lawyers. These trials lasted several days: the public expectation hung upon them with the most inconceivable anxiety ; and the feelings of good men and virtuous citizens ac- companied the accused to their trial, with hopes, not unmixed with apprehension, that, from their acquittal, the liberty of the subject would receive additional strength and confirmation. One of his latest speeches as a counsel was on the prosecution of the publisher of Paine' s Age of Reason. It is a signal blessing, during a period when the senti- ment is openly undervalued and despised, that men of great talents should display a lively sensibility to the obligations of religion, as the best support of morality and conscience, and that they should employ their elo- quence and their reason (the best gift of God to man) in impressing on the general mind the consolations derived from the truths it has imparted. A. more eloquent, solemn, or impressive oration was never delivered, than that which his Lordship made on this occasion. Soon after that period, a great change in the political hemisphere converted this eloquent advocate into a Judge, 4 d 2 and 576 LORD ERSKINE. and a Peer of the Realm. On the demise of Mr. Pitt, he was sworn a member of the Privy Council; created a Baron (Feb. 7, 1806), by the title of Lord Erskine, of Restormail Castle, in Cornwall; and entrusted with the great seal as Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain. His seat for Portsmouth being thus vacated, he was succeeded in the representation of that borough by one of his sons. He did not long fill the important post to which he had been elevated, the death of Mr. Fox having dissolved the ministry. He was succeeded in his office by the noble Lord who now fills it; and Lord Erskine has ever since remained inactive, except by the exercise of an un- remitted attention to his parliamentary duties. gemotes jftemotrs OF TllE RIGHT HONOURABLE EDWARD LAW, LORD ELLENBOROUGH A MONGST the crowd of public characters that claim ■'£"*" a notice in this work, we presume there are few whose Memoirs would be more acceptable to our readers than the present subject. This nobleman is a native of the county of Cumber- land, and the son of the late. Dr. Edmund Law, Bishop of Carlisle. He was educated, until he arrived at the age of twelve years, by his uncle, the Rev. Humphrey Chris- tian, who resided at Bottisham, near Cambridge; and was then sent to the Charter-House: thence he removed, in 1768, to St. Peter's College, Cambridge, of which his father had been appointed Master in 1750. After he had taken his Bachelor's degree, he was ad- mitted of Lincoln's Inn. He was not, however, called at the usual standing, preferring to practise during some time under the bar. In this situation barristers are not allowed to appear as advocates: they assist in drawing up written pleadings, from whence they are called special pleaders, but the fees they receive are less than those given to the special pleaders who have been admitted to the bar. The advantages resulting from this plan are practice at an early period, and the opportunities afforded of forming useful connexions with clients. Of the profits attending it, our readers will not form a very high idea from the following whimsical anecdote : — A late attorney- general, at a consultation, after considerable discussion of the point under consideration, in a high and decisive tone, concluded with saying, " And, gentlemen, this is my opinion." A solicitor present, who had a high respect for the talents of the speaker, but was roused by the peremptoriness of his manner, observed, " It is your opiuion 578 LORD ELLENBOROUGH. opinion — and I remember when I could have had that opinion for five shillings," (alluding to the time when he practised under the bar). To which the attorney-general good-humouredly returned, " And, probably, at that time my opinion was not worth five shillings." After he had been called to the bar, Lord Ellen- borough (then Mr. Law) went the northern circuit, most probably on account of the advantages which he expected to derive from the influence of his father, the Bishop of Carlisle. At this time, the principal causes were in the hands of Messrs. Wallace and Lee, men so distinguished, that the young lawyers could aspire to their practice only after they had declined it. Among the junior counsel were Lord Auckland, Lord Eldon, and the late Lord Alvanley. Lord Auckland soon abdicated the profession of the law for politics; Lord Alvanley was induced, by the prospect of greater advantage, to remove to the chan- cery-bar; while Lords Eldon and Ellenborough remained to divide between them the rich harvest of that field, which the advancement of their great predecessors soon left open to them. Wallace, whom we have noticed with Lee as taking the lead, was a native of Cumberland, and began the pro- fession of the law as an attorney's clerk. His circum- stances are said to have been so low, that he could not have paid the sum which is now required from attorneys before they can be enrolled. Thus a regulation, one of whose objects is to exclude improper members from this department of the law, would have deprived the pro- fession of one of its greatest ornaments. His abilities gradually developed themselves. He had the happiness of feeling himself rising during the whole of his life, and of knowing that his success was the reward of that ability and perseverance with which he had contended against extraordinary difficulties. At Westminster Hall he was constantly opposed to Dunning; and, although inferior to this great advocate in genius and attainments, he maintained his ground by the extent and accuracy of his legal knowledge, and by the vigour and industry which he displayed on all occasions. When his constitu- tion had been worn out by age and fatigue, he was ad- vised by his physicians to seek benefit from the air of Devonshire. At an inn he met with Dunning, who, in a still LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 579 still more desperate state, was trying the same experi- ment for the restoration of his health ; and these men, who had long acted together in the most busy and la- borious scenes of life, again contemplated each other, when they expected a speedy termination to all their pursuits. The interview must have been particularly melancholy and affecting. Dunning died shortly after it took place, and Wallace did not long survive him. The last business in which Mr. Wallace was engaged was the prosecution of a great state-criminal. This man was high in one of the public offices, and had been guilty of enormous peculation. It was, however, generally rumoured and suspected, that the law-officers under the influence of government were not much anxious for the success of the prosecution, but would, if possible, dis- cover means of rendering it ineffectual. Wallace, there- fore, finding his character at stake, exerted himself to the utmost on this occasion; drew up the pleadings, revised them, copied them, and, after having satisfied himself that there was no flaw, submitted them to the inspection of several of his learned friends. When they had ex- pressed themselves convinced of their accuracy, he thought he might safely commit them to the court; but, after he had entertained this well-grounded opinion for some time, the late Sir John Wilson discovered in them a flaw which, if it had been allowed to remain, would have quashed the whole proceeding. This was no other than having written ,£20,000 instead of twenty tliousand •pounds, the legal forms not allowing that sums should be expressed by figures. Of Lee, the great cotemporary of Wallace, we shall notice a few anecdotes. He was a very extraordinary character. His abilities and legal knowledge were of the first order. His person was not prepossessing, but was calculated to give effect to that boldness of manner which he thought essential to the success of his pleadings. He was of a very jovial temper, and a methodical " ban nivanty When he had :i massed £50,000, he determined to save no more, justly thinking that more would not be of service to his only child, a daughter. He therefore spent his whole income; and, among other methods of expenditure, drank Champagne, like small beer, out of a pint mug. Many other eccentricities which strongly marked 580 LORD ELLENBOROUGH. marked his character might be added to those already mentioned. Lee was famous for studying effect when he pleaded, of which there is adduced a curious instance. On the circuit at Norwich a brief was brought him by the rela- tives of a woman who had been deceived in a promise of marriage. Lee inquired, among other particulars, whe- ther the female was handsome ; it was replied, " she pos- sessed a most beautiful face." Satisfied with this, he desired that she should be placed at the bar immediately in front of the jury. When he rose, he began a most pathetic address, directing the attention of the jury to the charms which were placed in their view, and painting in glowing colours the guilt of the man who could injure so much beauty. When he perceived their feelings worked up to a proper pitch, he sat down, under the perfect con- viction that he should obtain a verdict. What then must have been his surprise, when the counsel for the oppo- site party rose and observed, that it was impossible not to assent to the encomiums which his learned friend had lavished on the face of the plaintiff, but he begged leave to add that she had a wooden leg ! This fact, of which Lee was by no means aware, was established to his utter confusion ; his eloquence was thrown away ; and the jury, who felt ashamed of the effects it had produced upon them, almost immediately gave a verdict against him. The brother of Lord Ellenborough having married a sister of Wallace, the latter exerted himself to throw his business on the northern circuit into the hands of his Lordship when he retired from it; and whatever his Lordship once acquired he was sure to retain and im- prove. Business in the country naturally leads to business in London ; besides which, he was assisted on the latter more important theatre by numerous friends, among whom the earliest and most useful was the late Judge Buller. With Mr. Justice Buller he had no connexion before he went to the. bar, and we are not able to mention the origin of their acquaintance, but it might possibly have been produced by the following circumstance. Lord Ellenborough was a member of a club of lawyers who dined at Rolle's Coffee-House, and which consisted of many eminent characters. Among them was pro- bably LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 581 • .. *'►■,•■ -— — ■ •■,.•- bably Mr. Buller, who would thus have an opportunity of observing the abilities of the young lawyer, and of con- ceiving the design of assisting in bringing Ihera forward to public notice* At this club each member had an office, such as that of candle-snuffer, bell-ringer, &c. and i he was required to make a speech on being promoted to it. Lord Alvanley greatly distinguished himself by his oration when he was appointed bell-ringer. In the late Chief Justice Willes, Lord Ellenborough found another patron. He was not a man of great powers, and probably derived from the abilities and in- dustry of his Lordship advantages equal to those which were imparted by the countenance he bestowed upon him. He was accordingly sometimes employed in hunting out cases for judges, if not in more important services. By means of Justice Buller he soon obtained a silk gown. To take a silk gown is thought a bold step in a yotftg lawyer, as he that wears it must lead in every cause; the distinction, therefore, excludes him on all occasions when men of superior reputation are employed who are not king's counsel. He must lead, or do nothing; if, therefore, he is not thought fit to lead, he does nothing, and is accord- ingly crushed under his honours. His Lordship, however, from his known abilities, had no reason to entertain ap- prehensions of this kind; as, being conscious of his own powers, he needed only opportunities of displaying them. A singularly able and learned defence which he made in an insurance cause, when his practice was not very considerable, drew upon him universal attention, and ranked him among the first lawyers at the bar. The sub- ject was one to which he had always paid particular at- tention, and in which he shone with the most distin- guished superiority. The success of this cause brought him immediately a vast accession of business at Guild- hall; and it may fairly be considered, in a great degree, the foundation of his present greatness and fortune. The reputation of Lord Lllenborough was further extended by the active part he took in the defence of Governor Hastings. Into this trial lie was intro- duced by Sir Thomas Rumbold, who married his sister. The cause had been offered to Mr. Erskine, who refused it on account of the many unpleasant circum- stances under which it appeared likely to place him. vol. in. 4 h This .5S2 LORD ELLENBOROUGH. This refusal, however, was judged unprofessional, and could have been ventured on only by a man of his established celebrity. That it originated from considera- tions such as have been mentioned, and not irom any conviction unfavourable to the character of Mr, Hastings, is evident from his defence of Stockdale, who was pro- secuted for a libel on the managers of the impeachment, as, in the course of this defence, he endeavoured to refute all the charges which were brought against the Governor- General of Bengal. The reasons that weighed with Lord Erskine weighed equally strong with Lord Ellenborough ; but they did not induce him to decline the cause. The most serious inconvenience arising from it was, that it hurt his business in Westminster Hall. A counsel was not likely to be retained, whose presence at the trial could not be depended upon, and who might be called away at a moment's notice to attend the House. He had likewise a new set of men to contend with — Fox, Burke, Adams, and, above all, Sheridan, whose keen sarcastic wit could not be exercised on a more sensitive temper. But the losses, fatigues, and vexations, he endured from this en- gagement, were doubtless amply compensated by the addition it made to his reputation. His abilities became more widely known, and he was now ranked by the pub- lic amongst the foremost of his profession. He had, however, many difficulties yet to surmount. By a succession of unfortunate circumstances, he made an enemy in Lord Kenyon, who took every oppoitunity to thwart and distress him. Partiality, however, in the Court of King's Bench, cannot much depress a lawyer who opposes to it a great force of abilities and reputation. The difficulties which his Lordship had to struggle with were much less than those which Lord Alvanley met with in the Court of Chancery. He, by an ill fortune similar to that which attended Lord Ellenborough, drew upon himself the dislike of a great lawyer with more fatal consequences. The Lord Chancellor, in his court, is both judge and jury; and if it be ever perceived that he re- gards a counsel with an unfavourable eye, the circum- stance operates to his ruin. No briefs are carried to one whose defence acts against the cause. Mr. Pitt's in- sisting that Lord Alvanley should be made Master of the Rolls was therefore the severest mortilication Lord Thur- low LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 3 S3 low ever endured. He threatened to resign; but Mr. Pitt still remained inflexible. How little ought to have been regarded the objection that Lord Alvanley was unfit to execute the duties of the Master of the Rolls, is evident from the circumstance that there were fewer > appeals from his decisions, than from those of any other Master of the Rolls that had ever been remembered. On the northern circuit, during the latter part of the time when he attended it, Lord Ellenborough was with- out a rival. It happened that, of the remaining counsel, those who enjoyed reputation were without great abilities, while those who possessed great abilities were destitute of reputation. The observation is, however, meant to extend only to those who were accustomed to lead ; for, in point of legal knowledge, Judge Chainbre, Mr. Wood, and some others, who were on the same circuit, acknow- ledge few superiors. It ought likewise to be added, that Serjeant Cockell, who was uniformly opposed to Mr. Law, practised a manner of pleading adapted to work a powerful effect on that class of men from which country juries are composed. His arguments, suited to the size of their capacities, and the nature of their prejudices, the violence of his tone and gesture, calculated to move their rude and heavy understandings, often effaced the impressions produced by the grave and dignified ad- dresses of Lord Ellenborough, which were listened to with more reverence, but little conviction. In Westminster Hall his superiority was not so evi- dent. Lord Erskine, as a leading counsel, possessed a more extensive, though perhaps a less solid reputation. In speaking of these great men, the expression may justly be used which Quinctiliau applies to Livy and Saliust, that they are " Pares magis quain similes," " equal to each other rather than like each other." If Lord Erskine be a finer speaker, his rival is a more ac- complished lawyer. If the former captivates the ima- gination by the brilliancy of his ideas, an 1 the elegance of his language, Lord Ellenborough subjects the under- standing by the strength of his expressions, and by a weight of sentiment and matter, which always produces an effect proportionate to the capacities of his hearers. 4 e 2 That .53 i LORD ELLENBOROUGH. Tliat egotism which perplexed the pleadings of the for- mer, by studying to divide the attention between him- self and the cause, was never perceived in the latter. He appeared to regard nothing but his cause, and either to be indifferent to admiration, or to seek it only by deserving it. If they be compared as lawyers, the superiority must, without hesitation, be allowed to Lord Ellenborougb. An important part of Lord Erskine's life was lost to his profession ; and the splendour of his oratorical power* advanced him into public notice soon after he had de- voted himself to it. The great practice which imme- diately followed the first manifestation of his talents, though it naturally increased his knowledge, took from I\im the opportunity of making those laborious investi- gations which are necessary to complete the character of a profound lawyer. Lord Ellenborougb, on the con- trary, has enjoyed every advantage of opportunity and training, and has, during the whole of his life, displayed an industry no less uncommon than the abilities by which it was directed. His Lordship's advancement to the great offices of the profession did not take place until long after he had beea designed for them by the expectations of the public. These expectations were founded equally on his eminent talents, and on the soundness and extent of his legal knowledge. That they were so long defeated, is attri- buted to his having been regarded with unfavourable sentiments by the then administration. Immediately after its dissolution he was appointed Attorney-General, and brought into the House of Commons, where he was a frequent speaker in defence of ministerial measures. In this character, it will be allowed, he performed important services, even by those whose opinions of the conduct and abilities of the ministry led them to conclude that they wanted both defence and defenders. At the bar and in the House of Commons Lord Ellen- borough was the same man. He transferred from the questions of law to those of politics the copiousness of matter, as well as the energy of thought and language, by which he had always been distinguished. He likewise not unfrequently displayed, in the course of debate, that irritability and warmth of temper which characterized him LORD ELLENBOROUGH. 53 5 him as a pleader. Unlike Lord Erskine, who, while he reigned at the bar, maintained but a secondary cha- racter in the House of Commons, he always stood for- ward in the first rank, and never appeared inferior to the great reputation he had acquired. This difference can- not be resolved into that species of eloquence which Lord Erskine has cultivated. In his speaking there is nothing of that which is peculiar to the bar. His subtilty, his wit, that rich colouring of sentiment and diction which distinguished his pleadings from all others, might be applied with equal felicity to every subject of discussion. Concerning the character of Lord Ellenborough's elo- quence, it may be observed in general, that he appears to aim more at strength than at elegance. There is nothing, however, in the occasional roughness and negligence of his sentences which does not perfectly consist with delicacy of taste and refinement of knowledge. His faults, indeed, seem to belong to a mind too highly occu- pied to avoid them; and, perhaps, if he had been more studied and graceful, his hearers would be less at leisure to receive the full force of those masculine ideas which constitute the distinguishing virtues of his speeches. The poignancy of his invectives has seldom been equalled, and it established a salutary dread among his brethren at the bar, which has since been extended to the members of the two houses, with whom he has had occasion to con- tend. The gravity and solemnity of his manner was best suited to important causes, but he shewed himself able to treat light matters with gaiety and wit; while, at the same time, it appeared more natural to him to be dignified than trifling. The office of Attorney-General is always understood to be a step to higher situations ; and Lord Ellenboroughf, on the death of Lord Kenyon, was appointed, in April IS02, Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, and elevated to a peerage. So rapid a rise, within a year, from the condition of a King's Counsel to the second dignity of the law, cannot he paralleled by any other instance in the annals of the profession. The situation of the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, although in respect 10 rank and salary the second among the dignities of the law, is in some points thought more desirable than the first. Tlie 586 LORD ELLENBOROUGH. The Lord Chancellor, as a member of the ministry, is subject to the varieties of its fortune; while the judges cannot be removed from their offices, except in conse- quence of misbehaviour, or addresses from either of the two houses of parliament. It is likewise understood that the extensiveness of the Lord Chancellor's patronage is scarcely adequate to the value of the few lucrative situa- tions of which the Chief Justice of the King's Bench has the absolute disposal. Lord Ellenborough has therefore attained what pro- bably was the highest object of his ambition. The ele- vated station on which he is placed atfords him all the enjoyments of dignity, and all the opportunities he can desire for the display and exertion of his powers. His two immediate predecessors were men with whom the greatest minds may be proud to rival. Lord Mansfield will always be considered not only among the first orna- ments of his profession, but among those who have done honour to his country and to human nature; and Lord Kenyon's occasional violence and neglect of decorum, his deficiencies as an orator and a scholar, will not deprive him of that reverence which is due to the vigour of un- derstanding, the extent of his professional acquirements, and the uniform ardour with which he supported the cause of religion and morality. It is impossible to contemplate the life of this noble- man, without reflecting on the splendid prospects which animate the study of the law. By the mere exertion of his talents, without the interference of any extra- ordinary events, Lord Ellenborough has accumulated a great fortune, attained one of the most exalted sta- tions in the empire, and acquired for himself, and will transmit to his children, the honours of the British peerage. jHemotrs illemofv* OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE RICHARD MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY THE family of this nobleman is among the most an- cient of the kingdom ; and, if we may credit the account of the genealogists, the splendour and glory of its first founders were such, that no small weight of dis- honour would attach to the present representative, if he did not in his own person reflect back upon them some- thing of that lustre which they have thrown upon him. The name of the family was originally Colley; it derives its origin from the county of Rutland, whence it removed into Ireland during the reign of Henry VIII. Richard Colley, Esq. of the county of Meath, the grandfather of the Marquis of Wellesley, took the name of Wesley, in compliance with the will of his brother-in-law, Garret Wesley, Esq. of the same county. This latter, having married the sister of the former, and dying without issue, bequeathed his estates upon this condition. Richard Colley, now Wesley, was soon after ennobled by a peer- age, being created Baron Mornington, of the kingdom of Ireland. He died in 1700, and was succeeded by his son, the father of the Marquis, who was advanced to an earldom in the year 1760, being created Earl of Mornington. Richard Wesley, the subject of our present Memoir, the first Marquis, the second Earl, and third Baron of his family, was born in the same year (17o'0), his father having married Anne, eldest daughter of the celebrated Arthur Hill, afterwards Lord Dungannon. To this ex- cellent woman, who was distinguished for her virtues, the rise of the Marquis must chiefly be attributed. The premature death of his father left him and a numerous family to the sole care of this lady; and she was, fortu- nately £SS MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. nately for her children, one of those women equally adapted for and inclined to the faithful execution of so solemn a trust. This indeed was the more difficult, as, by circumstances which it does not belong to us to ex- plain, the original wealth of the family had been so much impaired, that the remnant was but ill sufficient to sup- port the appearance required by their rank. But a wise and liberal economy, added to the energies of an active and well-informed mjnd, supplied equally the deficiencies of fortune, and even the loss of a father. It should ever be recorded, to the praise of the Marquis of Wellesley, that though thus, by the death of one of his parents, be- come independent, and this too at an age when the pas- sions are not under the best government, he not only concurred in all things with his mother, but, in the full persuasion of her ability and superior excellence, volun- tarily threw up all management of the family estates into her hands, and submitted cheerfully to whatever restraints she was pleased to impose. It is the advice of the Roman philosopher, that we should choose, upon our first entrance into life, a certain path, and fix our eyes upon a point to which, as to its goal, our whole course and efforts ought invariably to be directed. The father of the Marquis of Wellesley had been of this opinion, and accordingly resolved to devote his son from his earliest youth to public life. The wishes of the one, and propensities of the other, happily conaen- tfated in the same point. History and finance, therefore, early became the favourite studies of Mr. Wesley ; and his proficiency in them was such as might be expected from the zeal of his application. He had no sooner reached his fourteenth year — a period when a reason naturally forward might begin to unfold its bud, and give some promise, at least to the eye of parental prejudice, of the richness of its future blossom— than, as the first means of its future rise, he was sent to Eton. A public school, indeed, by those who have en- joyed, and are therefore alone capable of estimating its advantages, will be with one voice acknowledged as the only adequate preparation for an early introduction into public life. It is upon this stage alone that the mind can be trained to that early firmness and manly confidence, which, though they may constitute no part %mm& / ,/.j//,;y t'/ >>//// \ MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 589 part of talent, are yet necessary to its exercise and effect. There was at this time at Eton a singular amusement, and which prevailed more generally as it was encouraged by the masters, for the purpose of improving them in elocution. Upon the evenings of their holidays, the boys of the several houses met in a common hall; and one of them taking his seat as speaker, another as mi- nister, and a third as leader of an opposition, the parties of each being ranged by their side, formed a mimic house of commons, and moved, debated, voted, and re- solved, according to the usual formalities. Ludicrous as this may appear, it is to this, perhaps, we are indebted for some of the most eminent of our parliamentary speakers. With the exception of Mr. Grey, none was more eminent in this mimic house than Mr. Wesley : he is said, indeed, to have preserved his office of pre- mier longer than any of his rivals; no inconsiderable proof of early talent! From Eton Mr. Wesley was removed to Cambridge ; where he remained but a short time, being called into more active life by the death of his father. He now distinguished himself in such a manner as to become an object of attention and favour on the part of administration. At the institution of the order of St. Patrick, he was nominated a knight of that illustrious body, and soon afterwards a member of the Irish privy- council. PI is increasing celebrity induced the ministry to call him to a still more splendid stage, and they pro- cured him to be elected member for Windsor. It was during his representation of this town that he gained that high and immediate favour with his Sove- reign, which continues to him to the present time. Though in no office about the court to which the pri- vilege of access to the presence was attached, he was a linos'- daily of the private parties of the royal family, and is thought to have excited no slight jealousy by th*: frequency of this envied distinction. His speeches, his ardent hatred, his passionate declamation, against the French revolution, are said to have been of no incon- siderable service to him in his progress to the royal fa- vour; and it must be confessed, that, as they argued a rooted abhorrence to that obnoxious system, and a no vol. in. 4 f less 590 MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. less firm loyalty and steady attachment to our own con- stitution, they merited, as their due reward, a distin- guished attention. During the greater part of the late war the Earl of Mornington continued to render himself remarkable by the same political ardour against the French revolution; and if we may sometimes lament the indiscriminate fury of the attack, we must more frequently acknowledge his eloquence and thorough acquaintance with his subject. The royal patron now resolved to complete his work; for, considering his fortune as equally beneath his merit and his rank, he resolved to repair it by the magnificent appointment of Governor-General of India. He had not been long in this station before he was called upon to act an eminent part. One of the objects of the French in their expedition to Egypt was the fu- ture attack of our Indian empire. Having made good their landing, and after some interval established them- selves at Cairo, their commander prepared for the at- tainment of the main end of the expedition: an envoy was accordingly dispatched to the Mysore, and a secret alliance concluded between the French commander and Tippoo. Nothing now was necessary but to commence the execution of their purpose; yet nothing cculd be effected till the straits of Babelmandel (the only passage by which the French could reach India through Egypt) had been secured. The Earl of Mornington had not been an inattentire observer of this correspondence between Tippoo Saib and the army of Egypt. Having penetrated into the manner in which they had resolved to effect their de- signs, with that promptitude of genius which has ever distinguished him, he was not long in discovering the most effectual means of counteraction. The Red Sea and the narrow straits of Babelmandel communicate with each other through the Gulf of Cam- bay. In the middle of this entrance is situated the island of Perim: it is a low rocky substance, about nine miles in length, and four in breadth. The channel which divides it from the African coast, though nearly as wide as that between Dover and Calais, is but little Frequented on account of the numerous rocks and shoals which- obstruct its navigation ; but should any vessels make MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. 59 1 make the attempt, it is necessary for them to steer close under the western point of the island. The extreme breadth of the opposite channel is less than seven miles; this space is not navigable, nor is the water deep enough at any place at so great a distance from the island as to be out of the reach of any batteries raised there. The soil, moreover, is very convenient for any artificial forti- fications; so that whichever of the armed powers should first obtain possession of Perim, it might be enabled to defend the passage against the greatest superiority of force. The Earl of Mornington readily perceived the great advantages of this situation, in order to oppose the fur- ther progress of the army of Egypt. Orders, therefore, were immediately issued to the naval commander-in- chief in the Indian seas, to detach such a force to the straits of BabelmandeJ as he might judge sufficient for that important service. The Indian army was at the same time commanded to assemble. This command was obeyed with the same vigour and alacrity with which it was given ; an i General Harris, with forces fully adequate to the object, advanced against Seringapatam. Such was the confidence with which the promises of Buonaparte had inspired the Sul- taun of Mysore, that he rejected all approaches to con- ciliation made by the Governor-General, not only with menace, but with contempt. The city of Seringapatam was therefore invested, and the siege commenced in April 1791'. The enterprise, however, now appeared of greater difficulty than what had been at first appre- hended ; the nature of the ground immediately adjacent to the city being such as to render the works usual in sieges and which are supposed necessary to their success, no' merely arduous, but impracticable. The ardour of the soldiers, if not of the general himself, had thus subsided into despondency ; and the effect of the climate, so pow- erful in depressing the animal spirits, concurring with other causes, affected them with a desire at. least to aban- don the attempt. The Governor-General, however, by his letters, communicated to them a portion of his own vigour; and, thus encouraged, they continued the enter- prise. It is not to our purpose to exhibit to our readers that 4 f 2 information ^92 MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. information which may be as well collected from the gazettes of the day ; we have no other design than that of completing our picture of the administration and public character of the Marquis. Suffice it to add, therefore, that Seringapatam was carried by storm, and the Sultaun himself discovered among the slain. The body of Tippoo was found, after much search, in the midst of many of his subjects who had fallen around him : his countenance, like that of Cataline, wore in death the characters of those strong passions which had distinguished him whilst living; the same haughtiness, the same defiance, were still legible on his brow. Thus terminated the life of a man to whom his enemies readily allow an unusual strength of character, but with equal justice contend that it was disgraced by almost every rice which could find place in the bosom of a tyrant. Thus fell the formidable power of My*ore ; and thus, we may add, upon its ruin was established more securely the empire of the English in India. If such was the splendour of what may be called the external policy of the Earl of Mornington, his domestic administration is not less deserving the notice of bio- graphy. Our limits will not admit us to enter into a detailed narrative of what so justly merits attention; it would, however, be something of injustice to pass it over without notice. The free traders of Asia, and the great body of Eng- lish merchants, had long and justly complained of the monopoly of the Company, and clamorously demanded a participation in the Indian traffic. The ministry had been thus, as it were, compelled to extend the hitherto narrow limits of private trade; and, upon the renewal of the Company's charter, an article was inserted to that purpose. Upon the arrival of the Earl of Mornington at his government, it was his first care to provide for the full effect of this privilege. Whether by accident, or that the wording of the article having been left to the Di- rectors, they had contrived to insert those vague expres- sions which might tender it wholly nugatory, the Earl found that this privilege existed only in the charter, and that, by the indirect counteraction of the Company and its officers, it had not as yet been realized. The rate of freight, MARQUIS OF WELLESLEY. ,593 freight, as fixed by the article, and extended by the Com- pany, became one of the first subjects of complaint. To this was added the inconvenience of the goods being previously stored in the warehouses, and the great ex- pence of loading and landing, which the officers pur- posely contrived to augment to its most extravagant height. All this the Earl endeavoured to correct, and by this means lost much of his influence with the Court of Directors. From the time of his arrival from India the Marquis of Wellesley has not been much occupied by public business, if wfc except his mission to Spain. Some at- tempts have been made to engage him to take a part in the ministry ; but a cullision of opinions have constantly operated to prevent his acceptance of office. In private life, his conduct as a brother and a friend is equally amiable. From a patrimony- extremely nar- row, he contrived to supply no inconsiderable addition to the fortunes of his brothers; and by this means he has been the instrument of raising one of them to the highest pinnacle of fame. It is said, the Marquis of Wellesley is one of the most elegant scholars and pleasing poets, both English and Latin, of the present age. His Latin verses while at Eton procured him much celebrity; and he has since written, and published among his friends, some smaller poems, which, with equal fancy, exhibit more maturity of taste and judgment. During his residence in India he did not neglect the cultivation of the arts, but zealously concurred with the favourite associates of the late Sir William Jones (the members of the Asiatic Society) to call forth into light the hidden treasures of oriental learning. The line arts, and architecture in particular, are his favourite pursuits; and a magnificent palace in India has been the fruit of his taste and judgment. fiitmiv* Jftemotn* OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM WYNDHAM LORD GRENVILLE. r T , HIS eminent statesman is the third son of the eele- ■*• brated George Grenville, who was the brother of Earl Temple, and prime-minister in the early part of the present reign. His Lordship's father was eminent as a political leader, and was particularly distinguished for his financial projects. After Mr. Pitt was created Earl of Chatham, and called up to the House of Peers, and be- fore Mr. Fox became a member of the House of Com- mons, Mr. Grenville was esteemed equal to any man in that assembly. Dying in 1770, he left a large family, the eldest of whom, George, became afterwards Earl Temple on the death of his uncle, and was since created Marquis of Buckingham. Temple is, indeed, the family name; the late Mr. George Grenville had taken that of his mother on account of an estate which descended to him through her. The Marquis of 'Buckingham not only inherited both the estates of Temple and Grenville,. but greatly increased his fortune by marrying the daugh- ter and only child of the late Lord Nugent; Earl Tem- ple, his Lordship's son and heir, married the heiress of Chandos: so that four capital fortunes are now concen- trated in the house of Buckingham. William Wyndham, the subject of our present bio- graphy, was born October 25th, 1759. He very early gave indications of a clear and vigorous understanding, and applied himself sedulously to the acquisition of li- terary and political knowledge. Being scarcely of age at the general election in 1780, he did not enter parliament till some years after, when he joined the party headed by his friend Mr. Pitt in opposing Mr. Fox's East-India bill. He greatly distin- guished LORD G RENVILLE. 695 guished himself by his speeches in favour of the East- India hill, commutation act, and other measures pro- posed by Mr. Pitt in the first year of his administration. He farther advanced his political fame the following session, on the subject of the Irish propositions, and was looked on by both parties as a gentleman destined, through his abilities and application, to rise to the first offices of the state. On the subject of a commercial treaty with France, he greatly distinguished himself for his knowledge jf the general principles of trade, and the respective interests of both countries. On the ques- tion concerning the impeachment of Warren Hastings, he voted against the first charges being brought forward; but, on having examined the circumstances, he at length decided for the impeachment. Before his appearance in parliament, his Lordship had acted as secretary to his brother the Marquis of Bucking- ham, the lord-lieutenant of Ireland ; and, a few months after his return from that country, he was appointed Paymaster-General of the Army, in the room of Mr. Burke. Having devoted a great portion of his attention to the usages and forms of the House of Commons, in the month of January 1789 he was elected Speaker, in the room of Mr. Cornwall, who had paid the debt of nature. On the first day that the House met after the death of their Speaker, Lord Euston rose, and said, that the ho- nourable gentleman whom he should take the liberty of proposing to fill the vacant chair was a man of such splendid abilities, experienced assiduity, and perfect knowledge of parliamentary privilege, resulting from the closest attention to business ever since he had enjoyed a seat in that House, as pointed him out to be the proper successor of the late Speaker. Mr. Grenville was the gentleman whom he meant to recommend ; and when the House considered his excellent understanding, and unremitted industry, he trusted that their minds would go with his in thinking that these qualifications rendered Mr. Grenville an object worthy of their choice. Much, he said, might be urged on the score of the honourable gentleman's private character; that stamp of merit, added to his parliamentary knowledge', and strength of mind and of constitution, rendered him in every point of view so 596 LORD GRENVILLE. i so unexceptionable, that it was unnecessary for him to say any thing more: he therefore moved, " That the Honourable William Wyndham Grenville do now take the chair." The motion having of course been seconded, was immediately acceded to. In the mouth of June following his appointment of Speaker, he was appointed Secretary of State, in the room of Lord Sydney, who was made Chief Justice in Eyre. Lord Sydney was Secretary of State for the Home Department, to which Lord Grenville succeeded, and held it until June 1791; when the Duke of Leeds resigning the Foreign Department, Lord Grenville suc- ceeded his Grace: at the same time Mr. Duudas (after- wards Lord Melville) succeeded Lord Grenville in the Home Department. About this time he was created a Peer, by the title he now bears. His accuracy and extent of political knowledge was now matured by considerable experience; and he shewed himself deeply conversant with the general principles which ought to guide Great Britain in her foreign policy. In discussing the propriety of the British ministry's inter-, ference between Russia and Turkey, he, in a tew words, explained the object which induced England, both then and at other times, to adopt the part it had chosen in the continental politics of Europe. " An idle and vulgar prejudice," he ob>erved, " was disseminated through the nation — that this country had no occasion for foreign connexion, and that it was our best system to stand alone. This was an unfounded doctrine, a delusive and danger- ous policy. But though it was certainly untrue that we could prudently and safely stand alone, it was true that we had no ambitious objects to pursue; we had nothing to gain — we wished only to remain as we were; and our alliances could only have the tendency of maintaining the balance of power. Our principles were pacific; it was known to Europe that they were so : and it was a matter of pride, that, standing on the high eminence we did, we exerted our power only for the maintenance of peace. Such was the true object of our late interference. Our ally, Prussia, had substantial reasons for alarm at the encroachments of Russia upon the Porte: they threatened the overthrow of that balance which was necessary to the general tranquillity. It was evidently the LORD G RENVILLE. 597 the object of Russia to become maritime; and he desired to know if that was an object favourable, or even safe, to England. It was an acknowledged fact, that if ever she did become maritime, it was to the friendship of Eng- land that she owed her naval power. Oczakow was said to be of no value to Russia. He denied the fact: in the hands of Russia it was important, because it could only be for offrnce. To die Porte it could only be of conse- quence for defence. It was precisely on this distinction that alarm had been taken. Such was the opinion of their ally : such had been adopted as the opinion of the cabinet; and upon this opinion they acted." In the same speech he exhibited a general view of the weight due to public opinion in a free country, illus- trated by the conduct of ministers in the dispute with Russia. When they found that not only in the two Houses of Parliament, there were a considerable number of persons who did not agree with bis Majesty's minis- ters in this view of the object, and still more so, when they found that this sentiment was taken up by a great number, if not by a majority, of the people, it became a new question, whether, with a divided people, they should persist in a prosecution of the object. They, with a proper deference to public opinion, determined that it was not right to risk the hazard of a war under such circumstances. Such was his opinion, such ought ever to be the influence on a popular government of public opinion, and he should ever yield to its sway. In the various transactions of Europe, British policy had of late been exerted in restoring things to the status quo, to preserve the balance which it was thought necessary to poize. A treaty had been formed, through the mediation of the allied powers, between the Emperor and the Porte, on the basis of the strict status quo. Peace had been re-established between Russia and Sweden on the same basis. The Netherlands had been restored to the bouse of Austria, and the ancient constitution restored to the people, on the mediation of the allied powers. All this had been done in the true spirit of the pacific principles by which we were governed. It was a glorious distinc- tion for England, that, placed on a pinnacle of prospe- rity, unprecedented not only in our own annals, but in the history of all other nations, she exerted her power, vol. in. 4 g not 5pS LORD GRENVILLE. not for aggrandizement and ambition — not to profit from the distractions of other countries — not to cherish any mean sentiment of revenge, for wounds inflicted in the moments of our weakness, to seize in our turn our mo- ment of advantage, and perpetuate the disorders that ravaged a neighbouring and rival people: that, with the means of unprecedented influence, she exerted it for the peace of Europe, and desired only to be felt and known as the friend, and not as the disturber of other nations." These sentiments, it is almost needless to say, have been more than confirmed by subsequent events; and if the policy of Great Britain deserved those high encomiums by one of her first statesmen and legislators twenty-five years ago, how much more does she deserve it after the dreadful conflict which has but just terminated. When the discussion of the principles of the French revolution came before the House of Lords, Lord Gren- ville's speech was in "the same strain of official caution which had been observed by the English ministry in every thing that related to France. He confined himself to remarking upon the general folly of the new doctrines, and their inadmissibility into this country, without say- ing a word of the propriety or impropriety of their adop- tion by another people. His Lordship also expressed himself, with great force, on the writings which occa- sioned the King's proclamation in the year 17ie destruction of the Bastile, which he witnessed, as wed as .several other important transactions which took placv at the commencement of the French revolution. While lie resided in the French capital, he was indefatigable in acquiring a correct knowledge of the characters and views of the leading men in the interest of the court, as well as of those who, by their eminent talents or po- litical intrigues, had obtained popularity. His com- munications on a subject so materially interesting to Great Britain proved highly satisfactory to the ministry, and furnished Mr. Pitt with a very favourable instance of his Lordship's industry and discrimination. On his return to England he was elected member of parliament for the borough of Rye, in Sussex, in the year 1790; but, not having attained his one-and-twentieth year, he passed a short time in a tour to the con* tinent, and took his seat in the House of Commons in the year 1791. Early in this session, the Russian armament supplied the opposition members with an opportunity of censuring administration; and the conduct of the mi- nistry with respect to the war between the Empress of Russia and the Ottoman Porte, became, of course, the subject of parliamentary debate. Mr. Whitbread, sup- ported by the whole strength of opposition, brought for- ward the following motions: — " 1. That no arrangement respecting Oczakow, and its district, ap- pears to have been capable of affecting the political or commercial interests of this country, so as to justify any hostile interference on the part of Great Britain, between Russia and the Porte. " 2. That the interference of Great Britain, for the purpose of pre- venting the cession of the said fortress, and its district, to the Empress of Russia, has been wholly unsuccessful. " 3. That his Majesty's ministers, in endeavouring, by m^ans of an armed force, to compel the Empress of Russia to abandon her claim to Oczakow, and its district, and in continuing an armament after the object for which it was proposed had been relinquished, have been guilty of gross misconduct, tending to incur unnecessary expcnces, and to diminish the influence of the British nation in Europe.'' The Earl of Liverpool (who was then Mr. Jenkinson) rose EARL OF LIVERPOOL. 