THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE (1743-1885) N BY NAHUM SLOUSCHZ Translated from the French PHILADELPHIA THE JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY or AMERICA 1909 COPYRIGHT, 1909. BY THE JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY OF AMERICA TRANSLATOR'S NOTE The modern chapter in the history of Hebrew literature herewith presented to English readers was written by Dr. Nahum Slouschz as his thesis for the doctorate at the University of Paris, and published in book form in 1902. A few years later (1906-1907), the author himself put his Essay into Hebrew, and it was brought out as a publication of the Tushlyah, under the title Korot ha-Safrut ha-'Ibrit ha-Hadashah. The Hebrew is not, however, a mere translation of the French book. The material in the latter was revised and extended, and the presentation was considerably changed, in view of the different attitude toward the subject naturally taken by Hebrew readers, as compared with a Western public, Jewish or non- Jewish. The present English translation, which has had the benefit of the author's revision, purports to be a rendition from the French. But the Hebrew recasting of the book has been consulted at almost every point, and the Hebrew works quoted by Dr. 5 TRANSLATOR'S NOTE Slouschz were resorted to directly, though, as far as seemed practicable, the translator paid regard to the author's conception and Occidentalization of the Hebrew passages revealed in his translation of them into French. HENRIETTA SZOLD. CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION 9 CHAPTER I 18 In Italy Moses Hayyim Luzzatto CHAPTER II 29 In Germany The Meassefim CHAPTER III 51 In Poland and Austria The Galician School CHAPTER IV 93 In Lithuania Humanism in Russia CHAPTER V 124 The Romantic Movement Abraham Mapu CHAPTER VI 159 The Emancipation Movement The Realists CHAPTER VII 172 The Conflict with Rabbinism Judah Leon Gordon CHAPTER VIII 206 Reformers and Conservatives The Two Extremes CHAPTER IX 224 The National Progressive Movement Perez Smolenskin CHAPTER X 237 The Contributors to Ha-Shahar CHAPTER XI 248 The Novels of Smolenskin CHAPTER XII 271 Contemporaneous Literature CONCLUSION 284 INDEX 289 7 INTRODUCTION It was long believed that Hebrew had no place among the modern languages as a literary vehicle. The circumstance that the Jews of Western coun- tries had given up the use of their national lan- guage outside of the synagogue was not calculated to discredit the belief. The Hebrew, it was gen- erally held, had once been alive, but now it be- longed among the de?d languages, in the same sense as the Greek and the Latin. And when from time to time some new work in Hebrew, or even a periodical publication, reached a library, the cata- loguer classified it with theologic and Rabbinic treatises, without taking the trouble to obtain in- formation as to the subject of the book or the pur- pose of the journal. In point of fact, in the large majority of cases they were far enough removed from Rabbinic controversy. Sometimes it happened that one or another He- braist was overcome with astonishment at the sight of a Hebrew translation of a modern author. And he stopped at that. He never went so far as to 9 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE enable himself to pass judgment upon it from the critical or the literary point of view. To what purpose? he would ask himself. Hebrew has been dead these many centuries, and to use it is an anachronism. He considered it only a curiosity of literature, literary sleight of hand, nothing more. The bare possibility of the existence of a modern literature in Hebrew seemed so strange, so im- probable, that the best-informed circles refused to entertain the notion seriously perhaps not without some semblance of a reason for their incredulity. The history of the development of modern He- brew literature, its character, the extraordinary conditions fostering it, its very existence, are of a sort to surprise one who has not kept in touch with the internal struggles, the intellectual currents that have agitated the Judaism of Eastern Europe in the course of the past century. So far from deserving a reputation for casuistry, modern Hebrew literature is, if anything, distinctly rationalistic in character. It is anti-dogmatic and anti-Rabbinic. Its avowed aim is to enlighten the Jewish masses that have remained faithful to re- ligious tradition, and to interpenetrate the Jewish communities with the conceptions of modern life. Since the French Revolution the ghetto has pro- 10 INTRODUCTION duced valiant champions of every good cause, poli- ticians, legislators, poets, who have taken part in all the movements of their day. But it has also given birth to a legion of men of action sprung from the people and remaining with the people, who, in the name of liberty of conscience and in the name of science, fought the same battles upon the field of traditional Judaism that the others were fighting outside. A whole school of literary humanists undertook the work of emancipating the Jewish masses, and pursued it for several generations with admirable zeal. Hebrew became ?n excellent instrument of propaganda in their hands. Thanks to their efforts, the language of the prophets, inarticulate for nearly two thousand years, was developed to a striking degree of perfection. It was shown to be a flexible medium, varied enough to serve as the vehicle for any modern idea. The great wonder is that this modern literature in Hebrew made itself without teachers, without patrons, without academies and literary salons, without encouragement in any shape or form. Nor is that all. It was impeded by inconceivable obsta- cles, ranging from the fraudulence of an absurd censorship to the persecution of fanatics. In such 2 11 circumstances, only the purest idealism, and the most disinterested, could have ventured to enter the lists, and could have come off the victor. While the emancipated Jew of the Occident re- placed Hebrew by the vernacular of his adopted country; while the Rabbis were distrustful of what- ever is not religion; and rich patrons refused to support a literature that had not the entree of good society, while these held aloof, the Maskil ("the intellectual ") of the small provincial town, the Polish vagabond Mehabber (" author "), despised and unknown, often a martyr to his conviction, who devoted himself heart, soul, and might to maintaining honorably the literary traditions of Hebrew, he alone remained faithful to what has been the true mission of the Bible language since its beginnings. It is a renewal of the ancient literary impulse of the humble, the disinherited, whence first sprang the Bible. It is a repetition of the phenomenon of the popular prophet-orators, reappearing in modern Hebrew garb. The return to the language and the ideas of an eventful past marks a decisive stage in the per- turbed career of the Jewish people. It indicates the re-awakening of national feeling. 12 INTRODUCTION The history of modern Hebrew literature thus forms an extremely instructive page in the history of the Jewish people. It is especially interesting from the point of view of social psychology, fur- nishing, as it does, valuable documents upon the course taken by new ideas in impregnating sur- roundings that are characteristically obdurate to- ward intellectual suggestions from without. The century-long struggle between free-thinking and blind faith, between common sense and absurdity consecrated by age and exalted by suffering, reveals an intense social life, a continual clashing of ideas and sentiments. It is a literature that offers us the grievous spectacle of poets and writers who are constantly expressing their anxiety lest it disappear with them, and yet devote themselves unremittingly to its cultivation, with all the ardor of despair. At their side, however, we see optimistic dreamers, worthy disciples of the prophets. In the midst of the ruin of all that made the past glorious, and in the face of the downfall of cherished hopes, they lose not an iota of their faith in the future of their people, in its speedy regeneration. What we have before us is the issue of the su- preme internal struggle that engaged the great 13 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE masses of the Jews torn from their moorings by the disquietude of modern existence. A fervent desire for a better social life took possession of all minds. The conviction that the eternal people can- not disappear seems to have regained ground and to have been stronger than ever, and the current again set in the direction of auto-emancipation. It is the true literature of the Jewish people that we are called upon to examine, the product of the ghetto, the reflex of its psychic states, the ex- pression of its misery, its suffering, and also its hope. The people of the Bible is not dead, and in its very own language we must seek the true Jewish spirit, the national soul. Let not the reader expect to find perfection of form, pure art, in its often monotonous lyric poetry, or its prolix, didactic novels. The authors of the ghetto felt too much, suffered too much, were too much under the dominance of a life of misery, a semi-Asiatic, semi-mediaeval regime, to have had heart for the cultivation of mere form. Does the Song of Songs fall short of being a liter- ary document of the first order because it does not equal the dramas of Euripides in artistic complete- ness? It is conceded that the proper aim of the artist is art, finished and perfect art, but to the 14 INTRODUCTION philosopher, the social investigator, the important thing is the advance of ideas. The object of the writer in presenting this essay to the public was not to presume to give a detailed exposition of the development of modern Hebrew literature, accomplishing itself under the most com- plex of social and political conditions and in a social milieu totally unknown to the public at large. That would have led too far. It was not even possible to give an adequate idea of all the authors requiring mention within the limited frame adopted perforce. Besides, nothing or almost nothing ex- isted in the way of monographs that might have facilitated the task. 1 1 In point of fact, all that can be cited are the following: the admirable biographical essays on Mapu, Smolenskin, etc., by Reu- ben Brainin ; those of S. Bernfeld on Rapoport, etc., these two crit- ics writing in Hebrew; and the sketch of our subject by M. Klaus- ner, in the Russian language. Besides, mention may be made of an article in the Revue des Revues, by M. Ludvipol, of Paris. In spite of the diversity of schools and the conditions giving rise to them, which are here to be treated for the first time from the point of view of a modern history of literature, the reader will readily convince himself that the subject lacks neither coherence nor unity. It is superfluous to say that in this first attempt at a history of modern Hebrew literature, the grouping of movements and schools borrowed from the Occidental literatures Is bound to have only relative value. 15 The aim set up by the present writer is merely to follow up the various stages through which modern Hebrew literature has passed, to deduce and specify the general principles that have moulded it, and analyze the literary and social value of the works produced by the representative writers of the epoch embraced. In a word, the object is to show how Hebrew poetry was emancipated from the tradition of the Middle Ages under the influence of the Italian humanists, 2 how it underwent a process of modern- ization, and served as the model for a literary re- nascence in Germany and Austria. In these two countries Hebrew letters were enriched and per- fected from the point of view of form as well as content. Finally, due to favorable circumstances, the Hebrew language captured its place as the lit- erary and national language among the Jews of Poland, and particularly of Lithuania. In this progress eastward, Hebrew literature has never been faithless to its mission. Two currents of ideas, more or less distinct, characterize it. On the one hand is the intellectual emancipation of the s Especially Moses Hayyim Luzzatto, in his " Glory to the Righteous ", published in 1743, which has been made the point of departure in the present inquiry. 16 INTRODUCTION Jewish masses, which had fallen into ignorance, and, as a consequence, the conflict with prejudice and Rabbinic dogmatism ; and, on the other hand, the awakening of national sentiment and Jewish solidarity. These two currents of ideas finally flow together in contemporaneous literature, in the crea- tion of the national Jewish movement in its various modifications. During a period of about twenty years, since 1882, the course of events has forced the national emancipation of the Jewish masses upon their educated leaders. By the same token, Hebrew has been assigned a dominating position in all vital questions agitating Judaism, and there has been brought about a literary development that is truly significant. 17 CHAPTER I IN ITALY MOSES HAYYIM LUZZATTO In its precise sense, the term Renascence cannot be applied to the movement that asserted itself in Hebrew literature at the end of the fifteenth cen- tury, as little as the term Decadence can be ap- plied to the epoch preceding it. Long before Dante and Boccaccio, as far back as the eleventh century, Hebrew literature, particu- larly in Spain, and to a certain extent also in the Provence, had reached a degree of development unknown in European languages during the Middle Ages. Though the persecutions toward the end of the fourteenth and the fifteenth century crushed the Jewish communities in Spain and in the Provence, they yet did not succeed in annihilating completely the intellectual traditions of the Spanish and French Jews. Remnants of Jewish science and Jewish literature were carried by the refugees into 18 MOSES HAYYIM LUZZATTO the countries of their adoption, and in the Nether- lands, in Turkey, even in Palestine, schools were founded after a short interval. But a literary revival was possible only in Italy. Elsewhere, in the backward countries of the North and the East, the Jews, smarting from blows recently inflicted, withdrew within themselves. They took refuge in the most sombre of mysti- cisms, or, at least, in dogmatism of the narrowest kind. The Italian Jewish communities, thanks to the more bearable conditions prevailing around them, were in a position to carry on the literary traditions of Jewish Spain. In Italy thinkers arose, and writers, and poets. There was Azariah dei Rossi, the father of historical criticism; Messer Leon, the subtle philosopher; Elijah Levita, the grammarian; Leon of Modena, the keen-witted rationalist; Joseph Delmedigo, of encyclopedic mind; the Frances brothers, both poets, who com- bated mysticism; and many others too numerous to mention. 1 These, together with a few stray writers in Turkey and the Netherlands, imparted a certain degree of distinction to the Hebrew litera- ture of the sixteenth and the seventeenth century. 1 For the greater part of these writers, see Gustav Karpeles, Geschichte der jiidischen Liter atur, 2 voh., Berlin, 1886. 19 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Heirs to the Spanish traditions, they nevertheless were inclined to oppose the spirit and particularly the rules of Arabic prosody, which had put mana- cles upon Hebrew poetry. Their efforts were di- rected to the end of introducing new literary forms and new concepts into Hebrew literature. They did not meet with notable success. The greater number of Jewish men of letters, whose knowledge of foreign literatures was meagre, were destined to remain in the thrall of the Middle Ages until a much later time. As to the unlettered, they preferred to make use of the vernacular, which presented fewer difficulties than the Hebrew. The task of tearing asunder the chains that hampered the evolution of Hebrew in a modern sense devolved upon an Italian Jew of amazing talent. He became the true, the sovereign inau- gurator of the Hebrew Renascence. Moses Hayyim Luzzatto was born at Padua, in 1707. He was descended from a family cele- brated for the Rabbinic scholars and the writers it had given to Judaism, a celebrity which it has con- tinued to earn for itself down to our own day. His education was strictly Rabbinic, consisting chiefly of the study of the Talmud, under the di- rection of a Polish teacher, for the Polish Rabbis 20 MOSES HAYYIM LUZZATTO had attained to a position of great esteem as early as Luzzatto's day. He lost little time in initiating his pupil into the mysteries of the Kabbalah, and so the early childhood years of our poet were a sad time spent in the stifling atmosphere of the ghetto. Happily for him, it was an Italian ghetto, whence secular learning had not been banished completely. While pursuing his religious studies, the child became acquainted with the Hebrew poetry of the Middle Ages and with the Italian literature of his own time. In the latter accomplishment lies his superiority to the Hebrew scholars of other countries, who were shut off from every outside influence, and held fast to obsolete forms and ideas. From early youth Luzzatto showed remark- able aptitude for poetry. At the age of seventeen he composed a drama in verse entitled " Samson and Delilah ". A little later he published a work on prosody, Leshon Limmudim (" The Language of Learners", Mantua, 1727), and dedicated it to his Polish teacher. The young man then decided to break with the poetry of the Middle Ages, which hampered the development of the Hebrew language. His allegorical drama, Migdal l Oz 21 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE ("The Tower of Victory") , 2 inspired by the Pastor fido of Guarini, was the first token of this reform. Its style is marked by an elegance and vividness not attained since the close of the Bible. In spite of its prolixity and the absence of all dramatic action, it continues to this day to make its appeal to the fancy of the literary. A poetic breath ani- mates it, and it is characterized by the artistic taste that is one of the distinctions of its author. It was a new world that Migdal ( Oz, by its laudation of rural life, disclosed to the votaries of a literature the most enlightened representatives of which refused to see in the Song of Songs anything but religious symbolism, so far had their apprecia- tion of reality and nature degenerated. In imitation of the pastorals of his time, though it may be with more genuine feeling, Luzzatto sings the praises of the shepherd's life : " How beautiful, how sweet, is the lot of the young shepherd of flocks ! Between the folds he leads his sheep, now walking, now running hither and thither. Poor though he is, he is full of joy. His countenance reflects the gladness of his heart. In the shade of trees he reposes, and apprehends no danger. Poor though he is, yet he is happy 2 Though it was widely circulated in manuscript, Migdal 'Oz did not appear in print until 1837, at Leipsic, edited by M. H. Letteris. 