6l7 rose early in the debate; and, in a maiden speech, com- bated the resolutions with a force of argument and a perspicuity of language that evinced a profound know- ledge of the question, and offered favourable grounds to believe that he would, at some future period, become a distinguished orator. He particularly called the atten- tion of the House to the dangers which threatened Prussia, from the progress of the Russian Imperial arms; and displayed a correct idea of the balance of power, in conformity to the state of Europe, as it was then gene- rally admitted, but which has now received, by late events, a new form, and a greater degree of strength and firmness. In the year 1793, bis Lordship was appointed one of the Commissioners for the affairs of India ; in which he displayed great activity, and fully justified the choice which ministers hail made in the appointment. In May 1794 he received his Majesty's commission to command the Cavalry Fencible Corps of the Cinque Ports, with the rank of Colonel in the army. In the year 1796 he was again returned to parliament for Rye. On the promotion of Sir George Yonge from the mas- tership of the mint to the government of the Cape of Good Hope and its dependencies, his Lordship was, without any solicitation in his favour, nominated to the vacant employment, sworn of his Majesty's most honour- able privy-council, and appointed one of the Lords of the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations. On the change of ministry in the year 1801, he was appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Allans, in the room of Lord Grenville. When Mr. Pitt returned to office, his Lordship continued to fill a high department in the state, being made Secretary of State for the Home Department; and on the death of Mr. Pitt, and the dis- solution of the ministry, his Lordship, in his retreat from office, had conferred i pon him the important situation of the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports, the most con- siderable gift in the power of the crown to bestow: this place had been long held by the immortal Pitt, and was almost the only gift he accepted of in return for his great services to his country. On the death of Mr. Pitt, his Lordship, having declined accepting the responsible office of Prime-Minister, had little 6 IS &ARL Of LIVERPOOL. little share in public transactions; but when Lord Gren- ville retired in consequence of the Catholic claims, and Mr, Perceval became the leading member of the cabinet, the Earl of Liverpool was made Secretary of State for the Home Department. From this time he has conti- nued to form a part of the administration; and he may now be considered as Prime-Minister, filling as he does the place of First Lord of the Treasury. As a parliamentary orator, his Lordship maintains a respectable rank. His elocution is clear and correct, and his arguments are frequently enforced in an animated and impressive style. He, however, fell short of the expec- tations that were formed on his first essay ; but an un- guarded expression (we allude. to his Lordship's boastful '* march to Paris") often depresses the confidence of the person who has used it, and discourages a bold display of talent, that otherwise might have equalled the most san- guine expectations. In private life, his Lordship's character stands very high. To his friendship Mr. Canning is particularly in- debted for his political rise in the world; and although Mr. Canning was on terms of friendship with a leading member of opposition, at once eminent as an author, an orator, and a wit, he introduced him to the patronage of the late Earl of Liverpool, who warmly interested him- self in his favour. His Lordship is married to one of the daughters of the Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Derry, in Ireland. jflemoivs iftemotts OF THE RIGHT HON. HENRY ROBERT BTEWAR7T, LORD VISCOUNT OASTLEREAGH. HPHIS eminent Statesman is the eldest son of the Earl ■*- of Londonderry, by his first Countess, Lady Sarah Frances, daughter of the late Marquis of Hertford; and was born June 18th, 1769. He was educated at Armagh, under the tuition of Archdeacon Hurroch; and in the year 1786 was entered of St. John's College, Cambridge. In 17S9, before his Lordship had reached his twenty- first year, he was returned a representative in the par- liament of Ireland, for the county of Down. This elec- tion, in which he was supported by the wealth and in- fluence of his father, lasted upwards of three months, and is reported to have cost more than .£30,000. He was not long in parliament before lie displayed his sena*- tonal talents: the first occasion of importance which occurred for their exertion was a debate on the question, whether Ireland had a right to trade to India, notwithstanding the monopoly of the English East-India Company. On this occasion his Lordship ranged him- self with the popular party, and delivered a speech in sup- port of the affirmative of the question; in which, although lie displayed the hesitation, confusion, and the forget- fulness ot a young speaker, yet he at the same time proved that he was in possession of considerable know- ledge and a sound understanding. Opposition exulted in this supposed accession to their strength, and endea- voured to secure it by paying to the genius, eloquence, and wisdom of Mr. Stewart (as he was then called, his father being only a Baron at that time), the most flatter- ing compliments. It was soon known, however, that he had entered upon public life with far other views than that of attaching himself to a party whose numbers and power were 6 20 LORD CASTLEREAGH. were every day dwindling into insignificance before the increasing and triumphant influence of the Castle, or that of set king unsubstantial popularity, by voting uniformly against those who had honours and wealth to bestow. For a few sessions, indeed, he did vote generally with the opposition ; but, even on those occasions, the reasons on which his votes were founded, so far as those reasons were explicitly declared, proved him to be rather the hesitating and undecided friend of the court, than the warm and sincere supporter of the popular cause. Lord Castlereagh started into public life gifted, though yet a boy, with the most marked talent at keeping himself disencumbered with explicit avowals of political princi- ples. A coy politician^ he coquetted between the minis- ter and the popular party: neither could reckon him as a friend, nor would he give either reason to believe but that, if properly wooed, he might in time be won. The growing discontents of the people, and the gradual de- velopement of their purposes, at length made it neces- sary for his Lordship to assume a more decisive cha- sacter. Accordingly, when a system of strong measures was resolved upon by government, his Lordship imme- diately embraced its cause, and gave to its measures his powerful support. Earl Fitzwilliam was at this time the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland; and he had accepted this high and difficult office on the express condition of admitting and esta- blishing Catholic emancipation in its greatest latitude. In his letters to the Earl of Carlisle, the noble Earl says, " that when the negotiation between the two political parties was pending, if the general management and superintendence of Ireland had not been offered by Mr. Pitt, that coalition could never have taken place: it was offered from the beginning of the negotiation." His Lordship then makes an appeal to the Duke of Portland, " Whether the office was not entire? and whether he was forewarned by Mr. Pitt that it was to be divested of half its duties, half its importance, and all its character?" Previously to the acceptance of the viceroyalty by Lord Fitzwilliam, he says, " he had not only satisfied himself that the Catholics ought to be relieved from every re- maining disqualification, but he knew that the Duke of Portland perfectly concurred with him in that opinion. Had LORD CASTLEREAGH. 621 «" ■ ■ . , Had I found it otherwise, I never would have undertaken the government." His Lordship, however, was not en- thusiastic in the business; it was his resolution not to press the matter too prematurely on the Irish parlia- ment, but, on the contrary, to prolong it to a more tran- quil period: only if the Catholics seemed resolved to bring forward the question, he, for his part, would not refuse them a handsome support on the part of go- vernment. When he arrived in Dublin, about the end of the year 1794, he instantly informed the British cabi- net, that the question would force itself upon his im- mediate consideration. The business had been already put into the hands of Mr. G rattan, in whom he could repose entire confidence ; and, a rising impatience being apparent among the Catholics, there was reason to appre- hend, after their petitions had been presented, had any delay intervened, that the measure might be transferred to some other person, with whom his Lordship had no connexion, and over whom he could entertain no hope of control. To secure the success of the measures that the Irish government had then in contemplation, it was thought absolutely necessary, by the Lord-Lieutenant, to remove from their offices such persons as had always stood forth the determined enemies of Catholic emanci- pation, or of any species of political improvement and reform. It was said, in a letter from the Lord-Lieutenant to the British Secretary of State, that it was his decided opinion, that no time was to be lost; and that if he re- ceived no peremptory instructions to the contrary, he should acquiesce in the pressing instances made to him on the part of the Catholics." This official intimation was passed over in silence for many weeks in the dis- patches from England. In the mean time, Mr. Beres- ford had gone to London; and, by his representations to ministers, and even to the King himself, he created ap- prehensions as to the innovations which Earl FitzwiUiam had projected. On the 14th of February, Mr. Pitt sent him a letter, complaining of the dismission of Mr. Beres- ford, and the intended removal of Mr. Wolfe and Mr. Toler. Another letter, by the same mail, from the Duke of Portland, in which he, for the first time, ex- pressed the difficulties of the British cabinet with respect to emancipation, warmly recommended the delaying its vol. m. 4 k discussion 622 LORD CASTLEREAGH. discussion in parliament. But this was now not in the power of his Excellency. The session had commenced on the 22d of January, two days before the receipt of these letters; and Mr. G rattan had obtained leave to bring in a bill for the further relief of his Majesty's subjects pro- fessing the Roman Catholic religion. The Lord- Lie ute* nant sent able answers to the letters he had received, on the very evening in which they came, in which he pointed out" the imminent danger of now retracting on the Catho- lic claims," and in which he nobly refused " to be the man to raise a flame, which nothing but the force of arms could keep down." A council was held on the 21st of February, in which it was resolved to recall Lord Fitzwilliam.and to appoint in his stead Lord Camden to the viceroyalty of Ireland. The news of this dismission gave great and general unea- siness to the people of Ireland. A vote of the House of Commons expressed the highest approbation of Earl Fitzwilliam's conduct. Addresses of gratitude and re- gret were presented to him from all parts of Ireland; and, on the 25th of March 1795, the day on which he departed for England, no business was done. The people ap- peared in deep mourning. Lord Camden arrived in Dublin on the last day of March, and assumed immedi- ately the reins of government. LordCastlereagh, having supported the English ministry, was shortly after, upon the resignation of Mr. Pelham, made Chief Secretary to the new Lord-Lieutenant. Pursuant to adjournment, the parliament assembled on the 13th of April; and Mr. Grattan made a motion on the 21st for an inquiry into the state of the nation* which included the reasons why Lord Fitzwilliam was recalled. M When Ireland," says he, " came forward, cordial and confident, with the offering of her blood and treasure, and resolute to stand or fall with the British nation, it was surely no proof of wisdom or genero- sity to select that moment to plant a dagger in her heart." The motion was negatived by a great ma- jority. On the 24th of April, Mr. Grattan presented his cele- brated bill for the emancipation of the Catholics, the chief debate on which took place on the 4th of May; but such was the influence of the new government over the LORD CASTLEREAGH. 623 the legislature, that this bill, which would certainly have passed under Lord Fitzwilliam's viceroyalty, was now finally rejected by a large majority, to the great disap- pointment of the Irish. In this debate, Lord Castlereagh took a decided part against the bill; which was likewise opposed by Dr. Duigenan, who said, that the Irish Catholics, considering success as hopeless after the recall of Earl Fitzwilliam, had ventured to form dangerous and unjustifiable combi- nations, that their emancipation might in the issue be secured. A meeting of the General Assembly of Catho- lics had been held in the capital on the 9th of April, where, as Dr. Duigenan asserted, several most traitorous and seditious speeches were publicly pronounced, openly declaring, that the war we were engaged in against France was, on our part, and on the part of our allies, an impious crusade against liberty; that all victories ob- tained by his Majesty's arms were public calamities to Ireland, for which her children ought to weep; that they would hereafter never make any application to a British ministry, nor have any connexion with them; that they would support a radical reform in t!ie House of Commons; and that this nation could never be happy till its government was changed into a republic, inde- pendent of Great Britain. On the other side of the question, Mr. Arthur O'Con- nor delivered a very animated speech. " Is it," said he, " because we were the most wretched and miserable nation in Europe, as long as this system of monopoly and exclusion, for which the gentlemen on the opposite side of the House contended, under the title of constitu- tion in church and stale, remained whole and entire — is it because we have heard those gentlemen, year after year, predict the ruin of the country from extending the constitution to our Catholic countrymen, and that we have seen the country flourish in an exact proportion to that extension, that we should now stop short on their authority, and consecrate the remainder of the system of monopoly and exclusion? Let the men who have profited by the old system, to the monstrous ag- grandizement of themselves and their connexions, risk what they please in its defence; but let me conjure the House to consider that they are no longer legislating 4 k '2 for 624- LORD CASTLEREAGH. for the barbarous ignorant ages which have gone by, but for the intelligent age in which we live, and for the yet more enlightened ages yet to come. The church, we are told, is in danger ; the interest of the Protestant religion is at stake: but those who make this objection have confounded the interest of the clergy with the interest of religion. I would risk the whole argument on the fact. Has the Protestant religion been promoted in proportion as the Protestant clergy has been en- riched? Has the Catholic religion decayed according to the views of those who doomed its professors to po- verty? We must indeed be a spiritless nation, if we do not resent the baseness of a British minister, who has excited our hopes in order to blast them, He has sported with the feelings of a whole nation ; raising the cup with one hand to the parched lip of expectancy, he has dashed it to the earth with the other, in all the wantonness of in- sult, and with all the aggravation of contempt. I trust, the people of England are too wise and too just to attempt to force upon us measures they would reject with disdain themselves; but, if they should be so weak or so wicked as to suffer themselves to be seduced by a man to whose soul duplicity and finesse are congenial, if we are to be dragooned into measures against the interest and against the sense of the whole nation, I trust in God, Eng- land will find in this country a spirit no way infe- rior to her own." The bill was thrown out by a majo- rity of 71. Immediately on the accession of Lord Camden to the viceroyalty, Lord Castlereagh was admitted into the ca- binet, and honoured with a large portion of the confidence of the Lord-Lieutenant. On the illness of Mr. Pel ham, his Excellency's chief secretary, Lord Castlereagh was appointed to discharge the duties of that high office until Mr. Pelham's recovery : and on that gentleman's retiring, either in consequence of continued ill-health or a disinclination to undergo the fatigues and anxiety of so arduous a situation in a time of so much public dis- content, Lord Castlereagh was officially declared Chief Secretary, in Mr. Pelham's room. In this responsible situation his Lordship conducted himself with consi- derable ability; and, in the rebellion of 1798, he dis- played much fortitude, indefatigable assiduity, and great steadiness. LORD CASTLEREAGH. 6^6 steadiness. The principal act of his Lordship's adminis- tration in Ireland was the union of the two kingdoms. This important measure was first introduced into the Irish House of Commons by his Lordship; but it was at first received with a degree of indignant scorn which marked, either that the Irish parliament had more of public virtue than the ministry attributed to them, or that his Lordship was but little skilled in that parlia- mentary management which then constituted the chief branch of his official business. Several long, animated, and interesting debates took place in the House of Com- mons on this subject, in which the ministry evidently lost ground, yet they were still determined to persevere, and in the issue they were completely victorious. On the first division in the House of Lords the numbers were 46 to 19, and on the second division 35 to 17 in its favour. On the meeting of the Irish parliament in the month of January 1S00, no allusion to the proposed union was made in the speech of the Lord-Lieutenant; but it was pretty well understood that the subject would be early introduced, and a violent opposition to it was now- organized. So early as in the address to the speech of the Lord-Lieutenant, a strong debate arose. Lord Loftus having moved the address, Sir Lawrence Parsons moved an amendment, which was supported by Mr. Grattan with the whole powers of his great talents and eloquence. " The constitution," says he, " which the minister is now attempting to destroy, is one of the pillars of the empire, dear from its violation — dear in its recovery. Its resto- ration cost Ireland her noblest efforts. It is the habita- tion of her loyalty, as well as of her liberty — her temple of fame, as well as of freedom. But the field of imagina- tion was that in which the British minister delighted to rove; and, by holding out visionary prospects and pro- mises, he ultimately hoped to accomplish his designs. When, indeed, he is to extinguish our power of legisla- tion, to abrogate our highest court of judicature, to ex- tort from us by a financial agreement a perpetual tribute, he is altogether a matter-of-fact man; but when he is to provide a compensation for all this prodigality of con- cession, then he becomes altogether poetic and prophetic, Fancy gives him her wand— Amalthea takes him by the hand— t,<26 LORD CASTLEREAGH. hand — Ceres follows in his train. The English capitalist and manufacturer will leave his mines, his machinery, his comforts, and his habits; he will conquer his pre- judices and prepossessions, and will come over to Ireland, with a generous design to give her commerce for her lost constitution. A man who reasons may be answered by reasoning ; but the minister in all this does not argue, but foretel: now you cannot confute a prophet — you can only disbelieve him. It forms the genuine harmony of the state, when the rich encourage and employ the poor, and the poor look up with confidence to the watchful care and guardian protection of the rich : both concurring to the same end, form that grand column of society, where all below is strength, and all above is grace. How does the minister's plan accomplish this? he takes away our gentlemen and nobles, and supplies their place by English factors and commercial adventurers. This mi- nister proposes to you to give up the ancient inheritance of your country— to proclaim an utter incapacity to make laws for your own people; and is this no attack upon the honour and dignity of the kingdom ? The thing which he proposes to buy cannot be sold — liberty; and his propositions are built upon nothing but your dishonour. I have heard of parliaments impeaching ministers; but here is a minister impeaching parliament, nay, the par- liamentary constitution itself; and he proposes to you to substitute the British parliament in your place, to de- stroy the body which restored your liberties, and to restore that body which destroyed them. Against such a proposition, were I expiring on the floor, I should beg to utter my last breath, and to record my dying testi- mony." The eloquence of this celebrated orator, how- ever, was of little avail against superior numbers and an overwhelming influence. On the 5th of February a message from the Lord- Lieutenant was delivered to both Houses, intimating that it was his Majesty's desire, that the resolutions passed by the British parliament should be submitted to the con- sideration of the Irish legislature; and expressing a hope, that the grand object to which they had a reference, might be completed by the joint wisdom of the two par- liaments, and the loyal concurrence of the people. On this most important and interesting occasion, Lord Castlereagh LORD CASTLEKEAGtL 637 Castlereagh arose, and, in a luminous speech, gave a com- prehensive view of the measure proposed, recommending it by arguments similar to those which Mr. Pitt had used in the English House of Commons; whilst the members of the opposition contested them with equal ability. But the ministry had not been idle since the last agitation of the business. The propositions were car- ried triumphantly through both Houses; and Lord Castle- reagh, on the 27th of March 1800, moved an address to his Majesty, from the Commons, declaring their approbation of the resolutions transmitted to them, " which they considered as wisely calculated to form the basis of a complete and entire union of the two legislatures; that by those propositions they had been guided in their pro- ceedings; and that the resolutions now offered were those articles which, if approved by the Lords and Com- mons of Great Britain, they were ready to confirm and ratify, in order that the same might be established for ever by the mutual consent of both parliaments." This address, having been agreed to by both Houses, was transmitted to England by the Lord-Lieutenant; and, on the 2d of April, it was laid before both Houses of the British parliament, acoompanied by a message from the King, to the following effect: " That it was with the most sincere satisfaction his Majesty found him- self enabled to communicate to parliament the joint ad- dress of his Lords and Commons of Ireland, laying be- fore his Majesty certain resolutions which contain the terms proposed by them for an entire union between the two kingdoms; that he therefore earnestly recom- mended to parliament to take all such further steps as might best tend to the speedy and complete execution of a work so happily begun, and so interesting to the se- curity of his Majesty's subjects, and to the general strength and prosperity of the British empire." In the House of Lords, after returning an address of thanks, the papers were fully investigated on the 21st; when Lord Holland delivered a very animated speech against the principle of the union. Adverting to the solemn assurance of ministers, " that, however desirable in their judgments the union of the two kingdoms might appear, it ought not to be accepted unless it were the pure and spontaneous offer of the parliament of Ireland, f,08 LORD CASTLEREAGH. Ireland, uninfluenced by corruption and menace," he appealed to the feelings of all, if intimidation and cor- ruption had not been practised for the purpose of se- curing a majority in both houses of the Irish parliament. The objections of Lord Holland were overruled; and the House went into a committee. The articles of the union, as drawn up by the Irish legislature, were dis- tinctly discussed, and' agreed to with very trifling altera- tions, and without any remarkable opposition. The same spirit of acquiescence prevailed in the House of Commons. Mr. Pitt brought the business for- ward, on the 21st of April, in a very able speech. But it was denied by Mr. Grey, that the Irish nation con- curred in the measure of a legislative union; as it was rather held in extreme and very general abhorrence by the people, and not fewer than twenty-seven counties had petitioned against it. Lord Carysfort considered the union as wise, politic, and advantageous to both coun- tries, and believed that there was undeniably a great balance of the whole property of the Irish nation in its favour. We believe that it may be assumed as a fact, that the landed interest of the kingdom was generally favourably to the measure; that commercial people were much divided; and that the city of Dublin violently op- posed it, from the dread of being degraded to the rank df a provincial capital. Mr. Grey having moved, " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that he would be graciously pleased to direct his ministers to suspend all proceed- ings on the Irish union, till the sentiments of the Irish people respecting that measure could be ascertained," it was negatived by a majority of 236 to 30. The royal assent was given to this important measure on the 2d of July; and the session was closed on the 29th, by a speech from the throne, in which his Ma- jesty congratulated the two houses of parliament on the success of the steps which they had taken for effect- ing an entire union between the kingdoms of Great Bri- tain and Ireland. " This great measure," says he, " on which my wishes have been ardently bent, 1 shall ever consider as the happiest event of my reign ; being per- suaded that nothing could so effectually contribute to extend to my Irish subjects the full participation of the blessings LORD CASTLEREAGH. ($39 blessings derived from the British constitution, and to establish on the most solid foundations the strength, prosperity, and power of the whole empire." The union with Ireland being carried, Lord Castle- reagh was returned to the Imperial parliament for the county of Down ; and was made President of the Board of Control, and nominated one of the Lords of the Privy-Council. On the dissolution of Lord Grenville's administration, his Lordship was made Minister for the War Department; which office he resigned in 1806, but again resumed it in the following year. One of the leading measures of his Lordship, during the time he held the office of Minister of War, was the change produced in the military establishment of the country: this was the substitution of a local militia in the room of an unregimented levy of 900,000 men, taken from the aggregate of the population. This local militia was to be balloted for in the different counties, in pro- portion to the deficiency of volunteers in each, between the ages of eighteen and thirty-one ; and no exemptions were to be made, but at a very high line. The officers were to possess the same requisites in regard to property as those of the existing militia, with the exception of a single instance; which was, that whoever held formerly the rank of a field-officer in the army might support the same rank in the militia, independent of any such quali- fication. Volunteer corps might transfer themselves, if they thought proper, and if sanctioned by his Majesty's approbation, into the local militia. The period of ser- vice was to be twenty-eight days annually (exclusive of the days for assembling, marching, &c); for which they were to have an allowance of pay. The expence of this new plan was computed not to exceed the former volunteer establishment. By this plan, the country might be regarded as secure from every attack; having a regimental force of 400,000 men, in addition to the regular army of 200,000, which might, if necessary, be increased to 250,000. His Lordship continued to hold the war department until the Walcheren expedition, which terminated so fatally. After this, in consequence of disputes in the cabinet, both he and Mr. Canning retired; but not until vol. hi. 4 l a duel 530 L0RD CASTLEREAGH. a duel between these two gentlemen had been fought, the ground of which was assigned to be, that Mr. Can- ning had conceived Lord Castlereagh inadequate to the discharge of the duties of his office, and had received from the Duke of Portland, in a very clandestine man- ner, a promise that he should be removed. On the resignation of the Marquis of Wellesley (who had accepted for a short time the foreign department, after Mr. Canning had left it), Lord Castlereagh was made Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; an office which he still continues to hold, and which has afforded him an opportunity of exhibiting those rare and extraor- dinary talents which he so eminently possesses, and of performing services to his countrv and the world that rarely falls to the lot of any individual. In'the latter end of the year 1813, in consequence of the revolution and subsequent emancipation of Holland, his Lordship set out for that country, in his way to join the powers in alliance against France, with the character of Plenipotentiary Extraordinary, and with full powers to conclude a general peace. The conferences, as is well known to our readers, ended unsuccessfully on the 18th of March 1814; and on the 31st of March they were rendered unnecessary, as far as regarded Napoleon, by the entry of the allies into Paris, and the subsequent restoration of Louis XVIII. On the leth of August his Lordship left London, as Plenipotentiary on the part of Great Britain to the Con- gress of Vienna ; and, after having successfully promoted the best interests and feelings of his country, as well as the general interests of Europe, he returned to England on the 4th of March 1815. The return of Napoleon from Elba, however, did not leave his Lordship much leisure at home; and he was soon called to the performance of more important duties than what he had already accomplished. The recent treaty, conducted mainly under his Lordship's auspices, supported as he was by the power and greatness of his country, is too fresh in the minds of our readers to need repetition; but a more glorious treaty, or one more con- ducive to the real and substantial benefit of England, never was negotiated : and it is no small part of his Lordship's LORD CASTLEREAGH. 631 Lordship's merit, that he has happily succeeded in ob- taining from the court of France a direct and imme- diate abolit;on of thi j slave-trade. In the yeai 1794, his Lordship married Amelia, young- est daughter and co-heiress of John, second Earl of Buckinghamshire. His Lordship's person is tall, thin, and distinguished by an air of elegance and fashion, that bespeaks his rank. His voice is full and sonorous, but admitting of little variety. As a public speaker, he cannot be ranked in the first class; and an excellent education seems rather to have created, than improved, his powers. 1 L g ffitmom OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE CHARLES EARL STANHOPE. LORD STANHOPE is the second son of Philip the late Earl, by Grizel Hamilton, grand-daughter to Thomas Earl of Haddington, of Scotland: he was born the 3d of August 1753. It is almost superfluous to ob- serve, that his Lordship is highly distinguished for his scientific knowledge, and is no less celebrated for his po- litical principles. He had scarcely attained his eighth year before he was sent to Eton School. He had not resided at this spot more than two years, before the health of his elder brother rendered a change of climate necessary. His noble parents sought at Geneva the re- covery of their son, of which there was no hopes if he remained in England. Accordingly the whole family iepaired thither, and were scarcely settled, when the death of their child clouded their happiness, and defeated the object of their journey. Conceiving, however, the climate of England to have been inauspicious to the rearing of one child, the father of the present noble Earl formed the resolution of rearing his remaining heir in a more southern country. Upon the venerable and learned M. le Sage devolved, in a great measure, the education of Lord Mahon (which was the title he succeeded to upon the death of his elder brother). During his Lordship's residence at Geneva, it does not appear that he at any time applied himself to classical studies. He did not, however, waste his time in indolence, or consume it in those fashionable follies to which persons of his rank frequently think themselves almost exclusively entitled. He was ever devoted to experimental philosophy; and, at the age of seventeen or eighteen, he was the successful candidate for a prize offered EARL STANHOPE. ^33 offered by the Swedish Society of Arts and Sciences to the person who should produce the best treatise on the structure of the pendulum. His Lordship's Essay was written in the French language, and was afterwards pub- lished in some Foreign Transactions. His Lordship also distinguished himself in a very high degree, in a variety of athletic and equestrian exercises. He enrolled himself in the Genevois militia; and became so expert a marks- man, that, with a rifle-barreled gun, he could at the proper distance hit any given space of the size of a shilling, for several successive times, with almost undeviating cer- tainty. Geneva, at this period, was very much frequented by the English; and though, in general, they were on friendly and even sociable terms with the citizens of that small republic, yet they never were so completely united as at this time, which was ascribed principally to the popularity enjoyed by Earl Stanhope's family. No one among the English ever possessed more, or perhaps even so much, of the confidence of the Genevois, as Lord Mahon: he joined with alacrity in all their amuse- ments; he entered with spirit and zeal into all their military exercises, and excelled most of the natives in the dexterity of the evolutions; he attached himself to what was esteemed the popular political party; to all which may be added the hospitality, generosity, and be- nevolence, uniformly manifested to all ranks of people by the noble parents of his Lordship. On their departure no family was more regretted; and Dr. Moore, in wit- nessing the public testimonies of respect and attachment, says, " I saw them leave the place: their carriage could with difficulty move through the multitude who were assembled in the streets. Numbers of the poorer sort, who had been relieved by their secret charity, unable longer to obey the injunctions of their benefactors, pro- claimed their gratitude. The young gentleman (Lord Mahon) was obliged to come out again and again to his old friends and companions, who pressed around th© coach to bid him farewell, and express their sorrow for his departure, and their wishes for his prosperity. The eyes of the parents overflowed with tears of hap- piness; and the whole family carried with them tin- affections of the greater part, and the esteem of all the citizens." Having (334 EARL STANHOPE. Having returned to his native country, with his noble relatives, his Lordship, in the general election of the year 1774, offered himself, in conjunction with Lord Mountmorris, as candidate for the city of Westminster. After the poll had been continued several days, the two noble Lords declined the contest in favour of their com- petitors. In the course of the following year, his Lordship published a small tract, entitled, " Considerations on the Means of preventing Fraudulent Practices on the Gold Coin." The object of this publication was to recom- mend certain methods of coinage, by which au imitation would be rendered exceedingly difficult; and even im- possible to any but the most skilful and ingenious work- men. In respect to these, his Lordship supposed it would not be worth the while of such persons to expose themselves to the severe punishments that are inflicted upon people convicted of coining. During the year 1777, his Lordship instituted a variety of experiments for the purpose of ascertaining the best and cheapest methods of securing buildings from the effects of fire. The plan adopted by his Lordship may be considered as an improvement upon Mr. Hartley's plan by means of iron plates, both on account of its durability and cheapness. They both depend upon the same principle, which is as simple as it is certain in its effects; viz. that where there is no current of air, there can be no fire. This is strikingly illustrated by the fol- lowing simple experiment: — Take a narrow slip of pa- per, about an inch wide; hold it very tight round a common poker, so that no air can be admitted between the paper and the poker; and in that position you may apply the flame of a candle to the paper for any length of time, without the smallest danger of setting it on fire. If, during the experiment, the paper becomes loose, so as to admit the air between it and the iron, it will be instantly inflamed. The experiments made by his Lord- ship at Chevening, in Kent, of which there were more than two thousand witnesses, were conducted on a very extensive scale, and carried with them irresistible con- viction to every spectator. A few of his Lordship's experiments we shall here give in his own words, ex- tracted EARL STANHOPE. 635 traded from his papers printed in the Philosophical Transactions for the year 1778: — " On the 26th of September 1777, I had the honour to repeat some of my experiments before the President and some of the Fellows of the Royal Society, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, the Com- mittee of City Lands, several of the foreign ministers,. and a great number of other persons. The first expe- riment was to fill the lower room of a wooden building (which room was about twenty-six feet long by sixteen wide) full of shavings and faggots, mixed with com- bustibles, and to set them all on fire. The heat was so intense, that the glass of the windows was melted like so much common sealing-wax, and run down in drops; yet the flooring-boards of that very room were not burnt through, nor was one of the side timbers, floor- joists, or ceiling-joists, damaged in the smallest degree; and the persons who went into the room immediately over the room filled with fire, did not perceive any ill effects from it whatever; even the floor of that room being perfectly cool during the enormous conflagration underneath. " I then caused a kind of wooden building, of full fifty feet in length, and of three stories high in the middle, to be erected close to one end of the secured wooden house. 1 filled and covered this building with above eleven hundred large kiln faggots, and several loads of dry shavings; and I set this pile on fire. The height of the flame was no less than eighty-seven feet perpendicular from the ground, and the grass upon the bank at an hundred and fifty feet from the fire was scorched up; yet the secured wooden building, conti- guous to this vast heap of fire, was not damaged in the least. This experiment was intended to represent a wooden town on fire, and to shew how effectually even a wooden building, if secured according to my new method, would stop the progress of the flames on that side, without any assistance from fire-en- gines. " The last experiment I made on that day, was the attempting to burn a wooden staircase, secured accord- ing to my simple method of under-flooring. Several very large kiln-faggots were laid and kindled under the stair- case, &36 EARL STANHOPE. case, round the stairs, and upon the steps: this wooden staircase, notwithstanding, resisted, as if it had been of fire-stone, all the attempts that were made to con- sume it. w I have since made five other still stronger fires upon this same staircase, without having repaired it, having moreover filled the small space in which this staircase is entirely with shavings and large faggots; but the stair- case is, however, still standing, and is but little da- maged." In the year 1779, his Lordship published a thin quarto volume, entitled " Principles of Electricity." This pub- lication was occasioned by the dispute which at that time engaged the attention of the principal electricians of this country, respecting the best mode of securing buildings from the effects of lightning. Mr. Wilson and Mr. Naime were the chief opponents in the discussion: the former giving an uniform preference to short con- ductors, terminating in a ball ; the latter was a disciple of Dr. Franklin, and an advocate for long pointed con- ductors. The experiments on both sides of the question were made with a grand and expensive apparatus; and the result of the investigation was generally allowed to be in favour of the theory of Dr. Franklin. His Lord- ship avowed himself on that side of the question which Mr. Naime had espoused; and undertook to confirm and elucidate the theory by a number of experiments, many of which were new and original. An account of these experiments his Lordship has amply detailed in his work. He has also proved, by an elaborate mathema- tical demonstration, illustrated by a great variety of ex- periments, that the density of an electrical atmosphere, superinduced upon any body, must be invariably as the squares of the distances from the charged body. He has likewise taken great pains to prove the existence, and ex- plain the nature, of what he denominates the returning stroke in electricity, which is the effect produced by the return of the electric fire into a body from which, under certain circumstances, it has been previously expelled. His Lordship shews, that men and other animals may be destroyed, and buildings damaged, by an electrical re- turning stroke, occasioned by a thunder-cloud even at the distance of two or three miles or more from the spot EARL STANHOPE. 6S7 spot where such persons or buildings are situated- This new theory, in the year 1779, he considered as com- pletely established by the death of James Lauder and two horses that were instantaneously killed in Scotland by the effects of a thunder storm, which was evidently at a considerable distance from the spot where the fatal accident happened. About this period we find his Lordship taking an active part to obtain a reform in parliament. He was chosen one of the deputies for the county of Kent, and Chairman of the Kentish Committee, and was on this subject in the habit of constant correspondence with the Rev. Mr. "YVyvil, one of the deputies for Yorkshire, and the great promoter of an object, which, if it had been successful, would have been of the greatest consequence to the kingdom. At a county-meeting held at Maid- stone, his Lordship moved, " That it be strongly recom- mended to all noblemen, gentlemen, yeomen, freeholders, and householders, in the county of Kent, to provide them- selves with a good musquet and bayonet for the pur- pose of strengthening the civil power, and to act accord- ing to law in maintaining the peace of the said county; so that good order may, without the aid or interposition of any military force, be effectually preserved within the same." The necessity of such a regulation having been, manifested in the alarming riots which had happened in the metropolis but a month preceding this meet- ing, the motion was carried by a considerable ma- jority. Soon after this, his Lordship was, by the influence of the Earl of Shelburne, elected Member of Parliament for the borough of Wycombe. He joined the opposi- tion in their efforts to put an end to the American war; and though, at the time when his Lordship took his seat in parliament, the opposition was more respectable for talent than for numbers, yet the war, which had ever been held in abhorrence by the enlightened part of the country, was now becoming daily more and more odious to the great body of the people. His Lordship, though a constant and assiduous attendant upon his duty, did not take a very active part as a speaker. He never failed to be present when the cause of American liberty and independence was to be discussed, and to give the vol,, in. 4 m support 638 EARL STANHOPE. support which attached to his vote, though perhaps he was too much awed by the powerful eloquence and splendid talents of the minority to think it necessary for him often to claim the attention of the House. From the year 1783 till the period of his father's death in 1786, when he took his seat in the Upper House, under the title of Earl Stanhope, he made a variety of unsuccessful at- tempts to prevent bribery, corruption, and unnecessary expences, at elections for members of parliament; rightly- judging that, by putting it in the power of independent country gentlemen of moderate estates to offer them- selves as representatives of the people, a gradual reform would introduce itself into parliament, by means that could not tend to alarm those who were carried away by the dread of innovation. In these attempts his Lord- ship was countenanced by Mr. Pitt, with whom he gene- rally acted, but not with that zeal which he expected from, the avowed promoter of reform. Early in the year 1786, Mr. Pitt, with whom Lord Stanhope was in the habits of strict intimacy, was pro- jecting his famous sinking fund. To the late Dr. Price the minister applied for assistance on a subject to which the Doctor had devoted many years of his valuable life. Dr. Price communicated to Mr. Pitt three plans, of which he chose the one that has been acted upon. To this plan Lord Stanhope gave a steady and avowed opposition ; the motives for which, together with a plan of his own, he explained and enforced in a quarto pamphlet, entitled, " Observations on Mr. Pitt's Plan for the Reduction of the National Debt " In this work he exposed the weakness and inefficiency of the mode adopted by the minister; he then discussed the plan suggested to the House of Com- mons by Mr. Fox; and afterwards laid before the public a scheme of his own, founded upon certain axioms assumed by his Lordship. The main butt of his scheme was the conversion of the three-per-cent stock into a stock that should bear four per cent, interest; or, in other words, that the holders of the three-per-cents. m should, for every £400 of that stock, receive in lieu thereof £300 stock bearing four per cent. To this work are subjoined, by way of Appendices, several tables, founded upon calculations, upon the accuracy of which he was enabled to confide, having them all made under EARL STANHOPE. 