22 MOSES HAYYIM LUZZATTO " The maiden who charms his eyes, and attracts his desire, in whom his heart has pleasure, returns his affection with respon- sive gladness. They know naught but delight neither separation nor obstacle affrights them. They sport together, they enjoy their happiness, with none to disturb. When weariness steals over him, he forgets his toil on her bosom; the light of her countenance swiftly banishes all thought of his travail. Poor though he is, yet he is happy!" (Act III, scene i.) Alas, this call to a more natural life, after centuries of physical degeneration and suppression of all feeling for nature, could not be understood, nor even taken seriously, in surroundings in which air, sunlight, the very right to live, had been re- fused or measured out penuriously. The drama remained in manuscript, and did not become known to the public at large. It was Luzzatto's chief work that exercised de- cisive influence on the development of Hebrew literature. La-Yesharim Tehillah (" Glory to the Righteous"), another allegorical drama, which appeared in 1743, is considered a model of its kind until this day. It introduced a new epoch, the modern epoch, in the history of Hebrew literature. The master stands revealed by every touch. Every- thing betrays his skill the style, at once elegant, significant, and precise, recalling the pure style of the Bible, the fresh and glowing figures of speech, THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE the original poetic inspiration, and the thought, which bears the imprint of a profound philosophy and a high moral sense, and is free from all trace of mystical exaggeration. From the point of view of dramatic art, the piece is not of the highest interest. The subject, purely moral and didactic, gives no opportunity for a serious study of character, and, as in all allegorical pieces, the dramatic action is weak. The theme was not new. Even in Hebrew and before Luzzatto, it had been treated several times. It is the struggle between Justice and Injustice, between Truth and Falsehood. The allegorical personages who take part in the action are, ar- rayed on one side, Yosher (Righteousness) aided by Sekel (Reason) and Mishpat (Justice), and, on the other side, Sheker (Falsehood) and her auxiliaries, Tarmit (Deceit), Dimyon (Imagina- tion), and Taawah (Passion). The two hostile camps strive together for the favor of the beautiful maiden Tehillah (Glory), the daughter of Hamon (the Crowd). The struggle is unequal. Imagina- tion and Passion carry the day in the face of Truth and Righteousness. Then the inevitable deus ex machina, in this case God Himself, intervenes, and Justice is again enthroned. 24 MOSES HAYYIM LUZZATTO This simple and not strikingly original frame en- closes beautiful descriptions of nature and, above all, sublime thoughts, which make the piece one of the gems of Hebrew poetry. The predominant idea of the book is to glorify God and admire the " innumerable wonders of the Creator." " All who seek will find them, in every living being, in every plant, in every lifeless object, in all things on earth and in the sea, in whatsoever the human eye rests upon. Happy he who hath found knowledge and wisdom, happy he if their speech hath fallen upon an attentive ear ! " (Act II, scene I.) But the Creator is not capricious. Reason and Truth are His attributes, and they appear in all His acts. Humanity is a mob, and two opposing forces contend for the mastery over it: Truth with Righteousness on one side, Falsehood and her ilk on the other. Each of these two forces seeks to rule the crowd and prevail in triumph. The Reason personified by the poet has nothing in common with the positive Reason of the ration- alists, which takes the world to be directed by mechanical and immutable laws. It is supreme Reason, obeying moral laws too sublimated for em- powers of appreciation. How could it be other- wise? Are we not the continual plaything of our senses, which are incapable of grasping absolute 25 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE truths, and deceive us even about the appearance of things ? " Truly, our eyes are deluded, for eyes of flesh they are. There- fore they change truth into falsehood, darkness they make light, and light darkness. Lo, a small chance, a mere accident, suffices to distort our view of tangible things; how much more do we stray from the truth with things beyond the reach of our senses? See the oars in the water. They seem crooked and twisted. Yet we know them to be straight " Verily, man's heart is like the ocean ceaselessly agitated by the battling winds. As the waves roll forward and backward in perpetual motion, so our hearts are stirred by never-ending pain and trouble, and as our emotions sway our will, so our senses suffer change within us. We see only what we desire to see, hear only what we long to hear, what our imagination conjures up." (Act II, scene i.) This philosophy of externalism and of the im- potence of the human mind threw the poet, be- liever and devotee of the Kabbalah, into a most dangerous mysticism. He continued to write for some time: an imitation of the Psalms; a treatise on logic, Ha-Higgayon, not without value ; another treatise on ethics, Mesilat Yesharim ("The Path of the Righteous ") ; and a large number of poetic pieces and Kabbalistic compositions, the greater part of which were never published; and this enu- meration does not exhaust the tale of his literary MOSES HAYYIM LUZZATTO achievements/ Then his powers were used up, the tension of his mind increased to the last degree ; he lost his moral equilibrium. The day came when he strayed so far afield as to believe himself called to play the role of the Messiah. The Rabbis, alarmed at the gloomy prospect of a repetition of the pseudo-Messianic movements which time and again had shaken the Jewish world to its founda- tions, launched the ban against him. His fate was sealed by his ingenious imitation of the Zohar, written in Aramaic, of which only fragments have been preserved. Obliged to leave Italy, Luzzatto wandered through Germany, and took up his abode at Amsterdam. He enjoyed the gratification of be- ing welcomed there by literary men among his people as a veritable master. At Amsterdam he wrote his last works. But he did not remain there long. He went to seek Divine inspiration at Safed in Palestine, the far-famed centre of the Kabbalah. There he died, cut off by the plague at the age of forty. Such was the sad life of the poet, a victim of the abnormal surroundings in which he lived. Under more favorable conditions, he might have achieved 1 The greater part of Luzzatto's works have never been pub- lished. 8 27 that which would have won him universal recog- nition. His main distinction is that he released the Hebrew language forever from the forms and ideas of the Middle Ages, and connected it with the circle of modern literatures. He bequeathed to posterity a model of classic poetry, which ushered in Hebrew humanism, the return to the style and the manner of the Bible, in the same way as the general humanistic movement led the Euro- pean mind back upon its own steps along the paths marked out by the classic languages. No sooner did his work become known in the north countries and in the Orient than it raised up imitators. Mendes and Wessely, leaders of literary revivals, the. one at Amsterdam, the other in Germany, are but the disciples and successors of the Italian poet. 28 CHAPTER II IN GERMANY THE MEASSEFIM The intellectual emancipation of the Jews in Germany anticipated their political and social emancipation. That is a truth generally acknowl- edged. Long secluded from all foreign ideas, con- fined within religious ajid dogmatic bounds, Ger- man Judaism was a sharer in the physical and social misery of the Judaism of Slavic countries. The philosophic and tolerant ideas in vogue at the end of the eighteenth century startled it somewhat out of its torpor. In the measure in which those ideas gained a foothold in the communities, con- ditions, at least in the larger centres, took on a