639 under his own inspection, and proving the truth of each separate result by means of an arithmetical machine in- vented by himself. During the illness of his Majesty, at the latter end of the year 17S8, when the subject of the regency was dis- cussed, Lord Stanhope gave a decided support to the measures of the administration. He contended, that the two Houses of Parliament had a right and power, in case of a vacancy to the throne, or the interruption of the per- sonal exercise of the royal authority, to make provision to supply the deficiency. His Lordship supported his rea- soning by a reference to the conditions on which the Prince of Orange and the Princess Mary had accepted the crown, and likewise to the method by which the Hanover family ascended the throne of England. Amidst the discussions which took place on this occasion, and which were carried on with the greatest violence and acrimony, while one party was eager in maintaining the rights of the Prince of Wales, and the other was equally zealous in ascribing unlimited powers to the two Houses, Lord Stanhope zealously maintained the specious doc- trine, that all just and legitimate authority could be derived only from the people. After a speech from the Duke of York, which contained truly constitutional doctrines, Lord Stanhope made an effort to have those sentiments recorded ; observing, " that the communica- tion was too important to be suffered to remain in fleeting words, which could not be handed down to posterity, to grasp and quote as a proof of the existence of an essential part of the constitution." On the 17th of February 1789, a bill was brought into the House of Lords, entitled, " An act to provide for the care of his Majesty's royal person, and for the adminis- tration of the royal authority, during the continuance of his Majesty's illness." In this bill was a clause restrain- ing the regent from giving his assent to any bill or bills for repealing the act of uniformity. Lord Stanhope, on this occasion, in a speech of considerable length, mani- fested his attention to and knowledge of all the various statutes which still exist in full force against persons who dissent from the established religion of the country. He commented with great severity, intermixed with some degree of ridicule and pleasantry, upon the cruelty, ab- 4 m 3 surdity, 640 EARL STANHOPE. surdity, and contrariety of those laws ; shewing at the same time, that they had been passed in the days of dark- ness and ignorance, by persons who had as little regard for religion as humanity. Some of them, he undertook to prove, contained rank blasphemy; and, after quoting the authorities of Lords Chatham and Mansfield (who, though known to have acted upon different principles in most questions of a public important nature, cordially agreed upon the subject of a religious toleration), he moved au amendment, to prevent any new difficulty being placed by the regency bill in the way of the repeal of the test act. This amendment was opposed by the bishops, and lost. His Lordship again attempted, on the 18th of May, to obtain a repeal of certain cruel and severe laws which remained on the statute-book, and which might at any time be raked up as instruments of oppression to the community. He avowed, that the principle by which he •was actuated was, that no man had any right to oppress another; that liberty of conscience, freedom of investiga- tion in matters of religion, and the riglit of private judg- ment, were the indefeasible and unalienable rights of man- kind; and that it was wholly upon that sacred right of private judgment, that the Protestant religion itself was founded. The bill introduced by his Lordship into the Upper House enacted, " That all persons (Papists ex- cepted) shall have free liberty to exercise their religion, and, by speaking, writing, printing, publishing, preaching, and teaching, to instruct persons in the duties of religion in such manner as every such person respectively shall judge the most conducive to promote virtue, the happi- ness of society, and the eternal felicity of mankind." This bill, after some debate in which the bishops took a part, was thrown out. It was during this discussion that his Lordship, in reply to some observations made by Lord Stormont, declared his resolution of persevering in the cause in which he had engaged ; and ** that, if the right reverend bench of Bishops would not suffer him to load away this rubbish by cartfuls, he would endeavour to carry it away in wheelbarrows; and if that mode of removal were resisted, he would take it away, if possible, ■with a spade, a little at a time." Little discouraged by the fate of his former bill, his Lordship EARL STANHOPE. 641 Lordship immediately gave notice of another, which he meant to introduce, for the purpose of repealing an act of the 27th of Henry VIII. and thereby to prevent vex- atious suits relative to prosecutions for tythes from Qua- kers. When his Lordship moved for the commitment of this bill, he instanced several cases of very consider- able hardship which had but just occurred, and which were likely to ruin the persons so affected. Although the facts adduced by his Lordship in support of his bill remained uncontroverted, yet it was rejected. On the breaking out of the French revolution, his Lordship's sentiments upon that event were soon deve- loped. In the year 1788 Lord Stanhope had met in con- junction with a number of gentlemen of great respecta- bility to celebrate the centenary of the revolution in England. They formed themselves into a society for the purpose of " causing the principles of the revolu- tion to be well understood, extensively propagated, and firmly maintained ; to preserve the glorious fabric of the British constitution, and to transmit the invaluable bles- sings of public freedom to posterity, unimpaired and improved." This society was denominated the " Revo- lution Society ;" a committee of which was appointed who might keep up a correspondence with other socie- ties meeting in different parts of the kingdom for the same general purposes. At the annual meeting of the Revolution Society on the 4th of November 1789, Lord Stanhope was called to the chair. The destruction of the Bastile, which had happened in the July previous to this meeting, was an event which very naturally ex- cited the attention of persons assembled on such an occasion, for the avowed purpose of celebrating the destruction of tyranny in England. Accordingly Dr. Price, who in the forepart of the day had preached his celebrated discourse " On the Love of one's Country," moved a congratulatory address to the National Assembly of France. This motion was carried unanimously; and the chairman was requested to transmit it to Paris. The Archbishop of Aix, president of the National Assembly, returned a very respectful answer to the address, accom- panied with a friendly and patriotic letter to the noble chairman. After this, many other addresses were received by the Revolution 642 EARL STANHOPE. Revolution Society of London from a variety of patriotic assemblies held in different parts of France, to which Lord Stanhope, as chairman of the committee, was called upon to reply. His Lordship's answers all breathed a spirit of freedom; and, in reply to M. l'Abbe Volvius, he says, " May Heaven bless the world with an union so desirable, and suffer no partial interests or popular vio- lences to prevent the citizens of France from enjoying all the blessings that can be derived from a wise and equitable and free constitution of government." Upon the meeting of parliament, in February 1790, Mr. Burke violently attacked the French revolution ; and held up the Revolution Society as a combination of wicked persons, who had shewn a strong disposition to imitate the French spirit of reform. The speech of Mr. Burke was published in a separate pamphlet; to which Lord Stanhope replied, in a very spirited letter to the right honourable gentleman. In this letter his Lordship avows his approbation of the French revolution, defends the proceedings of the society in London, and calls on the public to judge for themselves, whether the address sent by them to the National Assembly, and signed by him as chairman, be not an act deserving praise rather than blame. In the year 1792, Mr. Fox brought into the House of Commons his famous libel bill, which, when it was brought up to the Upper House, was defended in all its stages by Lord Stanhope. Tlie importance of the doc- trines contained in this bill, and the opposition it met with from some quarters, induced his Lordship to pub- lish a small octavo volume on the subject, entitled " The Rights of Juries defended, together with authorities of law in support of those rights; and the objections to Mr. Fox's libel bill refuted." This work may be considered as a careful report of the speeches made by his Lordship in parliament. His reasoning is in general clear and con- vincing; his arguments, drawn from legal authorities, appear indisputable; and his zeal for the liberty of the subject is everywhere evident. The concluding para- graph of the work will exhibit very properly the temper and spirit of the whole; speaking of the trial by jury, his Lordship says — " One citadel has withstood the siege, one important fort has alone successfully resisted the EARL STANHOPE. 643 the attacks that have been made upon it. It has resisted for ages ; it has neither been destroyed by siege, nor taken by storm. If, therefore, we are still a free nation — if this kingdom is the richest and the most prosperous country that at this moment exists in Europe, we owe it to that strong hold and fortress of the people, to that impregnable Gibraltar of the English constitution— the trial by jury. This is that invaluable bulwark of liberty which parlia- ment has lately protected, and will, I trust, ever continue to protect; at least, I shall consider it one of my most essential duties to defend it steadily to the last hour of my life." Lord Stanhope constantly opposed the late war in every stage of it. On the 23d of January 1794, at the conclu- sion of an able speech, he moved, " That an humble ad- dress be presented to his Majesty, humbly to represent to his Majesty, that the French nation has expressly re- cognized this sacred principle, ' that no country possesses the right to interfere with another independent nation:' to state to his Majesty that in the 118th and 119th articles of the constitution, they have declared, that the French people is the friend and natural ally of every free people, and that it does not interfere in the government of other nations; humbly therefore to beseech his Majesty, in his equity and justice, to acknowledge the French republic, and thereby lay the foundation of a speedy reconciliation, and a permanent peace." His Lordship's motion was re- jected ; and, from the circumstance of standing alone in the division on this, and some other subsequent occasions,, he obtained generally the title of the majority of one. On the 81st of the same month, his Lordship moved, " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that this House has been informed that Thomas Muir, Esq. who was tried before the high court of judiciary at Edinburgh, in August last, upon a charge of sedition, has been condemned, and sentenced to be transported beyond seas for the space of fourteen years: and further tore- present to his Majesty, that the House intends to proceed without delay to examine the circumstances of such con- demnation, and of such sentence; and therefore humbly to beseech his Majesty, that the said Thomas Muir Esq. may not be transported beyond seas until this House shall have had sufficient time to make such examination." Had 644 EARL STANHOPE. Had this motion been carried, it was his Lordship's in- tention to have moved the same kind of address in behalf of the other persons who had been condemned to similar punishments. But, the address having been negatived, his Lordship immediately entered a spirited protest on the journals, in which he shewed, that the proceedings against Mr. Muir were directly hostile to the decisions of the House of Lords in the case of Warren Hastings, Esq. On the trial of Warren Hastings, Esq. Lord Stanhope was constant in his attendance. He considered an im- peachment by the Commons of England as an object of great national importance; and though he highly dis- approved, in many instances, the conduct of the managers of that trial, particularly the rancour and malignity ma- nifested by Mr. Burke, and the protraction of the trial for so man$ years, yet, from the time of its commence- ment till the month of May 1794, his Lordship never was absent asingle quarter of an hour. He was not more regular in his attendance, than anxious to understand the whole merits of the cause, in order that justice might be done to the accused as well as to the public. He was assiduous in taking notes in every part of the evidence, as well as in cross-examining witnesses; and he frequently silenced Mr. Burke, when he conceived him arguing points which were irrelevant to the articles of the impeachment, or when he was examining witnesses as to points unconnected with the subject. In order to prevent England from plunging herself into the late war, and interfering with the government of France, his Lordship, on the 4th of April, moved a reso- lution which, if carried, would have effectually accom- plished those objects. His Lordship introduced his mo- tion by a speech of considerable length ; he fortified his reasoning by references to a sermon lately preached before the House by the Bishop of Norwich, and by quotations from Blackstone's Commentaries, and Lord Liverpool's publication " On the Establishment of a National and Constitutional Force." At the conclusion of his speech, he quoted part of a poem on Death, ascribed to Dr. Porteus, bishop of London, at the same time declaring, that which the reverend prelate had applied to kings in general, he should consider as characteristic of arbitrary monarchs only. When his Lordship had finished his speech, he asked EARL STANHOPE. 645 asked the bishop, if he acknowledged the lines just quoted ; to which the prelate is said to have answered, " They were not made for the present war." On the trial of Hardy and others for high treason, his Lordship was called upon as an evidence, particularly on the trial of Mr. Home Tooke. He underwent a long ex- amination in a clear and distinct manner ; and, in Febru- ary 1795, after their acquittal, one of the largest meetings ever known in London was held to celebrate the event. At this meeting his Lordship was called to the chair, from which he delivered a speech of considerable length. Previous to this meeting, his Lordship had taken a formal leave of the House of Peers. He had, on the 6th of January, made the following motion, which was not only rejected, but in which he found himself entirely unsup- ported ; he therefore concluded, that, in the present tem- per of the House, any efforts that he could make to avert the war would be quite unavailing. His Lordship's re- solution was this :<■ — " Resolved, that this country ought not, and will not, interfere in the internal affairs of France; and that it is expedient explicitly to declare the same.'* Although his Lordship had frequently stood alone in the division of the House of Peers, yet, considering the sim- plicity and moderation of this motion, it is scarcely to be accounted for that he was notjoined on this occasion by the minority. Whether his Lordship had determined previously to the fate of his motion, to secede from his duty as a senator, or whether he was influenced to take this measure in consequence of the reception he met with from all sides of the House, cannot be ascertained ; but he entered a very serious and manly protest, in which. he assigned distinctly the motives for his past and future conduct, and which he entered upon the journals of the House on the following Friday. From this time, until the year 1800, we hear little of his Lordship in parliament; but, having again resumed his place in the month of February of that year, he made another attempt to put an end to the war. After a long and animated speech, he moved the following ad- dress, " That an humble address be presented to his Ma- jesty, representing the horrors of war; that in all coun- tries a state of peace is ever the interest of the people, and the shedding of blood, without absolute necessity, vol. in. 4 n repugnant 646 EARL STANHOPE. repugnant to humanity; and further representing that the present war has been expensive beyond example, productive of a great increase of the national debt, of taxes to an enormous amount, and of an alarming in- crease in the price of all the necessaries of life; and fur- ther representing that peace is necessary to avert the impending danger of famine, for although the present scarcity is in the first instance occasioned by a scanty harvest, the extent of the evil arises from the war; and that it is the duty of this House strongly to dissuade his Majesty from the continuance of the war for the restora- tion of the ancient line of princes of the House of Bour- bon to the throne of France ; and to entreat that a nego- tiation may be immediately opened for peace with the French republic." This motion met with a fate similar to those we have already noticed : it was rejected by an immense majority. During his Lordship's secession from parliament, he engaged but little in politics. He twice attended county- meetings in Kent, and once in Buckinghamshire; and in the beginning of the year 1799 he published an address to the people of Great Britain and Ireland on the subject of an union, which was reprinted and circulated by the Anti-Union party of Dublin. His inclination to politics did not divert his Lordship from other pursuits more immediately connected with his own interests. In expectation of increasing the value of a large landed property which his Lordship possesses in Devonshire, he projected a canal some years ago, of considerable extent, by means of which manure might be brought from the sea-shore into the inland parts°of the country. With this view his Lordship took the level of a vast tract of country, and laid out the whole plan himself. So sanguine was he of the success of his in- tended scheme, and of the immense advantages which would result to his own estate, as well as to the whole of that part of Devonshire, that he spared no pains in obtain- ing all the information necessary to the undertaking; and so indefatigable was he, that for many weeks together he walked almost every day between 20 and 30 miles, carrying the greater part of the time his theodolite on his shoulder. In the course of his survey, his Lord- ship discovered that he had difficulties to surmount, which, EARL STANHOPE. 64? f which, although common to almost all works of this kind, had probably never before engaged his attention. In some parts of the country through which the canal was to run, he found the tract perfectly level for several miles together, and consequently in those parts the la- bour and ex pence necessary for the performance of the work would in all probability come within the calcu- lated estimates: but in other districts there were hills of no inconsiderable height to ascend. The common me- thod of locks is, besides the expence, attended with a great loss of time in the passing or repassing of the boats or barges. His Lordship's mechanical genius was therefore exerted to contrive some other plan for raising and lowering the vessels. We have reason to believe that he devised several methods, which he considered as su- perior in every respect to those which are commonly made use of in business of this kind : the difficulty was for him to fix his attention to that plan which should secure the maximum of advantage. He at length deter- mined upon a double inclined plane, a model of which he constructed on a large scale at his residence in Kent, and called it the Free-Way. This plane is supposed to be fixed on a hill, to the bottom of which the lower branch of the canal flows, while the upper branch is supposed to commence at a certain distance from the summit of the hill on the other side. Up this plane the boats are raised from the lower part of the canal to the higher by means of the weight of other boats, the direction of which is from the higher to the lower. It will perhaps occur to the reader, that the returning ves- sels may sometimes be empty, or at least not laden with a tonnage sufficient to balance, much less to raise, those which are to ascend from the lower to the higher level. To obviate this objection, his Lordship did not intend to raise or lower the boats by themselves, but hail contrived a kind of vessel which he called a boat-carrier, into which the boats, whether laden or empty, are made to float before they are either elevated or depressed. Now as these boat-carriers are in their natural state always full of water, it is evident, upon hydrostatical principles, that whatever be the weight of the vessel floated into them, still the weight of the boat-carrier, boat, and bur- den, will at all times be the same; because just in pro- 4 n 2 portion (34S EARL STANHOPE. portion to the weight of the boat and burden immersed, will be the quantity of water forced out of the boat- carrier; that is, a vessel of one ton weight will force out a ton weight of water, and another of three tons weight will dispel a quantity of water equal to that weight. Now by this contrivance, the weight of an empty boat and apparatus will be equal to that of one ever so deeply laden; consequently a descending empty vessel will keep in equilibrio an ascending one that is laden, and the ad- dition of a small force will raise the vessel. The boat- carriers run upon rollers, which theoretically remove all friction; and, to save unnecessary expence, his Lordship had adopted the plan of small boats, of about four tons burden, for which a narrow canal would only be neces- sary. By a neat contrivance he intended also to link se- veral of the boats together; by which means one horse would be able to draw a greater burden, and the canal might take a strait or winding direction, as should best suit the level of the country, since the smallness of the vessels would not prevent their turning; and though twenty of them were linked together, yet, like the dif- ferent links of a chain, they would not impede the pro- gress of each other, however serpentine the direction of the course of the canal. How far this plan, adopted by his Lordship as the best, corresponds to that used in some parts of Holland, called the rolling bridge upon dry land, and which it is said was the method employed by the ancients, and is still in some repute with the Chinese, or whether they bear any analogy to each other, is more than we can attempt to decide. His Lordship has made several improvements on mu- sical instruments; by one of which any tune played on a keyed instrument is at the same time correctly noted. He has also attempted to prove, that instead of one wolf there are five wolves in common keyed instruments; and he has accordingly proposed a new method of tuning piano-fortes. In the printing-business, his Lordship's skill and inven- tion has been displayed by the construction of what is termed the Stanhope Press. His Lordship's attendance in parliament of late years has been pretty constant and regular ; and few subjects are EARL STANHOPE. 54,9 are introduced into the Upper House in which he does not take a considerable share in the discussion. His Lordship has been twice married. His first lady was the eldest daughter of the great Earl of Chatham, by whom he had three beautiful, highly accomplished, and amiable daughters; the second of whom, Lady Griselda, married John Tekell, Esq. of Hambledon House, Hamp- shire; and the youngest, Lady Lucy, has been married some years to Thomas Taylor, Esq. Comptroller of the Customs. His Lordship's second wife is the only daugh- ter and heiress of the late Mr. Grenville, who for many years was governor of Barbadoes, and also ambassador at the court of Constantinople for a considerable time. By this lady, his Lordship has had three sons; the eldest, Lord Mahon, is married to Catharine Smith, daughter of Lord Carrington. iWemofas •gemote OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE CHARLES ABBOTT, Esq. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. HHHIS eminent statesman and lawyer was born about -■■ the year 1755. He was sent at an early period to Westminster School, where he was much distinguished. At this period the late Empress of Russia attracted the attention of Europe; and the juvenile student, dazzled by the blaze of glory with which Catharine was sur- rounded, addressed some Latin verses to her Imperial Ma- jesty, who, in return, presented him with a gold medal by means of her ambassador at the court of St. James's. He was afterwards sent to Oxford, and matriculated a mem- ber of Christ Church. He took a degree there; and his picture in his robes, as Speaker of the House of Com- mons, now decorates the Hall of his alma mater, having been placed in 1804 among the worthies of his College. When he came of age, Mr. Abbott found himself in possession of a considerable fortune. Notwithstanding this, he entered himself of one of the inns of court; and, being designed for the Chancery bar, attended the cham- bers of an eminent practitioner. After the usual pre- liminary forms, he was at length called by the society, on the rolls of which he had been admitted, to what is technically termed the degree of an utter barrister. Thus qualified, he went the circuits in the usual manner; and, as has been said, he acted as junior counsel to Mr. Erskine, on the celebrated trial of the Dean of St. Asaph ; respecting which, although some demur occurred on the part of Mr. Justice Buller about the manner of recording the verdict, they finally triumphed. Notwithstanding he attained considerable practice in the Court of Chancery, be does not seem to have aspired either to the honours or the emoluments of the profession. He however ob- tained, CHARLES ABBOTT, ESQ. 6il tained, about this period, the place of Cierk of the Rules in the Court of King's Bench ; and we, soon after, find him a candidate for a seat in parliament, on which occa- sion he was favoured with the friendly offices of the late Duke of Leeds. His first efforts were not immediately successful, but he was not dismayed. At the general election in 1700, he stood for Helstone, in Cornwall. No less than four candidates stood on this occasion, and a double return ensued. A new charter had been granted to the borough by his present Majesty, the validity of which was contested on this occasion by the members of the old corporation, who claimed under a charter of Elizabeth, confirmed by Charles the First. That same body had already obtained a decision of a committee of the House of Commons in its favour, and on this occasion thought fit to renew its pretensions on the same grounds as before, but with inferior success. In 1790, Mr. Abbott, who had been seated after some delay and an appeal to a committee, was re-elected for Helstone, in conjunction with Lord Francis Godolphin Osborne, whose family possesses considerable influence in the borough. In the general election of 1803, he was elected both for Woodstock and Heytesbury; but he chose the former, with which he had been connected for some years as Recorder. We shall notice a few of his exertions in parliament previous to his filling the important post of Speaker of the House of Commons. On the 2d of November 1796, he moved, " That a committee might be appointed to consider of the most effectual mode of promulgating the statutes of the realm, and to report the same, with their observations, to the House." This motion, being seconded by Mr. Wilbert'orce, was carried; and, in the course of the proceedings, which were voluminous, Mr. Abbott presented to the House the following resolutions, which, being afterwards agreed to, formed the basis of a very salutary bill :-— " 1. That liis Majesty's printer be authorized and directed to print and deliver no les* than 3550 copies of every public and general act of parliament, and not less than 200 copies of every local act (including road bills), and 200 copies of every private act, according to the usual mode of distribution. « 2. That (552 CHARLES ABBOTT, ESQ. " 2. That he print and deliver the public acts, or remit them by the post, as soon as possible after they are ordered. " 3. That the private acts be remitted in the same manner. " 4. That copies be sent to the chief magistrate or head-officer of every town, stewartry, or burgh, in England, Scotland, and Wales. " 5. That the parties interested in private bills pay the expence of printing, instead of the public. " 6. That the general statutes state the heads and clauses of each statute, together with the general substance of each head, in a parti- cular clause. " 7. That the precise duration of temporary bills be inserted in the head or close of the bill, and no where else. " 8. That the revival of various statutes proposed to be revived be included in one bill, and those to be continued in another, expressing the precise duration or continuance thereof." Had the ideas of Mr. Abbott in respect of reforming and improving the diction of acts of parliament been fully carried into execution, they would have proved a most excellent accompaniment to their better promulga- tion: but he was precluded by a variety of circum- stances from completing his plan. He, however, recom- mended it as a practicable thing to the executive govern- ment, upon the experience of the laws of the American legislature; which are so simple, perspicuous, and com- prehensive, as to be intelligible to persons of the meanest capacity, while they are perfectly fitted for the pur- poses intended. In 1797 and 1798, Mr. Abbott acted as Chairman of the Select Committee of Finance. When Mr. Pitt first proposed the income-tax, that measure was warmly op- posed by the opposition. Mr. Abbott advocated the measure on the following principles: — 1. As being as- sented to in a public declaration by the merchants of the city of London, or, in other words, the moneyed interest. 2. As operating on the same excellent prin- ciple as the poor-laws. 3. As sanctioned by a cele- brated act in the reign of King William. 4. As being comprehensive in all its details, and affording immediate relief against the possible oppression of any of those who might act under its authority. 5. On account of the economical mode of collection. 6. On account of preventing the increase of permanent taxation. He con- cluded arable speech by observing, that as a war tax he regarded the measure in the most favourable point of view, while its domestic effects must tend to increase the CHARLES ABBOTT, ESQ. 653 the national energy, in bringing the war to a speedy and honourable conclusion. In 1799 Mr. Abbott was enabled, from his former pro- fessional pursuits, to be uncommonly serviceable relative to the expired and expiring laws. On this occasion he observed, that many acts had been renewed which ought to be permitted to fall into oblivion, while others had been suffered to elapse, although there was a manifest necessity for* their continuance. Among the latter, he instanced the power of the crown to summon parliament, and call out the militia, upon any sudden occurrence of rebellion or invasion; certain temporary acts, relative to bankruptcy, insolvency, &c. &c. These mischiefs, he added, had at times affected the administration of jus- tice, as some criminal convicts had been made to undergo severities in the execution of their sentences, upon the supposed authorities of laws which, in fact, had long ceased to have any existence. He accordingly moved for the appointment of a committee to inquire into, and regulate this abuse. An amendment in the laws respect- ing forfeiture in cases of treason, the melioration of the King's civil list, the consideration of the public records, together with the very proper regulation of charging public accountants with the payment of interest, were measures which either originated with, or received the countenance and assistance of Mr. Abbott. Having thus proved himself a man of business, Mr. Abbott was found extremely useful, and at length en- trusted with situations of equal delicacy and responsi- bility. Previous to his obtaining his present high and honourable post, we find Mr. Abbott acting as principal Secretary of State in Ireland, under the administration of the Earl of Hardwicke. He was also one of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, and a Privy-Counsellor of that kingdom. After distinguishing himself in these important stations during a very critical period, a still more brilliant prospect opened to him in his native country. Sir John Mitford, the successor of Mr. Addington, having been nominated Chancellor of Ireland, by the title of Lord Redesdale, the chair of the House of Commons became once more vacant. The requisites for this high situation are so nu- merous, that but few candidates ofTer; for, in addition vol. in. 4 o to 6,54 CHARLES ABBOTT, ESQ. to an unblemished character and a marked reputation for talents, much learning, great dignity, uncommon pa- tience, and conspicuous impartiality, added to an extra- ordinary degree of research, are all required. Besides those qualifications, that of a good constitution ought not to be forgotten ; for, however honourable, the office must at the same time be allowed to be laborious and fatiguing in no common degree. It is not only a con- stant attendance that is required ; but the evening debate is not unfrequently protracted to a late hour in the morning; while, unmindful of the refreshment of sleep, and the calls of nature, the Speaker is to support deco- rum, enforce obedience to order, decide ultimately in respect to every contest, regulate pre-audience, and not unfrequently declare the law and usage of parliament on any disputed points. Nor is it only during the time that the mace is placed before him, and while attended by a secretary, train-bearer, and Serjeant at arms, that his powers are called into action, it is by means of the clerks and officers of the House regulated by, and solely under his control, that the whole business of the Commons of England is organized, adjusted, and completed. In the Speaker's office the money and other bills which origi- nate with the House are first engrossed, and all of what may be termed the mechanical business of parliament commences, and is carried forward; so that the opera- tions, not only of the individual members, but of the whole of this branch of the legislature, are thus, silently indeed, but expeditiously, effected. An employment of another kind remains to be mentioned. The Speaker of the House of Commons is supposed, and indeed enabled, to exercise the rites of hospitality, and that too with all becoming magnificence. For this purpose he is provided with a noble service of plate, and a liberal allowance; to which a spacious mansion in Palace Yard has been re- cently added. To the high office, part of the duties of which have been briefly enumerated, Mr. Abbott was first nominated on the 10th of February 1-802. He was proposed by the Master of the Rolls (Sir William Grant) ; and the motion was seconded by Mr. Baker, the mem- ber for Hertford. Mr. Sheridan, without specifying any objection, briefly remarked, "that, in better times, it was the practice to choose the Speaker from the landed interest," CHARLES ABBOTT, ESQ. ^55 interest," and then nominated Mr. Charles Dundas. This gentleman, however, declined in a handsome manner, observing, " that Mr. Abbott was so much better quali- fied for the office, that he himself was determined to support him." On which Mr. Abbott was immediately elected. On the succeeding day, being attended by a numerous body of the members, he presented himself at the bar of the House of Peers, to which he was intro- duced with the usual formalities by the gentleman-usher of the black rod. He then briefly informed the Lords Commissioners of his election, to which the Lord Chan- cellor complimented him on his capability for the dis- charge of the important functions assigned to him by the choice of the House of Commons, and added, that this choice was accompanied by his Majesty's com- plete approbation. A new parliament having been called in the course of the same year, Sir William Scott, after descanting on the qualifications necessary for a Speaker of the House of Commons, and the peculiar claims which the gentleman who lately occupied that office had on the House, observed, " that, during the time the right ho- hourable person just alluded to had filled the chair, he had discovered industry the most severe, joined to atten- tion the most unremitting and the most minute. To knowledge the most extensive," continued Sir William, " he had added principles the most strictly consonant with the genius of our most excellent constitution. Public decorum he has ever made consistent with the mildness of private intercourse. Dignity in his official situation has never been found unmixed with the most bland and engaging manners. Every expectation of him has been amply realized: and, as the House seems to entertain the same sentiment, I shall sit down with moving, That the Right Honourable Charles Abbott be called to the chair." Mr. H. Lascelles having seconded the motion, Mr. Abbott remarked, that " the highest honour to which any member of that House ':ould aspire, was to be recommended to its notice as a person qualified to fill the office in question." He at the same time alluded to his own insufficiency ; and observed, * c that, although the journals of the House, and the re- corded transactions of our history, afforded much in- 4 o 2 struction 656 CHARLES ABBOTT, ESQ. struction to a Speaker, yet neither his knowledge nor his conduct could be serviceable unless he possessed the confidence and good opinion of the House; nor ought he to hold it one hour after that confidence was withdrawn." Having been then led to the chair by Sir William Scott, who had proposed, and Mr. Lascelles, •who had seconded the motion, he was seated in due form ; after which he again addressed himself to the House as follows :— " Placed in this chair a second time by the indulgent favour of the House, I beg leave to assure it, that I am impressed with the deepest sense of grati- tude. But I am persuaded that the House will rather judge of my gratitude hereafter, by my sincere endea- vours to discharge the duties of this office than by any language which I could now use, and which must be inadequate to express the extent of my obligation." Lord Castlereagh then congratulated the right honour- able gentleman on receiving the greatest honour that it was in the power of the representatives of the nation to bestow; and at the same time complimented the House on the credit that would accrue from so judicious a choice: after which he moved an adjournment, which accordingly took place. From this time Mr. Abbott has continued to fill the chair to the satisfaction of all parties of the House. His impartiality was strikingly manifested on the impeach- ment of Lord Viscount Melville. On that occasion, it is well known, the numbers were exactly equal, and the Speaker was called upon to give his casting vote. To the credit of the chair, it seems to have been considered as a point of honour, on the part of whoever has occu- pied it of late years, to act on such occasions contrary to the declared wish of the minister of the crown. Sir Fletcher Norton (afterwards Lord Grantlev), in a case not exactly similar to the present, excited the indigna- tion of a former premier, by his spirited conduct in the presence of Majesty itself; and Mr. Pitt, on a former occasion, when the votes of the House were nicely equi- poised, found that Mr. Cornwall had spirit enough to make the unpopular cause kick the beam, by throwing the mace into the opposite scale. In the present in- stance Mr. Abbott, after expressing his reasons in a short but comprehensive speech, conducted himself in a similar CHARLES ABBOTT, ESQ. 657 similar manner, and decided in the first instance on the guilt and prosecution of Lord Melville. In his official capacity, the Speaker of the House of Commons is a Trustee of the British Museum, one of the Governors of Greenwich Hospital, &c. &c. Mr. Abbott, in his private capacity, is a Doctor of Laws of the university, and Recorder of the city of Oxford; F.R.S. and A. S. ; and Keeper of the Privy Seal in Ire- land. He also represents the university of Oxford. Mr. Abbott has been married some years to Elizabeth, the elder daughter of Sir Philip Gibbs, Bart, of Spring- head, in the island of Barbadoes; and it may not be al- together inapposite in this place to state the worthy and very laudable conduct of this gentleman, in the express words of an able and eloquent member of the House of Commons, with which we shall conclude this Memoir:— " I have not the honour," said he, while striving to mo- dify the horrors of the slave-trade, " of knowing the gen- tleman whose example I am going to appeal to-— I mean Sir Philip Gibbs; but I know his character, and what his conduct has been in the management of his estate in Barbadoes: the former is eminently humane, the latter equally judicious. His virtues are to me a proof of his wisdom. He gives his negroes land and stock, with time to cultivate: he feeds and clothes them well: he encou- rages marriage among them ; and allows of no punish- ment, but by a sentence of a jury of negroes. The con- sequence is, that his slaves do double the work of others, because they are better able and more willing. The in- structions he has given to the managers of his estate are a model for imitation ; the success and the profit have corresponded with the benevolent design." gemotes &tmait& OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GEORGE CANNING, Esq HPHIS highly-gifted statesman is descended from a re- -*• spectable family in Ireland. His father, the late George panning, Esq. having left his native country, settled in England, and is said to have displeased one of his parents by an early marriage with a lady, destitute indeed of the gifts of fortune, but neither devoid of beauty nor accomplishments: the old gentleman, how- ever, proved inexorable, and is said to have confined his bounty, both present and future, within the narrow li- mits of o£150 a-year. In this situation, the son became a member of the honourable Society of the Middle Tem- ple, was called to the bar, and published several excellent tracts in favour of public liberty; but he is better known as a poet, having ranked with the Whiteheads, the Keats, and the Cawthorns of his day. It was he who composed the verses supposed to have been written by Lord Wil- liam Russel, addressed to Lord William Cavendish, on the night preceding his execution. He was also the author of a number of fugitive productions. Mr. Canning having died April 1st, 1771, soon after the birth of his son, who had been named George after him, the care, and we believe the expence, of his educa- tion devolved on an uncle, a respectable merchant of the city of London, by whom he was sent to Eton. We are unable to particularize the precise period when he was entered a member of that celebrated seminary; but certain it is, that the year 1786 may be considered as the aera when he attained a distinguished rank among his contemporaries: he was then one of the senior scholars; and this epoch has been considered by some as the Au- gustan age of that institution. It GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 65$ It was on Monday, the 6th of November 1786, that the first paper of the " Microcosm" appeared, which con- tinued to be published in weekly numbers until Monday, July 30, 1787, when it closed in consequence of the sud- den death of Gregory Griffin, Esq. the editor: and from his last will and testament we learn, all the papers with the signature A. were composed by George Canning; those signed C. by Mr. Robert Smith; those marked D. by Mr. John Frere; and those designated by E. by Mr. Joseph Mellish, Mr. B. Way, and Mr. Littlehales. Mr. Capel Lofft, although then a veteran in literature, did not disdain to furnish a letter, which was received with marked distinction by the juvenile band. The portion of this work, which has passed through several editions, that was furnished by Mr. Canning, consisted of ten or twelve papers. The Rev. Mr. Davis, head-master of Etot), who presided over that institution during the whole time young Canning studied there, was of course proud of such a scholar. Mr. Canning dedicated the " Microcosm" to him, and, we have reason to believe* spoke of him with' great respect. The time now approached, however, when it became necessary to repair to the university; and he accordingly went to Oxford, and fixed at Christ-Church, not with a reputation to seek, but with a certain degree of celebrity already acquired: this was rather augmented than di- minished during his residence in that renowned college, by some admirable orations. But as Mr. Canning was not possessed of an hereditary fortune, which would have enabled him, had he been so inclined, to indulge in academic repose, it now became necessary that he should mix with the world, and fix upon a profession. That of the bar, as leading to the first honours of the state, has generally been the choice of ambitious young men, conscious of their own powers, and resolute in their intentions of displaying them to the best advantage. It was also that of Mr. Canning, who, we believe, was entered a member either of the Society of Lincoln's Inn, the ball of which has of late years become crowded, or that of the Middle Temple, where his father had been before him, and which possesses the noblest re- fectory in the metropolis. He repaired there sufficiently stored with the ground-work of learning; and all that ap- peared 660 GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. peared now to be wanting was a habit of speaking with facility in public, and a steady application to study. The latter depended entirely upon himself, but the former was not to be obtained without the concurrence of others. It was in the spacious hall of the Middle Temple, that the late Lord Ashburton, whose arms emblazoned on glass are placed on one of the end windows, first acquired a facility in debate among his fellow-students; but the ancient practice that led to a periodical display of oratory had long since been abandoned. Mr. Burke, early in life, distinguished himself at the Robin-Hood, long before he received the applauses of a British senate; and, in later times, Messrs. Dallas and Garrow had been crowned with laurel at Coachmakers' Hall and the Westminster Forum before they presumed to open their mouths in the Court of King's Bench. But all these public institutions having disappeared by degrees, it became necessary to create a new one; and a few young men, about this period, ac- cordingly met together in an apartment in the neighbour- hood of Bond Street. In the old schools of eloquence, the orators were few, and the audience numerous; but all this was reversed upon the present occasion, the whole being composed of speakers, who, when not in the act of declamation, were accustomed to listen, although not perhaps without impatience, to the dissertation of their friends. Nor did Mr. Canning, while thus cultivating the graces of oratory, neglect to mingle with the world. He now frequented the company of many of the young men with whom he had studied at Eton and Oxford; some of whom, being the heirs of the most opulent, or at least, the most powerful families in England, were already aspiring to the first employments and distinctions of the state. At the table of his uncle he had frequently seen the modern Congreve; and by bin,), we understand, he was introduced to the then modern Demosthenes. The politics of his father, of the relation to whom we have just alluded, who was one of the most strenuous friends of Mr. Wilkes, and his own early principles, or Tathcr sentiments, so far as we can gather from his pro- ductions, were all friendly to liberty, and that species of it usually denominated popular liberty; but it has gene- rally been understood, that it was under far different aus- pices GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 661 pices that Mr. Canning made his debut in the House of Commons. This occurred in 1793 ; when such were the hopes entertained of his talents, that the late Sir Richard Worsley had been prevailed upon to retire for the express purpose of making room for him. He accordingly suc- ceeded that Baronet as one of the members for the borough of Newton, in the Isle of Wight. It was now expected, as a matter of course, that he should take a part in the debates of that House ; and as Mr. Sheridan, on the first speech of the Hon. R. B. Jen- kinson (now Earl of Liverpool) had announced his preco- cious talents to the House, great things were expected. Mr. Canning did not, however, open his mouth until the 31st of January 1794, when the treaty between his Ma- jesty and the King of Sardinia became the subject of discussion. Mr. Fox commenced the debate by con- demning a measure, by which the sovereign in question was bound only to maintain 50,000 men for the defence of his own territories, while we engaged, not only to pay a subsidy of £200,000 a year, but to restore to his Sar- dinian Majesty all those dominions that the French had wrested from him. After Mr. Powis, Mr. Ryder, and Mr. Grey, had expressed their sentiments in succession, Mr. Canning rose and delivered his maiden speech. He began by observing, " that if the question were to be argued on the mere narrow ground of taking the treaty into consideration abstractedly, and discussing it upon its particular merits, he should certainly have left it in other and abler hands ; but the treaty having a much more extensive reference, and being to be considered not as a mere mercantile transaction, in which the exact pro- portion of profit and loss, of what was to be given and what gained, were to be minutely balanced, he trusted he should be excused for presuming to offer himself to the attention of the House. Looking at the treaty itself, there were but two possible objections that could be made to it: one was, that under existing circumstances it ought not to be made at all, and therefore could not possibly be right; the other, that, on comparing it with similar treaties that preceded it, it must be deemed bad, inasmuch as it-proposed a greater price for similar advan- tages, or accepted of a less return for a similar reward. Upon the first of these grounds he had not beard any vol. hi. 4 p gentleman 662 GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. gentleman attempt to rely, and therefore it was wholly unnecessary for him to offer any argument in its support. With respect to the second objection, he had been at some pains in comparing the present with precediag treaties, and he was free to confess he was unable to dis- cover those defects so strongly insisted on. He was ready to admit, that the treaty of Worms was not exactly similar in principle. But there was one treaty, as yet un- touched upon, which he conceived would, in the most complete manner, meet every principle upon which the present was founded: he alluded to the treaty of 1758, concluded between this country and the then King of Prussia, who, in the midst of a war in which he was in- volved, was actually subsidized by us to the amount of .