comfortable aspect, with more or less assurance of permanent well-being. The first contact of the ghetto with the enlightened circles of the day gave the impetus to a marked movement toward an inner emancipation. Associations of Maskilim ("intellectuals") were formed at Berlin, Ham- THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE burg, and Breslau. " The Seekers of the Good and the Noble" (Shohare ha-Tob weha-Tushiyah) should be mentioned particularly. They were com- posed of educated men familiar with Occidental culture, and animated by the desire to make the light of that culture penetrate to the heart of the provincial communities. These " intellectuals " entered the lists against religious fanaticism and casuistic methods, seeking to replace them by liberal ideas and scientific research. Two schools, headed respectively by the philosopher Mendels- sohn and the poet Wessely, had their origin in this movement the school of the Biurists, deriving their name from the Blur? a commentary on the Bible, and the school of the Meassefim, from Meassef, " Collector." The former defended Judaism against the enemies from without, and combated the prejudices and the ignorance of the Jews themselves. The Meassefim took as their sphere of activity the reform of the education of the young and the revival of the Hebrew language. The two schools agreed that to elevate the moral and social status of the Jews, it was necessary to remove first the external peculiarities separating 1 A specimen of the Blur appeared at Amsterdam, in 1778, under the title 'A Urn le-Terufah. 30 THE MEASSEFIM them from their fellow-citizens. A new transla- tion of the Bible into literary German, undertaken by Mendelssohn, was to deal the death blow to the Jewish-German (judisch-deutsch] jargon, and the Binr, the commentary on the Bible mentioned above, produced by the co-operation of a galaxy of scholars and men of culture, was expected to sweep aside all mystic and allegoric interpretations of the Scriptures and introduce the rational and scientific method. The results achieved by the Biurists tended be- yond a doubt toward the elevation of the mass of the Jews. One of these results was, as had been hoped for, the dislodgment of the Jewish-German by the spread of the pure German. The influence wielded by the Biurists, so far from stopping with the German Jews, extended to the Jewish commu- nities of Eastern Europe. In 1784-5, two Hebrew writers, Isaac Euchel and Mendel Bresslau, undertook to publish a ma- gazine, entitled Ha-Meassef ("The Collector"), whence the name Meassefim. The enterprise was under the auspices of Mendelssohn and Wessely. A double aim was to be served. The periodical was to promote the spread of knowledge and 31 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE modern ideas in the Hebrew language, the only language available for the Jews of the ghetto; and at the same time it was to promote the purification of Hebrew, which had degenerated in the Rab- binical schools. Its readers were to be familiarized with the social and aesthetic demands of modern life, and induced to rid themselves of ingrained peculiarities. Besides its success in these direc- tions, it must be set to the credit of Ha-Meassef, that it was the first agency to gather under one banner all the champions of the Haskalah 2 in the several countries of Europe. It supplied the link connecting them with one another. From the literary point of view Ha-Meassef is of subordinate interest. Its contributors were de- void of taste. They offered their readers mainly questionable imitations of the works of the German romantic school. The periodical brought no new talent truly worthy of the description into notice. Whatever reputation its principal writers enjoyed had been won before the appearance of Ha-Meas- sef. They owed their fame primarily to the favor acquired for Hebrew letters through the efforts of 'Properly speaking, the term Haskalah includes the notion at once of humanism and humanitarianism. 32 THE MEASSEFIM Luzzatto's disciples. 3 Of the poems published in Ha-Meassef but a few deserve notice, and even they are nothing more than mediocre imitations of didactic pieces in the style of the day, or odes celebrating the splendor of contemporary kings and princes. A poem by Wessely forms a rare excep- tion. It extols the residents of Basle, who, in 1789, welcomed Jewish refugees from Alsace. And if we turn from its poetry to its historical contributions, we find that the biographies, as of Abarbanel and Joseph Delmedigo, are hardly scien- tific; they occupy themselves with external facts to the neglect of underlying ideas. On the whole, Ha-Meassef was an engine of propaganda and polemics rather than a literary production, though the campaign carried on in its pages against strait- laced orthodoxy and the Rabbis did not reach the degree of bitterness which was to characterize later periods moderation that was due to its most prominent contributors. Wessely exhorted the ed- itors not to attack religiousness nor ridicule the Rabbis, and Mendelssohn devoted his articles to * Since the appearance of La-Yesharim Tehillah by Luzzatto, imitations of it without number have been published, and for the eighteenth century alone allegorical dramas by the dozen might be enumerated. 33 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE minor points of Rabbinic practice, such as the per- missibility of vaccination under the Jewish law. The French Revolution precipitated events in an unexpected way. The tone of Ha-Meassef changed. It held that knowledge and liberty alone could save the Jews. More aggressive toward the Rabbis than before, it attacked fanaticism, and gave space to trite poems, glorifying a life, for instance, in which women and wine played the prominent part (1790). Six years after its first issue, 4 Ha-Meassef ceased to appear, not without having materially advanced the intellectual eman- cipation of the German Jews and the revival of Hebrew as a secular language. So important was this first co-operative enterprise in Hebrew letters, that it imposed its name on the whole of the literary movement of the second half of the eigh- teenth century, the epoch of the Meassefim. Two poets and five or six prose writers more or less worthy of the name of author dominated the period. 4 The first series of Ha-Meassef ran from 1784-1786 (Konigs- berg), and from 1788-1790 (Konigsberg and Berlin). An addi- tional volume began to appear in 1794, at Berlin and Breslau, under the editorship of Lowe and Wolfsohn, and was completed in 1797. The second series ran from 1809 to 1811 at Berlin, Altona, and Dessau, under Shalom Hacohen. [Trl.] 34 THE MEASSEFIM Naphtali Hartwig Wessely (born at Hamburg in 1725; died there in 1805) is considered the prince of the poets of the time. Belonging to a rather intelligent family in easy circumstances, he received a modern education. Though his mind was open to all the new influences, he nevertheless remained a loyal adherent of his faith, and occu- pied strictly religious ground until the end. He devoted himself with success to the cultivation of poetry, and completed the work of reform begun by the Italian Luzzatto, to whom, however, he was inferior in depth and originality. Wessely's poetic masterpiece was Shire Tiferet ("Songs of Glory")', or the Epic of Moses (Berlin, 1789), in five volumes. This poem of the Exodus is on the model of the pseudo-classic productions of the Germany of his day; the influ- ence of Klopstock's Messias, for instance, is striking. Depth of thought, feeling for art, and original poetic imagination are lacking in Shire Tiferet. Practically it is nothing more than an oratorical paraphrase of the Biblical recital. The shortcom- ings of his main work are characteristic of all the poetry by Wessely. On the other hand, his oratorical manner is unusually attractive, and his 35 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Hebrew is elegant and chaste. The somewhat labored precision of his style, taken together with the absence of the poetic temperament, makes of him the Malherbe of modern Hebrew poetry. He enjoyed the love and admiration of his contem- poraries to an extraordinary degree, and his chief poem underwent a large number of editions, be- coming in course of time a popular book, and re- garded with kindly favor even by the, most ortho- dox testimony at once to the poet's personal in- fluence upon his co-religionists and the growing importance of the Hebrew language. Wessely wrote also several important works on questions in Hebrew grammar and philology. The chief of them is Lebanon, two parts of which ap- peared, each separately, under the title Gan Na'ul ("The Locked Garden ", Berlin, 1765) ; the other parts never appeared in print. They bear witness to their author's solid scientific attainments, and it is regrettable that their value is obscured by his style, diffuse to the point of prolixity. Besides, Wessely contributed to the German translation of the Bible, and to the commentary on the Bible, both, as mentioned before, works presided over by Mendelssohn, to whom he was attached by the tie of admiring friendship. 