£670,000 per annum ; and the grounds upon which this subsidy was expressly stated to be granted were these three: that he was oppressed by enemies who had at- tacked him on all sides ; that he was in appearance unable to resist them; and that his overthrow would be destruc- tive of the balance of power in Europe. Here then was a precedent, establishing both the principle and fact upon which the present treaty was founded — a precedent which, it must be remembered, was carried not only without opposition, but with triumph, through that House, and received the united suffrage of the whole nation. The question then was concerning the balance of power, and how far it was connected with the neces- sity of granting that subsidy. He would ask, whether this question was more likely to avail in taking the money out of the pockets of our ignorant peasantry, than that which concerned their dearest interests, and on which depended their very existence ? Could it have been stated to them, that the balance of power depended on their putting their hands in their pockets to assist a man comparatively as poor as themselves; or was it likely that they should understand the subject better than when told that in sub- sidizing the King of Sardinia they were contributing to their own immediate preservation ? It having been ad- mitted on all hands that the King of Sardinia was too poor, and too impotent, to carry on the war alone, the question was, whether we should support him? or whether, inasmuch as it was supposed the Earl of Yarmouth had uegotiated best because he had cost us nothing, so we were GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 663 were to suppose the King of Sardinia would fight the better because he was left unpaid ? He did not mean any personal disrespect to the right honourable gentle- man to whom he had alluded; but, according to his ar- gument, the King of Sardinia ought to subsidize us; that is, finding that power weaker, and less able to defend her- self than the rest of our allies, we should have said to her—' You shall fight, and pay us for just doing nothing at all but looking on.' This precedent tending then evidently to justify the present treaty, both in principle and fact, the only possible objections that could be stated against it, Mr. Canning said, must arise from the war it- self. Upon this head, not having the honour of a seat in that House at the commencement of the war, he begged their indulgence while he stated the grounds upon which he wished to give a decided voice in favour of the prin- ciples and necessity upon which the war was grounded. Mr. Canning then proceeded to justify the vote he meant to give, by a recapitulation of arguments in support of the necessity of the war, as well as the evils it was ex- pected to avert, and which, if not resisted effectually, would make Great Britain a scene of the same anarchy and irreligion that at present rendered France a field of horror and bloodshed. Among other striking points in this part of his speech was his remark, that, had it not been for the war, some Corresponding Revolutionary Society might possibly have been sitting on the benches of that House; or, instead of debating on a treaty of alliance, they might have been debating on the means of raising a forced loan, demanded by some proconsular deputy from the French Convention. He had lately come, he added, from among people where he had seen the utmost unanimity for prosecuting the war; and when he came among their representatives, he was happy to find that their sentiments were, as they ought to be, in unison with those of their constituents. He con- cluded with declaring, that, considering the treaty as an essential part of an extensive system for bringing the war to a fortunate conclusion, it should have his support." Mr. Canning, after this, was accustomed to speak in most of the important debates; and as public affairs at this period had assumed a gloomy aspect, and ministers were supposed by their adversaries to have sometimes displayed 4 p 2 more 664 GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. more energy than argument, it cannot be doubted that his assistance proved in no common degree serviceable. On the third reading of the bill for vesting new powers if] government (May 17th, 1794), Mr. Canning rose in reply to one of the leading members of opposition, and observed, " that the honourable gentleman (Mr. Grey) who had just sat down, appeared to him to have argued the question upon grounds, not only too narrow in them- selves, but also inconsistent with those principles which he himself appeared to have adopted at an earlier stage of the business. He had formerly contended, that in cases of extraordinary emergency little attention ought to be paid to precedents ; but on the present evening he had argued the question on precedents merely, without any general reasoning whatever." It may be here necessary to observe, that Mr. Canning had by this time obtained a respectable and confidential situation in the foreign department, over which Lord Grenville then presided. In this capacity he was of course made acquainted with the interior of the cabinet, and early initiated into all the mysteries of public busi- ness. He continued in office until the dissolution of Mr. Pitt's administration, when he retired with that gentle- man. During the short time he had been in parlia- ment, he had acquired considerable weight in that as- sembly; and, being much in the confidence of the mi- nistry, every opportunity was taken to attack his con- duct and opinions. It would swell this article to an unusual length for us even to attempt to give all the speeches which the attacks of his opponents, or the de- fence of ministerial measures, drew from him ; but a few examples may not prove uuentertaiuing to the reader. Both Mr. Pitt and Mr. Canning had much indulged in personal abuse of the First Consul ; and, in reply to a leading member of opposition, who had strongly in- sisted upon the impolicy of this conduct, he expressed himself, in the debate of July 18th, 1800, as follows: — " For my own part, having taken some share on for- mer occasions in that which is called abuse of Buonaparte, I am not sorry to have an opportunity of saying a very few words upon this subject, especially as I understand that much has been lately said in this place of the un- manliness of the attacks which were made on the cha- racter GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 665 racter of the First Consul, and the anxiety which it is apprehended some persons must feel to retract and dis- avow all that they then so rashly and illiberally uttered. Now, Sir, as I feel no sort of shame, and entertain not the smallest disposition to retract any thing which was then said, I wish to explain the principles upon which I spoke, and upon which I now maintain whatever I did then say. My principle, Sir, is simply this: there is but one thing which I never wish to forbear speaking when called upon, and which, having spoken, I can at no time feel ashamed of, nor consent to disavow, retract, or qua- lify—and that is, the truth. If what was said of Buona- parte was untrue, that is an accusation of which I know the meaning, and which, if need be, L am prepared to argue. But if it was true, I confess I am at a loss to conceive where the shame lies, or where the necessity for contradicting it. If, indeed, the nature and essence of truth were capable of being altered by subsequent events, there might be some call for caution in uttering it, and there might be some room for qualification after- wards. But if this be not the case, I really do not comprehend what is meant by desiring us who said what we thought of Buonaparte's past actions at the time when we were called upon to examine them, and who still think precisely what we said of them, to take any shame to ourselves for our language. I, at least, thinkas I then thought; and I do not see what ground the events of the last campaign can furnish for changing my opinion. If, for instance, in Buonaparte's invasion of Egypt (for that was one of the points more particularly brought forward in these discussions) there was treachery and fraud — if in his conduct toward its inhabitants there was unprovoked cruelty — if in his assumption of the turban there was impious hypocrisy; I called these qualities by their names — I call them so still: and I say, that this hypocrisy, this cruelty, and this fraud, have left inde- lible stains upon his character, which all the laurels of Marengo cannot cover, nor all its blood wash away. I know, Sir, there is a cautious, cowardly, bastard mora- lity, which assumes the garb and tone of wisdom, and which prescribes to you to live with an enemy as if he were one day to become your friend. I distrust this doctrine for one reason, because I fear the same mind which 666 GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. which could pride itself upon adopting it would be capa- ble of entertaining the doctrine which is the converse of it, and would prescribe living with a friend as if he were one day to become an enemy. If this be wisdom, I do not boast it; I can only say, Heaven grant me a host of such enemies, rather than one such friend. " So much, Sir, as to the moral question upon this point. But then, as to the practical result, what is it that gentlemen are afraid of? Do they seriously ap- prehend that, with such declared opinions of Buonaparte's personal character, ministers can never treat with him? Nothing, surely, can be more visionary than such an ap- prehension. If the nation with whom we are at war (thinking, I suppose, for reasons of its own, more favour- ably of his character, or for what other reason) choose to make this man the depository of the power of the state, and the organ of its intercourse with foreign powers, ministers may lament, they may be surprised at such a choice; but where did gentlemen learn, that between these ministers and a government whose principles and characters they disapproved there could be no treaty? Not from the experience of the present war; for in the time of the good old Directory what floods of abuse were poured upon our ministers from the reading-desks of the assembly; and yet I never heard this urged as an impe- diment to treaty, either on the part of France or of this country. Not from the history of former wars; for in the wars of Louis XIV. the addresses carried up from this and the other House of Parliament, nay, the sacred lips which spoke from the throne of this kingdom, breathed stronger invectives against that monarch than are to be found in any of the state papers so much com- plained of for the harshness of their language against Buonaparte; and yet I never heard that those just invec- tives were considered as throwing any obstacles in the way of negotiation ; or that, when the time of negotiation came, the conclusion of peace was in fact retarded by them. But perhaps there may be some distinction to be taken; perhaps the dignity of a lawful sovereign will bear, without wincing, rougher language than that with which it is decent or delicate to tickle the ears of an usurper. But neither, Sir, was the attack upon the character of Buonaparte a wanton and unprovoked at- tack, GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 667 tack, as the honourable gentlemen would represent it. When Buonaparte challenged us to acknowledge and act upon the stability of his government before it was three days old, we doubted, as well we might, the stability of such a government, and thought all probabilities against it. To clear up our doubts, he referred us to his personal character as the pledge both of the permanency of his power, and for the use which he would make of it. What were we to do ? to acquiesce, without examination, in what we heartily and in our consciences disbelieved? or to examine the value of the pledge which was offered us, and to give our reasons for not being willing to accept it? We preferred the latter alternative, as in fairness and in common sense we were compelled to do. What ground then had we to estimate Buonaparte's personal character, but his past actions? These, therefore, we were obliged to scrutinize; in scrutinizing them we were struck with their deformity, and that deformity we were obliged to expose to the world as a justification of our conduct. If the event has contradicted the expec- tations which it was natural to form under the circum- stances of the times; if the extraordinary and certainly unlooked-for success of the campaign have given stabi- lity to Buonaparte's power (for the present, at least, what- ever may, and must, in all human probability, be the ulti- mate fate of a power so acquired, and resting on such foundations); if the battle of Marengo, though it did not overthrow Austria, has subjugated France; undoubt- edly this change of circumstances may authorize and warrant a change of policy ; and supposing the time to arrive when negotiation may in other respects be proper, undoubtedly (speaking my own individual opinion) I should say, that the question of Buonaparte's power would not now stand, as it before did most necessarily stand, in the way of negotiation." Notwithstanding these avowed sentiments of Mr. Can- ning and the party with whom he acted, little progress during this administration was made towards peace ; and it was reserved for the subsequent one to heal the wounds of the country by this much-wished-for event, which they accomplished by the treaty of Amiens. Al- though Mr. Canning did not approve of this treaty, yet we find that he declined either voting or speaking on that 6( 5s GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. that subject. " Circumstances, which I do not think necessary to trouble the House with explaining," said he, soon after that event, " have prevented me from taking any part in the discussions which have lately oc- cupied parliament. But although by these circumstances, ami by the feelings arising out of them, I have found myself precluded from expressing, even by my vote, the opinion which I certainly have formed upon the general subject of the peace which his Majesty has been advised to conclude; yet that treaty being once concluded, and having received the sanction of parliament, whatever may be my private opinion of the peace, there is but one duty for every member of this House, and for every good sub- ject of this kingdom — to endeavour, as far as possible, to make the best of the new situation in which the country is placed by it, and to turn to the best account the ad- vantages which are left to us." The island of Trinidad having been ceded to Great Britain, Mr. Canning delivered, on the 27th of May 1802, a speech of considerable length on the impolicy and cruelty of cultivating that island by the importation of slaves. " I will not deny or disguise," says he, " that my attention was first and most forcibly drawn to the cultivation of this colony by its connexion with the African slave-trade; the enormous increase of which, if the whole island should be brought into cultivation by imported negroes, must be such as to appal any man who looks at it, and such as must shock this House when it considers its own recorded opinions upon this subject. But although this was the first point of view in which I considered Trinidad, I should do great injus- tice to the cause which I have undertaken, if I were not to aver that, in examining into the subject with this view, I have found reason to be convinced full as strongly that the cultivation of this settlement in the manner to which I have referred is not more directly forbidden by the fear of that danger and that shame which would attend the enormous extension of the slave-trade, or rather the creation of a new slave-trade for this express purpose, than it is by every consideration of the security of the colonies, and of the true policy of this country under the present circumstances of the world." He then pro- ceeded to state, that the whole amount of the land in cultivation GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 669 cultivation was about 3-1,000 acres; that the estates • granted by the Spanish government were in number 400; and there remained to be granted 2720 allotments of land, of 320 acres each, amounting in all to S7o,400 acres, of which nearly one-half, or 420,000 acres, were stated to be fit for the cultivation of sugar. From the papers on the table there appeared to be 10,000 negroes on the island, and 250,000 more would be required to cultivate the unappropriated lands; add to this compu- tation the immensely increased mortality from pushing the cultivation of Trinidad with the rapidity with which it would be pushed by purchasers anxious to turn their capital as quickly as possible, and the waste of lives in clearing new lands (the most unwholesome and destruc- tive part of the agriculture of the West Indies), and from employing newly imported and unseasoned negroes (another infallible cause of aggravated mortality); and if, with these additions, he were to assume 1,000,000 of negroes as the lowest amount that would be imported, from Africa before Trinidad was as effectually cleared and cultivated as Jamaica, he was persuaded he could not be accused of exaggerating the calculation. One million of human beings to be swept from the face of the earth! and for what purpose? to gratify what interest? to com- ply with what necessity ? There was no pretence of ne- cessity; and the interest which had on all former occa- sions been associated with the continuance and extension of the slave-trade (that of the established West-India planters) in this instance was entirely the other way.'* He then supported his arguments by the resolutions of the House of Commons of the 2d of April 1792, declar- ing, " that the slave-trade ought to be gradually abo- lished;" and also by the address of the House of the 6th of April 1797, praying " that his Majesty do direct such measures to be taken as should gradually diminish the necessity, and ultimately lead to the termination, of the slave-trade." He then concluded a speech fraught with humanity, by moving an address to the crown against any grants or sales of new lands in the island of Trini- dad, until regulations relative to the slave-trade should be adopted by parliament. Although Mr. Canning had hitherto abstained from any direct hostility against Mr. Addington's administra- vol. in. 4 q tion, (570 GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. tion, yet, on the prospect of a new war, he appears to have delivered his sentiments with less reserve. On the motion for an address to the throne, on the 23d of No- vember 1802, he observed, that " it seemed to be taken for granted that all had been done that could be done on that occasion; but some explanation was necessary before this could be fully admitted. AH had not been done to preserve peace, if nothing had been done with firmness, while every thing was marked by the spirit of conciliation. All had not been done, if remonstrance was not accompanied by dignified threats of following it up with corresponding conduct. All had not been done, if demands were made only to be rejected — if con- cessions were required, which were haughtily refused-— if a shew of manliness was assumed, from which there was no dignified retreat after the mortification of disap- pointment. He was afraid that conduct of this kind had not been altogether wanting on the part of ministers. It was a matter of public notoriety, on the subject of the execrable treatment of the French government to Switzerland, that a remonstrance had been presented in a manner totally inconsistent with policy or expediency, for it arrived at a time when it was fruitless — when the people were subjugated, and their hopes blasted for ever. But, supposing that it had not been presented too late, had ministers made any arrangements on the continent to give it effect? Were any allies ready to second our ef- forts? Was the co-operation of the court of Vienna se- cured? or, was an Austrian army ready to march to the frontiers of Switzerland ? It was unnecessary for him to point out to the House that it was a work of consi- derable labour to recruit a disbanded army, and refit a dismantled fleet; but, whatever the difficulty was, it was wholly to be ascribed to want of promptness, decision,* and energy, in watching over the ambitious designs of the enemy. The great energy, and hostile views of the French government to this country were not, however, to be denied. The destruction of our independence and our glory was the object never lost sight of for a moment. There existed an invincible spirit of rancour, which only waited a favourable opportunity to display itself in action ; the sentiment of hatred was cherished, the day of ven- geance was only postponed. If the person who is at the head GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 671 head of the French government," adds he, " persists in measures calculated to excite apprehension, we are called upon to meet every exigency by looking at objects as he looks at them himself. He certainly possesses a great grasp of mind; and it becomes, of course, the duty of his Majesty's ministers to be proportionablv watciiful and vigilant. We must be ready, and prepared to op- pose vicissitudes, which cannot altogether be unexpected from such a quarter. It is not, Sir, because I wish to meet any particular exigency, that I vote lor the address; it is not because I perceive dangerous results from Swit- zerland and Malta, but because I cannot help seeing them throughout Europe — because I am convinced there exists in the ruler of France a rooted and inveterate ha- tred to the English government, and because there are undoubted proofs of a constant activity employed and directed against us and our interests." On a subsequent occasion his opinion of the Adding- ton ministry was more unequivocally expressed: " If I am pushed to the wall," says he, " and forced to speak my opinion, I have no disguise, no reservation. I do think, this is the time when the administration of the go- vernment ought to be in the ablest and fittest hands; I do not think that the hands in which it is now placed answer to that description. I do not pretend to conceal in what quarter I think that fitness most eminently re- sides. I do not subscribe to the doctrines which have been advanced, that, in times like the present, the fitness of individuals for their political situation is no part of the consideration to which a member of parliament may fairly turn his attention. Away with the cant of ' Mea- sures, not me?i!' — the idle supposition that it is the har- ness, not the horses, that draw the chariot along. No, Sir; if the comparison must be made, if the distinction must be taken — men are every thing, measures compa- ratively nothing : I speak of times of difficulty and dan- ger — of times when systems are shaken, when precedents and rules of general conduct fail. Then it is, that not to this or that measure, however prudently devised, how- ever blameless in execution, but to the energy and cha- racter of individuals, a state must be indebted for its salvation. Then it is, that kingdoms rise or fall, in pro- portion as they are upheld, not by well-meant endea- 4 q 2 vours, 672 GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. vours, but by commanding, overawing talents — by able men." On the dissolution of the ministry, and the accession to office of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Canning was appointed, on the retreat of Mr. Tierney, to the office of Treasurer of the Navy ; which situation he continued to hold until Mr. Fox came into power. On the formation of a new ministry, by the resignation of Lord Grenville and his colleagues, and the accession of Mr. Perceval, Mr. Canning was appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. In this capacity he evinced great talent; and he had scarcely entered upon the im- portant duties of this new station, before all his energies were required to uphold the dearest interests of his country. On the joint application of the Emperors Alex-, ander and Napoleon, at Erfurth, to England to put an end to the horrors of war, Mr. Canning was ex officio entrusted with the negotiation ; and his answer to the letter of the two Emperors was written in a very able style. He repeated the readiness of his Majesty, and his ardent desire, to negotiate a peace, but only on such terms as could be pronounced compatible with his own honour, and the lasting repose and security of Europe. *• If many states," says Mr. Canning, " had been sub- verted, and still more threatened with subversion, it was one comfort to his Majesty, to reflect that no part of such convulsions could be imputed to him. He was ready to admit all such changes were at variance with the policy of Great Britain; and if the cause of such misery could he traced to the stagnation of commerce, it was not in his disposition — it was not in the character of the people over whom he swayed the sceptre — to rejoice in the misery of even those who had combined against him ; though it was scarcely a matter of regret, that endeavours to annihilate the commerce of his subjects had recoiled on their enemies. National safety was the only motive which led him into the war; but, during its progress, new motives had presented themselves, since different powers had solicited his assistance in vindication of their independence. He had not bound himself to Spain by any formal instrument, but he had openly contracted en- gagements with that country by no means less binding on his mind than the most solemn treaties whatever; he therefore GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. 673 therefore thought that, in an overture for negotiating a general peace, his relations with the Spanish monarchy would have been distinctly considered, and that the go- vernment which acted in the name of Ferdinand VII. was to be regarded as a party in every negotiation in which his Britannic Majesty was invited to engage-" To this able note, a short reply was made by the Russian minister, intimating his close alliance with Napoleon, and his acknowledgment of Joseph Buonaparte King of Spain; but M. de Champagny's reply was purposely in- sulting: — " How is it possible for the French govern- ment to entertain the proposal which has been made to it, of admitting the Spanish insurgents to the negotiation? What would the English government have said, had it been proposed to them to admit the Catholic insurgents of Ireland? France, without having any treaties with them has been in communication with them, has made them promises, and has frequently sent them succours." Mr. Canning, in returning an answer to Count Romanzoff, said, " the King was astonished how it could be imagined that he would agree to commence a negotiation by first renouncing the cause of the Spanish nation, and of its lawful monarchy, merely to gratify the views of the au- thor of an usurpation which had no proper parallel in the annals of history. It was his hope, that Alexan- der's partaking in these overtures would have granted a security to him against the proposal of a condition, the effects of which were so unjust, and its example so fatal. He could not conceive, by what motives of duty or in- terest, or by what principles of policy influencing Russia, his Imperial Majesty could believe himself forced to ac- knowledge the right which France had assumed of de- posing and incarcerating friendly sovereigns, and trans- ferring to himself in a forcible manner tbe allegiance of independent nations. If these were, in fact, the princi- ples to which the Emperor was inviolably attached, and which he had conspired with France to establish by war and maintain by peace, sincerely did his Britannic Ma- jesty lament a resolution by which the sufferings of* Eu- rope might be aggravated and protracted ; but the conti- nuance of the calamities of war was not to be attributed to him." In reply to the note of the French minister, Mr. Canning observed, that he was " particularly com- manded 674 GEORGE CANNING, ESQ. manded not to take any notice of those expressions ■which were insulting to his Majesty, his allies, and the Spanish nation, of which there were many in the note of M. de Champagny. The King of Great Britain was anxious to treat for a peace which might have arranged the several interests of all the belligerent powers on principles of equal justice; but he was fully resolved not to relinquish the cause of the Spanish nation and of the lawful Spanish monarchy, and the pretension of France not to admit the central government acting in the name of Ferdinand VII. was one which he could by no means admit without countenancing an usurpa- tion which had no parallel in the history of the world." Mr. Canning continued at the head of the foreign de- partment until the disastrous expedition to Walcheren. After this, in consequence of a misunderstanding in the cabinet, both he and Lord Castlereagh resigned ; but not until a duel had been fought between those gentlemen, the grounds of which we have noticed in our Memoirs of the noble Lord. Since this period, Mr. Canning has been out of office; all attempts to unite him in the ad- ministration having proved unsuccessful. He has, how- ever, been entrusted with a diplomatic mission to Portu- gal ; but his functions as ambassador to the court of Lisbon, it is understood, have ceased, in consequence of the determination of that court to reside at the Brazils. In the last general election, Mr. Canning was returned, unsolicited, for Liverpool, in a manner which fully proves how high he stands in the public estimation, and the general homage that is paid to his unrivalled talents. Mr. Canning has been married for some years to a daughter of the late General Scott, by whom he ob- tained a considerable fortune. iflemotrsi i&emottti OF SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. HPHIS darling idol of the people, and intrepid enemy -*- of corruption, is descended from an ancient family, whose origin may be traced in an uninterrupted succes- sion to the time of William the Conqueror. Hugh Bur- dett came into England with the Norman prince in the year 1060'; and his son, Sir William Burdett, distin- guished himself in the Holy Wars. In the year 1618, Sir Francis Burdett, Knight, was created a Baronet. This gentleman was celebrated for his hospitality and benevolence: he built and endowed, at his own private cost, the church of Foremark, in Derbyshire, which was consecrated in the ytar 1662, and called St. Saviour's. Sir Robert Burdett, grandfather to the present Baronet, succeeded to the title and estate in the year 1739; and was many years member of parliament for Tamworth. He married the daughter of Sir Charles Sedley, of Nut- hall, in the county of Nottingham, by whom he had several children. Among these was Francis, who in the year 1767 married Eleanor Jones, daughter and co- heiress of William Jones, Esq. of Ramsbury, in Wilt- shire, but died before his father, Sir Robert. His sur- viving sons were Robert, Francis, and Jones: the former was unfortunately drowned in descending one of the cataracts on the Rhine; and Francis, the subject of this Memoir, succeeded to the title and estate at the death of his grandfather, Sir Robert. Sir Francis was educated at Westminster school; and after having spent some time nt the university, he made a tour of the continent about the year 1790. He was at Paris at an early period of tiie Revolution, and remained there a considerable time; but regarded the important and 676 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. and rapidly changing events of that momentous epoch as they would strike the eye of an uninterested spec- tator, rather than with the attention of a politician. It is true, he sometimes attended the National Assembly, and the clubs that were distinguished at Paris; but it is equally certain, that he felt little or no interest in the topics of discussion that agitated the breasts of the con- tending parties. We are not able to ascertain the exact period of his return from the continent; but in the year 1796 he was, through the interest of the Duke of Newcastle, returned a member of the House of Commons for Borou^hbridge, in Yorkshire. One of the first acts of Sir Francis's political life was an open, avowed, and unreserved declaration of his sen- timents, as a friend to parliamentary reform. At one of the most numerous and respectable meetings ever held in London, Sir Francis very readily embraced the op- portunity of taking the chair; and in an animated speech declared his opinion on this subject, and his resolution to pursue it by every legal means. it would swell our work to too great an extent, to give the whole of Sir Francis's parliamentary career; we shall content ourselves therefore with merely giving an outline of it. Sir Francis Burdett had not been long in parliament before he avowed himself the champion of the rights of the people; and he took all occasions of branding every act which he thought entrenched upon them. Upon almost every question relative to the late war he opposed the ministry, and attempted to expose the weakness of their measures. The speech which he de- livered on the 3d of January 1798, in the House of Com- mons, on the assessed taxes, was replete with argument and sound reasoning. In answer to the minister, who called upon the House and the country to make every sacrifice for the purpose of continuing the war, and anti- cipating certain success if the Commons would be li- beral in their supplies, Sir Francis arose and said, "We seem to imagine that we have only to assemble within these walls to devise ways and means for extractinglarge sums of money from the country; then, we are told, our embarrassments will be relieved, and our enemies will be SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. QJJ be dismayed. But, Sir, we must first cleanse away those foul corruptions, which the present minister has carried beyond any former example, which unnerve every heart and every arm, and deprive us of that vigour and courage once characteristic of this now degraded nation. Sir, money is not the sinew of war. If money were as all-powerful as most persons, in spite of experience, con- tinue to believe — I say, in spite of experience, for the whole tenor of history serves to prove the contrary — the extravagance of our own minister must have entitled him to every advantage, and the people of France would have long since been exterminated." Sir Francis then enumerated the methods by which the money raised from the people was squandered away, and concluded with saying, " It is not on account of the heavy pressure which this mode of raising supplies must occasion — it is not on account of the unjust and tyrannical principle of the bill now before you— it is not on account of the waste and extravagance of government, enormous as it is, that I now raise my voice against granting the sup- plies demanded by the minister ; it is because I never will, at any time, or under any circumstances, become an accomplice in the guilt of supporting a system, which, if it can be supported and is to be persisted in, must eventually destroy the freedom of the country." In the month of June following, Sir Francis had an opportunity of displaying his talents in supporting the liberty of the press. A bill was brought into the House of Commons for regulating the publication of newspa- pers, which was opposed by the leading members of op- position as a dangerous innovation. Sir Francis regarded it as only part of a plan which had been going on for many years, and which would effectually undermine all that was valuable in our excellent constitution, as it was gettled at the glorious revolution of 1688. " A good and free government," he said, " had nothing to apprehend, and every thing to hope, from the liberty of the press. But despotism courted shade and obscurity — it dreaded the scrutinizing eye of liberty; and if an arbitrarily dis- posed prince, supported by an unprincipled minister, and backed by a corrupt parliament, were to cast about for means to secure such a triple tyranny, no better method could be devised than the bill upon the table, vol. in. 4 r. The 678 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. The present ministers endeavoured to frighten us into measures, holding out the dread of a revolution, whilst themselves were the greatest and the only revolutionists from whom we had any thing to fear — from whom we had suffered much, and had still more to expect. They had already completed a great revolution, not in favour of, but against liberty." He then reminded the House of the unconstitutional measures daily introduced, one of which he could not forbear mentioning — the infamous practice, by which the whole law of imprisonment was changed, of sending men to those Bastiles which dis- graced the country — those private prisons, where, under pretence of regulations, punishments were inflicted upon men as illegal as they were cruel. And what were those regulations, so called ? to keep men in dismal heart-sicken- ing solitude ; to feed them upon bread and water, and that scanty too; to sentence them to hard labour, exacted by stripes, at the will, perhaps, of a merciless jailor. If this were not tyranny, it was impossible to define the term. It was natural for such a government to com- plain of the press. It was part of that revolution which had been brought about, and which the present bill would secure; the seeds of which had long been sown, and the effects had been foreseen by the wise Lord Chatham, who had warned the country of the danger and magnitude of the evil. But ministerial corruption blinded the nation then as it did now; and there was reason to fear it would end, as that great statesman fore- told, in the subversion of our old free constitution, and the establishment of a German government." Sir Francis was not contented with reports, that might be exaggerated; he was not satisfied with assertions made by interested parties. He himself visited, and made himself acquainted with all the internal economy of those prisons; and, unwilling to trust to the evidence of his own senses alone,' he invited several respectable gentle- men both in and out of parliament to visit, with him, the prison in Cold-Bath Fields; and having so done, and collected what he considered to be the most irrefragable evidence that the treatment of prisoners in that place was accompanied with a severity which neither humaaity nor policy could justify, he repeatedly called the atten- tion of parliament to those abuses. In SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. C79 In the debate on the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act, after having animadverted upon it as unnecessary in the existing state of affairs — as a measure to which no wise administration would resort, but upon the most urgent occasions — as a measure which, more than any other, tended to render insecure all that was valuable to a nation who had been accustomed to boast of their liberties and the speedy administration of justice — he called the attention of the House to a case of great hard- ship, which was too well authenticated to admit even of a doubt. He assured the House, that a number of per- sons were brought up to town from Manchester, loaded with irons, and thrown into the House of Correction, in rooms unprepared for their reception; and on the next day, when exhausted with fatigue, with hands and legs swollen, and severely galled with the weight and friction of the fetters, they were sent before the privy- council to be examined on charges of which they were ignorant, and, as it afterwards appeared, completely in- nocent. He asked, if this was a fit and proper treatment for persons apprehended on suspicion only, whose ac- cusers were probably men of doubtful or infamous cha- racters? and whether, in that situation, they were likely to be possessed of that calm and steady recollection of mind necessary to stand before so august a body as the privy-council? Yet, while the Habeas Corpus act was suspended, there was no redress for men, innocent men, however ill they were treated. In corroboration of these facts, which were stated to the House by Sir Francis, we have the account of Mr. Aris, the governor of the prison, as given in evidence before a committee of the House of Commons on the ISth of March 17iM. He says, that when these men arrived at the prison, they were all heavily double-ironed, and hand-cuffed together; that they were all thrown into one room during the first night, and without a bed to lie on, or fire to warm them, though the weather was severe, having nothing on which they might repose their weary limbs but about two ton of oakum. Mr. Aris de- clared, that from March till June he treated those per- sons who were only arrested on suspicion in the same manner as those who were actually convicted of felony. His answer to the question, " Whether for three days 4 it 9 in 6S0 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. in the week they did not live entirely upon one pound of bread per day, and water only for drink ?" was given in the following words: — " Yes; the Manchester people lived the same as people under conviction; namely, meat and broth tour days in the week, and bread and water tht other three." In December, Sir Francis Burdett moved for a list of the names of the persons who had been taken up under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act. This motion was opposed by Mr. Pitt, and negatived. Shortly afterwards, while Sir Francis was in the coun- try, the business of the Cold-Bath-Fields prison was taken up in a slight manner by some of the friends of the administration, and a committee appointed to inquire into the state of the prison. This committee was com- posed of persons known to be friendly in a high degree to the existing administration, yet from their report it is evident that the prison stood in need of reformation. Of the governor they said, " We believe Mr. Aris to be very deficient in point of obedience to those rules which enjoin him to execute the duties of his office in person, to see every prisoner, to examine every ceil once at least in each day." In speaking of a certain class of prisoners, they say, " We apprehend that prisoners in this situation have but too well known how to suit their proposals to the wants of the governor, and that in fact he has been sometimes tempted beyond what he has had fortitude to resist." In connection with this part of the report, Mr. Aris acknowledges having borrowed money of several prisoners at different times. The committee go on to observe, that " the space contained in each of the cells of this prison is certainly not greater than is necessary for the healthful respiration of the one person intended to be lodged in it; to lodge two persons in this space, is to counteract the principle, and subvert the intentions of the law." Nevertheless, " it must have happened in the present year that 140 persons have been so confined as to sleep and live two in a space provided and adapted to one person ; and that, on an average, 30 persons have always so slept and lived, as there are no more than 24S bedsteads in the prison, the half of these numbers have certainly slept without separate bedsteads, and most of them, probably, without separate bedding." The Com- mittee SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 681 mittee say, " Of six apprentices, we found five who had no other sustenance than bread and water, whilst one, having been further convicted before the court on an ag- gravated charge of assaulting and wounding a fellow- servant, received the full meat-allowance." The general complaints which followed the Committee through the whole prison were, insufficiency of food, and the want of warmth in the day-time during winter; and they ob- serve, " And we think these complaints were, in some cases, made on very reasonable grounds." By the 35th rule of the prison regulations, it appears that prisoners not sentenced to hard labour are to be allowed to work, and to receive, at the expiration of their imprisonment, one half of the profits of their labour. Mr. Aris, in his examination before the Committee of the House of Com- mons, avows that it had not been usual to let prisoners of this description know the intention of the legislature on this point, and that he always used his own discretion with respect to employing prisoners. The Committee in their report declare it as their opinion, " that the prison allowance is insufficient for the support of life; that, in the course of our examination into the management of this prison, it was impossible not to observe, and highly to blame, the irregular facility with which the punish- ment of refractory behaviour has been inflicted. On occasions of important outrages, indeed, we remark some instances of reference to the authority of magis- trates; but w T e find no traces of register of punishments; nor does it appear, that any regard has at any time been paid to those limits, in point of time and circumstances, which the law has specifically directed." Upon the whole, the Committee declare, that, " in the present state of this prison, we do not hesitate to pronounce it an improper place of confinement for these several des- criptions of unconvicted persons; nor, indeed, until its discipline, regulations, and arrangement, shall have un- dergone considerable alterations, can we consider it as much less improper for prisoners convicted for misde- meanors on indictments at common law. So necessarily does this conclusion appear to us to follow a view and inquiry into the state and management of this prison, that we are led to apprehend, that those magistrates who have acted contrary to it may have neglected to inspect, or 682 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. — ----- or otherwise inform themselves of the real situation in which prisoners are placed by their commitments." Such was the state of the prison according to the most favourable conclusions, yet was Sir Francis blamed, by persons both in and out of parliament, for having drawn the public attention to the subject. By a letter from the Duke of Portland to all the jailors in the kingdom, it was given in charge, that, on no pretence whatever, should Sir Francis Burdett be admitted within the limits of their jurisdiction. Of this conduct Sir Francis, in his place in the House of Commons, spoke with proper and becoming indignation. " Members of this House," says he, " I believe, Sir, have not often been used to treat each other as I have been treated; but if I am mis- taken, and if the conduct held towards me is a handsome one, the minister, and those who have assisted him in it, are welcome to the whole merit of it. But, Sir, why all this anxiety to take out of my hands, and to stifle any real inquiry into the practices of this prison, of so novel establishment in the land ? How happens it that, as soon as I gave notice of a motion upon the subject, I am in- stantly held up to the world as an object of odium, stig- matized by one Secretary of State, my conduct con- demned, unheard, and without any examination, even of those members of this House who accompanied me in my visit to the prison, and (by what legal authority, lam still to learn) excluded from visiting any prison in Eng- land ? How comes it to pass, that three honourable members, who never appear before to have thought of an inquiry, become all at once so very solicitous and hasty to move for a Committee of Inquiry? — themselves, per- haps, can explain it. But I can explain the motive of the Minister and Secretary of State for wishing to pre- vent any real inquiry. Because a fouler premeditated system of iniquity never existed in any nation upon earth ; and such I trust, with the assistance of this House, I shall make it appear to the confusion even of those faces which are not accustomed to blush. The base and im- potent attempt to criminate me I shall for the present pass over, contenting myself with barely stating that I visited the prison three times, and should have visited it a fourth time, in the usual and customary way in which any other man might have visited it, bv a written order of SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 683 of one of the magistrates; that I never visited it alone; and that several gentlemen, some of them members of this House, can inform the House what my conduct was upon this occasion. Sir, I declare, upon my honour, as I have declared before, that I never saw the face of any man in that prison, except Colonel Despard, until the day I first visited the prison. At the same time, I only say this to caution gentlemen not to give too rash a credit to ministerial representations, and not from any anxiety upon the score of being supposed to be acquainted with these men ; for I believe there are some among these men as honest and as virtuous as any of those I am now addressing. Sir, I have witnessed their courage and their constancy under sufferings almost beyond human endurance; I have seen them expose themselves to ad- ditional sufferings and additional insults, by performing those duties, which in their situation they might well have stood excused from, but which justice and humanity in their opinion required." The spirited exertions of Sir Francis in this business, contributed very much to improve the situation of the pri- soners; and the remissness of the magistrates was so effec- tually exposed, that Mr. Pitt, in the House of Commons, declared, that no man would think of justifying the con- duct of the magistrates, who had shewn such a want of feeling and circumspection, so essential to form the genuine character of a wise, upright, and humane magis- tracy. He added, that though he saw no necessity for the motion for an address, yet, it being acknowledged on all hands that there existed grounds of investigation on the part of government, it being quite clear from the documents on the table that the magistrates were to blame, if the motion for an address should be pressed, he would not oppose it. In Sir Francis Burdett's endeavours to expose the mal- practices of the Cold-Bath-Fields prison, he was con- stantly opposed, in the House of Commons, by Mr. Mainwaring, the Member for the county of Middlesex, and Chairman of the Quarter Sessions; and this opposi- tion led, in the ensuing general election, to one of the most expensive contests ever recorded. The honourable Baronet had been frequently mentioned as a proper per- son to oppose the pretensions of Mr. Mainwaring for the county. 