36 THE MEASSEFIM Wessely's chief distinction, however, was his firm character and his love of truth. His high ethical qualities were revealed notably in his pam- phlet Dibre Shalom wa-Emet ("Words of Peace and Truth," Berlin, 1781 ), elicited by the edict of Emperor Joseph II ordering a reform of Jewish education and the establishment of modern schools for Jews. Though well on in years, he yet did not shrink from the risk of incurring the anger of the fanatics. He openly declared himself in favor of pedagogic innovations. With sage-like modesty and mildness, the poet stated the pressing need for adopting new educational methods, and showed them to be by no means in opposition to the Mosaic and Rabbinic conception of the Jewish faith. In the name of Torat ha-Adam, the law for man as such, he set forth urgent reforms which would raise the prestige of the Law as well as of the Jews. He hoped for civil liberty, the liberty the Jews were enjoying in England and in the Netherlands. However, this courageous course gained for him the ban of the fanatics, the effect of which was mitigated by the intervention of the Italian Rabbis in favor of Wessely. On the other hand, it made him the most prominent member of the Meassefim circle; he was regarded as the master of the Maskilim. 37 Among the most distinguished of the contrib- utors to Ha-Meassef is the second writer acclaimed poet by popular consent. David Franco Mendes (1713-1792) was born at Amsterdam, of a family escaped from the Inquisition. Like most Jews of Spanish origin, his family clung to the Spanish language. He was the friend and disciple, and likewise the imitator, of Moses Hayyim Luzzatto. What was true of Eastern Europe, that the He- brew language prevailed in the ghetto, and had to be resorted to by all who would reach the Jewish masses, did not apply to the countries of the Ro- mance languages. Here Hebrew had little by little been supplanted by the vernacular. Mendes, who paid veritable worship to Hebrew literature, was distressed to see the object of his devotion scorned by his co-religionists and the productions of the classic age of France preferred to it. In the pre- face to his tragedy, " Athaliah's Recompense " ( Gemul Athaliah, Amsterdam, 1770), he set him- self the task of demonstrating the superiority of the sacred language to the profane languages. Yet this very tragedy, in spite of its author's protesta- tions, is nothing more than a rlfacimento of Racine's drama, and rather infelicitous at that, though it must be admitted that Mendes' style is 38 THE MEASSEFIM of classic purity, and some of his scenes are in a measure characterized by vivacity of action. His other drama, " Judith ", also published at Amster- dam, has no greater merit than " Athaliah's Re- compense." Besides these dramas, Mendes wrote several biographical sketches of the learned men of the Middle Ages for Ha-Meassef. It were far from the truth to say that Mendes succeeded in rivalling the French and Italian authors whom he set up as models for himself. Nevertheless he was endorsed and admired by the literary men of his time as the heir of Luzzatto. An enumeration of all the writers and all the scholars who, directly or indirectly, contributed to the work of Ha-Meassef, would be wearisome. Only those who are distinguished by some degree of originality will be set down by name. Rabbi Solomon Pappenheim (1776-1814), of Breslau, was the author of a sentimental elegy, Arba Kosot (" The Four Cups", Berlin, 1790). The poem, inspired by Young's "Night Thoughts," is remarkable for its personal note. In his plaints recalling Job's, this Hebrew Werther mourns the loss, not of his mistress that would not have been in consonance with the spirit of the ghetto but 39 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE of his wife and his three children. The elegy came near being a popular poem. Its vapid sentimen- tality and its affected and exaggerated style were to exercise a baneful influence upon the following generations. It is the tribute paid by Hebrew literature to the diseased spirit of the age. Pap- penheim wrote, besides, on Hebrew philology. His work, Yeri'ot Shelomoh (" The Curtains of Solo- mon ") , is an important contribution to the subject. Shalom Hacohen, the editor of a second series of Ha-Meassef, published in 1809-1811 (Berlin, Altona, and Dessau), deserves mention. He won considerable fame by his poems and articles, which appeared in the second series of Ha-Meassef and in Bikkure ha-Ittim (" The First Fruits of the Times"), and especially through his historical drama, " Amal and Tirzah " (Rodelheim, 1812). The last, a na'ively conceived piece of work, is well fitted into its Biblical frame. Hacohen is one of the intermediaries between the German Meassefim and their successors in Poland. 5 Mendelssohn, the master admired and respected B Another writer of the epoch, Hartwig Derenburg, whose son and grandson have brilliantly carried on, in France, the literary and scientific traditions of the family, was the author of a widely- read allegorical drama, Yoshebe Tebel ("The Inhabitants of the World", Offenbach, 1789). 40 THE MEASSEFIM by all, contributed, as was mentioned before, only minor controversial articles to Ha-Meassef. His preface to the Blur and his commentary on Mai- monides' treatise on logic are in good style. His philosophical works, "Jerusalem" and "Phaedon," translated into Hebrew by his disciples, were largely instrumental in giving prevalence to the idea that the Jewish people is a religious com- munity rather than a nation. This circumstance explains the banishment of Hebrew from the syna- gogue by his less religious followers, such as David Friedlander, and the attacks of Herz Homberg on traditional Judaism in, his pamphlet " To the Shepherds of Israel " (El Roe Yisrael). The chief editor of Ha-Meassef, Isaac Euchel (1756-1804), became known for his polemic arti- cles against the superstitions and obscurantism of the fanatics of the ghetto. Euchel wrote also a biographical sketch of Mendelssohn, which was published at Vienna in 1814. There were also scientific writers among the Meassefim. Baruch Lindau wrote a treatise on the natural sciences, Reshit Limmudim (" The Ele- ments of the Sciences ", Briinn, 1788), and Morde- cai Gumpel Levisohn, the learned professor at the University of Upsala, was the author of a series 41 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE of scientific essays in Ha-Meassef, which contrib- uted greatly to its success. Up to the time we are speaking of, Poland had supplied the Jewish people with Rabbis and Tal- mudists, and when the German Jews became im- bued with the new spirit, their Polish brethren did not lag behind. Polish authors are to be found among the Meassefim, and several of them deserve special notice. Kant's brilliant disciple, the profound thinker Solomon Maimon, published only his exegetical works and his ingenious commentary on Maimo- nides in Hebrew. Another Polish writer, Solomon Dubno (1735-1813), one of the first to co-operate with Mendelssohn in his Biur, was a remarkable grammarian and stylist. Among other things he wrote an allegorical drama and a number of poetic satires. Of the latter, the " Hymn to Hypocrisy ", published in Bikkure To'elet, is a finished pro- duction. Judah Ben-Zeeb (1764-1811) published in Berlin a Manual of the Hebrew Language ( Tal- mud Leshon 'Ibri), planned on modern lines, a work contributing greatly toward spreading a knowledge of philology and rhetoric among the Jews. His Hebrew-German Dictionary and his 42 THE MEASSEFIM Hebrew version of Ben Sira are well known to Hebraists. Isaac Satanow (1732-1804), a Pole residing at Berlin, was a curious personage, interesting alike for the variety of his productions and the oddity of his mental make-up. He possessed a surprising capacity for assimilation. It was this that enabled him to excel, whether he imitated the style of the Bible or the style of mediaeval authors. Hebrew and Aramaic he handled with the same ingenious skill. All his works he attributed to some ancient author. His collection of Proverbs, bearing the name of the Psalmist Asaph (Mishle Asaph, Ber- lin, 1789 and 1792, in three books), would cut a respectable figure in any literature. A few specimens of his Mishle, or maxims, follow : "Truth springs from research, justice from intelligence. The beginning of research is curiosity, its essence is discernment, and its goal truth and justice" (7: 5,6). " On the day of thy birth thou didst weep, and those about thee were glad. On the day of thy death thou wilt laugh, and those about thee will sigh. Know then, thou wilt one day be born anew to rejoice in God, and matter e will no longer hinder thee " (15:5,6)- 8 A play upon words : Geshem in Hebrew means both " mat- ter " and " rain." 4 43 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE "Rule thy spirit lest others rule thy body" (24:2). " Pincers are made by means of pincers ; work is helped on by work, and