6S4 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. county. His own intentions, however, were to decline sitting in parliament, until the 26th ot June, three days before the dissolution, when the following letter was ad- dressed to him : — To Sir Francis Burdett, Bart. " Sir — Having heard from various quarters of an in- tention of many freeholders to offer you their votes at the general election, as a fit person to represent the county of Middlesex in the next parliament, we are anxious to know whether, in such event, you will stand forward in compliance with their wishes. Our own votes, as well as our exertions among our friends, depend on your answer; for, assure yourself, we feel as you feel with respect to the late ministers and their measures. As Englishmen, we concur in your abhorrence of the use and management of such a prison as that in Cold-Bath Fields. As freeholders, we desire an occasion to express the sentiments we entertain of your manly opposition to the establishment in Middlesex. In any case, we trust a majority of our fellow-freeholders will agree with us that Sir Francis Burdett is more worthy than Mr. Mainwaring to represent the interests, deliver the sense, and support the rights, of the first county of England. We remain, Sir, your obedient servants, " W. Tooke. '* Michael Pearson, &c. &c." Answer. " Gentlemen — I will freely acknowledge to you, that I have for some time past relinquished all thoughts of a seat in parliament, and have consequently declined very many overtures for that purpose. If the people of England are pleased and contented with what is passed, with their present situation, and with the terrible changes which have been made in the laws, constitution, and manner of governing this country, let statues be erected ia each county throughout the land to Lord Liverpool, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Dundas, to whom, principally, they are indebted for these blessings; I shall not desire to over- turn them, but will remove from such odious and dis- graceful objects, confessing myself not fit for the society of such a nation. Yet, though disgusted, I do not de- spair; I think our country may still be saved, but by one meatus W2 / ''..'/'t '/*//■"'' SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 6S5 means only — by a fair representation of the people in parliament. By that alone can we possibly obtain the restoration of those invaluable rights which have been ravished from us, or the security of what little good re- mains. If the county of Middlesex, which from circum- stances is likely to be more free, informed, and independent, than any other county in England, shall be pleased, upon this principle — and I wish for no support upon any other principle, holding all palliations nugatory and destruc- tive — if, upon this principle, the county of Middlesex shall be pleased to intrust in my hands a portion of their present small and inadequate share of representation, I will cheerfully and zealously devote myself, my life, and my fortune, to their service. I am, Gentlemen, your obe- dient, humble servant, " June 26th, 1802. " Francis Burdett." At the outset of this business, and even after Sir Francis had declared himself a candidate, there did not appear in his Committee that concert and zeal which should cha- racterize the exertions of those entering upon so arduous a contest. Indeed, by some of his best friends and well- wishers, it was supposed that a serious contest on the part of the Baronet was not intended. The canvas, though in some respects active, was almost entirely neg- lected in many parts of the county. In others, for want of a preconcerted plan, two, three, or even four parties met in the same place, on the same business. In short, Sir Francis Burdett by no means started upon equal terms with the candidate whom he opposed ; he had a thousand obstacles to contend with, which did not exist in any shape with regard to Mr. Mainwaring. The long con- nexion which the Chairman of the County Sessions had with his constituents, and his influence with his brother magistrates, afforded him not only great strength, but every means of knowing the electors and their residences. His influence as a magistrate, and his assiduity in per- forming the general business connected with the county, created in his behalf an almost irresistible interest. The 13th of July was appointed for the election. The popular cry was " Burdett, and no Bastiles!" The shew of hands was greatly in favour of Sir Francis. His colours waved in almost every hat, and his banners were considered by the populace as consecrated to freedom. vol. in. 4 s In 686 SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. In his speech at the Hustings, he took the opportunity to declare, he was not actuated by any private pique in the contest; that he did not even know Mr. Mai a waring: " I am," said he, " impelled only by the feelings of hu- manity—the same feelings which impelled me when I first offered to make good my charges respecting that horrible dungeon, the Cold-Bath-Fields prison, at the bar of the House of Commons. On that ground I prin- cipally offer myself to you ; trusting, as I hold it impos- sible that you can suffer a man who countenanced things so contrary to the constitution and law of the land to be again sent to parliament as your representative, that you •will join with me in bringing these things and the au- thors of them to light and to punishment. I promise you here, that I will never quit the pursuit of these detestable criminals; I will persevere to the last; and I have no doubt that, aided as I am convinced I shall be "by your support, I shall be ultimately and completely successful. I have only now to intreat, that you will un- derstand that it is not now the question merely whether you shall choose Burdett or Mainwaring; but whether you -will support that jail, and all the cruelties and tortures connected with it, and resulting necessarily from the sys- tem by which it has been regulated." On the shew of hands, the Sheriff declared the sense of the electors to be in favour of Mr. Byng and Sir Francis Burdett. Mr. Mainwaring demanded a poll, and had on the first day a majority of nearly 400 votes. At the end of the eleventh day Mr. Mainwaring' s majority was 503; but in the three next days Sir Francis advanced rapidlv upon his adversary, and on the evening of the fourteenth day the majority against him was but fourteen. This success roused the languid spirits of the unpolled free- holders, who till then, thinking his cause desperate, would not take the trouble of voting. The enthusiasm in favour of Sir Francis was general. The poll had not been opened many minutes on the last day before Sir Francis obtained a majority over Mr. Mainwaring, and at the final close of the poll he had a majority of 271 votes; and it is con- fidently asserted, that when the books were shut, the un- polled "vomers in the interest of Sir Francis Burdett, either jn the town or approaching it, amounted to nearly 200. The knowledge that this was the last day of the poll, and the SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 6S7 the probability, amounting to almost a certainty, that the popular candidate would be successful, had collected an i immense concourse of spectators, and every inch of ground between Piccadilly and Brentford was crowded beyond example. The enthusiasm was general, and the manifestations of joy exceeded anything that had ever before been witnessed. In his address to the freeholders of Middlesex, Sir Francis says, " Gentlemen, for having done my duty in my place in parliament against the barbarous cruel sys- tem of secret close imprisonment, I was stigmatized by the Lord-Lieutenant of this county, and, in violation of the privileges of parliament, and of all law and decency, I was proclaimed by him throughout the land as a person not fit to be trusted to visit, or perform any office of humanity to any wretched victim within the accursed walls. Permit me to say, it belonged to the same county to wipe away this undeserved stigma, and you have dona it nobly." Such was the termination of this memorable election- contest, upon which we shall offer a few observations. This contest between Sir Francis Burdett and Mr. Main- waring was not so much decided upon party-principles as upon the abuse of the civil authority, at the head of which stood Mr. Mainwaring. The active exertions of Sir Francis Burdett in exposing the abuses which existed in Cold-Bath-Fields prison, had not only created him many enemies, but also numerous friends, and many whose political opinions were adverse to his, not only voted for him, but manfully and vigorously espoused his cause. Among the. electors that voted for him may be found Whigs and Tories, joining hands and hearts in the same cause, and in favour of the rights of humanity ; while among his opponents are chiefly to be found the magis- tracy and their connexions and dependents. Sir Francis Burdett at present represents the city of Westminster in parliament, having declined in the sub- sequent election t\ve representation of the county. Indeed, *o disgusted was he, or pretended to be, with parlia- mentary measures, that he had formed the determination of wholly retiring from parliament; but having been elected in a most honourable manner by the citizens of Westminster, without his knowledge, or without any 4 s 2 communication .'-. 6SS SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. communication with the electors, at a time when he was confined by a wound he had received in a duel with Mr. Paull, he thought it his duty to accept the representation when so handsomely and honourably tendered to him. Sir Francis by no means neglects his parliamentary duties : there are few subjects of debate in which he does not take a part, and but few members are more listened to with eager attention. His committal to the Tower for a libellous letter on the House of Commons, on the subject of the imprison- ment of Mr. Gale Jones, is fresh in the recollection of our readers. On that occasion, two resolutions were moved by Mr. Lethbridge: that the letter in question was a libel on the House; and, that Sir Francis had been guilty of a breach of privilege. These being agreed to, it was moved, that Sir Francis should be committed to the Tower, which was likewise carried ; and the Speaker immediately issued his warrant for his com- mittal. But Sir Francis was determined not to submit without force, conceiving the warrant to be illegal. This resolution occasioned the most tumultuous proceedings: and the immense multitudes assembled on the occasion, all zealous in favour of Sir Francis, rendered it necessary to call in the military, in aid of the civil power; the consequence of which was the loss of some lives. Sir Francis, although to blame for the open resistance he made to the authority of parliament, did not stand alone in his opinion of its illegality. Sir Samuel Romilly was extremely doubtful whether the House had any right to commit for a breach of privilege in the case of a libel on the conduct of one of their own members. He was of opinion that the House had a right where their pro- ceedings were interrupted, where people insulted mem- bers coming to the House, by hissing or otherwise, or where members were threatened if they voted on a par- ticular side: there was a difference, however, between libels published on the past conduct of members, and such proceeding as were still going on in the House. Sir Francis Burdett subsequently brought an action against the Speaker, who informed the House of Com- mons of it ; and it was moved, that the Speaker and Ser- jeant at Arms should be allowed to appear in the Court of King's Bench, and plead to the action, and that the Attorney- SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 689 Attorney-General should be instructed to defend them. The issue of the whole was, that Sir Francis lost his action ; the Court having declined entertaining it, as in- fringing upon the privileges of Parliament. Since this period, nothing particular in the life of Sir Francis Burdett has occurred ; but he continues to exert himself in parliament, in opposition to all measures that have a tendency to encroach upon the rights and liber- ties of the people, and to resist and expose every species of abuse. In private life, we must do Sir Francis the justice to say, that he is one of the most amiable and unassuming men in the world. He possesses many of the accom- plishments of a finished orator: an elegant and manly figure; his countenance is handsome and prepossessing; his voice strong and musical ; and he rarely delivers his sentiments, but with the energy of a man who speaks as he feels. Sir Francis married, some years ago, Miss Coutts, the daughter of the eminent banker; by whom he has a, son and two daughters. jflemotrs ittemotts OF JOHN MARIA JOSEPH LEWIS, PRINCE OF BRAZIL, PRINCE REGENT OF PORTUGAL. T30RTUGAL, the inheritance of the subject of this *~ Memoir, and the ancient and staunch ally of Great Britain, was in the time of the Romans called husitania. The etymology of the modern name is uncertain ; it most probably is derived from some noted harbour or port, to which the Gauls (for so strangers are called in the Celtic) resorted. D'Anville says, that in the Roman period there was a town called Calle (now Oporto), near the mouth of the river Douro; and this haven being eminently distinguished, the barbarism of the middle ages conferred on the circumjacent region the name of Porto Calle, which, as the country was gradually reco- vered from the Moors, was extended to the whole king- dom. The subject of this Memoir is the offspring of what would in a Protestant state be deemed an incestuous intercourse; his mother having married her own uncle, to prevent the crown from falling into a foreign family. This policy was adopted by the desire of her father, the Portuguese monarch, who obtained a dispensation from the Pope for that purpose. This monarch having died on the 24th of February 1777, was succeeded by his daughter, the present queen. One of the first acts of her reign was the removal from power of the Marquis de Ponibal, who was extremely obnoxious to the people; though it has been alleged in his favour, that he adopted sundry public measures which were well calculated to promote the real interests of Portugal. On the 10th of March 1792, her son (who is styled the Prince of Brazil, as presumptive heir to the crown) published an edict, declaring, that as his mother, from her PRINCE REGENT OF PORTUGAL. 691 her unhappy situation, was incapable of managing the affairs of government, he would place his signature to all public papers till the return of her health; but that no other change should be mad,, in the forms of govern- ment. The malady that afflicted her Majesty was oc- casioned by religious melancholy. Dr. Wiliis, at the re- quest of her son, the Prince Regent, some years ago made a voyage to Lisbon to attempt her cure; but her recovery remaining hopeless, the government of the country has ever since rested with the Prince of Brazil, the subject of this Memoir. Under his government, Portugal, as the ally of Eng- land, took but a feeble part in the late war against France; her exertions being confined to furnishing Spain with a few auxiliary troops, and sending a small squadron to join the English fleet. After Spain had made peace with France, a war took place between the former country and Portugal; but it was not productive of any very im- portant events. In August 1797, a negotiation for a treaty of peace between France and Portugal was entered into, and the treaty actually concluded; but the French Directory refused to ratify it, alleging that the Queen of Portugal, so far from shewing a disposition to abide by its articles, had put her forts and principal ports into the possession of the English. After the failure of this at- tempt at negotiation, Portugal continued a member of the alliance against France; though her aid was very un- important, consisting only of a small squadron which cruised in the Mediterranean, and assisted in the block- ade of Malta. At length, a short time previous to the signing of the preliminaries of the peace of Amiens, Por- tugal concluded a peace with Spain; the latter power re- storing some places that had been taken from Portugal, which, in return, ceded in perpetuity to Spain the fortress of Olivenza, with its territory and inhabitants, from theGua- diana, which river, by the same treaty, was made the boundary of the two kingdoms in that part. This treaty was signed at Badajos, June 6, 1801; and on the 80th of September of the same year, Portugal likewise concluded a tTeaty of peace with France, the principal article of which made some alterations in the limits of Portuguese and French Guiana, considerably to the advantage of the latter power. On . 692 PRINCE REGENT OF PORTUGAL. On the renewal of the war between Spain and Great Britain in 1804, the Prince Regent was required by Na- poleon to join the coalition against England. For a con- siderable time, however, he contrived to evade this mea- sure, which in all probability would not only have ruined the commerce of Portugal, but have been the means of depriving her of her valuable foreign possessions; and he was allowed to purchase her neutrality by the annual payment of a very considerable sum. But the Portuguese government soon began to find that the French Emperor had no sooner obtained one point than he aimed at the accomplishment of another, till at length he demanded so large a sum for guarantee- ing this country's neutrality, that it was impossible for them to pay it. Their non-compliance with his exactions was immediately imputed to a partiality to Great Britain, and laid hold of as a pretext for the invasion of the country. Added to this, Napoleon, in one of his decrees against the commerce of England, declared that he would no longer suffer any neutral powers to exist on the con- tinent; and every power was called upon to evince either a friendly or hostile disposition towards France. The non-compliance of the Prince Regent with the before- mentioned unreasonable demands was immediately con- sidered as a declaration of hostility ; and Napoleon boastingly asserted, that the house of Braganza should soon cease to reign." In pursuance of this declaration, he obtained leave from the feeble and unsuspicious king of Spain, that a body of French troops should pass through his dominions, in order to put his threats against Portugal in execution. Accordingly, about the latter end of the summer of 1S07, General Junot with 25,000 men marched from Bayonne in several divisions, and arrived early in November on the frontiers of Portugal, where he was but feebly opposed by the Portuguese. Having ■waited the junction of his whole force, he rapidly ad- vanced towards the capital, which he entered on the 29th of November. A few hours previous to this, however, the Prince Regent, with the Queen, and the whole of the royal family, had taken refuge on board a British squa- dron, which conveyed them safely to the Brazils. On the possession of Lisbon by the French, the inhabitants found themselves subjected to all kinds of privation and insult; PRINCE REGENT OF PORTUGAL. 693 insult; and, after enduring for nearly six weeks almost unprecedented mortifications from an unprincipled enemy, the public indignation at length burst forth, and many of ; the French troops fell victims to its fury. But this suc- cess was but of short continuance ; tor Junot at the head of his troops, coming suddenly upon them, imme- diately put them to the rout, after committing the most horrid massacres, on the 12th of January. The introduction of a very numerous body of French troops into Spain, and the subsequent captivity of the royal family of that kingdom, having aroused the pa- triotic feelings of that people, the communication be- tween the army in Portugal and France was cut off; and, had the modern Portuguese possessed any remains of their ancient national spirit, a favourable opportunity was now presented for avenging themselves of their op- pressors. In this situation, they turned their eyes to- wards England, the ministry of which eagerly embraced the opportunity of humbling their most inveterate foe. A body of troops was sent under the command of Sir Arthur Wellesley, which effected a landing on the coast between Lisbon and Oporto. Of the result of this ex- pedition, and its termination by the convention of Cintra, we have already given full details in the course of these Memoirs. After the expulsion of the French from this kingdom, nothing particular occurred till the retreat of the British troops from Spain, after the battle of Talavera, July 23, 1809; when Lord Wellington took up a strong position among the mountains which separate Spain from Por- tugal, Where he continued unmolested till the summer of 1810, when General Massena, at the head of a powerful army, advanced against the combined English and Portu- guese forces. The immortal British commander, how- ever, most ably eluded every device of his wily antago- nist to bring on a general engagement, and effected a masterly retreat, greatly to the discomfiture of his oppo- nents. The first efforts of the French were directed to the taking of the strong chain of cities, towns, and forts, which separate Spain from this country. Ciudad Ro- drigo, a walled city, in the province of Leon, made a noble defence for nearly six weeks. Almeida was fur- nished with a strong garrison, and no doubt would have vol. in. 4 t held €94 PRINCE REGENT OF PORTUGAL. held out a considerable time, but the unfortunate explo- sion of the magazines obliged it to surrender. Coimbra, with several other cities, were also invested and taken; till at length, about the middle of September, the allied army retreated to the banks of the Mondego river, closely pursued by the French. On the 21st the allies crossed that river, in order to prevent their being outflanked by the enemy, who used every effort to gain possession of Lisbon; but in this he was prevented by the bravery and skill of the British commander. On the 29th the allies were vigorously attacked at the hill of Busaco, on which they had taken up a strong position, by nearly the whole of the French army. A more animated attack was never witnessed, and for some time the assailants seemed to carry every thing before them with irresistible fury. They at length got possession of part of the heights; but soon gave way to the bayonets of the 45th and 88th British regiments, which nobly distinguished themselves on this occasion, while the rest of the troops exhibited an equal degree of bravery. The Portuguese fought most gallantly, and very flattering encomiums were paid them by the British commander-in-chief. The French were compelled to retreat in great disorder and precipi- tation, having sustained a loss in killed and wounded of nearly 10,000 men ; that of the allies was also very great. Notwithstanding this brilliant achievement, Lord Wel- lington still thought it prudent to retreat, as the enemy (greatly superior in numbers) evinced a disposition to outflank him. He accordingly fell back till the 18th of October, when he took up a strong position from the Torres Vedras, along a chain of mountains, to the Tagus, about 20 miles N.N.E. of Lisbon, where he continued during the following winter unmolested by the French commander, the Prince of Essling (Massena) ; who, in order to prevent his being assailed by the allies, en- trenched himself in a similar manner. Early in the fol- lowing spring, however, the French commander, finding himself straitened for provisions, found it expedient to retire into the interior. During this retreat, his move- ments were most vigilantly watched by the indefatigable Wellington; who, aware of the importance of his posi- tion at Torres Vedras, left a proportionate force in that quarter, PRINCE REGENT OF PORTUGAL. 695 quarter, while with the remainder of the army he sallied forth to annoy the enemy wherever assailable. This de- sultory mode of warfare continued during the spring and fall of the year : in which Marshal Soult, who com- manded the northern army, was gallantly driven fr©m his position on the Douro near Oporto; and General Beresford, with an inconsiderable force, chiefly consist- ing of Portuguese troops, gained a most complete victory over the same general at Albuera, on the Kith of May. This event, together with the famous repulse of Massena before Almeida, by the allied commander, compelled the invaders to seek for shelter among the fortresses, &c. of the mountainous region between the Portuguese and Spa- nish frontier. Thus the war continued to languish, in an incomprehensible way, for several months. The French ruler, conscious of his tyranny and oppression, it soon appeared, was fearful of sparing too many of his already enormous armies to the reduction of the Peninsula, on account of his jealousy of Russia, whom fear alone, he well knew, rendered subservient to his views. The subsequent events are well known to our readers; and it is sufficient to observe, that Portugal is now fully secured to the illustrious house of Braganza. But it seems uncertain whether the Prince Regent will return to his native country; at present, it is obvious, he has declined doing so. This Prince was born on the 13th of May 1767, and was married to Maria Louisa, of Spain, on the 26th of March 1785. 4i2 jjHemotvs itfemotts OF WILLIAM, PRINCE OF ORANGE AND NASSAU, SOVEREIGN PRINCE OF THE NETHERLANDS. IN writing the Memoirs of this branch of the illustrious House of Orange, it is impossible to forget the inti- mate connexion which has subsisted between this family and Great Britain, and the benefits which England has derived from that connexion. Holland, the ancient pa- trimony of this house, has long held a distinguished rank in Europe. The first mention made of it in history is by Julius Caesar, who fought many battles with the jBa- tavi, as the inhabitants were called. In the year 923, Theodoric, brother of Herman Duke of Saxony, and of Weckman Earl of Ghent, was appointed Count of Hol- land, by Charles the Simple, King of France, and the title became hereditary; Zealand and Friesland were in- cluded in the donation. The county of Guelderland, on the east, was erected by the Emperor Henry IV. in 1079, and became a duchy in 1339. Florence III. who suc- ceeded in 1187, carried on numerous wars against the Flemings and Frisians; he died at Antioch, in 1189, on an expedition to the Holy Land. In 1213, William I. Earl of Holland, formed a league with John King of England, Ferrand Earl of Flanders, and the Emperor Otho, against France; but William was taken prisoner at the famous battle of Bouvines. William II. Earl of Holland, was elected Emperor of Germany in 1247. In 1296, John Earl of Holland married Elizabeth, daughter of Edward I. King of England. Edward III. espoused Philippina, daughter of William III. Earl of Holland; and, in consequence of this marriage, Edward contested the earldom of Holland with Margaret his sister-in-law. In process of time, Holland, together with large pos- sessions of the house of Burgundy, fell by marriage to the house of Austria; and it was not until the year 1566 that WILLIAM, PRINCE OF ORANGE. 697 that the present family of Orange became so renowned by their opposition to the tyranny of Philip II. of Spain. After a long and bloody contest, Holland and some other provinces finally shook off the Spanish yoke; and in the year 1579 they formed the famous union of Utrecht, iti strict alliance. From this time, the house of Orange has held the reins of government, and under their aus- pices the Dutch continued to flourish ; for at the end of the sixteenth century they had established colonies at the Cape of Good Hope and in the East Indies, as well as formed settlements in South America. During the se- venteenth century, they contested with the English the empire of the sea, and even exceeded them in commer- cial advantages; but their power was somewhat abated after the obstinate naval conflicts in the time of Charles II. During the reign of this monarch, an alliance with the house of Orange took place, which afterwards led to very important consequences; this was the marriage between the Princess Mary and the Prince of Orange, afterwards William III. of England. This connexion, and his near alliance to the throne, led all parties in Eng- land, during the reign of the infatuated James, to look up to William for protection; and by an universal invitation from the nobility and gentry, as well as many of the cor- porate bodies, William landed at Torbay on the 5th of No- vember 1688, and finally ascended the throne. For a long time from this period, a very strict union prevailed between England and Holland; but the war in 1756 opening great connexions between Holland and France, a French party began to form in that country, which opposed the Stadt- holder, who was supported by the English. During the American contest, this party succeeded in plunging the two countries into war; which event greatly exposed the decline and weakness of the United Provinces, which was still further manifested by the invasion of the Duke of Brunswick in 1788, who may be said to have subdued them without a blow. But the peculiar misfortunes of the house of Orange, and the final degradation of Holland, was reserved for the period of the French revolution. This country, like many others, had strongly imbibed revolutionary prin- ciples, and its inhabitants only waited for a favourable moment of declaring them. The Stadtholder, on the contrary, 693 WILLIAM, PRINCE OF ORANGE. contrary, had closely united himself to England ; in con- sequence of which the National Convention declared war against him in a decree dated the 1st of February 1793. In consequence of which General Dumorier proceeded with a large body of troops to invade Holland ; exhort- ing the Batavians, in a violent manifesto, to reject the tyrannic aristocracy of the Stadtholder and his party, and to become a free republic. The Dutch made prepara- tions for defending themselves; and the English cabinet seconded their efforts, by an immediate embarkation of troops, to the command of which the Duke of York was appointed. The subjugation of Holland was the first project of General Dumourier: and when the ease with which he had effected the conquest of the Netherlands, and the courage and ability displayed by him and his army at the famous battle of Jemappe, were considered, thereseemed reason to apprehend that he would soon make an im- pression on these provinces; and the easy surrender of Breda and Gertruydenberg, encouraged him to boast that he would terminate the contest by a speedy approach to Amsterdam. Certain events, however, ensued, which effectually prevented the performance of this promise. In the campaign of 1794, the republicans were suc- cessful on every side against the allied powers. In Flan- ders, General Jourdan gained the battle of Fleurus; and Charleroi, Ypres, Bruges, and Courtray, surrendered to the French: Ostend was evacuated; General Clairfait defeated near Mons, which immediately surrendered; and the Prince of Cobourg compelled to abandon the* whole of the Netherlands, while the victors, without op- position, entered Brussels and Antwerp. Landrecy, Quesnoi, Valenciennes, and Conde, were successively retaken; and the French armies, pursuing their success, took Aix-la-Chapelle, defeated Clairfait near Juliers, and made themselves masters of Cologne and Bonn. Maes- tricht and Nimeguen were likewise taken. The United Provinces began now to be seriously alarmed. The states of Friesland were the first to feel their danger; and, in the month of October, these states determined to acknowledge the French republic, to break their alliance with England, and to enter into a treaty of peace and alliance with France. In some of the WILLIAM, PRINCE OF ORANGE. 699 the other provinces, resolutions hostile to the Stadthol- der and his government were likewise passed; and such appeared to be the temper of the people, even at Am- sterdam, that on the 17th of October the government of Holland published a proclamation, prohibiting the pre- senting of any petition or memorial upon public or poli- tical subjects, and all popular meetings or assemblies of the people upon any occasion. On the 7th of December, the French made a feeble attempt to cross the Waal, but were repulsed with loss; but on the loth the frost set in with unusual rigour, and opened a new road to the French armies. In the course • of a week the Maese and the Waal were both frozen over; and on the 27th a strong column of French crossed the Maese, near the village of Driel. They attacked the allied army for an extent of above twelve leagues; and, according to the report of General Pichegru, " were, as usual, victorious in every quarter." The army of the allies retreated before tbem; and, in its retreat, endured incredible hardships from the severity of the weather and the want of necessaries. On the 10th of January 1795, General Pichegru, having completed his arrangements, made his grand movement. The French crossed the Waal at different points, with a force, according to some accounts, of 70,000 men. A general attack was made upon Walmoden's position between Nimeguen and Arn- heim. The allies were defeated in every quarter; and, utterly unprepared either for resistance or for flight, suf- fered equally from the elements and the enemy. It was in vain that the Stadtholder issued manifestoes, proclamations, and exhortations, to the Dutch peasantry, conjuring them to rise in a mass for the defence of the country. The French continued to advance, and the allies to fly before them, till Utrecht surrendered to them on the 16th of January, Rotterdam on the 18th, and Dort on the succeeding day. The utmost consternation now prevailed among the partisans of the Stadtholder. The Princess of Orange, with the younger and female part of the family, and with all the plate, jewels, and moveables, that could be packed up, escaped on the 15th. The Stadtholder and the Hereditary Prince did not leave Hol- land till the 19th. His Serene Highness embarked at Scheveling, in an open boat, with only three men to navi- gate 700 WILLIAM, PRINCE OF ORANGE. gate her, and arrived safe at Harwich, in England. The palace of Hampton-Court was assigned him for his re- sidence. On the 20th of January, General Pichegru entered Amsterdam in triumph, at the head of 5000 men, and was received by the inhabitants with the loudest accla- mations. The whole of the United Provinces either submitted to, or was reduced by, the French, in a few weeks. An assembly of the provisional representatives of the people met on the 27th of January; and the whole government was changed and modelled nearly after the French plan. The Stadtholder continued to reside in England until a revolution, as unexpected as it was sudden, once more restored him to the government of his native country, and established his family in greater splendour than it had ever before enjoyed. The events which led to this surprising turn of fortune are too fresh in the recollection of our readers to render it necessary to recite them here; it is sufficient to observe, that the Dutch patriots, per- ceiving the opportunity favourable for shaking off the detested yoke of Buonaparte, concerted a rising against the French, which was fixed for the 14th of November 1813. On that day, one of the principal leaders proceeded to the residence of Le Brun, the Duke of Placentia, the Governor of Holland. He had the Orange cockade in his hat and on his breast; and he addressed Le Br*in as follows : — " You may easily guess, by these colours, for what purpose I am come, and what events are about to take place. You, who are now the weakest, know that we are the strongest. We, who are now the strongest, know that you are the weakest. You will do wisely and prudently to take your departure with all possible speed; and the sooner you do it, the less you will expose yourself to insult, and possibly to clanger." To this address Le Brun replied, " I have, Sir, for some time, expected such a message; and I very willingly accede to your proposition, to take my departure immediately." " In that case," said the pa- triot, " I will see you into your coach without loss of time." This was accordingly done. But by this time the people had assembled and surrounded the coach, with WILLIAM, PRINCE OF ORANGE. 701 with loud cries of " Orange Boven .'" " Up Orange ; down Buonaparte." The patriot accompanied him in the coach out of the town ; and no violence was offered him, except that he *vas obliged by the people to cry out, " Long live the Prince of Orange!" and to wear the Orange cockade — too happy, no doubt, to get off so well. Having thus sent him off", the people laid hold of all the French douaniers, and threw them into the river. All the watch-houses of the douaniers, and three of their vessels, were burnt. On the following day, the people of Amsterdam rose in a body, proclaim ing the house of Orange, and uni- versally putting up the Orange colours. This example was immediately followed by the other towns of the provinces of Holland and Utrecht, as Haarlem, Leyden, Utrecht, the Hague, Rotterdam, &c. At Utrecht, the garrison made some resistance : but the patriots tired upon them; and ten or twelve being killed on both sides, the garrison laid down their arms, and were permitted to depart. The French authorities were dismissed, and a temporary government established and proclaimed, in the name of the Prince of Orange; and, until his Serene Highness's arrival, composed of the most respectable members of the old govern- ment, and chiefly of those not employed under the French. These events were soon known in England; and the Prince of Orange lost no time in proceeding to join his party. He was, immediately on his arrival in Holland, restored to the government, and soon after pro- claimed, under a new title, Sovereign Prince of tub Netherlands; and the whole of the latter country was, by an act of the Congress of Vienna, united to Holland. This accession of territory cannot fail of rendering this family great and powerful, and will enable it to form a strong barrier against the ambition of France. vol. in. 4w iWcmOft* OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS GEORGE AUGUSTUS FREDERIC PRINCE OF WALES, PRINCE REGENT OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AMD IRELAND, &C. &C. XJIS Royal Highness the Prince of Wales was born on ■*■■*■ the 12th of August 1762; and a few days after his birth he was created Prince of Wales by letters patent. This title was first conferred by Edward I. in 1284, upon his son Prince Edward, when the British prince, Lle- welyn, was reduced, and his principality incorporated with England. His Royal Highness, as Prince of Wales, is born Duke of Cornwall, and immediately entitled to all the revenues belonging to that duchy ; and, as pre- sumptive heir to the throne, is likewise Hereditary Steward of Scotland, Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Carrick, and Baron of Renfrew. These were titles conferred by Robert III. King of Scotland, on the prince his eldest son, in 1399, and perpetually appropriated to the future princes of Scotland, as soon as born : since the accession of James I. they have been continued to the Prince of Wales in Great Britain. It is a matter of curious re- mark, that his Royal Highness enjoys no Irish honours, while all the junior branches of the royal family are by- birth Earls of Ireland. His Royal Highness was elected a Knight-Companion of the Garter in 1765, and installed at Windsor July 25, 1771. With regard to thee education of his Royal Highness, it has been said by an able writer, that it was conducted on a plan perfectly well calculated to render him a re- spectable scholar and an accomplished gentleman, but ill calculated to make him either a prudent prince or a great monarch. It was so austere (perhaps we should not use too harsh a word, if we were to say, so repulsive), that the moment of his Royal Highness's emancipation was that of a prisoner from confinement. Debarred from those PRINCE OF WALES. 703 those pleasures so natural to youth, he plunged into the joys of society with all the avidity of one who had never tasted of joy. Dr. Markham, archbishop of York, was i appointed his preceptor, and Dr. Jackson his sub-pre- ceptor. These gentlemen continued to fill those offices until the year 1776, when a new establishment was formed ; and Dr. Markham was succeeded by Dr. Hurd, bishop of Worcester, and Dr. Jackson by Mr. Arnold, tutor of St. John's College, Cambridge : but the reason for these changes is not generally known. His Royal Highness had hardly attained his nineteenth year before he became attached to Mrs. Robinson, who has, in her Life, given the history of this intercourse. On the 12th of August 1783, his Royal Highness having attained his majority, a message to the House of Commons was delivered by Lord John Cavendish, the chancellor of the exchequer, to the following effect: — u George R — His Majesty, reflocting upon the propriety of a se- parate establishment to his dearly beloved Son, the Prince of Wales, recommends the consideration thereof to this House; relying on the experienced zeal and affection of his faithful Commons, for such aid towards making that establishment as shall appear consistent with a due attention to the circumstances of his people, every addi- tion to whose burdens his Majesty feels with the most sensible concern." On this message being taken into consideration, it was determined that his Royal Highness should be allowed the sum of <£50,000 a-year; and that the sum of £60,000 should be granted to him for the purpose of forming an establishment. The inadequacy of this sum to support the dignity of the heir-apparent to the British throne could not fail of striking every person, and particularly ' when it was so very inferior to the revenues enjoyed by former Princes of Wales. George II. when Prince of Wales, had an income of .£100,000 per annum; and the same sum had been allowed to Frederick Prince of Wales, his Majesty's father, and also to his present Ma- jesty, for the short time he was Prince of Wales. Those who wished to see the allowance increased, argued, that as his Royal Highness's predecessors had enjoyed larger revenues at periods when the necessaries of life were much cheaper, it was treating the Prince with ill judged and unmerited parsimony to place him in a worse situa- tion than former Princes of Wales had been placed in. 4 u 2 Many 704 PRINCE OF WALES. Many who argued in this manner foretold the conse- quence, and the embarrassments which afterwards arose in the circumstances of his Royal Highness. Among these was Mr. Fox, who then filled the post of Secretary of State for tht Foreign Department. As a statesman and man of the world, he foresaw that habits of strict eco- nomy could not well be expected from so young a man as the Prince; and that the narrowness of his income, instead of ultimately being of any advantage to the country, might throw him into a situation of embarrass- ment. Had it remained with him, Mr. Fox said, to have advised an establishment, he would most assuredly have proposed a sum more adequate to the object in view : the person, however, the most proper to decide in the business had been of an opinion very different; and it was his duty to submit. The contracted scale of income which it was proposed to settle on the Prince was en- tirely a measure of the King's : his Majesty was unwilling, at the close of a disastrous and expensive war, when eco- nomy in every branch of the public expenditure was loudly called for by all ranks of his people, to increase the expences of the state by a larger establishment of the Prince of Wales. The first appearance of his Royal Highness in parlia- ment was on the 11th of November 1783; a session which was one of the most important that had occurred since his Majesty's accession, but which, in magnitude, bns been eclipsed by subsequent events. The coalition- ministry, with the Duke of Portland at its head, though Mi. Fox was the efficient minister, was then at the zenith of its power, and menaced the royal authority with some Testrictions of prerogative, which are supposed to have given high offence at court: we allude to the celebrated India bill of Mr. Fox, which was introduced in this ses- sion, and caused the dismission of the coalition-adminis- tration. In the discussions which took place in the Upper House of Parliament relative to the India bill, the Prince of Wales remained neuter; but it was generally understood, that the Whig party, with Mr. Fox at their head, possessed his good wishes. Being now launched into public life, some judgment may be formed of the Prince's political principles from the party he associated with. Among these we find Fox PRINCE OF WALES. 705 Fox Burke, and Sheridan. Besides these three great men, his Royal Highness assiduously attached to him every other character, whose intercourse could strengthen, enrich, or polish his mind. Among the more intimate of his friends, we find Lord Moira, Lord Hugh Seymour, and Rear-Admiral Payne, besides a long list of the nobility and distinguished commoners, who were ho- noured with his countenance. Shortly after the connexion between the Prince and Mrs. Robinson had been broken off, his Royal Highness formed another more serious connexion; which, at the time it happened, gave rise to much obloquy, and was the occasion, it has been supposed, of causing a consider- able coolness between the Prince and his Royal Father. The circumstance to which we allude, is the intimacy which at this time took place between his Royal High- ness and Mrs. Fitzherbert. In the beginning ot the year 1786, this new intercourse formed a subject of general discourse. Mrs. Fitzherbert was a widow lady of great accomplishments and beauty, but some years older than his Royal Highness. Her family was respectable: she was niece, on her father's side, to Sir Edward Smythe, of Acton Burnel, in the county of Salop; and distantly related to the noble family of Sefton, in the kingdom of Ireland. Her sister was married to Sir Carnaby Hagger- stone, a baronet of considerable respectability and fortune in the county of York. When this connexion was pub- licly made known, a rumour was circulated that the Prince of Wales was privately married to Mrs. Fitz- herbert. That the heir-apparent of the crown, or any other prince of the blood-royal, should be privately married, was an event particularly guarded against by the Royal-Marriage Act. By this act of parliament it was declared, that the descendants of George the Second, except the offspring of such of the princesses as were married to, or might marry foreign princes, were inca- pable of marrying till the age of five-and-twenty years, without his Majesty's consent previously obtained, or after the age of five-and-twenty, in the case of his Ma- jesty refusal, without the consent of both Houses of Par- liament. The marriage of the Prince of Wales, there- fore, with Mrs. Fitzherbert, if it had even taken place in point of form, was null and void in point of law. The children, 706 PRINCE OF WALES. children, if any had been born of this marriage, were illegitimate and incapable of inheritance. But this was by no means the circumstance in this delicate affair, which made the most considerable im- pression upon the public mind. What excited the greatest sensation was, that Mrs. Fitzherbert was edu- cated in the principles of the Roman-Catholic religion. She might have retracted those principles, it was said; but was that retraction, it was rejoined, even supposing it had been made, worthy to be believed ? There were not wanting those who believed, or were willing to have it thought so, that the marriage ceremony had been actually solemnized; and a pamphlet was written to shew that the Royal-Marriage Act itself was a nullity, and con- sequently that Mrs. Fitzherbert was absolutely married to the Prince of Wales, and became ipso facto Princess of Wales. The Act of Settlement, by which the house of Brunswick was called to the British throne, expressly declared a prince that married a Catholic incapable of inheriting the crown. It is scarcely, however, to be believed, how deep an impression was made upon the public mind by this supposed marriage. Many saw, in their prospects into futurity, every reason to expect the horrors of a civil war; and, in their zeal for the civil and religious liberties of their country, some of them were ready, in case of the demise of the sovereign, to have taken up arms against his natural successor, by way of antidote and precaution. In the year 17S6, when his Royal Highness had hardly possessed his establishment three years, it was found he had contracted a debt of between 2 and =£300,000; and, as it was impossible to liquidate this enormous sum, with the income which his Royal Highness possessed, he determined to apply to the King for assistance, ob- serving, that if any part of his conduct were thought improper, he would alter it, and conform to the wishes of his Majesty in every thing that became him as a gen- tleman. His Majesty, on receiving this communication, desired that a statement of the Prince's affairs might be laid before him. This was accordingly done; and, on the 4th of July, the King's answer, which was a direct refusal to interfere, was delivered to Lord Southampton, groom of the stole to his Royal Highness. The latter immediately PRINCE OF WALES. 