science by science" (34:23). "Think not what is sweet to thy palate is sweet to thy neigh- bor's palate. Not so; for many are the beautiful wives that are hated by their husbands, and many the ill-featured wives that are beloved " (43:6,7). " Every living being leaves off reproducing itself in its old age ; but falsehood plays the harlot even in her decrepitude. The older she grows, the deeper she strikes root in the ground, the more numerous becomes her lying progeny, the further does it spread abroad. Her lovers multiply, and those who pay respect to the old adhere to her, that her name be not wiped from the face of the earth" (42:29-31). Satanow pleaded for the language of the Mish- nah as forming part of the Hebrew linguistic stock, but the moment was not propitious to the reform of the prevailing literary style suggested by him. On the whole, as was intimated before, the literary movement called forth by the Meassefim produced nothing, or almost nothing, of permanent value. The writers of this school acted the part of pioneers and heralds. Being primarily icono- clasts and reformers, they disappeared, with but few exceptions, as soon as their task was completed and the emancipation of the Jews was an accom- plished fact in Western Europe. They survived long enough, however, to see the movement with 44 THE MEASSEFIM which they were identified sweep away, along with the traditions of the past, also the Hebrew lan- guage, the only relic dear to them, the only Jewish thing capable of awakening a responsive thrill in their hearts. Passionate humanists, and not very clear-sighted, they permitted themselves to be dazzled by mod- ernity and promises of light and liberty, and forswore the ideal of the re-nationalization of Israel, so placing themselves outside the fellowship bond that united, by a common hope, the great masses of the Jews who were still attached to their faith and to their peojile. Writers of no consequence in many cases, and of no originality whatsoever, failing to recognize the grandeur of Israel's past, the Meassefim despised their Jewish surroundings too heartily to seek in- spiration in them. For the most part they were shallow imitators, second-rate translators of Schil- ler and Racine. The language of the Jewish soul they could not speak, and they could not formulate a new ideal to take the place of the tottering tra- ditions of the past and the faltering hope of a Mes- sianic time. An entire generation was to pass before historical Judaism came into its own again, through the creation of a pure " Science of Juda- 45 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE ism " and the conception of the mission of the Jew- ish people. Nevertheless the movement called into being by the Meassefim caused considerable stir. For the first time the Rabbinic tradition, petrified by age and ignorance, was assailed, in the sacred language at that, and the attack was launched in the name of science and life. For the first time the Haskalah, Hebrew humanism, declared war on whatever in the past trammelled the modern evolution of Juda- ism. In vain the Meassefim, save the exceptional few, refrained scrupulously from violent declama- tion against primary dogmatic principles. In vain their master Mendelssohn, contravening good sense and historical Judaism, went so far as to proclaim these principles sacrosanct. The secu- larization of Jewish literature and Jewish life had made a breach in the ghetto wall. Thereafter nothing could oppose the march of new ideas. The Rabbis of the period saw it clearly ; hence the stub- bornness of their opposition. Beginning with this time a new class appeared among the Jews of the ghetto, the class of the Maskilim, or men of lay learning and letters, a class with which the Rabbis have since had to reckon, with which, indeed, they have had to share their authority over the people. 46 THE MEASSEFIM So far as the Hebrew language is concerned, the Meassefim succeeded in purifying it and restoring it to its Biblical form. Wessely and Mendes oblit- erated the last vestiges of the Middle Ages, and many of the litterateurs of the period bequeathed models of the classic style to posterity. But the return to the manner of the Bible had its disad- vantages. It went to extremes, and led to the crea- tion of a pompous, affected style, the Melizah, which has left indelible traces in neo-Hebrew litera- ture. In the effort to guard the Biblical style against the Rabbinisms which had impaired the elegance of the Hebrew language, the purists had gone beyond the bounds of moderation. To ex- press the most prosaic thought, the simplest ideas, they drew upon the metaphors and the elevated diction of the Bible. This rage for academic cor- rectness is responsible for the reputation, not merited by Hebrew literature, that it lacks origi- nality, that it is no more than a jeu d'esprit, a jumble of quibbling conceits. Italian men of letters also took part in the liter- ary movement of the end of the eighteenth century. Two of them are worthy of mention by name. The first is the poet Ephraim Luzzatto (1727-1792), 47 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE whose love sonnets, written in a sprightly style, sound a lyric note. The other is Samuel Roma- nelli, the author of a melodrama, much admired by his contemporaries, and of a " Journey to Arabia." In France, also, especially in Alsace, there were collaborators of the German Meassefim, the best known among them Ensheim. Besides, France har- bored the only poet of the period who can lay claim to originality, but he was not of the school of the Meassefim. Elie Half an Halevy (1760-1822), of Paris, the grandfather of Ludovic Halevy, by far surpasses the other poets of his day in poetic temperament and fertility of imagination. Un- luckily, we do not possess all the poems written by Halevy, who, moreover, was not a very prolific author. In what has come down to us his talent is abundantly proved by the charm of his individual style and the wealth of his images. The reader feels that the breath of the Revolution has blown through his pages. His " Hymn to Peace " (Shir ha-Shalom), published at Paris in 1804, is the apotheosis of Napoleon, whom the poet hails as " liberty rescued " and " beautiful France ", the home of liberty. This unique poem is character- 48 THE MEASSEFIM ized by unbounded love for France and the French, the beautiful country, the free, high-mettled peo- ple, bearing love of country in its heart and in its hand the avenging sword, and cherishing hatred against " tyranny on the throne, which had changed a terrestrial Paradise into a charnel house." The poet extols the dictator not only because he is a " friend of victory ", but because he is at the same time and still more a " friend of science." He sa- lutes the victorious armies. Although they bring destruction and misery in their wake, they bear before them the standard of science, civilization, and progress. The cry of liberty wakened a loud echo in the ghettos of even the most backward countries. He- brew literature contains a number of curious me- mentos, tokens of the ardent hopes which the French Revolution and the Napoleonic conquests evoked in the breast of the Jews, whose character has little enough affinity with the rule of despotism. In numerous Hebrew hymns and songs T they wel- comed the armies of Napoleon as of the savior Messiah. Before the first flush of joy died away, 7 To name but a few among the many: an ode by the celebrated Rabbi Jacob Me'ir in Alsace, an ancestor of the family of the Grand-Rabbin Zadoc Kahn ; another ode composed 49 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE the reaction set in, and their hopes were blighted. The Jews relapsed into their olden social misery. Nevertheless, the clash between received notions and the new conceptions had contributed not a little to produce a ferment of ideas and create new ten- dencies in the ghetto, at last aroused from its mil- lennial slumber. at Vienna by the Polish grammarian Ben-Zeeb; and the hymns sung in the synagogue at Frankfort (1807), at Hamburg (1811), etc. The Revolutionary Code published at Amsterdam in 1795 is also worthy of mention. 60 CHAPTER III IN POLAND AND AUSTRIA THE GALICIAN SCHOOL The Polish scholars domiciled in Germany en- tered, as we have seen, into the work of the Meas- sefim. Presently it will appear that the movement itself was transferred to Poland, where it produced a much more lasting effect than elsewhere. In the West of Europe Hebrew was destined to vanish little by little, and make room for the languages of the various countries. In the Slavic East, on the other hand, the neo-Hebrew gained and spread until it was the predominating language used by writers. By and by a profane literature grew up in it, which extends to our day without a break. From the sixteenth century on, the Jewry of Poland, isolated in destiny and in political consti- tution, comprised the greater part of the Jewish people. The agglomerations of Jews in Poland, originating in many different countries, and fused 51 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE into one mass, enjoyed a large measure of au- tonomy. Their fortunes were governed and their life regulated by a political and religious organi- zation administered by the Rabbis and the repre- sentatives of the Kahal, the " community." This organization formed a sort of theocratic state known as " The Synod of the Four Countries " (Poland, Little Poland, Little Russia, and, later, Lithuania, with its autonomous synod). Consti- tuting almost the whole of the Third Estate of a country three times the size of France, the Jews were not only merchants, but also, and more par- ticularly, artisans, workingmen, and even farmers. They were a people apart, distinct from the others. The restricted ghettos and small communities of the Occident widened out, in Poland, into prov- inces with cities and towns peopled by Jews. The Thirty Years' War, which had cast a large number of German Jews into Poland, produced the effect of giving a definite constitution to this social organ- ism. The new-comers quickly attained to control- ling influence in the Jewish communities, and suc- ceeded in foisting their German idiom upon the older settlers. One of their distinguishing traits was that they pushed the study of the Law to the utmost. The Talmud schools in Poland and the 52 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL Polish Rabbis soon acquired a reputation unas- sailed in the whole of the Diaspora. Despised and maltreated by the Polish magnates, condemned, by reason of a never-ceasing stream of immigration and the meagre resources of the country, to a bitter struggle for existence, the Jews of Poland centred all their ambition in the study of the Law, and con- soled themselves with the Messianic hope. Empty casuistry and dry dogmatism sufficed for the intel- lectual needs of the most enlightened. A piety without limit, the rigorous and minute observance of Rabbinical prescriptions, and a cult com- pounded of traditional and superstitious practices accumulated during many- centuries, filled the void left in their minds by the wretched life of the masses. To satisfy the cravings of the heart, they had the homilies of the Maggidim ("preachers "), a sort of popular instruction based on sacred texts, tricked out with Talmudic narratives, mystic allu- sions, and a variety of superstitions. By the dreadful insurrection of the Cossacks in the Ukraine, half a million of Jews lost their lives. The terror that followed the uprising during the latter part of the seventeenth and the first half of the eighteenth century threw the Jewish population of the southern provinces into sad confusion. At 53 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE that moment the Hasidim l with their Oriental fatalism, and their worship of the Zaddik ("Saint"), whom they revered as a wonder- worker, appeared upon the scene and won the Jews of a large part of Poland to their standard. Then there ensued a period of moral and intellectual degradation, which coincided precisely with the epoch in which the civilizing influence of the Meas- sefim was uppermost in Germany. The reforms of Emperor Joseph II planned for the Jews in the part of Poland annexed by Austria, especially the extension of compulsory military service to them, were looked upon by the ignorant masses as a dire misfortune. They rebelled against every change, and placed no belief in the promises made by the authorities to better their condition. They were terrorized by the severity of the meas- ures taken against them, and, impotent to carry on a struggle against authority, they threw themselves into the arms of Hasidism, which preached the merging of self in a mystic solidarity. This meant 1 Literally, the " pious." A sect founded in Wolhynia in the second half of the eighteenth century, the adherents of which, though they remained faithful to the Rabbinic law, placed piety, mystic exaltation, and a worship of holy men in opposition to the study of the Talmud and the dogmatism of the Rabbis. 54 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL the cessation of all growth, social as well as reli- gious. Superstition established itself as sovereign mistress, and the end was the utter degeneration of the Austrian-Polish section of Jews. In order to guard against the danger with which the spread of the new sect was fraught, and en- lighten at least the more intelligent of the people, the intellectual Jews of Poland took up the work of the Meassefim, and constituted themselves the champions of the Haskalah, the liberal movement. They became thus the lieutenants of the Austrian government. By and by their activity assumed importance, and in time modern schools were estab- lished and literary circles were formed in the greater part of the villages of Galicia. Even into Russian Poland the campaign against obscurantism was carried, by men like Tobias Feder and David Samoscz ; the former the author of an incisive pamphlet against Hasidism, as well as numerous philological and poetical publications; the latter a prolific writer, the author of a collec- tion of poems entitled Resise ha-Melizah (" Drops of Poetry", 1798). The movement was aided and abetted by rich and influential Jews. Joseph Perl, the founder of a modern school and several other educational in- 55 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE stitutions, is a typical representative of these friends and patrons of progress. 2 Ha-Meassef was succeeded by a progeny of pe- riodical literature, scientific and literary. After the Bikkure ha-Ittim ("The First Fruits of the Times"), edited by Shalom Hacohen, Vienna, 1820-1831, came the Kerem Hemed ("The De- licious Vineyard "), edited by Goldenberg, at Tar- nopol, 1833-1842; the Ozar Nehmad ("The Delightful Treasure"), edited by Blumenfeld; He-Haluz (" The Pioneer "), founded in 1853 by Erter, together with Schorr, the witty writer and bold reformer; Kokebe Yizhak (" The Stars of Isaac"), edited by I. Stern, at Vienna, 1850-1863; Bikkure ha-Shanah (" The First Fruits of the Year", 1844); Peri To'elet ("Successful La- bor", 1821-1825); "Jerusalem", 1845; "Zion", 1842; Ha-Zefirah ("The Morningstar " ) , 1824; Yeshurun. 1847, etc - These collections of essays 2 Perl was the author of a parody on Hasidism, published anonymously under the title Megalle Temirin (" The Revealer of Mysteries"). A monograph upon parodies, a literary form widely cultivated in Hebrew, which was long a desideratum has recently been written by Dr. Israel Davidson ("Parody in Jew- ish Literature", New York, Columbia University Press, 1908). The Hebrew parody is distinguished particularly for its adapta- tion of the Talmudic language to modern customs and questions. 56 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL are of a much more serious character than ever Ha- Meassef attained to. As a rule they display more originality and more scientific depth. To attract the intelligent among the Polish Jews, permeated as they were with deep knowledge of Rabbinic literature, more was needed than witty sallies and childish conceits in an affected style. The appeal had to be made to their reason, to their convictions, their constant longing for intel- lectual occupation. Their minds could be turned away from a most absurd mysticism only by setting a new ideal before them, calculated to engage feel- ings and attract hearts yearning for consolation, and left unsatisfied by the pursuit of the Law, the nourishment given to all who thought and studied in the ghetto. Two men, the most eminent of the Jewish hu- manists in Austrian Poland, succeeded in meeting the spiritual needs of their compatriots. The Rabbi Solomon Jehudah Rapoport, one of the It was made the vehicle of polemics and of ridicule, as in the case of Perl's pamphlet, or of satire on social conditions, as in the " Treatise of Commercial Men ", which appeared at Warsaw, and the " Treatise America ", published at New York, etc. Fre- quently it was meant merely to divert and amuse, as, for instance, Hakundus, Wilna, 1827, and numerous editions of the "Treatise Purim." 