707 immediately resolved to suppress the establishment of his household, to abridge himself of every superfluous expence, and to set apart a large annual sum, which was reported to be ,£40,000, for the liquidation of his debts; and, what did his Royal Highness more honour, he re- solved to sell the whole of bus stud, and apply the pro- duce to the same purpose. Accordingly, his racing stud, which had been formed with great judgment and expence, and was looked upon as one of the most com- plete in the kingdom, his hunters, and even his coach- horses, were sold by public auction; the whole of which produced about seven thousand guineas. At the same time the buildings and interior decorations of Carlton House were stopped, and some of the most considerable rooms shut up from use: the number of his attendants was also diminished; but, with great humanity, care was taken to settle pensions on those who would other- wise have been reduced to distress on quitting the Prince's service. His Royal Highness persevered in his plan of retrench- ment for a period of nine months; and, denying himself those accommodations and indulgences to which he was entitled from his rank, he adhered rigidly to the plan he had entered upon of devoting the greater part of his in- come to the liquidation of his debts. It was hoped by the Prince's friends, that his magnanimity and disin- terestedness on this occasion would have operated some- where in his favour, either on the feelings of his Royal father or on the generosity of the House of Commons, so as to occasion his embarrassments to be taken up as a national concern. But, disappointed in this expectation, the Prince felt himself indisposed any longer to submit to the indignity of his situation, or to live upon the contracted scale on which, with the most laudable inten- tions, he had limited his expences. The public opinion was divided as to the line of conduct proper to be adopted towards the Prince in this emergency. On the one hand it was said, that the Prince of Wales was the fittest person to do the honours of the nation to foreigners of distinction who visited it; and that the magnificence of his living, the liberality of his temper, and the affabi- lity of his disposition, were well calculated to exalt, and to do credit to the English character. His present situ- ation 70S PRINCE OF WALES. ation was therefore to be considered as a disgrace to the nation. It exhibited us, they said, in the eyes of Europe, either as impoverished and impotent, or as governed by an injudicious and ill-timed penuriousness, that curbed and chained down the first subject in the realm, and froze up the natural current of his spirit and generosity. On the other hand it was maintained, that the irregular and faulty character of the Prince of Wales required a severe and rigorous discipline. They admitted that he had shewn some rectitude of judgment, that he knew how to chuse the path of virtue; but that it was neces- sary he should be taught how to persist in it, in spite of the thorns and ruggedness that surrounded it. Adversity, they said, was never yet injurious to improvement, but that a person of the highest rank was in danger of being spoiled by uninterrupted prosperity; and therefore it was right that poverty, hardships, and inconvenience, should teach the Prince to feel for the sufferings of other men. Such were the principal arguments that wete used by those who were the advocates of the Prince, and by those who condemned his conduct. While such was the state of the controversy, his Royal Highness having, as he conceived, tried every other ex- pedient for his extrication, at length thought proper, as the last resort, to authorize an application to parliament: and the person to whom this delicate business was en- trusted was Alderman Newnham, one of the representa- tives for the city. The business was first agitated on the 20th of April 17S7, when Mr. Newnham put the question to Mr. Pitt, whether it were his intention to bring forward any proposition to rescue the Prince of Wales from his embarrassed and distressed situation ? Being answered by the minister, that he had received no commands for that purpose from the King, the Alderman gave notice, that, on Friday the 4th of May, he would bring forward a motion on the subject, for the consideration of the House. Mr. Pitt, a few days alter, requested to be informed more particularly respecting the precise nature of the pro- posed motion. To this Mr. Newnham did not think proper to accede; and Mr. Pitt then observed, that the subject was of the highest importance in itself, of the greatest novelty, likely to effect the most essential in- terests of the country, and of all others required the greatest PRINCE OF WALES. 709 greatest delicacy in its discussion. The knowledge, he said, which he possessed on the subject made him par- ticularly desirous of avoiding it; but if it were absolutely determined to bring it forward, he would, however dis- tressing it, might prove to him as an individual, discharge his duty to the public, and enter fully into the subject. On the 27th of April, Mr. Newnham stated the precise nature of his motion, which was for an address to his Majesty, praying him to take into his royal consideration the situation of the Prince of Wales, and to grant his Royal Highness such relief as in his wisdom he should think fit, pledging the House to make good the same* Mr. Rolle, member for Devonshire, observed, that he felt much concern to find that Mr. Newnham persisted in his intention; and particularly called the attention of the country-gentlemen to the subject, as one of those, questions, he affirmed, that tended immediately to affect the constitution in church and state. A rather spirited debate, or rather conversation, ensued, in which many of the members of the House partook. Two days afterwards a meeting was held, at the house of Mr. Thomas Pelham, of the friends of the intended motion of Mr. Alderman. Newnham, at which the Prince of Wales was present, in order to consider of the state of the business, and to con- cert such measures as might be thought proper under existing circumstances. In consequence of this meeting, the s-ubject was again introduced into the House of Com- mons in a different form. Mr. Newnham introduced it by alluding to the remark which had been made by Mr. Pitt, that the mode of application by address to the throne was of all others the most exceptionable, and de- clared, that he should therefore think it right to decline that form of proceeding; and if Mr. Pitt would point out a mode of application the most mild and the least likely to provoke resistance, he would readily adopt that mode in preference to any other that might occur to him. Mr. Pitt answered, that Mr. Newnham had mistaken the nature of his objection to the intended motion. His op- position, he said, was pointed at every proposal which should originate such a subject in that House; so that, in fact, the form in which it was done could have very little weight in his consideration. k\ this stage of the transaction, an intimation wascon- vol. in. 4 x veyed 710 PRItfCE OF WALES. =as veyed to the Prince of Wales, that Mr. Dundas (then one of the secretaries of state) would be glad if his Royal Highness had no objection to have an interview with him. This overture was reported to have sprung from some things that had been dropped by the Duchess of Gordon upon the subject, in a conversation between her Grace and Mr. Pitt. In consequence of this overture, Mr. Dundas had an interview with the Prince at Carlton House; and the following day Mr. Pitt was admitted to his Royal Highness. In consequence of these interviews, Mr. Newnham acquainted the House of Commons, on the day originally selected for his long-expected motion, that that motion was now no longer necessary, and therefore, with the most sincere and heartfelt satisfaction, he declined the bringing it forward. Fourteen days after this, a message from the King was delivered to both Houses of Parliament, inform- ing them that it was with great concern his Majesty had to acquaint them that, from the accounts of the Prince of Wales, it appeared that he had incurred a debt to a large amount, which, if left to be discharged out of his annual income, would render it impossible for him to support an establishment suited to his rank and station. Painful as it was at all times to the King to propose any addition to the heavy expences of his peo- ple, he was induced to the present application from his paternal affection to the Prince of Wales. He could not, however, expect or desire the assistance of parliament, but on a well-grounded expectation that the Prince would avoid contracting any debts in future. With a view to this object, the King had directed a sum of .£10,000 per annum to be paid out of the civil list, in addition to his former allowance; and he had the satis- faction to observe, that the Prince had given the fullest assurance of his determination to confine his future ex- pences within the limits of his income, and had settled a plan, and fixed an order in those expences, which it was trusted would effectually secure the due execution of his intentions. The King further recommended to par- liament the completing, in a proper manner, the works that had been undertaken at Carlton House. The accounts being presented to the House of Com- mons on the following Wednesday, the day after an ad- dress PRINCE OF WALES. 711 dress was voted to the King to request his Majesty to direct the sum of .£161,000 to be paid out of the civil list for the full discharge of the debts of his Royal High- ness the Prince of Wales, and the further sum of £20,000 on account of the works at Carlton House. The King's illness was the next occasion which called forth his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales into no- tice : this took place towards the close of the year 1788. Parliament having met on the 20th of November of that year, the ministers explained to both Houses his Ma- jesty's melancholy situation; after which they adjourned a fortnight. At their next meeting, a committee of twenty-one members in each House was appointed to examine and report the sentiments of the royal physi- cians; and a farther adjournment to the 10th of Decem- ber took place. On that day the report of the committee was laid upon the table of the House of Commons; and, after commenting upon it for some time, Mr. Pitt moved, " That a committee be appointed to examine and report precedents of such proceedings as may have been had in cases of the personal exercise of the royal authority being prevented or interrupted by infancy, sickness, in- firmity, or otherwise, with a view to provide for the same." This motion, which was evidently designed to gain time, was strongly opposed by Mr. Fox, who had been sent for express from the continent by his Royal Highness, in order to assist him with his advice. Mr. Fox, in the course of his speech, declared, " that he had not in his mind a doubt, and he should think himself cul- pable if he did not take the first opportunity in declaring it, that in the present condition of his Majesty, his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales had as clear and express a right to exercise the power of sovereignty during the con- tinuance of the incapacity with which it had pleased God to afflict the King, as in the event of his Majesty having undergone a natural demise." This unconstitutional doc- trine was immediately combated by Mr. Pitt; who said, that the doctrine advanced by Mr. Fox was itself, if any additional reason was necessary, the strongest and most unanswerable for the appointment of the committee he had moved for, that could possibly be given. If a claim of right was intimated on the part of the Prince of Wales to assume the government, it became of the utmost con- 4x2 sequence 712 PRINCE OF WALES. sequence to ascertain from precedent and history whether this claim were well-founded ; which, if it was, precluded the House from the possibility of all deliberation on the subject. In the mean time he maintained that it would appear, from every precedent, and from every page of our. history, that to assert such a right in the Prince of Wales, or any one else, independent of the decision of the two Houses of Parliament, was little less than trea- son to the constitution of the country. He pledged himself to this assertion, that in the case of the interrup- tion of the personal exercise of the royal authority, with- out any previous lawful provision having been made for carrying on the government, it belonged to the other "branches of the legislature, on the part of the nation at large, to provide according to their discretion for the temporary exercise of the royal authority, in the name and on the behalf of the sovereign, in such manner as they should deem requisite; and that, unless by their decision, the Prince of Wales had no right to assume the government any more than any other individual in the country. Whatever might be the discretion of parlia- ment with respect to the disposition of those powers, their right to dispose of them was undoubted ; and that, until the sanction of parliament was obtained, the Prince of Wales had no more right to exercise the powers of government than any other person in the realm. In the House of Lords a similar motion for a commit- tee was made by Lord Camden; and, as Mr. Fox's doc- trine had excited a great deal of public attention, it was particularly combated by his Lordship. Lord Loughbo- rough, who headed the Prince of Wales's party in the Upper House, and who had views of advancement, vin- dicated the op'nions of Mr. Fox; but his arguments do not appear to be very conclusive. With regard to the conduct of his Royal Highness on this occasion, we have no reason to suppose that this doctrine of right was countenanced by him. On the contrary, he anxiously endeavoured to avert the farther discussion of it. For this purpose, Mr. Fox was required to declare in the House of Commons, that the opinion he had delivered was in his private capacity, and without the authority of the Prince of Wales. And the Duke of York, in the Upper House, declared, that no claim of right PRINCE OF WALES. 713 right had been made on the part of the Prince; and he was confident, he said, that his Royal Highness under- stood too well the sacred principles which seated the house of Brunswick on the throne of Great Britain, ever to assume or exercise any power, be his claim what it might, not derived from the will of the people, expressed by their representatives and their Lordships in parlia- ment assembled. It was upon this ground that he must hope, that the wisdom and moderation of all considerate men, at a moment when temper and unanimity were so peculiarly necessary, on account of the dreadful calamity which every description of persons must in common la- ment, but which he more particularly felt, would make them wish to avoid pressing a decision, which certainly was not necessary to the great object expected from parliament, and which, in the discussion, must be most painful to a family already sufficiently agitated and afflicted. This declaration, although confirmed by the Duke of Gloucester, failed in preventing the farther discussion of this question. Mr. Fox, in the House of Commons, still maintained his former opinion, although he strenu- ously disclaimed any assertion of right on the part of the Prince of Wales. He said, " that from the moment that the two Houses of Parliament declared the King unable to exercise the royal sovereignty, from that mo- ment a right to exercise the royal authority with all its functions attached to the Prince of Wales, for the time such incapacity might exist." A sensible and judicious writer, speaking of the situa- tion of public affairs at this period, observes, that a va- riety of circumstances concurred to render the agitation of the Prince's right extremely ill-timed for the party with whom Mr. Fox acted. All public bodies are fond of power; and the parliament of Great Britain being told by grave authority that they had a sceptre to bestow, with feelings very natural for a public body in such a predicament, were unwilling to wave so important a privilege. Another consideration was, the unpopularity of the Prince of Wales. His debts had been paid in the preceding year to a very large amount; and the minister had dextrously contrived that all the odium of that mea- sure should rest with the confidential friends of the Prince. But 7\% PRINCE OF WALES. But what, perhaps, operated most to the disadvantage of the heir apparent was a ridiculous report which prevailed at that time, and was credulously believed by many, that his Royal Highness had contracted a marriage, ac- cording to the rites of the Romish church, with a Catho- lic lady. It was in vain that the friends of the Prince declared, that the fact not only never could have hap- pened legally in consequence of the restrictions of the Royal-Marriage Act, but never did happen in any way, and had from the beginning been a vile and malignant falsehood. Notwithstanding an explicit declaration to this effect was made in the House of Commons by Mr. Fox, at the time when the Prince's debts were under conside- ration, it was far from removing suspicion ; and many honest and well-meaning members of parliament, who otherwise probably would have voted for the Prince of Wales's absolute right to the regency, under a strong jealousy of this connexion, supported the proposition of the minister. Above all, the peculiar circumstances of popular delusion under which the House of Commons was convened, and which gave the minister so powerful an influence in that House, still existed in considerable force, and therefore any proposition proceeding from the distinguished leader of the opposition was certain to be received with the utmost circumspection and re- serve. After the committee of the House of Commons had made their report, Mr. Pitt moved two resolutions of a declaratory nature: the first affirming, that the personal exercise of the royal authority was interrupted; and the second, that it was the duty of the two Houses of Par- liament to provide the means of supplying that defect. These were agreed to, after a close division of 268 against 204, and were soon followed by a third resolution, de- claring it to be necessary, for the purpose of supplying that defect, and maintaining entire the constitutional au- thority of the King, that the two Houses should deter- mine on the means by which the royal assent might be given to the bill which they might adopt for constituting a regency. What the minister proposed was, that the Lord Chancellor should be empowered to put the great seal to any act which the two Houses of Parliament might think proper to pass. These resolutions were carried PRINCE OF WALES. 71,5 carried by large majorities through both Houses of Parliament; and, on the 30th of December, Mr. Pitt addressed the following letter to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, containing the outlines of his plan of the proposed regency: — " Sir — The proceedings in parliament being now brought to a point which will render it necessary to pro- pose to the House of Commons the particular measures to be taken for supplying the defect of the personal ex- ercise of the royal authority during the present interval, and your Royal Highness having some time since signi- fied your pleasure that any communication on this sub- ject should be in writing; I take the liberty of respectfully entreating your Royal Highness' s permission to submit to your consideration the outlines of the plan which his Majesty's confidential servants humbly conceive, accord- ing to the best judgment they are able to form, to be proper to be proposed in the present circumstances. It is their humble opinion, that your Royal Highness shoald be empowered to exercise the royal authority, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, during his Ma- jesty's illness, and to do all acts which might legally be done by his Majesty ; with provisions, nevertheless, that the care of his Majesty's royal person, and the manage- ment of the royal household, and the direction and ap- pointment of the officers and servants therein, should be in the Queen, under such regulations as may bethought necessary. That the power to be exercised by your Royal Highness should not extend to the granting the real and personal property of the King, except as far as relates to the renewal of leases — to the granting of any office in reversion — or to the granting, for any other term than during his Majesty's pleasure, any pension, or any other office whatever, except such as must by law be granted for life, or during good behaviour — nor to the granting any rank or dignity of the peerage of this realm to any person except his Majesty's issue who shall have attained the age of twenty-one years. These are the chief points which have occurred to his Majesty's ser- vants. I beg leave to add, that their ideas are formed on the supposition that his Majesty's illness is only tem- porary, and may be of no long duration. It may be dif- ficult to fix beforehand the precise period for which these 716 PRINCE OF WALES. these provisions ought to last; but if, unfortunately, his Majesty's recovery should be protracted to a more dis- tant period than there is reason at present to imagine, it will be open hereafter to the wisdom of parliament to re-consider these provisions whenever the circumstances appear to call for it. If your Royal Highness should be pleased to require any further explanation on the subject, and should condescend to signify your orders that I should have the honour of attending your Royal Highness for that purpose, or to intimate any other mode in which your Royal Highness may wish to receive such explana- tion, I shall respectfully wait your Royal Highness' s com- mands. I have the honour to be your Royal Highness's most dutiful and devoted servant, " W. Pitt." To this communication the Prince of Wales caused the following answer to be delivered to the Lord Chan- cellor: — " The Prince of Wales learns from Mr. Pitt's letter, that the proceedings in parliament are now in a train which enables Mr. Pitt, according to the intimation in his former letter, to communicate to the Prince the out? lines of the plan which his Majesty's confidential servants conceive proper to be proposed in the present circum- stances. Concerning the steps already taken by Mr. Pitt, the Prince is silent. Nothing done by the two Houses of Parliament can be a proper subject of his animadver- sion; but when, previous to any discussion in parlia- ment, the outlines of a scheme of government are sent for his consideration, in which it is proposed that he shall be personally and principally concerned, and by which the royal authority and public welfare may be deeply af- fected, the Prince would be unjustifiable, were he to withhold an explicit declaration of his sentiments. His silence might be construed into a previous approbation of a plan, the accomplishment of which every motive of duty to his father and sovereign, as well as regard for the public interest, obliges him to consider as injurious to both. In the state of deep distress in which the Prince and the whole of the royal family are involved by the heavy calamity which has befallen the King, and at a moment when government, deprived of its chief energy and support, seem peculiarly to need the cordial and united PRINCE OF WALES. 717 united aid of all descriptions of good subjects, it was not expected by the Prince, that a plan should be offered to his consideration, by which government was to be ren- dered difficult, if not impracticable, in the hands of any k person intended to represent the King's authority, much less in the hands of his eldest son, the heir apparent of his kingdoms, and the person most bound to the mainte- nance of his Majesty's just prerogatives and authority, as well as most interested in the happiness, the prosperity, and the glory of the people. The. Prince forbears to remark on the several parts of the sketch of the plan laid before him: he apprehends it must have been formed with sufficient deliberation to preclude the possibility of any arguments of his producing any alteration of senti- ment in the projectors of it. But he trusts with con- fidence to the wisdom and justice of parliament, when the whole of this subject, and the circumstances con- nected with it, shall come under their deliberation. He observes, therefore, only generally on the heads com- municated by Mr. Pitt: and it is with deep regret the Prince makes the observation, that he sees in the con- tents of that paper a project for producing weakness, disorder, and insecurity, in every branch of the adminis- tration of affairs; a project for dividing the royal family from each other — for separating the court from the state — and therefore, by disjoining government from its natural and accustomed support, a scheme for discon- necting the authority to command service from the power of animating it by reward — and for allotting to the Prince all the invidious duties of government, without the means of softening them to the public by any one act of grace, favour, or benignity. The Prince's feelings on contem- plating this plan are also rendered still more painful to him by observing, that it is not founded on any general principles, but is calculated to infuse jealousies and sus- picions (wholly groundless, he trusts) in that quarter whose confidence it will ever be the first pride of his life to merit and obtain. With regard to the motive and object of the limitations and restrictions proposed, the Prince can have but little to observe. No light or information is offered him by his Majesty's ministers on these points: they have informed him what the powers are which they mean to refuse him, not why they are withheld. The vol. m. 4 y Prince, 71S PRINCE OF WALES. Prince, however, holding as he does that it is an un- doubted and fundamental principle of this constitution, that the powers and prerogatives of the crown are vested there as a trust for the benefit of the people, and that they are sacred only as they are necessary to the preserva- tion of that poise and balance of the constitution which experience has proved to be the true security of the liberty of the subject, must be allowed to observe, that the plea of public utility ought to be strong, manifest, and urgent, which calls for the extinction or suspension, of any of those essential rights in the supreme power or its representative, or which can justify the Prince in con- senting that in his person an experiment shall be made to ascertain with how small a portion of the kingly power the executive government of this country may be carried on. The Prince has only to add, that if security for his Majesty's re-possessing his rightful government whenever it shall please Providence, in bounty to the country, to remove the calamity with which he is afflicted, be any part of the object of this plan, the Prince has only to be convinced that any measure is necessary, or even con- ducive to that end, to be the first to urge it, as the pre- liminary and paramount consideration of any settlement in which he would consent to share. If attention to what is presumed might be his Majesty's feelings and -wishes on the happy day of his Majesty's recovery be the object, it is with the truest sincerity the Prince ex- presses his firm conviction that no event would be more repugnant to the feelings of his royal father, than the knowledge that the government of his son and represen- tative had exhibited the sovereign power of the realm in a state of degradation, of curtailed authority, and di- minished energy — a state hurtful in practice to the pros- perity and good government of his people, and injurious in its precedent to the security of the monarch, and the rights of his family. Upon that part of the plan which regards the King's real and personal property, the Prince feels himself compelled to remark, that it was not neces- sary for Mr. Pitt, nor proper, to suggest to the Prince the restraints he proposes against the Prince's granting away the King's real and personal property. The Prince does not conceive that, during the King's life, he is by law entitled to make any such grant, and he is sure that he has PRINCE OF WALES. 719 has never shewn the smallest inclination to possess any such power. But it remains with Mr. Pitt to consider the eventual interests of the royal family, and to provide a proper and natural security against the mismanagement of them by others. The Prince has discharged an indis- pensable duty in thus giving his free opinion on the plan submitted for his consideration. His conviction of the evils which may arise to the King's interests, to the peace and happiness of the royal family, and to the safety and welfare of the nation, from the government of the country remaining longer in its present maimed and debilitated state, outweighs in the Prince's mind every other con- sideration, and will determine him to undertake the pain- ful task imposed upon him by the present melancholy necessity (which of all the King's subjects he deplores the most), in full confidence that the affection and loyalty to the King, the experienced attachment to the house of Brunswick, and the generosity which has always distin- guished this nation, will carry him through the many difficulties inseparable from this most critical situation, with comfort to himself, with honour to the King, and with advantage to the public." On the 16th of January Mr. Pitt opened his propo- sitions to the House of Commons, which he prefaced with a long speech; and, after an ineffectual opposition, they passed both Houses. A deputation of Peers and Commoners was appointed to wait on the Prince with the resolutions, which were exactly similar to what Mr. Pitt had laid down in his letter to his Royal Highness. To this deputation the Prince made the following speech : — " My Lords and Gentlemen — I thank you for com- municating to me the resolutions agreed upon by the two Houses; and I request you to assure them, in my name, that my duty to the King my father, and my anxious concern for the safety and interests of the people, which must be endangered by a longer suspension of the ex- ercise of the royal authority, together with my respect for the united desires of the two Houses, outweigh, in my mind, every other consideration, and will letermine me to undertake the weighty and important trust proposed to me in conformity to the resolutions now communicated to me. I am sensible of the difficulties that must attend 4 y 2 the 720 PRINCE OF WALES. ' the execution of this trust, in the particular circum- stances in which it is committed to my charge, of which as I am acquainted with no former example, my hope of a successful administration cannot be founded on any past experience. But, confiding that the limitations on the exercise of the royal authority deemed necessary for the present have been approved by the two Houses only as a temporary measure, founded on the loyal hope, in which I ardently participate, that his Majesty's disorder may not be of long duration — and trusting in the mean while that I shall receive a zealous and united support in the two Houses, and in the nation, proportioned to the difficulty attending the discharge of my trust in this interval — I will entertain the pleasing hope that my faithful endeavours to preserve the interests of the King, his crown, and people, may be successful." The proceedings of the Irish parliament formed a re- markable contrast to those of the British: the latter, we have seen, deemed it absolutely necessary to restrict the powers of his Royal Highness; the former, on the con- trary, immediately on the event of his Majesty's mental indisposition being signified to them, invited his Royal Highness to assume the government, without any limita- tions or restrictions whatever. This measure, however, did not pass without considerable opposition; and the address to his Royal Highness, conveying the resolutions of the two Houses, was refused to be transmitted by the Lord Lieutenant (the Marquis of Buckingham); for which the Irish parliament passed votes of censure, and imme- diately deputed delegates to wait upon the Prince, with a formal invitation to accept the government. The King's recovery, however, rendered all subsequent proceedings unnecessary; his Majesty was daily ad- vancing towards a state of convalescence, and his perfect recovery was soon announced to the nation. The next public event in the life of his Royal High- ness the Prince of Wales which we have to notice, is his marriage with his cousin, her Serene Highness the Prin- cess Caroline Amelia Elizabeth, second daughter of the Duke of Brunswick, by his Duchess, Augusta, elder sister to his Majesty, and formerly Princess-Royal of England. This match does not appear to have been from the first very agreeable to his Royal Highness; and for PRINCE OF WALES. 701 for some time he resisted all proposals that were made to him on the subject. But the Duke of York having no issue by his Duchess, and the length of time that had elapsed since his marriage rendering it improbable that he should have issue, the Prince of Wales was prevailed upon, by motives of state-policy, and by a desire to re- lieve himself from the embarrassment of a heavy load of debt under which he laboured, at length to consent to marry. This marriage took place in the evening of the 8th of April 1795, at the Chapel-Royal, St. James's, and was solemnized by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The event was marked by splendid illuminations; and in a few days both Houses of Parliament voted unanimous addresses of congratulation to their Majesties, and to the Prince and Princess of Wales: and their example was followed by the city of London, the universities of Ox- ford and Cambridge, and by most of the other great bo- dies of the kingdom. This match, although thus auspi- ciously commenced, has failed in promoting the do- mestic happiness of his Royal Highness; and a separa- tion very soon after took place between the illustrious parties, the causes of which it would be foreign to our purpose to investigate. As one of the conditions of the marriage was, that his Royal Highness should be relieved from his pecuniary embarrassments, a message from the King to parliament was delivered on the 27th of April on this subject. The message stated the reliance of his Majesty ivpon the ge- nerosity of parliament, for enabling him to settle an esta- blishment upon the Prince and his august bride, suited to their rank and dignity: that the benefit of any settle- ment now to be made could not be effectually secured to the Prince till he was relieved from his present incum- brance, a very large amount; but that his Majesty did not propose to his parliament any other means of pro- viding for this object, than the application of a part of the income which might be settled on the Prince, and the appropriation for a certain time of the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall; declaring his readiness to concur in any plan of establishing a regular arrangement j n the Prince's future expenditure, and of guarding against the possibility of his being again involved. This message excited considerable sensation in the House 7^9 PRINCE OF WALES. House of Commons. After the reading of the message, Mr. Pitt moved for a committee to consider it that day se'nnight; upon which Colonel Stanley moved for read- ing the address to the House on the 24th of May 1787- This being read, Mr. Stanley observed that the House had already liberally paid the debts of the Prince; and he wished for a call of the House, that the attendance upon an affair of so much importance might be as full as pos- sible. This was opposed by Mr. Pitt ; who stated, that it was not his Majesty's intention to require a specific sum for the discharge of the principal debts, but to set apart a certain portion of that income which might be granted by the liberality of parliament to their gradual discharge. An establishment for the Prince of Wales, he said, had long been a matter of general expectation. In a provi- sion to be made for supporting the dignity and splendour of the heir-apparent, it was certainly necessary to free his affairs of all clogs and embarrassments. Comparing the giants made to the grandfather of his Royal High- ness, at a time when the scale of expence was infinitely less, the sum to be now proposed was comparatively small. He then enlarged upon the necessity of support- ing the dignity and splendour of every branch of the royal family; and argued, that on a subject of such ge- neral obviousness there was no necessity for a call of the House. The further consideration of the business was resumed on the 14th of May ; when Mr. Hussey proposed that the reports of the commissioners on the state of the erown lands should be referred to the committee. He stated that, by 1 Anne, c. 7, this subject, and that of provision for the royal family, were closely connected. These lands, he said, had never yet produced J 6000 a- year, though they might be improved to the annual value of .£400,000. The motion was, however, objected to; and immediately Mr. Pitt rose, and after an animated ex- ordium, in which the immediate interest of the country in supporting the dignity and splendour of the royal family was strongly insisted upon, he proceeded to state the necessity of an additional establishment on account of the marriage of the Prince, and a jointure for her Royal Highness. The present income of the Prince of Wales was £G0fi00 t exclusive of the duchy of Cornwall, which PRINCE OF WALES. 723 which was about £15,000 per annum. Fifty years ago, his grandfather, then Prince of Wales, possessed a net income of £100,000 per annum, in addition to the duchy of Cornwall. Eighty years ago, his great-grandfather, then Prince of Wales, had .£100,000 without that duchy. From a review of those establishments, Mr. Pitt said, the House would see that his present Royal Highness ought to have a considerable addition, even if he were not in- cumbered with debt. The difference of expence between the former period and the present time amounted, he thought, to at least one-fourth of the whole income ; he therefore proposed that the income of his Royal High- ness should be £125,000 per annum, exclusive of the duchy of Cornwall. This was no more, he thought, than the committee would be disposed to allow to the Prince on the event of a marriage which they approved and re- joiced in. Here, he said, he rested the present question. With regard to regulations to be made hereafter, he should state the preparations for the marriage at .£27,000 or £28,000 for jewels and plate, and £2(3,000 for fur- nishing Carlton House: the jointure of the Princess to be £50,000 per annum. The debts of his Royal High- ness, which were for future consideration, he stated at nearly £630,000, up to the last quarter : besides which, there were some debts in which he was security for the Dukes of York and Clarence; but, from their merito- rious exertions, these debts were in such a train of liqui- dation, and a course of punctual discharge, that there was no fear of their becoming burdensome to the public. Mr. Pitt said, he wished to take the sense of the House on the best mode of freeing his Royal Highness from his incumbrances, and was convinced that, before the House should take any step for their liquidation, they ought to be clearly stated for accurate investigation ; and for this purpose he wished to know, whether the House would prefer a secret committee, which was the most expedi- tious mode, or whether they would leave the whole to be settled under legislative provisions? Whatever mode was adopted, it was necessary that regard should be had to a provision for contracting fresh debts; and it was, he thought, necessary that parliament should mark the sense they entertained of the manner in which his Royal Highness had incurred his present embarrassments; and, in 724 PRINCE OF WALES. in that view, the liquidation of the debt might properly be a tax on the affluence of the Prince. He should therefore, in a future stage, propose certain provisions for liquidating the debts out of the duchy of Cornwall and the other income of his Royal Highness, certain parts of which should be vested in commissioners to discharge the debt and interest at four per cent, except such as bore legal interest at five. For this purpose he proposed =£25,000 a-year should be set apart, which would discharge the debt in about twenty-seven years. In the case of the demise of the Prince of Wales within that time, £25,000 would be charged annually on that succession; but in the event of the demise of the crown and of his Royal Highness within that time, the burden must fall on the consolidated fund. There were, he said, two heads to be attended to in the business under con- sideration — the punctual payment of the debt already contracted, and that no farther debts should be in- curred. For this purpose no arrear should, on any pre- tence, go beyond the quarter; that debts thus claimed, and no other, should be punctually paid. He further proposed to invest Carlton House in the crown for ever; that the furniture should be considered as an heir-loom; and that all suits for the recovery of debts from his Royal Highness should lie against his officers. A long debate followed, in which the propositions of the minis- ter were opposed by the opposition on the grounds that the money granted to the Prince should be taken out of the civil list, and not be added to the heavy burdens of the country. But the measures which Mr. Pitt had stated to be in contemplation of government to adopt were, as usual, carried; and a bill was brought in by Sir W. Puiteney, for preventing any future Prince of Wales from incurring debts, and passed. The jointure of her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales was fixed at £50,000 per annum. And on the 26th of June 1795, the bill, embracing all these objects, received the royal assent by commission. We now come to the period of the birth of the Prin- cess Charlotte. This happened on the 7th of January 179o, between the hours of nine and ten in the morning ; and the royal infant was christened on the 16th of Fe- bruary. Addresses of congratulation in the usual form were PRINCE OF WALES. 723 were voted by both Houses of Parliament, and presented to their Majesties, and to the Prince and Princess of Wales, who received the two Houses in a private man- ner. The city of London, at the same time, voted an address; but, it being intimated to the Lord Mayor by the Earl of Cholmondeley, who was at the head of the Prince's household, " that the Prince of Wales, being under the necessity of reducing his establishment, was precluded from receiving the addresses suitable to his situation," and desiring that copies of the addresses might be sent to him, it was moved by Mr. Deputy- Birch, " That his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales having stated that the inadequacy of his establishment precluded him from receiving the compliments of con- gratulation, voted to be presented to their Royal High-* nesses, in a way suitable to his situation, this Court are of opinion, that they cannot, consistently with their own dignity, suffer the said compliments to be presented in any other way than the customary form." After some debate, the motion was agreed to ; and the Re- membrancer was ordered to convey a copy thereof to his Royal Highness. The Lord Mayor had subsequently a private interview with his Royal Highness on this sub- ject, the particulars of which he communicated to the next Court of Common Council: it was substantially as follows: " In consequence of a letter from Lord Cholmondeley, dated January the 81st, 1796, stating that his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales wished to speak to me at Carlton House, and to give me a private audience on Tuesday (but which appointment was af- terwards, by a second letter, fixed for Monday last at one o'clock), I had the honour of waiting on his Royal Highness, who addressed me, by saying, that he had seen with concern in the public papers a statement of what had passed in the Court of Common Council on Thursday last, respecting a letter written by Lord Chol- mondeley at the command of his Royal Highness, and sent to the City Remembrancer, conveying his sentiments on the intended address of congratulation to their Royal Highnesses, which sentiments he conceived had been mistaken or misunderstood, or at least a verv different construction had been given to them than he "meant, or was intended to be conveyed by that letter. His Royal vol. in. 4 z Highness 726 PRINCE OF WALES. Highness said, that he thought it incumbent on him to preserve a consistent character; that as his establish- ment, for certain reasons, had been reduced, and that the necessary state-appendages attached to the charac- ter and rank of the Prince of Wales did not, in conse- quence, exist; his Royal Highness conceived he could not receive an address in state, and particularly from the corporation of the city of London, for which he enter- tained the highest veneration and respect. His Royal Highness, therefore, thought it would appear disrespect- ful to the first body corporate in the kingdom to receive the members of it inconsistently with their character and his own dignity." It was at this period that that unhappy separation took place between his Royal Highness and his august consort, which has ever since continued, and which has caused more libels and misunderstandings than any other event whatever. Soon after the peace of Amiens, and during the administration of Mr. Addington, the affairs of his Royal Highness again came under the notice of par- liament. The business was introduced into the House of Commons by a motion from Mr. Manners Sutton (then Solicitor-General to his Royal Highness) for a committee to inquire into the Prince's claim to the arrears of the duchy of Cornwall during his minority. The business, however, was soon taken out of his hands; and the fol- lowing message from his Majesty, relative to a new ar- rangement, was delivered to the House of Commons by Mr. Addington: — ^ " His Majesty having taken into consideration the period which has elapsed since the adoption of the arrangements which the wisdom of parliament thought necessary^br removing the incumbrances upon the atfairs of the Prince of Wales, and having adverted to the pro- gress of carrying them into effect, recommends the situation of the Prince- to the attention of the House of Commons; and, notwithstand- ing the reluctance and regret which his Majesty must always feel in suggesting any additional burdens upon his people, he cannot but resort with confidence to the experienced liberality of his faithful Commons, trusting that they will adopt such measures as «re best calculated to promote the comfort, and support the dignity, of so dis- tinguished a branch of his royal house." This message was taken into consideration on the 23d of February 1803; and Mr. Addington proposed, that, from the 5th of January 1803, the establishment of his Royal PRiNCE OF WALES. 797 Royal Highness should stand upon the same footing that it stood in 1795, or, in other words, that it should be <£l 25,000 a -year, exclusive of the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall. He did not wish for any change in the arrange- ments for the liquidation of the debts which were then formed, nor to have any of the checks on any impropria- tion of the sums received removed; he only wished the Prince might be enabled to resume the splendour suitable to his rank in the state. " While I speak," said Mr. Ad- dington, " of supporting the splendour of his Royal Highness, I wish the idea I attach to this to be under- stood in a manner considerably different from those that are vulgarly entertained. The splendour of which I speak is not so much the exhibition of external shew, as the means of commanding influence and insuring re- spect. I wish him to have the means of acting as a mu- nificent patron of improvements, a protector of literary merit, an encourager of those plans oi national ameliora- tion, in which the present above all former ages is pro- ductive. I wish him to be in a situation to receive those attentions which all are eager to pay him, in a style agree- able to the loftiness of his sentiments and the refinement of his feelings. I am anxious to see him forming, with the nobility and gentry of the kingdom, that connexion which ought to exist between the heir-apparent and the most distinguished of those who will hereafter form the most illustrious branch of his subjects." Mr. Manners Sutton expressed himself perfectly satis- fied with the proposition of the minister; and said, that though at that time he had not the honour to be in his Royal Highness's service, he was authorized hy the Prince to declare his earnest desire to testify in the strongest terms the warmth of his gratitude to the Sove- reign, for the interest which his Majesty had at all times taken in his welfare — an interest most powerfully marked in the measure which was now under the consideration of the House. As to the motion, he had been instructed by his Royal Highness to say, that he entertained a san- guine hope, not unmixed however with a considerable portion of anxiety, that it would meet with the appro- bation of the House. He himself had, on more than one occasion, been empowered to declare to the House the respect, the duty, and the gratitude, of his Royal 4 z 2 Highness, 72 S PRINCE OF WALES. Highness, for the kindness of his royal parent; and his readiness to renounce every claim, however well-founded he might reckon it, rather than engage in any contest which might be construed into a breach of filial duty and affection. The House would therefore be able to form some idea how grateful their approbation of the motion would be to his feelings, as it would enable him to forward the course of fair justice and legal right, of which not the smallest reasonable doubt could be enter- tained. Though he had no doubt of the legal claims of the Prince of Wales to the arrears of the duchy of Corn- wall, still he thought the agitation of the question might have led to the most unpleasant consequences, and in- volved in it effects earnestly to be deprecated. These con- sequences the message, and the motion founded on it, happily counteracted. The harmony which had hitherto subsisted between the Sovereign and his eldest son had been preserved uninterrupted; and he sincerely prayed that the same harmony might prevail to the latest period of life. As to the grounds on which the proposition now before the committee was brought forward, he thought it but fair, in justice to his right honourable friend (Mr. Addington), to declare that they were wholly of a public nature. Betwixt his Royal Highness and the right honourable gentleman there was no compro- mise of any description. When this proposition, as un- expected as it was unsolicited, was communicated to his Royal Highness, no terms were proposed to prepare the way for its reception ; and when he stated that the adop- tion of it by the House would not be succeeded by any further prosecution of his Royal Highness's claims, he mentioned it as a spontaneous act on the part of his Royal Highness, Mr. Sutton concluded with a few pointed ob- servations on the decided opinion he had formed of the justice of the Prince's claims, the almost unavoidable circumstances which produced his embarrassments, and the strong claims which he had now to be delivered from that obscurity he had retired to, and to which he for so many years had so honourably conformed. Before we leave this subject, we may be allowed to observe, that the same sentiments were reiterated by Lord Moira (the confidential friend of his Royal High- ness) in the Upper House. He said, that, as he had the honour PRINCE OF WALES. 729 honour of being one of his Royal Highness's council for the duchy of Cornwall, he had authority to declare, that his Royal Highness felt the most dutiful and affectionate regard, first to his Majesty, for his most gracious inter- position, and to parliament for its libeiality on the oc- casion, as manifested by the proceeding adopted in con- sequence of that message. However, he thought it ne- cessary to state, on the part of his Royal Highness, that there still remained some claims upon him, which in ho- nour and justice he felt it incumbent upon him to dis- charge. For this purpose he should think it necessary to create a pretty large sinking-fund out of the aggre- gate of his income, as it was the wish of his Royal High- ness that those claims should be cleared off previously to his assuming that degree of state and dignity with which the public at large and the parliament had ex- pressed their wishes to see the heir-apparent of the crown invested. These claims were not of a secret na- ture; the public were aware of them: it was therefore unnecessary to go into a discussion of them at present; but his Royal Highness thought it proper to have thus much stated, in order to avoid any imputation of unfair- ness on his part, of having in the least contributed to baulk the public expectation in seeing him immediately resume his full state and dignity. With respect to his Royal Highness's claim to the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall from 1762 to 1783, he had, from the best legal advice, been satisfied with the validity of those claims, and accordingly instituted a suit for their reco- very; but in consideration of his Majesty's royal inter- position, and the liberal conduct of parliament with re- spect to the present bill, added to other considerations, which to the infinite honour of his Royal Highness had made a due impression upon his mind, he had given di- rections to his law-officers to drop the suit. The next occasion on which we have to notice his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, is his offers and demand for military service, at the time when England was so seriously threatened with invasion by Buonaparte. It must be well recollected by our readers, how strong the military enthusiasm prevailed among all ranks, and with what eagerness every class of people pressed for- ward to offer their services. The Prince was not back- ward -30 PRINCE OF WALES. ward on this occasion; but justly thinking, from his ele- vated rank in the state, he was entitled to a higher com- mand than that of a regiment, he applied to his Majesty, through the minister, for a more elevated post. Having repeated his application more than once without success, he begged Mr. Addington to lay his note of the 26th of July 1803 before the King; which was accordingly done; and his Royal Highness received from the minister the following reply: — " Sir — In obedience to the commands of your Royal Highness, I laid before his Majesty the letter dated the C6th of July with which your Royal Highness honoured me; and I have it in command from his Majesty to ac- quaint your Royal Highness, ' that the King had referred Mr. Addington to the orders he had before given him, with the addition, that the King's opinion being fixed, he desired no further mention should be made to him on the subject.' — " On receiving this communication, his Royal Highness addressed the following letter to the King: — « Sir — A correspondence has taken place between Mr. Addington and myself, on a subject which deeply involves my honour and character. The answers which I have received from that gentleman, the communication which he has made to the House of Commons, leave me no hope but in appeal to the justice of your Majesty. I make that appeal with confidence, because I feel that you are my natural advocate, and with the sanguine hope that the ears of an affectionate father may still be opened to the applications of a dutiful son. " I ask to be allowed to display the best energies of my character; to shed the last drop of my blood in sup- port of your Majesty's person, crown, and dignity; for this is not a war for empire, glory, or dominion, but for existence. In this contest, the lowest and humblest of your Majesty's subjects have been called on; it would therefore little become me, who am the first, and who stand at the very footstool of the throne, to remain a tame, an idle, and lifeless spectator of the mischiefs which threaten us, unconscious of the dangers which surround us, and indifferent to the consequences which may follow. Hanover is lost — England is menaced with invasion— Ireland is in rebellion— Europe is at the foot of PRINCE OF WALES. 73} of France. At such a moment the Prince of Wales, yielding to none of your servants in zeal and devotion— to none of your subjects in duty — to none of your chil- dren in tenderness and affection, presumes to approach you, and again to repeat those offers which he has al- ready made through your Majesty's minister. A feeling of honest ambition, a sense of what I owe to myself and to my family; and, above all, the fear of sinking in the estimation of that gallant army, which may be the sup- port of your Majesty's crown and my best hope here- after, command me to persevere, and to assure your Majesty, with all humility and respect, that, conscious of the justice of my claim, no human power can ever induce me to relinquish it. " Allow me to say, Sir, that I am bound to adopt this line of conduct by every motive dear to me as a man, and sacred to me as a prince. Ought I not to come forward in a moment of unexampled difficulty and dan- ger? Ought I not to share in the glory of the victory, when I have every thing to lose by defeat? The highest places in your Majesty's service are filled by the younger branches of the royal family : to me alone no place is assigned. I am not thought worthy to be the junior major-general of your ai my. If I could submit in silence to such indignities, I should indeed deserve such treat- ment, and prove to the satisfaction of your enemies, and my own, that I am entirely incapable of those exertions which my birth and the circumstances of these times peculiarly call for. Standing so near the throne, when I am debased, the cause of royalty is wounded; I cannot sink in the public opinion, without the participation of your Majesty iu my degradation. Therefore every mo- tive of private feeling ami of public duty induce me to implore your Majesty to review your decision, and to place me in that situation, which my birth, the duties of my station, the example of my predecessors, and the expectations of the people of England, entitle me to claim. " Sheuld I be disappointed in the hope which I have formed, should this last appeal to the justice of my sove- reign, and to the affection of my father, fail of success, I shall lament iu silent submission his determination; but Europe, the world, and posterity, must judge between us. I have ?32 TRINCE OF WALES. I have done my duty; my conscience acquits me; my reason tells me that I was perfectly justified in the request which I have made, because no reasonable argu- ments have ever beeu adduced in answer to my preten- sions. The precedents in our history are in my favour: but if they were not, the times in which we live, and especially the exigencies of the present moment, require us to become an example to our posterity. " No other cause of refusal has or can be assigned, ex- cept that it is the will of your Majesty. To that will and pleasure I bow with every degree of humility and resig- nation; but I can never cease to complain of the severity which has been exercised against me, and the injustice I have suffered, till I cease to exist. " I have the honour to subscribe myself, with all pos- sible devotion, your Majesty's most dutiful and affec- tionate Son and Subject, (Signed) « G. P. " Brighthelmstone, Aug. 6th, 1(303." Letter from the King. " My dear Son — Though I applaud your zeal and spirit, of which, I trust, no one can suppose any of my family wanting, yet, considering the repeated declarations I have made of my determination on your former appli- cations to the same purpose, I had flattered myself to have heard no farther on the subject. " Should the implacable enemy so far succeed as to hind, you will have an opportunity of shewing your zeal at the head of your regiment; it will be the duty of every man to stand forward on such an occasion, and I shall certainly think it mine to set an example, in defence of every thing that is dear to me and to my people. " I ever remain, my dear Son, your most affectionate Father, (Signed) " George R. " Windsor, August 7th, 1803." The Prince of Wales replied to this communication in the following words : — " Brighthelmstone, August 23d, 1803. " Sir — I have delayed thus long an answer to the letter which your Majesty did me the honour to write, from the wish to refer to a former correspondence which took place between us in the year 1798. Those letters were PRINCE OF WALES. 733 were mislaid, and some days elapsed before I could dis- cover them. They have since been found. Allow me then, Sir, to recal to your recollection the expressions you were then graciously pleased to use, and which I once before took the liberty of reminding you of, when I soli- cited foreign service, upon my first entering into the army. They were, Sir, that your Majesty did not then see the opportunity for it, but if any thing was to arise at home, " I ought to be first and foremost." There can- not be a stronger expression in the English language, or one more consonant to the feelings which animate my heart. In this I agree most perfectly with your Ma- jesty — " / ought to be first and foremost." It is the place which my birth assigns me — which Europe, which the English nation, expects me to fill — and which the former assurances of your Majesty might naturally have led me to hope I should occupy. After such a declara- tion, I could hardly expect to be told that my place was at the head of a regiment of dragoons. " I understand from your Majesty, that it is your in- tention, Sir, in pursuance of that noble example which you have shewn during the course of your reign, to place yourself at the head of the people of England. My next brother, the Duke of York, commands the army; the younger branches of my family are either Generals or Lieutenant-Generals; and I, who am Prince of Wales, am to remain Colonel of Dragoons. There is something so humiliating in the contrast, that those who are at a dis- tance would either doubt the reality, or suppose that to be my fault which is only my misfortune. " Who could imagine that I, who am the oldest colonel in the service, had asked for the rank of a general officer in the army of the king my father, and that it had been refused me? " I am sorry, much more than sorry, to be obliged to break in upon your leisure, and to trespass thus, a second time, on the attention of your Majesty; but I have, Sir, an interest in my character more valuable to me than the throne, and dearer, far dearer to me than life. I am called upon by that interest to persevere, and pledge my- self never to desist, till I receive that satisfaction, which the justice of my claim leads me to expect. ■' In these unhappy times, the world, Sir, examines vol. in. 5 a the 734 PRINCE OF WALES. the conduct of princes with a jealous, a scrutinizing, a malignant eye. No man is more aware than I am of the existence of such a disposition, and no man is therefore more determined to place himself above all suspicion. " In desiring to be placed in a forward situation, I have performed one duty to the people of England: I must now perform another, and humbly supplicate your Majesty to assign those reasons which have induced you to refuse a request which appears to me, and to the world, so reasonable and so rational. " 1 must again repeat my concern, that I am obliged to continue a correspondence which, I fear, is not so grate- ful to your Majesty as I could wish. I have examined my own heart — I am convinced of the justice of my cause, of the purity of my motives. Reason and ho- nour forbid me to yield : where no reason is alleged, I am justified in the conclusion that none can be given. " In this candid exposition of the feelings which have agitated and depressed my wounded mind, I hope no ex- pressions have escaped me which can be construed to mean the slightest disrespect to your Majesty. I most solemnly disavow any such intention; but the circum- stances of the times, the danger of invasion, the appeal which has been made to all your subjects, oblige me to recollect what I owe to my own honour and to my own character, and to state to your Majesty with plainness, truth, and candour, but with all the submission of a sub- ject, and the duty of an affectionate Son, the injuries under which I labour, and which it is in the power of your Majesty alone at one moment to redress. *' It is with sentiments of the profoundest venera- tion and respect that I have the honour to subscribe myself, your most dutiful, and most affectionate Son and Subject, (Signed) " G. P." A subsequent correspondence on this subject took place between bis Royal Highness and the Duke of York; but it did not lead to any result satisfactory to the object which the Prince had in view. Neither were his Royal Highness's feelings more con- sulted in the education of his daughter, the Princess Charlotte, which became the subject of much public discussion. . In the reign of George the First a question was PRINCE OF WALES. 7S5 was submitted to the judges, Whether the reigning so- vereign had the right of directing the education, and dis- posing in marriage, of his grand-children? Ten of the judges at that period were of opinion that the right was vested in the King; but two of them dissented, and gave the reasons why they thought that the King had the right to dispose in marriage, but not to the care and education of his grand-children, which belonged to the Prince their father. However, the opinion of the majority of the judges prevailed; and from the time of George the First it has been held a part of the royal prerogative, and ac- cordingly was so acted upon, when the education of her Royal Highness- the Princess Charlotte of Wales came under deliberation. The Prince of Wales remonstrated on the subject; but all his objections were overruled by prerogative. A public writer on this subject, in favour of his Royal Highness, says, " We should be glad to know by what legal process the Prince's daughter is to be taken from him. We do not mean to say, that the nation has not such a superior interest in the royal family, particularly those who are immediately allied to the succession, that the care and education of them, as well as their marriages, may call for specific regulations. But positive law has done nothing to transfer the care and education of the children of the Prince of Wales to his father. No act of parliament has done it; and surely we are not to be amused with second-hand civil law from Bracton and Fleta. It is not easy to see good reasons for such a transference, unless it be thought important to transfer filial duty and affection. Nothing but strong particular reasons could justify the taking of the Prince's children from his care ; for the very transference must be founded upon the supposition of error or misconduct in him, and with prejudices so excited, perhaps artfully encouraged, it might not be easy afterwards to reconcile the filial reverence, and obedience, and duty of a child. A Prince of Wales must always be most permanently interested in the good education and the proper tuition of his child; and it never can be his part to embue the mind of infancy with prejudices against his own character. Even if the most strict right did most unquestionably exist, as we think it certainly does not, we should consider it one of 5 a 2 those 736 PRINCE OF WALES. those rights which ought to lie dormant till they are called forth as remedial of some great evil. But we should be glad to know why the Prince of Wales is to be so stultified and so stigmatized, as to be held forth to this country, and to Europe, as unworthy to have the direction of his own daughter's education. The Prince of Wales seems absolutely to be the object of every species of insult. At one time he is told, that, during a temporary suspension of the royal authority, any man in the king- dom had just as good a right as he to the regency; ano- ther time, he is refused a command in the army above that of a Colonel of Dragoons, though the country is supposed to be on the point of invasion; and, last of all, his own daughter is to be taken out of his hands, as if he had neither capacity, virtue, nor natural affection, to enable or prompt him to perform the. duty of an intelli- gent father. If such things do not tend to degrade a character, and to bring into question all that is most valuable to the most ordinary individual, far more to the Prince of Wales, we do not know what more successful arts of detraction can be practised. We cannot conceive, therefore, that those who advise the assertion of such a right as has been claimed can be actuated by proper mo- tives. There can be no pretence that such a right is now necessary for the good education of the Princess Charlotte, and for the advantage of the public. On the contrary, there are the most manifest and undeniable reasons against the exercise of such a right, did it exist. If his Majesty claims the right, he must be surrounded by very pernicious counsellors; and against those counsellors the public indignation should be directed. Those who wish well to the hereditary succession of this monarchy ought seriously to consider, whether the principle has not of late been too much sacrificed. Those who would overthrow the monarchy altogether could not forward their designs more effectually, than by disgracing, mor- tifying, and calumniating, those who in the natural order of events will be called to reign." The next public event which we have to notice in the life of his Royal Highness, and with which we deem it proper to close his Memoirs, is his appointment to the regency, on the lamented mental indisposition of the King, towards the latter end of the year 1810. The sub- sequent PRINCE OF WALES. 737 sequent transactions of his life are so blended with the history of this country, and of Europe generally, that it would occupy too much of our space to attempt giving them here. The indisposition of his Majesty, as on the former occasion, had occurred during the recess of par- liament, which had been prorogued to the 1st of Novem- ber: on which day both Houses assembled; but such was the state of the King's health, that Mr. Perceval (following the former precedent of the King's illness) moved for a fortnight's adjournment, which was imme- diately acceded to. In the mean time the daily bulletins relative to the King's health filled the public mind with considerable anxiety. The fortnight's adjournment having expired, the House of Commons again met; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed another ad- journment, which, notwithstanding considerable oppo- sition from the anti-ministerial party, who proposed an adjournment from day to day in the then distracted state ot public affairs, was carried. The House having again met, the report of the King's physicians was submitted, to both Houses on the 29th of November ; after which Mr. Perceval proposed a third adjournment, as he still entertained hopes of his Majesty's recovery; but he at the same time declared, that if at the expiration of this adjournment his Majesty should not be recovered, he would agree to the adoption of those parliamentary mea- sures which might be found necessary for supplying the royal authority. On the 13th of December, committees of both Houses were appointed to examine the King's physicians; and, on the 20th of the same month, the House of Commons having resolved themselves into a committee of the whole House, Mr. Perceval brought forward his plan of a regency, which was similar to that of Mr. Pitt on a former occasion : it was proposed to ap- point the regency by bill, and not by a direct address to the Prince of Wales. Both sides of the House were agreed as to the fitness and expediency of appointing his Royal Highness to this high and difficult station, but much difference of opinion prevailed as to the mode of appoint- ing him, by bill or by address; but the former mode, alter much debate, was finally carried. On the last day of December, Mr. Perceval proposed certain restrictions upon the power of the Regent; and four 738 PRINCE OF WALES. four resolutions were carried to this effect, but with small majorities. The substance of the first resolution was the expediency of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales being appointed Regent; the second was to restrain him from the creation of a peerage in any case, except as a reward for some important service done to the country either by sea or land; the third was to prevent him from granting any office in reversion, or any office, salary, or premium whatever, except such offices as are by law re- quired to be conferred for life, or during good conduct and behaviour; the fourth resolution was to vest in trustees whatever part of his Majesty's property was not already vested. On the 1st of January 1811, the minister brought forward a fifth resolution regarding the royal household ; but in this he found himself in a minority. The resolution, as amended by the opposition was, that the care of his Majesty's person during his indisposition should be committed to the Queen, with the sole direction of such a portion of his Majesty's household as might be thought suitable to a proper attendance and regard to his royal person. Her Majesty was to be allowed a council to assist her in the discharge of the important trusts which the act had committed to her care and superintend- ence. They were empowered to examine the physicians, and others in waiting upon his Majesty, upon oath; they were to meet at stated times to declare the state of the King's health, and transmit a report to the president of the privy council, who is to publish a copy in the London Gazette. Her Majesty and council are eventually to make known his Majesty's restoration to health, by an instrument sent to the priv}' council; and when such in- strument has been received and entered by the privy council, his Majesty may require the privy council to assemble by virtue of a sign-manual. If his Majesty, by and with the advice of his privy-council, shall signify his royal pleasure to resume the exercise of the executive power, and order a proclamation to that effect, then the powers of the act shall be considered as null and void. On the event of the demise of the Regent, or that of her Majesty, or the resumption of royal authority by the King, parliament shall meet, if at that time it be either adjourned or prorogued ; or if it be dissolved, the mem- bers of the former parliament shall meet, and the mem- bers PRINCE OF WALES. 739 bers of the two Houses thus assembling shall be regarded as the two Houses of Parliament, but their sitting is not to continue beyond the period of six months; the elec- tion of members of parliament to be void, if appointed to office either by the Regent or her Majesty. These were the provisions of the Regency bill, and the only objec- tionahle part of them, which appears to have given offence to the Prince, was the restrictions; his sentiments with regard to them having remained unaltered since the former occasion, in which they were deemed necessary by Mr. Pitt. In the present instance, however, they were only enacted for one year, at the end of which time, if his Majesty's recovery did not take place, they were to cease, and the Prince was to exercise the full sovereign authority. After the Regency bill had passed the great seal, his Royal Highness was sw 7 orn into office on the 6th of February 1811 ; and as the hopes of the King's recovery were rather sanguine, his Royal Highness resolved to con- tinue the administration which he found existing at his accession to the regency. He accordingly communicated his determination to Mr. Perceval; and, on the 12th of February, the session of parliament was opened by com- mission. The period when the restrictions were to cease was looked to with considerable anxiety by all parties, as no doubt was entertained but an entire change in the ad- ministration would take place; but to the great surprise of the country, his Royal Highness, in a letter to the Duke of York, announced his determination of not making any change, as the policy which the ministry had pursued had his most hearty and cordial approbation. This was a terrible stroke to the opposition, who had flattered themselves, and not without reason, of being put into possession of the most considerable offices in the government. We forbear to make any remarks on this extraordinary circumstance ; it being sufficient to observe, that the announcement of the Prince's intention was the signal for every species of attack on one side, and the full measure of applause on the other. For the propriety and rectitude of his conduct, we leave our readers to form their own judgment, and shall here close his Royal High> ness's Memoirs, as the subsequent events of his life may be more properly termed the history of his country. iWemotn iSlemous OF FRANCIS JOSEPH CHARLES EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. T^RANCIS the Second, Emperor of Austria, was born -*- on the 3d of February 1708, and ascended the Im- perial throne upon the death of his father, who died sud- denly of a pleuritic fever, on the 1st of March 1792; and, on the 14th of July following, he was elected Emperor of Germany, the sovereignty of which, however, he did not long retain, the ancient fabric of the German con- stitution being subverted by the victorious career of the French. Previous to the accession of Francis, the court of Vienna had, although not directly, yet virtually, em- barked in a war against France, to which it was com- mitted by the treaty of Pilnitz; and no sooner had the young monarch ascended the throne, than he informed the court of Berlin, that he was fully resolved to adhere most scrupulously to the terms of this treaty. Before he took up arms, however, he endeavoured to obtain by negotiation the objects he had in view; and M. de Noailles was instructed to explain, in his dispatches to the French minister, the propositions of the Imperial court. These were, that satisfaction should be given to the German princes, proprietors of Alsace; that Avignon, which had been appropriated by France, should be re- stored to the Pope ; and that the internal government of France should be invested with sufficient efficiency, that the other powers might have no apprehensions of being troubled by France. These terms not being complied with on the part of the National Assembly, they imme- diately declared war against Francis, King of Hungary and Bohemia, on the 24th of April 1792. In the begin- ning of July following, the Emperor Francis published a declaration EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 74! declaration, explaining the cause of the war, and retorting on the French nation some of the heavy charges con- tained in its declaration. On the 26th of the same month, the Prussian monarch also issued a concise exposition of the reasons which determined him to take up arms against France. He pleaded his alliance with the Em- peror; and that, as sovereign of a German state, he was bound to interfere, to prevent the violation of the rights of the German princes of Alsace and Lorrain, and the invasion of the territories of others: and he concluded, by honestly avowing, that it was his intention to repress the too great liberty of France, which might afford a dangerous example to neighbouring countries. The French immediately began the war by attacking, in three different columns, the Austrian Netherlands. Their first movement, however, was stained with defeat, and with the unpropitious murder of Theobald Dillon, their leader, who fell a prey to the suspicious and savage ferocity of some of his soldiers, who fled from the enemy, but attacked their general. The command of the combined armies of Austria and Prussia was given to the Duke of Brunswick, who issued a most mischievous proclamation to the French nation, which led to very disastrous results. It would be needless to describe the military events that ensued, as they have been already so fully noticed in our Memoirs of Louis XVIII.; it is sufficient to remark, that the hasty advance of the Duke of Brunswick was soou checked, and the combined army obliged hastily to evacuate the French territory. But the misfortunes of the allied army did not stop here; the French General Dumourier had meditated an attack upon the possessions of the House of Austria in the Netherlands, which were already prepared to shake off the yoke of the Emperor Francis. In the early part of November, the French General having entered the Netherlands, with an army of 40,000 men, afterwards much increased, and a most for- midable train of artillery, repeated engagements with the Austrian army, commanded by the Duke of Saxe- Teschen, Governor of the Austrian Netherlands, and by General Beaulieu, which, however, exceeded not 20,000, occupied the first five days. At length, on the 6th of November, a great battle was fought at Jemappe, which vol. in. 5 jb decided 742 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. decided the fate of the Netherlands. The contest was very general; all the points of the enemy's flanks and lines were attacked at once; all the bodies of the French were in action, and almost every individual fought per- sonally. The cannonade began at seven in the morning. Dumourier ordered the village of Carignoc to be at- tacked, because he could not attempt the heights of Jemappe till he had taken that village; at noon the French infantry formed in columns, and rapidly advanced to decide the affair by the bayonet. After an obstinate defence, the Austrians at two o'clock retired in the ut- most disorder. Dumourier immediately advanced, and took possession of the neighbouring town of Mons, where the French were received as brethren. The tidings arriving at Brus- sels, the court was struck with an indescribable panic, and instantly fled to Ruremond, whence it was again to "be driven by the arms of Miranda. Tournay surrendered to a detachment on the 8th of November. Dumourier, having refreshed his troops at Mons, advanced to Brus- sels, where, after an indecisive engagement between his van and the Austrian rear, he was received with accla- mations on the 14th of that month. Ghent, Charleroi, Antwerp, Malines (or Mechlin), Louvain, Ostend, Namur, and, in short, all the Austrian Netherlands, except Lux- emburg, successively followed the example of the capital; and thus this ancient and flourishing patrimony of the Imperial house of Austria, which had been transferred to this family by the Emperor Charles the Fifth in the year 1477, was entirely and irrecoverably lost to the Emperor Francis. Soon after this event, General Miranda laid siege to Maestricht, where he was attacked by Prince Frederick of Brunswick, and defeated with considerable loss. The Austrians, after this, divided themselves into three columns; two of which marched towards Maestricht, and the siege of that place was immediately raised ; the third pursued the advanced guard of the French : and the absence of several commanding officers was supposed to have greatly facilitated the success of the allies in these rencounters. On the L4th of March, the Imperialists advanced from Tongres towards Tirlemont, by St. Tron ; and were at- tacked by General Dumourier successively on the 15th and EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 743 and following days. The first attempts were attended with success; the Austrian advanced posts were obliged to retire to St. Tron, through Tirlemont, which they had already passed. On the 18th a general engagement took place at Neerwinden; the French army being covered on the left by Dormael, and on the right by Landen. The action continued with great obstinacy on both sides, from seven in the morning till five in the afternoon; when the French were obliged to fall back, and the Austrian cavalry coming up put them entirely to flight. The loss in each army was great. The French displayed con- siderable courage and address; but were overpowered by the superior numbers, and, perhaps, by the more regular discipline of their enemies. The arms of the Emperor Francis were not more for- tunate in Italy than in the Netherlands. In the year 1796, the campaign opened in the south on the 9th of April, when the rapid and signal victories of the republican troops, under the command of the then obscure and little known Napoleon Buonaparte, ended, in a little more than a month, the war with Sardinia. The battles of Mel- lesimo, Dego, Mondovi, Monte Lermo, and Monte Notte, compelled his Sardinian Majesty to accept such terms as the conquerors thought proper to offer; and a treaty of peace, by which he ceded Savoy and Nice to France, was signed on the 17th of May. Buonaparte pursued his success; and, again defeating Beaulieu, the Austrian general, at the battle of the bridge of Lodi, forced the shattered remains of the Austrian army to retire towards Mantua, pursued by one part of the republican forces; while the remainder entered Milan on the ISth of May without further resistance, and the French armies gained possession of the whole of Lombardy. The armistice which had been concluded on the Rhine was afterwards prolonged, but at length declared to be at an end on the 31st of May; when the army of the Sambre and Meuse, under General Jourdan, gaining considerable advantages over the Austrians, advanced into the heart of the empire; while another army, under General Moreau, passed the Rhine at Strasburg, took the fort of Kehl (a post of great importance on the opposite bank), and, penetrating through Bavaria, nearly 5 b 2 to 744 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. to Ratisbon, endeavoured to form a junction with the army of Jourdan. This attempt, however, did not suc- ceed ; both armies experienced a reverse of fortune, and were obliged to retreat till they re-crossed the Rhine. The situation of General Moreau was highly critical ; and his retreat is acknowledged, on all sides, to have been conducted with great military skill. The Archduke Charles, who commanded the Austrian army, followed Moreau in his retreat, and laid siege to the fort of Kehl, which he re-took after a most obstinate resistance on the part of the French. To restore the affairs of Italy, the Emperor Francis assembled a new army, composed of the flower of the German troops serving on the Rhine; and gave the com- mand of it to General Wurmser, one of the oldest and ablest of his generals. This force, on its first arrival, was successful; the French were repulsed, defeated, and compelled to raise the siege of Mantua. Buonaparte, however, soon returned to the charge; and, after a series of hotly-contested actions, all of which we have already described, the army of Wurmser was so reduced and harassed, that he was obliged to shut himself up in Mantua, where he was closely besieged by the victors, who at the same time made incursions into the Tyrol, and, hy the battle of Roveredo, and the possession of Trent, hecame masters of the passes that led to Vienna. The Austrians, at the same time, made a great effort, under General Alvinzy, to rescue the gallant Wurmser and his besieged army; but the battle of Arcole completely de- feated their design, and Mantua was soon after obliged to surrender. After the taking of Mantua, the victorious Napoleon penetrated into the Tyrol, and directed his course towards the Imperial capital. The Archduke Charles was op- posed to him, but was unable to check his progress. The republican armies had at length advanced so near to Vienna, that the utmost alarm and confusion prevailed in that city. The bank suspended its payments ; and the Emperor was preparing to forsake hiscapital.and remove to Olmutz. In this critical situation of his affairs, Francis opened a negotiation with Buonaparte; a short armistice was agreed to; and the preliminaries of peace between the Emperor and King of Hungary, and the Republic EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 745 Republic of France, were signed at Leoben in the month of April 1797. This was shortly followed by a defini- tive treaty by which the Emperor Francis was compelled to cede to France the whole of the Netherlands and all his territories in Italy; in return for which he received the cities of Venice, Istria, and Dalmatia, and the Vene- tian islands in the Adriatic. A peace, however, which was thus dictated at the point of the bayonet, could not be expected to be of long duration; and a fair opportunity was only wanted for the Emperor Francis to break it. This was soon afforded him. The unprincipled attack of the French, under Buonaparte, upon Egypt, had so incensed the Turks, that they immediately declared war against France : and the Emperor of Russia, having accepted a subsidy from England, entered into a treaty of alliance with the Ottoman Porte and Great Britain, and gave orders for a large body of troops to be raised to act against the French republic. Austria, likewise, appeared disposed to avail itself of the assistance of this new ally; and she took her measures accordingly. The Directory having demanded of the Emperor Francis an explana- tion of his motives on this subject, and received no an- swer which they deemed satisfactory, sent orders to General Jourdan to pass the Rhine, with the avowed intention of forcing the diet of Ratisbon to declare against the march of the Russian troops. He executed these orders on the 1st of March 1799; and nearly about the same time, General Bernadotte, at the head of an army of observation, passed the Rhine at Weldeck, in- vested Philipsburg, and summoned that fortress to sur- render; while General Ney sent a similar summons to Manheim, which immediately opened its gates to him. Yet, notwithstanding these proceedings, the French am- bassador declared to the congress of Rastadt, which, though it had sat so long, had as yet come to no conclu- sion, that these hostile movements were undertaken solely to prevent the interference of the court of Peters- burgh, and accelerate a general peace. The congress soon after was broken up, and two of the three French plenipotentiaries basely and inhumanly murdered, as they were leaving the town, by some Austrian hussars, or per- sons who had assumed that disguise. The 746 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. The Emperor Francis being now certain of the aid of Russia, the Austrian army, under the command of the Archduke Charles, passed the Lech on the 4th of March ; and the war, which had so long desolated Europe, was renewed. Fortune at first appeared to declare in fa- vour of the French. A body of troops of that nation, advancing through Schaffhausen towards Swabia, were opposed by a detachment of Austrians, whom they de- feated, taking the general and 3000 men prisoners. They were also successful for a short time in Italy. Their troops occupied the whole of Tuscany; and the king of Sardinia was reduced, in the month of January, to the cruel necessity of formally renouncing the sovereignty of Piedmont, and retiring with his family and adherents to the island whence he derived his title. The king of Naples likewise, having taken up arms and invaded the Roman republic, after being at first so successful as to obtain possession of Rome, was totally defeated, and obliged to take refuge in the island of Sicily. But, soon after the commencement of hostilities with Austria, the French arms experienced a fatal reverse. On the 25th of March, General Jourdan attacked the Austrians near Stockach, but was defeated, and obliged to retire in disorder ; and on the 20th of the same month, General Kray beat the French on the Adige, near Verona, and again defeated them on the 30th. On the 14th of April, Marshal Suwarrow arrived with the first column of the Russian troops, and the successes of the allies be- came rapid and uninterrupted. On the 24th of the same month the Austrians and Russians passed the Oglio, and drove the French before them. They then crossed the Adda; and Suwarrow, on the 27th, defeated Moreau at Cassano; and so decisive was his victory, that General Serrurier and 3000 men were taken prisoners, and Milan opened its gates to the conquerors on the 30th. Pes- chiera was taken on the 6th of May; and on the 10th Pizzighetone surrendered to General Kray. On the 12th the Austrians entered Bologna, and took 1200 prisoners ; and on the 23d they took possession of Ferrara. In Pied- mont, the French, notwithstanding the efforts of Mo- reau, Macdonakl, and Joubert, beheld themselves suc- cessively deprived of all their strong holds. The Aus- trians entered Turin on the 27th of May, and the citadel surrendered EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 747 surrendered on the 20th of June. Mantua, after a short siege for so strong a place, surrendered on the 30lh of July; the city of Alessandria on the same day : and such was the success of the campaign, that t.ae French were obliged to abandon the whole of Italy — Genoa, and a small portion of the adjoining territory, only excepted. On the 25th of August a desperate battle was fought between the French and the Austrians and Russians at Novi, in the territory of Genoa, in which the Fr uch. are supposed to have lost not less than 10,000 men: but this victory was purchased with a loss nearly as great on the p;>rt of the allies. But a fatal reverse was awaiting the Austrians, which was reserved for the following campaign. Buonaparte, having effected his escape from Egypt, and usurped the sovereign authority in France, now prepared a grand blow against the Emperor Francis in Italy. The last campaign had closed with the taking of Coni, and the retreat of the French army into the territory of Genoa, which was now the only important place in Italy that remained in its possession. The Austrians took the field on the 6th of April 1S00; and Massena, who com- manded the French army, was attacked by General Melas, and forced to retire to Savona and Vado, whence he was compelled to fall back to Genoa with the re- mainder of his army, which consisted of 18,000 men. In Genoa he defended himself during two months with the most determined obstinacy, and did not surrender till every hope of succour had vanished, till every kind of provision had been exhausted, till 15,000 inhabitants of the city had perished by famine, and his army was re- duced to only 8C00 men. Genoa was given up to the Austrians on the 5th of June. In the mean time Napoleon, having assembled an army at Dijon, put himself at the head of it on the 6th of May, passed the mountains of St. Gothard and St. Bernard, and, bun unting apparently insuperable obstacles, en- tered Italy, where he immediately made himself master of Milan, Pavia, Piacenza, Cremona, and the whole course of the Po. The Austrian General Melas appears to have been so confident that it was impossible for an army to enter Italy by the route which the French had taken, that he took no measures to oppose the passage of Buonaparte 748 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. Buonaparte until it was too late. At length he dis- patched General Otto with thirty battalions, to stop the progress of the French army, which was marching to- wards Piedmont; but that general was defeated at Cas- teggio, with the loss of 3000 men killed, and 6000 taken prisoners. This victory was the prelude to the great and decisive battle of Marengo, fought five days afterwards, and which fixed the fate of Italy. Melas, having assembled the whole of his forces, marched to meet his enemy, and took post in the village of Marengo. In the battle which ensued, victory appeared at first to have declared de- cidedly in favour of the Austrians. The centre of the French was compelled to retreat with great slaughter; but the body of reserve, under General Dessaix, impetu- ously charging the Austrians, who were thrown into some confusion by the eagerness of pursuit, and their confidence that the battle was gained, turned the fortune* of the day, and, though Dessaix himself fell in the attack, gave the French a complete victory. The Austrians lost, by the French accounts, in killed, wounded, and prison- ers, 15,000 men; and the loss of the French could not be much less. Yet so important was this battle in its consequences, that the next day, General Melas, finding his situation no longer tenable, proposed an armistice, which was accepted by Buonaparte, and by which Genoa was immediately surrendered to the French, together with all the strong places of Lombardy and Piedmont. In Germany, the French had opened the campaign with similar success. They crossed the Rhine in three divisions, at Kehl, Brisac, and Basle, and forced the Austrian army to fall back on the line of Stockach, where a battle took place on the 4th of May, in which the French were victorious, and which in a great degree decided the fate of the campaign, as the Austrians were not able afterwards to make any effectual resist- ance, but continued to retreat and suffer successive defeats. When the armistice was concluded in Italy, the Aus- trian general of the army in Germany endeavoured ta avail himself of it, to put an end to the progress of the troops under Moreau; but the French general would not EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 749 not listen to such a proposition : on the contrary, being in possession of Munich, and the greater part of Bavaria, he detached Lecourbe towards the Tyrol, to seize upon the Voralberg and the Grisons, and form a junction with the army of Italy. The offer of a suspension of arms, however, having been repeated, and Count St. Julien having arrived at Paris with proposals for peace, an armistice was at length concluded for the armies in Ger- many, leaving each in possession of the posts it occupied at the time it was signed. In the negotiations now carried on at Paris, the Em- peror Francis intimated that he was bound in honour only to treat for peace in concert with Great Britain. The First Consul signified his consent that the negotia- tions should include a peace with England, but required a naval armistice as a preliminary. This demand, under certain conditions, the British ministry did not reject; but they would not permit the Brest fleet to be supplied with stores, or succours to be sent to the French army in Egypt. This proposal, therefore, not being accepted, Buonaparte refused to negotiate with England, and the Emperor refused to ratify the preliminaries of peace which had been signed by his envoy, Count St. Julien, at Paris. The rupture of these negotiations was followed by that of the armistice in Germany, which had been renewed by the Emperor at the expence of surrendering the im- portant fortresses of Ulm, Ingoldstadt, and Philipsburg, into the hands of the French, as a pledge of his sincere desire for peace. The campaign recommenced on the 24th of November; and, in the beginning of December, the Austrians were defeated by Moreau in the decisive battle of Hohenlinden, in which the French took 10,000 prisoners, with 80 pieces of cannon. The Archduke Charles was likewise defeated, with the loss of 8000 men; and the Emperor was convinced that he had no resource but in a peace. Another armistice was therefore concluded on the 27th of December; and negotiations for peace were opened at Luneville, and carried on with such dispatch, that the preliminary treaty was signed on the 3d of Fe- bruary 1801, by Count Cobentzel and Joseph Buonaparte, and soon after ratified by the Emperor. By this treaty vol. hi. 5 c the 750 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. the cession of the Belgic provinces to France, as stipu- lated by the treaty of Campo Formio, was ratified in a more formal manner ; and the whole of the country on the left side of the Rhine, the cession of which had been assented to at the congress of Rastadt, was likewise given up to France. The boundaries of the Cisalpine, after- wards called the Italian republic, were enlarged ; and the Dukes of Tuscany and Modena were compelled to re- nounce their territories, and accept such indemnities as should be provided for them in Germany. The treaty of Luneville, like that of Campo Formio, was of short duration ; and the Emperor Francis, in again taking up arms, was doomed to experience the most mor- tifying defeats, which, but for the clemency and modera- tion of the conqueror, might have been fatal to his em- pire. The causes which led to the renewal of hostilities are to be found in the continued encroachments of Buo- naparte, which left no safety to any power, but in an open resistance by arms. A combination was therefore formed against him by England, Russia, and Austria, which was termed the third coalition. Buonaparte soon got intel- ligence of it, and immediately prepared to meet the storm. He left Paris on the 2-lth of September to join the grand army, and reached Strasburg on the 26th, ac- companied by the Empress. The army which had for a length of time been forming on the coast, for the osten- sible purpose of invading England, it was now perceived, was collected together, and strictly disciplined, solely for the purpose of being ready to take the field at a moment's notice, before his enemies could be equally prepared. Accordingly this powerful force rushed like a torrent to the frontiers, reached the banks of the Rhine on the 20th of September, and crossed that river on the 25th. On the 1st of October they were followed by the Emperor, who crossed the river at Kehl, having first issued a ma- nifesto to his army, mentioning the commencement of the war of what he termed the third coalition, which, he said, was created and maintained by the gold and hatred of England. In the mean time the army under Ber- nadotte, consisting of about 40,000 men, moved with such rapidity as seems to have entirely discomfited the Austrian General Mack, who took no measures to oppose its progress. Hostilities EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 75 1 Hostilities commenced on the 7th, when the Austrians were defeated in attempting to oppose the passage of the French army at the bridge of Donawert. Another Austrian column, while on its march to Ulm, the Aus- trian head-quarters, was suddenly surrounded and dis- armed. Considerable reinforcements arriving under the command of Marshals Ney and Soult, the latter general marched through the neutral territory of Anspach, which belonged to Prussia, towards Biberach, in order to cut off the retreat of the Austrians by that quarter; while Ney crossed the Danube, and made an attack upon Elchingen, a little above Ulm. The Austrians made a sortie, but were driven back to their entrenchments be- fore Ulm with great loss. In this city General Mack was obliged to shut himself up, but surrendered by capitula- tion on the 17th. To this unaccountable step, he after-, wards said, he was induced, because Berthier assured him that the Austrians were driven behind the Inn, that Mar- shal Lasnes was in pursuit of the Archduke Ferdinand, that General Werneck had capitulated, and that it waa impossible for any succours to reach him in that place, where he was pressed for provisions. The surrender of Ulm was followed by successive defeats of the Austrians. That division of the army under Prince Ferdinand was closely pursued by Murat, with a large body of horse, who brought them to action on the loth, and again on the 17th, when General Wer- neck surrendered the whole of his division prisoners of war. The remainder of the Austrian army was most vigorously pursued from Albeck to Nuremburg, and at length entirely defeated and dispersed ; the Archduke, and only a few of his followers, making their escape. Every division of the French army had crossed the Tiver Inn, in the direct road to Vienna, on the 1st of November. The Emperor was with the right wing at Saltzburg; and the centre, commanded by Prince Murat, rushed on Lintz with great rapidity. The Austro-Rus- sian army retreated to Maelk, 50 miles from Vienna, on their approach, and the French entered that capital on the 12ih of October. After a few days repose, the grand army pursued its march with irresistible rapidity in quest of the Austro-llussian army, which retreated before it, in hopes of drawing the French to a great distance from 5 c 2 their 7.52 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. their frontiers, in which case a defeat would to them prove truly disadvantageous. After a great number of military evolutions, Buona- parte, at length, succeeded in gaining possession of nearly the whole of his enemy's provisions, which com- pelled them to risk a general engagement. At sun-rise, on the 27th of November, the sanguinary battle of Austerlitz commenced with a tremendous cannonade along the whole line. In less than one hour the whole left wing of the allied army was cut off, and their right forced back upon Austerlitz, the head-quarters of the Austro-Russian army, from the heights of which the two Emperors, Francis and Alexander, witnessed the total defeat of their army. The loss sustained by the allies, during the whole of this battle, amounted, according to the French bulletins, to 35,000 men killed on the field or taken prisoners, independent of 20,000 who were drowned, 150 pieces of cannon, and 45 stand of colours. The consequences of this victory were fatal to the allies, and particularly to the Emperor Francis. An interview between the three Emperors took place, which lasted for two hours ; this led to an armistice, which was to serve as the basis of a definitive treaty. The Emperor Alexander was to march home the remains of his army, in such a manner as Buonaparte should prescribe; and the French were to evacuate Brunn on the 4th of January, Vienna on the 10th, and the whole Austrian territory in six weeks after signing the treaty. After some discus- sion, the treaty was at length signed at Presburg, on the 26th of December, by which several important changes took place in Europe: Venice was ceded by Austria to the new Italian kingdom; and the Emperor Francis agreed to relinquish all his power over the circles of Bavaria, Franconia, and Suabia, which Buonaparte formed into the kingdoms of Bavaria, Wirtemburg, and Baden; and they entered into a confederation, of which he placed himself at the head. Shortly after the peace of Presburg, a treaty of per- petual alliance was signed at Paris between France and several members of the Germanic body, of which Napo- leon was declared Protector. This event was the signal for the overthrow of the German empire; and, on the 6th of August 1800, the Emperor Francis publicly re- nounced EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. J53 nounced his title and privileges as Emperor of Germany. That the Imperial title, however, might not become ex- tinct in his family, he soon after declared himself Empe- ror of Austria, which title was soon acknowledged by all the powers of Europe. The conduct^ of Napoleon towards the powers of the continent was now marked by the most violent usurpa- tion and oppression, particularly after cite peace of Tilsit, which seemed to lay the whole continent at his feet. The Emperor Francis for a long time was compelled to put up with his assuming conduct, which affected to treat the powers of Europe merely as conquered pro- vinces, till, at length, roused by his overbearing conduct, the house of Austria resolved to make one more effort to assert its independence, and rescue Europe from its scourge. The Archduke Charles, who on several for- mer occasions had distinguished himself as a great com- mander, was at the head of the army; and he, with the advice of the military council, proposed to carry on the war in the country of the enemy. Agreeably to this resolution, in the spring of 1809, after a declaration of hostilities, the Austrian army advanced, and took pos- session of Munich (the capital of the kingdom of Bava- ria), Ratisbon, and other places. The inhabitants of the Tyrol, who, by the treaty of Presburg, in 1805, were made subject to the King of Bavaria, now almost unani- mously declared themselves in favour of the house of Austria, to which for several centuries they had been subject. They drove the Bavarian troops from the whole of their territories, and for some time bravely defended themselves against a very superior force. It is not to be supposed that the French government continued a moment a calm spectator of these events. No sooner was Napoleon aware that one of the princes of the Rhenish confederacy was driven from his capital, than he immediately set out at the head of a powerful army to repel the invaders, and protect his allies. On the 10th of April he set out from Paris, crossed the Rhine on the 15th, and arrived on the evening of the lGth at Dillingen, where he had an interview with the King of Bavaria, and promised in fifteen days to restore him his capital. On the li)th, at day-break, the two grand armies came in sight of each other ; and a smart action 7,54 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. action commenced, which terminated in favour of the French. On the 20th, the Austrians were again defeated in the battle of Abensberg; and on the 21st, after an obstinate contest, Landshut was taken by storm. On the 22d, the whole of the Austrian lines were attacked, and put to the route ; but they were bravely defended by their cavalry, who nobly covered their retreat: and on the 23d, the horse made a spirited stand before Ratisbon, which however, ultimately, they were unable to protect, having been vigorously attacked by a greatly superior number of the enemy's cavalry. Ratisbon was taken by assault, and all who resisted were put to the sword. During all this continued fighting, the Austrians dis- puted the ground inch by inch; but, notwithstanding- all their efforts, the French continued to advance, till at length, on the 10th of May, early in the morning, they appeared before Vienna, which had been relinquished by the grand Austrian army, the Archduke Charles having sought a strong position for the defence of Hun- gary, where he meant to make a stand. The capital was immediately summoned to surrender: but this was refused with disdain; and the populace fell upon the aide-de-camp, who was the bearer of the proposition, and wounded him. The suburbs of Vienna are incapable of making any defence; they are divided into eight quar- ters, and separated from the city by a vast esplanade. Of the 300,000 souls comprising the population of Vienna, 220,000 live in the suburbs, while only 80,000 inhabit the city. On the approach of the French army, a very great proportion of the inhabitants sought for refuge in the city, which was crowded to excess, and from the ramparts of which the garrison opened a vigo- rous cannonade upon the enemy, who had taken posses- sion of the suburbs. Another summons was then sent, requiring an immediate surrender, which being refused, it was bombarded and set on fire in several places. A person must have see Vienna, its houses of eight or nine stories, its narrow streets, and over-crowded popu- lation, within so narrow a compass, in order to form an idea of the tumult, horror, and disorder, which such an operation could not but occasion. In the evening, two French troops of voltigeurs having swam across the Da- nube, and collected materials for the erecting of a bridge of EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 755 of boats, the Archduke Maximilian, the governor of the city, retreated, and a negotiation was entered into for its surrender. The capitulation was signed on the 12th in the evening; and on the 13th the French took pos- session of it. While these events, so disastrous to the fortunes of the Emperor Francis, were passing in Germany, his affairs on the side of Italy were not much more favour- able. On the 8th of May, the Austrians were defeated by the French, and obliged to retreat. In the Tyrol the inhabitants rose in a mass against the French and Bava- rians, and drove them out of their country ; but the Ba- varian army now began to advance against them. In the north of Germany, the spirit of insurrection likewise began to manifest itself, and at length broke out into open hostility. Baron Von Schill placed himself at the head of a body of malcontents, and forced the troops of the King of Westphalia to relinquish Lunenberg and several other places ; and his forces increased every day. It could not be expected that the Emperor Francis would tamely submit to see his capital in possession of the French, without risking a battle for its recovery; on which also would depend the existence of Austria as an independent empire: accordingly we find that every pre- paration was made for the mighty contest that ensued. The Archduke Charles, who had retreated into Bohemia and Hungary, suddenly advanced on the left banks of the Danube, in order to prevent the French troops from crossing that river. The Emperor Napoleon left Vienna on the 19th ; and a bridge of boats was thrown across the Danube at Ebersdorf, about six miles below that city. Near this place the river is divided into two channels by the island of Lobau ; that on the right bank is of considerable width, while the other is comparatively nar- row. It was on this spot that the French Emperor deter- mined to attempt the passage of the river. On the 19th, Napoleon, with the greater part of his troops, passed the larger arm of the Danube; and, on the evening of the 20th he took a position, with his advanced guard on the left bank. The Archduke Charles, being apprised of his intentions, determined on attacking him before his whole army was passed over; and, at noon on the 21st, advanced forward to attack the French. The Emperor Napoleon in 756 EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. in person directed the movements of his troops; and at three o'clock the battle commenced, when Buonaparte, at the head of the cavalry, endeavoured to break through the Austrian centre. This vast body of horse he had supported by upwards of 60,000 foot, and 100 pieces of cannon; but, notwithstanding all his efforts, he was un- able to penetrate the compact mass which the Austrian battalions presented. The battle now became truly awful, and was worthy of deciding the fate of a mighty empire: above 200 pieces of cannon were at once in full play ; the village of Aspern was ten times taken and re-taken, and at length remained in the possession of the Austrians, who, at eleven at night, remained masters of the field of battle. The French, during the darkness of the night, took up a position in a corner, with the Danube and the Isle of Lobau in their rear. Meanwhile the floats of heavy pieces of timber, which had been cut down in the vicinity of Vienna, drifted with great im- petuosity against the bridge which the French had con- structed, and carried away the bridge which united the right bank of the Danube with the Isle of Lobau, and entirly cut off all communication between the advanced and rear guards of the French army. Aware of this disaster, Napoleon, during the night, conveyed over, by continued embarkations, as many of the disposable troops which he had in Vienna and on the other side, for which he could procure a passage, and, at four o'clock in the morning, furiously attacked the enemy, who as warmly returned the charge. Words are wanting to describe the horrid scene which now ensued ; until seven in the evening the battle raged with unabated fury, till, at length, the French were obliged to relinquish the attack, and retire to the position which they had primarily taken up on crossing the river, leaving the Austrians masters of the field of battle. The loss on both sides in this san- guinary conflict was immense. Six thousand wounded Frenchmen fell into the hands of the Austrians; and the French boast a great number of prisoners, and unhesita- tingly claim the victory : they admit their being unable to advance, which they attributed to the destruction of their bridge by excessive floods. On the 23d and following day, the Austrians employed themselves in burying their dead, and the French in repairing the bridge, which was rebuilt EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 757 rebuilt on the 25th, when their wounded and prisoners were removed to the right bank of the river. The fate of the war still remained undecided; nor could it be expected that any negotiation would take place until something more decisive in the field had been accomplished. After the above sanguinary affairs, the two grand armies, as if weary of destruction, remained quiet for several days. During this interval, the French were busily engaged in the construction of bridges and other works for repassing the Danube, and the Austrians in erecting fortifications and other works to prevent their advancement. On the 30th of June, the French works were, completed. During the whole period since their repulse at Asperne on the 21st and 22d of May, the French continued in the possession of a small spot on the left bank of the Danube, which they defended by Utes de pont of 1600 fathoms in extent, formed of re- doubts surrounded by pallisades, frizes, and ditches filled With water. To this point, from the right bank of the river, a bridge of sixty arches extended, on which three carriages could pass abreast ; a second bridge was built upon piles, eight feet broad for the infantry only. Next to these was a bridge of boats, all of which were defended from the attack, even of fire-ships, by stuccadoes raised on piles between the islands. On the morning of the 1st of July, Buonaparte removed his head-quarters from the right bank of the Isle of Lobau, and from thence, on the 2d, to the entrenchments on the left bank. The Aus- trians were strongly fortified; notwithstanding which, Buonaparte ventured upon the attack, and, by a skilful manoeuvre, succeeded in drawing the attention of the Austrians to a point remote from that where, in fact, he intended to commence his operations. The Austrians, completely deceived, were thus drawn away from the protection which their works had been calculated to afford, and were actually compelled to fight upon ground chosen by the enemy. This was a material advantage sained by the French. The Austrians appear to have been astonished by the unexpected movements which were made by the French during the night of the 4th, and morning of the 5th : but they recovered, endeavoured to turn their position to the best account; and, though there was much hard fighting, it does not appear that the French obtained any signal advantage on the 5th. vol. in. 5 d On 70S EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. On the 6th they were more successful ; and, in con- sequence of the Archduke Charles having weakened his centre by extending his flanks, they were ultimately victorious. The Austrians retreated towards Bohemia, on the high road to Prague, and were closely pursued by the French. On the 10th a smart action took place be- tween the advanced guard of the French and the rear of the Austrians, which terminated in favour of the former; and on the 11th a general engagement took place at Znaim, during the heat of which Prince John of Lich- tehstein repaired to the head-quarters of the French Em- peror to propose an armistice, which, after a great deal of altercation was agreed to, and, in consequence, a cessation of hostilities took place, which was the only thing that could possibly save the Austrian empire from destruction. During this short contest, many of the continental powers were favourably disposed to the cause of Francis, and only waited for a favourable opportunity of declaring themselves, and of joining the House of Austria ; but the late victories of the French produced a great change in their dispositions; the recent disasters of the Aus- trians cooled their ardour, and they were obliged tacitly to submit to their unhappy fate. The cessation from hostilities included not only the grand contending armies, but the whole forces of both empires; and the line of demarcation was specifically pointed out for the position of all the armies, till the terms of a general peace could be settled and agreed on: which event took place at Vienna, on the 14th of October, by which the Austrian empire was obliged to make a sacrifice of a considerable extent of territory. Nearly the whole of the arch- bishopric of Saltzburg was secularized, and annexed to Bavaria; the territory of Trieste, Fiume, and the Aus- trian possessions on the eastern side of the Adriatic, were possessed by the French; a considerable portion of Eastern Gallicia was ceded to Russia, and part of Western Gallicia was annexed to the Duchy of Warsaw. Thus have we seen, that, after repeated appeals to arms, this venerable empire successively sustained the most severe losses; and in the short space of a few years, the Emperor Francis, from reigning over a powerful and extensive empire, saw himself reduced to a most hu- miliating insignificance, and compelled almost to im- plore the clemency of his conqueror for what he retained EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA. 759 retained of all his vast possessions. But the most im- portant part of the treaty of Vienna was that which gave to Napoleon the daughter of the Emperor Francis. This was no doubt extremely humiliating to the latter, and proved how great his desire was to obtain peace. Besides the sacrifices which we have already men- tioned, which the Emperor Francis was compelled to \ make, the country of the Tyrol, which for several cen- turies had been subject to the house of Austria, was, by the treaty of Vienna, ceded to the King of Bavaria. This measure was almost unanimously resisted by the inha- bitants, who flew to arms; and, headed by the immor- tal Holler, during the autumn of 1S09 and the following spring, nobly resisted every effort to subdue them. At length, however, they were overpowered by the number of their opponents in June 1810, and their leaders taken and executed. The alliance which was imposed on the Emperor Francis, however repugnant to the feelings of the house of Austria, being acceded to, the nuptials were consum- mated with great pomp at Paris, on the 1st of April 1810; andj from that period a good understanding ap- peared to exist between the two courts of Fiance and Austria. But the subsequent events prove how frail the most intimate alliances are, when opposed to the in- terests of states. No sooner had fortune declared against Napoleon, and his expedition against the Russian empire failed, than the Emperor Francis declared in favour of the allies, and was thus a main instrument in effecting the destruction of his son-in-law. It would be superfluous to repeat the great events in which the Emperor Francis was personally engaged, from the time we have brought down his Memoirs to the present period, they having been already so fully described in this work, It is sufficient to remark, that the Austrian empire has regained nearly the whole of its ancient possessions, and that its losses have been amply made up by the acquisition of new territories, confirmed to the Emperor by the Congress at Vienna. The Emperor Francis was married, August 14th, 1700, to Maria Theresa of Naples, by whom he had eight chil- dren. She dying May 13th, 1S07, he was subsequently married, Jan. ()tb, 1S08, to the Princess Maria Beatrix. 5 d 2 ifflemefr* jfflemotrs OF FERDINAND THE SEVENTH, KING OF SPAIN. THE transactions which would properly fall under the life of this sovereign Prince, have been so fully nar- rated in our Memoirs of the Duke of Wellington, that we shall have but little to add in this place. Ferdinand was born on the 14th of October 1784, a few years before the breaking but of the French revolution. His father Charles IV. (who is now an exile) had scarcely mounted the throne of Spain, before this portentous event involved all Europe in a general scene of political and military contest. Spain joined the general confede- ration against the new republic, and in consequence was numbered among the objects of its resentment, by a de- claration of war in 1793. The operations of Spain were, however, by no means vigorous, but languid and ineffi- cient; and, after two campaigns, she was compelled to sign a treaty of peace at Basil, on the 22d of July 1795. By this treaty the French agreed to evacuate the Spanish territories in Europe, and received for this cession all the Spanish part of the island of St. Domingo. This treaty was soon followed by a rupture with Great Britain. On the 5th of October 1796, a manifesto was published against this country, to which the court of London made a spirited reply ; and, about the same period, an alliance, offensive and defensive, was concluded between Spain and the French republic. In the war which succeeded with Great Britain, his Catholic Majesty could boast of little honour or success; and the French republic gained little from its new ally, save pecuniary contributions, which from time to time she was compelled to advance. The naval engagement off Cape St. Vincent, on the 14th of February 1797, nearly annihilated her marine; and from KING OF SPAIN. 751 from that period to the temporary termination of hos- tilities by the peace of Amiens, in 1802, nothing re- markable occurred in the court of Spain. On the re-commencement of the war in 1803, Spain was again compelled, by the overbearing power of France, to take an active part against England. She fitted out a formidable fleet, which being united to a considerable French squadron, on the 21st of October 1805, was nearly annihilated off Cape Trafalgar, by the immortal Nelson. After this terrible blow to the naval power of Spain, nothing remarkable occurred in her history till 1808, when the designs of Buonaparte (which had long been suspected) against the independence of Spain were openly avowed. These schemes were furthered in consequence of a domestic dispute, probably fomented by the emissaries of France, which took place between the reigning monarch, Charles IV. and the heir-apparent Ferdinand, the Prince of Asturias. During the winter of 1S07-8, the public mind had been greatly agitated. Some accused the Prince of Peace (Don Manuel Godoy), who had long held the helm of state, and who, from a menial situation, had become the richest and most powerful subject in the kingdom, of having conceited with the Queen to destroy Ferdinand. Others accused Ferdinand of being at the head of a party to dethrone his father. Solemn councils, and long deliberations, followed up by exiles, and violent proceedings, far from calming the public mind, served to agitate it still more. In March 1808, great disturbances happened at Aran- juez, which were excited by a report that the royal family were about to quit Spain, and emigrate to America. This report drew together the people from all quarters to Aranjuez, where they found the attendants of the court packing up the baggage of the royal household, and un- derstood that relays of horses were stationed on the road to Seville, from whence the royal family, it was said, in- tended to take shipping. But the King having taken all the means in his power to convince the people that he had no such intentions, the populace suspected that Godoy was the chief instigator of this unpopular mea- sure, and directed their fury chiefly against that noble- man, whose palace they attacked on the 18th of March. He, however, escaped, but was afterwards taken in a garret 762 FERDINAND THE SEVENTH, garret of his own house. In the mean time the King issued two decrees, with a view to allay the popular tumult; but, as this did not abate, he, on the 19th, took the extraordinary resolution of abdicating the throne in favour of Ferdinand, his eldest son. His motives for this conduct he attributed to the infirm state of his body, which no longer permitted him to support the weight of government; and this resolution he publicly declared to be the result of his own free will. The new sovereign was therefore proclaimed with the title of Ferdinand VII. who issued an edict, confiscating the effects of the Prince of Peace, and appointing the Duke del Infantado his suc- cessor as minister of state. How far these disturbances were caused by the machi- nations of Buonaparte, it is impossible to determine ; but that they were so is probable, by the active measures taken about this time by Napoleon to awe by a French force, the Spanish nation. A very considerable force had for some time been collecting at Bayomie, probably to take advantage of any circumstance which might occur favourable to his designs. On being made acquainted with these transactions, and the abdication of Charles, Buonaparte affected to consider this as having been forced upon his ally, for whose assistance Murat was ordered to advance with a considerable army towards Madrid. He caused it to be intimated to Ferdinand, that the French Emperor was on his way to Spain, and advised him to meet his master on the road. In the mean time he tam- pered with the weak and self-deposed Charles, whom he assured Napoleon would reinstate on the throne of his ancestors. This imbecile monarch was then advised to ad- dress a letter to Buonaparte, in which he contradicts his decree of abdication, declaring that it was a measure of compulsion, and throws himself upon the protection of the French Emperor, his friend and ally, from whom alone his subjects can hope to derive tranquillity and happiness. In the mean while Ferdinand had left his capital, ac- companied by the French General Savary, and had ad- vanced as far as Vittoria; where he was left by that officer, but found himself surrounded by French troops, with whom he was compelled to remain, till Savary returned to him again, bringing a letter from his master, addressed to KING OF SPAIN. 763 to Ferdinand, as Prince of Asturias, assuring him that the sole object of his intended journey into Spain was to make such reform in that kingdom as would be agreeable to the public feeling. Reverting to the late disturbances in Spain, and his own power over the royal family, he makes use of the following expression: " A few of my soldiers may be murdered, but the subjugation of Spain shall be the consequence.'* After this, Ferdinand was compelled, against his will, to continue his journey to Bayonne, where he was obliged to take up his residence in a place by no means suited to his rank. He, however, dined with Buonaparte on the day of his arrival: but, after he had retired, General Savary brought a message from his master, intimating his determination that the present royal family of Spain should give up to him all right and title to the crown of that kingdom, and that they should be succeeded by a branch of his own family. Ferdinand resisted with in- dignation all the promises, and afterwards the threats of the usurper, to mould him to a compliance with his wishes; but he soon began to perceive that he was a close prisoner, and had the mortification, in a few days, of finding that his father and the rest of the royal family were in the same situation. Napoleon, finding that all his efforts were unavailing to reduce Ferdinand to a com- pliance with his views, resorted to policy to effect what force could not. He persuaded Ferdinand to resign the thjone into the hands of his father; and, on the 1st of May, he made a conditional surrender of it. On the 5th Napoleon had a long conversation with Charles and his Queen, before the breaking up of which Fer- dinand was called in to hear the humiliating and disgusting expressions which were used by the usurper in order to induce Charles to concede what Ferdi- nand had so nobly refused. All the parties were seated, except Ferdinand, who was now ordered by his father, on pain of being treated as an usurper, and a conspirator against the rights of his parents, to make an absolute re- nunciation of the crown to the French Emperor. With this requisition he, after some hesitation, complied. This act completed the abdication of the Bourbon family in Spain; for it appeared that the imbecile Charles, on the preceding day, had executed a deed of resignation, which transferred 764 FERDINAND THE SEVENTH, transferred to the Emperor of the French his title to the crown of Spain, on consideration of receiving, during his life, an annuity of 80 millions of reals, a dowry to his Queen of two millions of reals, and to the Infanta of Spain the annual sum of 400,0000 livres. Thus Buona- parte effected the transference of the Spanish nation from the Bourbon dynasty to his own family; and, filled as the annals of mankind are with acts of treachery, perfidy, and violence, it would be difficult to point out a deed, which in every part of its performance, in its own nature, or in the character of the means by which it was obtained, bears such strong marks of unjust and lawless tyranny. The crown of Spain being thus in possession of Napo- leon, it was not long before he transferred it to his brother Joseph, who, in the beginning of June, repaired to Bayonne, where he was received by a deputation of the grandees of Spain, who addressed him with the most fulsome adulation. But though the nomination of Joseph was easily effected by a party, yet it was not so easy to place him on the throne in opposition to the almost una- nimous will of the nation. Ferdinand was the darling of the people : he had on various occasions evinced a su- perior judgment and understanding, but had been always Kept in the back ground by the Prince of Peace, who by his arts had obtained a complete ascendancy over the elder branches of the royal family. His accession had been hailed with joy by the people, as it released them from the tyranny of an upstart minister. They had hitherto submitted with patience to the influence and power of France, hopeless of rescuing themselves while Charles possessed the throne; but the accession of Fer- dinand, and the consequent disgrace of Godoy, led them to hope that they should now find a sovereign able and willing to assist their efforts to regain their independence. Under these circumstances, a great part of the nation had come forward to offer their services in supporting the claims of the new monarch, who, however, rejected the proffered assistance, lest he should expose himself to the suspicion or displeasure of Buonaparte, whose views, till too late, he could not develope. The spirit which ani- mated the people was not of a nature to be chilled or repressed by the French usurper's treachery or ambition. The renunciation of the royal family was no sooner known KING OF SPAIN. 765 known in Spain, than the northern provinces, ascribing it ali to treachery, burst into open insurrection. Asturias and Gallicia set the glorious example, and it was soon followed by almost every part of Spain not immediately occupied or overawed by the armies of France. The subsequent transactions, which ultimately led to the expulsion of the French from Spain, and the restora- tion of Ferdinand to the throne, have been so fully nar- rated alreadv in the course of these Memoirs, that we shall abstain'from repeating them here. With respect to the conduct and ingratitude of Ferdinand towards the Spanish patriots, for which he has merited so much just reproach, we cannot better illustrate this part of his policy, than by presenting to our readers the speech of Mr. Brougham in the House of Commons, in which he has taken an enlarged view of the proceedings of Fer- dinand from the termination of his captivity to the present time; and with this speech we shall conclude his Memoir. Mr. Brougham prefaced his remarks on the conduct of this monarch, by saying, that our high character as a nation is in danger, if in the affairs of other countries we exert our power of interference in a wayward and capri- cious manner — at one time, in behalf of one family, keeping up a constant system of interference, both in establishing it and maintaining it on a throne, and at the same time refusing to interfere with the reign of another man, who, by our assistance, had been established on the throne, and who exerted all his power to oppress those to whose cordial and generous co-operation we owed our success in his cause and our own. The honourable gentleman then proceeded to prove our right to interfere in certain cases, from instances drawn from the reigns of Philip II. and Queen Elizabeth. He then entered into a review of the conduct of King Ferdinand, contrasting it with that of the Cortes, and shewing that from the treaty concluded between him and Buonaparte at Valency he had been hostile to this country. " On his return from captivity," said Mr. Brougham, " instead of proceeding to his ca- pital, he shut himself up in the town of Valencia, and thought only how he could get rid of the Cortes and the Regency, the allies of England, and who, with England, had saved his country for him. The Cortes, on their part, vol. in. 5> fi pursueii f66 FERDINAND THE SEVENTH, pursued a different line of conduct: they refused to ratify the treaty of Valency, because they were the allies of England, and that treaty was hostile to England ; and now, for having refused — for having persevered in their strict alliance with us, they are suffering under the per- secution of a sovereign, whose matured plot it was (I am justified in considering it as such, from the whole conduct of Ferdinand while in captivity) to break down the con- stitution, and to burst asunder the bonds that knit him with this country. I lament to add, that it was not with- out great assistance he was enabled to accomplish this execrable project: I grieve to say, that it is but too in- disputable that without the assistance of England it never ceuld have been done. What representations our minister, who was then with Ferdinand, made upon the subject, I know not; if he received any instructions from home, those instructions would be in the office of the noble Lord; but I will venture to say, he received none, for if he had, they would have been produced before now, in order to remove that stigma from the foreign policy of the noble Lord. But it was not merely the countenance of a British minister which Ferdinand re- ceived in his endeavours to overturn the constitution; the troops which were sent against the Cortes were in British pay, and the van-guard was commanded by a British officer. General Whittingham, who had heen ap- pointed to a command in the Spanish army, is also a Lieutenant-Colonel in our own. He preceded Fer- dinand; he surrounded Madrid, while Ferdinand himself was in the rear, and even behind the rear. The Cortes surrendered — the Regency surrendered: they were ar- rested, and sent to different dungeons. British payments did not cease even then ; more money was issued for the use of Ferdinand ; more equipments and clothing for his troops were furnished : in a few months the different sums advanced amounted to half a million sterling, and then a paltry subterfuge was set up by the government that this was only the arrears of a balance that was due. Had the engagements entered into between the two countries no reciprocity? Were there none on the other side which required to be fulfilled? Where was the treaty of Va- lency? Or did we engage to pay money to Spain at all hazards, no matter whether she fought itgainst us or for us? KING OF SPAIN. 767 us? Are all contracts to be considered as founded upon a principle of reciprocity, except when British money is tc be squandered ? Have we that plethora of opulence, that we require some assistance in order to relieve us from the intolerable burden of our wealth? I have no hesita- tion in saying, that after what happened, after the treaty of Valency, and after the unequivocal conduct of Fer- dinand, we ought to have paused before we sent another shilling to Ferdinand. General Whittingham having per- formed the services which I have described, he was re- warded by Ferdinand, promoted to the rank of Major- General, and decorated with a Spanish order. In imita- tion also of Ferdinand, and no doubt by the advice of the noble Lord, he was appointed an aide-de-camp to the Prince Regent, being placed over the head of at least one hundred and forty other officers." " I think," con- tinued Mr. Brougham, " I have said enough to shew that this is not an unnecessary interference with the proceed- ings of Ferdinand; for those proceedings are in fact against our policy and our measures. His cruel persecutions against the patriots were because they had fought and acted in pur cause, and because they had refused to give up that constitution, which we had co-operated with them in producing. What followed upon his return to Spain, I do not wish minutely to trace. Twenty-seven members of the Cortes, and two of the Regency, were thrown into dungeons, together with a number of persons in private stations of life, who had committed no other crime but that of having aided the cause of their country. After nineteen or twenty months imprisonment, without being brought to trial, it at length pleased his Catholic Majesty to appoint a commission, or rather three com- missioners, one after another, all of them filled up by himself, and not selected from the ordinary judicial bodies' of the kingdom. By these commissioners thus appointed, all those unhappy persons were tried, and sentences of acquittal or condemnation pronounced upon them. After, however, these courts had done their duty, it was the good will and pleasure of the Spanish King to revise all their proceedings, and to disapprove of all. He pro- claimed to his own people and the world, that even the \ T ery creatures with whom he had filled the tribunals of justice were not sufficiently subservient to his will, or 5 e 2 underrated 76S FERDINAND THE SEVENTH, underrated the pitch of animosity which rankled in his mind. Some of the sentences, indeed, were thought sufficiently severe by this royal judge. One man was condemned to two years solitary confinement, merely for having been a member of the Cortes: he had committed no other earthly offence ! There was another, a poor tradesman, who had shewn great zeal in support of the patriotic cause, and towards England ; he was condemned to four years imprisonment. ' What!' said Ferdinand, ' only four years for a wretch who made a speech in a po- pular assembly, and advocated the principles of liberty 1' He immediately took his pen, struck out the punishment affixed to this poor cripple (for such he was), and con- demned him forthwith to be hanged. But there was something so iniquitous, so revolting in all this, that even the populace of Madrid, the scum, the very rabble, the lowest vulgar of that city, with whom alone all the mea- sures of Ferdinand had hitherto been popular (and what more fatal alliance can be imagined than king and mob, either for the safety of the throne or the people), even these, his chosen friends and allies, rose with indignation, and rescued the unhappy victim. I will not enter into numerous details; but when I look at this infernal list of proscriptions, and find at the head of it the name of M. Arguelles, every one who values talent, every one who venerates patriotism, every one who loves virtue, or who admires eloquence, must share with me in the pain and indignation I feel, to reflect that this unfortunate, this ill-fated gentleman, who never exerted his great abilities but to support the cause of his country, and who zealously endeavoured to obtain in the Cortes the abolition of the slave-trade, which was on the eve of being accomplished, has been condemned by Ferdinand to serve as a common soldier in the gnrrison of Ceuta, a pestilential dungeon on the coast of Africa, in sight of our own fortress of Gibraltar. The question which the House now has to consider is, whether this shall be the only case in which we will not interfere: that we have interfered.on other oc- casions, and do even to this hour, cannot be denied. We keep up an army in France, not to support an ally for objects of truly British policy, but expressly and avow- edly, as acknowledged in a note by the noble Lord him- self, to maintain on the throne a certain individual. I am KING OF SPAIN. 769 am sure I should not say too much if I were to say that the whole police of France is under the direction of the Duke of Wellington; the police of Paris unquestionably was for four or five months. Dispatches dady arrive from Paris, as if France were only a province of the British empire; and when they arrive, cabinet-councils are assembled in Downing Street to take them into con- sideration, as if they came from Dublin or York. We are constantly and perpetually alive to every little pro- ceeding which occurs in F'rance, and all this merely for the purpose of keeping one particular branch of the royal family upon the throne. I trust I have now shewn a case in which we are bound to protect our allies, to interfere in behalf of those whom we have brought into danger, and whom we have no other means of relieving, but by the influence and weight which this country possesses — an influence and weight which has never been denied when exercised in a just and honourable cause. It may be said, perhaps, that by interfering we shall only expose the objects of our solicitude to some new turn of caprice or resentment on the part of Ferdinand ; but we may dismiss those apprehensions, because it is impossible to argue upon the waywardness of tyranny, and therefore impossible to deduce from it any just grounds for remain- ing quiet. All I entreat of the House is, that it will re- collect the ground upon which we have voluntarily placed ourselves, in reference to our Regency and our Cortes; we have brought them under the resentment of Ferdinand, and even though we were bound by no stipu- lations — by no solemn alliance — by no obligations arising out of a combined system of operations for one common end, yet parliament has repeatedly carried addresses to the foot of the throne, to promote the ends of justice and humanity. I would not recommend that threats or menaces should be employed ; that is always bad policy; but surely we might remind Ferdinand, not of the services which we have done him, because gratitude is a virtue of which I do not suspect him, but of principles which have commonly more influence upon persons of his des- cription. We might appeal to his apprehensions — to his fears — to the danger he incurs by persevering in such a line of conduct. We might remind him of what Eng- land has done upon former occasions, and how often her power 770 FERDINAND THE SEVENTH, &c. power, when aroused, has scattered in one breath the whole resources of Spain. We might remind him of what we did for the Huguonots in France, what we have done for the Protestants in other countries, and what we have done for the oppressed wherever we heard of their injuries and their sufferings. We may, perhaps, suc- ceed by these means, in impressing upon him a truth "which I would not convey to him in my own language, but in the language of a Spanish minister, who addressed himself to one of his ancestors: — ' Your Majesty,' said he, ' has two enemies; one is the whole world, the other your own minister.' At any rate there is one view of the matter which it is impossible to overlook. He will at least be reminded that there is yet in the world a corner where truth may be fearlessly spoken — where the crimes of Princes may be arraigned — where the oppressed may be vindicated— and where the oppressors may be called to account; that place is the Commons' House of Parliament." The honourable member then concluded by moving an address, stating that the alliance now sub- sisting between this country and Spain afforded a favour- able opportunity for employing the weight and influence of the government, supported by the opinion of the House of Commons, in behalf of the Spanish patriots. F I N I S. Piinted by Macdonald and Sou, 45, Cloth Fair, West Smithfield, London. CONTENTS. VOLUME I. Preface , , . . Page 1 Memoirs of the Emperor Alexander 9 Prince Blucher , , . . . 147 Duke of Wellington 203 Crown Prince of Sweden 441 VOLUME II. Memoirs of Louis the Eighteenth 3 Napoleon Buonaparte 115 VOLUME III. Memoirs of Talleyrand, Prince of Beneventum 3 Marshal Ney 133 Marshal Suchet 144 Marshal Murat 150 King of Prussia 132 Marshal Berthier 227 Fouche, Duke of Otranto 236 Earl of St. Vincent 200 Sir Thomas Picton 282 Lord Lvndoch 286 Duke of York 304 Marquis of Anglesea . 314 Marshal Soult 331 Marshal Marmont. 345 Marshal Macdonald 350 Earl of Moira 304 Lord Hill 371 Sir Sydney Smith 380 Lord Cathcart 415 •General Sarrazin 428 Lord William Bentinck 436 Sir David Dundas 446 Lord Hutchinson 464 Sir Charles Stuart 474 Sir Eyre Coote 485 Sir Rulph Ahercromhie 493 Sir John Moore * 511 Lord Sidmouth 551 Lord Erskine 504 Lord Elleuborough 577 Memoirs 772 CONTENTS. -■■■*■■'■ • - — Memoirs of Marquis Wellesley » 587 Lord Grenville 594 Mr. Wilberforce < 607 Earl of Liverpool 615 Lord Castlereagh 619 Earl Stanhope 632 Mr. Abbott 650 Mr. Canning 658 Sir Francis Burdett 675 Prince Regent of Portugal 690 Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands 696 Prince of Wales 702 Emperor of Austria . 740 Ferdinand the Seventh 760 Directions to the Binder for placing the Plates. VOLUME I. Page 9 Emperor Alexander . Platoff .54 General Wittgenstein ... 83 Blucher 147 Wellington 203 Massena .... Page 289 Marshal Jourdan .... 372 Duke of Angoulerae . ■ . 416 Bernadotte ..... . 441 VOLUME II. Louis the Eighteenth ... 3 Duke of Berry 5 Buonaparte ' 115 Augereau 145 Archduke Charles of Austria 190 Prince Schwartzenburg . . 424 Prince Wrede 4*27 Prince Metternich . . .461 Comte d'Artois .... 436 VOLUME III. Talleyrand 3 Marshal Ney .... .133 Murat 150 King of Prussia .... 182 Marshal Bertliier .... 227 Earl St. Vincent .... 260 Duke of York 304 Marquis of Anglesea . . .314 Soult 331 Marmont ...... 345 Earl of Moira 364 Lord Hill S71 Sir Sydney Smith .... 380 Earl of Liverpool .... 615 Lord Castlereagh . . . .619 Mr. Canning 658 Prince Regent of Portugal . 690 Sovereign Prince of the Ne- therlands 696 Prince of Wales .... 702 Emperor of Austria . . • 740 Ferdinand VII. of Spain . 760 The Supplement to the Life of Napoleon Buonaparte to be placed at the end of the Second Volume. >1/V THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara I THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. Series 9482 \ / A A 000 283 588