57 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW .LITERATURE founders of the Science of Judaism, the pursuit that was to replace Rabbinic scholasticism, and the philosopher Nahman Krochmal, the promoter of the idea of the " mission of the Jewish people ", a substitute for the mystic, religious ideal they were the two who transformed the literary move- ment inaugurated in Germany into a permanent influence. Solomon Jehudah Rapoport ( 1790-1867), called " the father of the Science of Judaism ", was born at Lemberg of a family of Rabbis. His studies were purely Rabbinic, but his alert mind grasped every opportunity of acquiring other knowledge, and in this incidental way he became familiar first with French and then with German. The influence of the philosopher Krochmal, with whom he came in close personal contact, shaped his career as a writer and a scholar. In 1814, at Lem- berg, he wrote, in Hebrew, a description of the city of Paris and the Isle of Elba, to satisfy the curiosity which the events of the time had aroused in the Polish ghetto. In imitation of Mendes, whose writings exercised some influence upon him, he 'later published a translation of Racine's " Esther " (Bikkure ha-'Ittim, 1827), and of a number 58 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL of Schiller's poems. But he did not stop at that. His profound study of the Jewish scholars and poets of the Middle Ages turned his mind to historical investigations. In the Bikkure ha-Ittim and the Kerem Hemed he published a series of biographical and literary studies, in which he shows himself to be possessed of large critical sense and keen judgment. In its sobriety and precision his style has not been excelled. These studies of his gave new direction to the eager minds of the age. As a result, Jost, Zunz, and Samuel David Luz- zatto devoted themselves to the thorough examina- tion of the Judaism of the Middle Ages. The outcome was a new science, the Science of Judaism. Rapoport published also a pamphlet against the Hasidim and their wonder-working Rabbis, and various articles on the necessity of promoting knowledge and civilization among the Jews. In this way he brought upon himself the hatred of the fanatics. Appointed Rabbi at Tarnopol at the instigation of Perl, the patron of Jewish science, he was forced to leave the city by the intrigues of the Hasidim. He went to Prague, to become Rabbi in that important community, and there he ended his days. The disciple and successor of the German Meas- 5 69 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE sefim, Rapoport inherited from them the conviction which characterized the Jewish Maskil, that sci- ence alone and modern civilization can raise the intellectual level and improve the political situation of his co-religionists. All his life he fought for the Haskalah. He loved knowledge with disinterested devotion, and not merely because it was an instru- ment to promote the political emancipation of the Jews. The work of assimilation set on foot in the Occident, he realized, was not applicable in the East of Europe, and would even be useless there. No vain illusions on the subject possessed him. He was very much wrought up against such religious reforms in Judaism as, he believed, would inevi- tably split the people into sects, and sow the seed of disunion and indifference to national institu- tions. This appears strikingly in his campaign against Schorr, the editor of He-Haluz, and Judah Mises, and especially in his pamphlet Toka- hat Megullah ("Public Reproach"), which ap- peared in Frankfort in 1846. To those who fal- tered, having lost faith in the future of Judaism, Rapoport addresses himself in several of his writ- ings, especially in the introduction to " Esther ", holding up his own ideals before them. Love of my nation, he says in effect, is the cornerstone of 60 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL my existence. This love alone has the power to confirm my faith, for the national sentiment of the Jew and his religion are closely linked with each other. And not only this national sentiment and this religion are inconceivable the one without the other, but a third factor is joined with them so in- timately as to be indispensable it is the Holy Land. The desire to explain rationally the Jew's love for his ancient land suggested to Rapoport, long before Buckle and Lazarus, the theory of the in- fluence of climate on the psychology of nations. In his sketch of Rabbi Hao-anel (Bikkure ha-'Ittim, 1832), he explains the psychologic traits of the Jewish people by the fact that they resided in a temperate climate and in a country situated be- tween Asia and Africa. Thence was derived the tendency to maintain equilibrium between feeling and reason which characterizes the Jew. Under favorable conditions, and if the Roman conquest had not intervened, the Jews would have reached the highest degree of this equilibrium, and become a model nation. That is why Palestine is the poli- tical and spiritual fatherland of the Jew, the only country in which his genius can develop untram- melled; that is why Palestine is so indissolubly 61 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE attached to the destinies of Israel, and is so dear to every Jewish heart. But even in the exile, " in the darkness of the Middle Ages, the Jews were the sole bearers of light and knowledge ".' This is what Rapoport strove to demonstrate in his works on the scholars of the Middle Ages, and in his Talmudic encyclopedia, 'Erek Millin (Prague, 1852), which, unfortunately, was not finished. In this fashion Rapoport, who did not hesitate to write on Bible criticism in Hebrew, the first to use the ancient language for the purpose, endeav- ored to reconcile the reason of a modern mind with the faith and the Messianic hope of an orthodox Rabbi. It is a significant phenomenon that the Science of Judaism, the ideal meant to replace the dry study of the Law, and fill the void left in the Jew- ish mind by the course of recent developments, took firm hold upon the Polish Jews, the very body- guard of Rabbinism, of which, in point of fact, it is but a modern and rational transformation. Yet this new science, founded on the study of Israel's glorious past, and warmly welcomed by the intellectual and the cultivated in Western Europe, could not entirely satisfy the intelligent in THE GALICIAN SCHOOL Polish Jewry. In an environment wholly Jewish, having no reason to nurse illusive hopes of immi- nent assimilation with their neighbors, from whom they were divided by every possible circumstance, beginning with moral notions and ending with pol- itical fortune, the Polish Jews resigned themselves to a sort of Messianic mysticism. But the mystic's explanation of the phenomenon of the existence of Judaism also failed to satisfy their yearnings. What they sought was a warrant in reason itself justifying the permanence of Judaism and its future. The arguments set forth by Maimonides and Jehudah Halevi contained no appeal for the modern soul. A philosopher was needed, one who should solve the problem of the existence of the Jewish people and its proper sphere from the van- tage-ground of authoritative knowledge. Such a philosopher arose in Galicia itself. Nahman Krochmal (1785-1840), the origi- nator of the idea of the " mission of the Jewish people ", was born at Brody. His chief work, published posthumously through the efforts of Zunz, the Moreh Nebuke ha-Zeman (" The Guide of the Perplexed of Modern Times"), is the most original piece of philosophic writing in modern Hebrew. Krochmal led the sad life of 63 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE the Polish-Jewish scholar void of pleasures and filled to overflowing with privation and suffer- ing. His whole time was consecrated to Jew- ish science. He led a retired life, and while he lived nothing of his was published. On account of the precarious state of his health, he never left the small town in which he was born. However, his house became the foregathering place of the votaries of Jewish science. Especially young men eager to learn came from everywhere to sit at the feet of the master. The influence which he thus exerted during his life was reinforced and perpetu- ated after his death by the publication of the " Guide of the Perplexed of Modern Times ", in 1851, at Lemberg. The studies contained in this work, for the most part unfinished sketches, form a curious collection. Limitations of space forbid more than a summary of its contents, and an analysis of its chief princi- ples. The need of finding a philosophic explanation of Divine existence forced Hegel to formulate the axiom, that reason alone constitutes the reality of things, and absolute truth is to be found in the union of the subjective and the objective the sub- jective corresponding to the concrete state of every 64 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL being, that is, matter, which forms his actual rea- son, and the objective corresponding to his ab- stract state, that is, the idea, which forms his absolute reason. On this Hegelian axiom of actual reason and absolute reason, Krochmal builds up his ingenious system of the philosophy of Jewish history. He is the first Jewish scholar who views Judaism, not as a distinct and independent entity, but as a part of the whole of civilization. At the same time, while it is attached to the civilized world, it is dis- tinguished by qualities peculiar to itself. It leads the independent existence of a national organism similar to all others, but it also aspires to an abso- lute, spiritual expression, consequently to universal- ism. The result of this double aspect is that while Jewish nationality forms the element peculiar to the Jewish people, its civilization, its intellect are universal, and detach themselves from its peculiar national life. Hence it comes that Jewish culture is essentially spiritual, ideal, and tends to promote the perfection of the human kind. Krochmal in this way arrives at the following three conclusions : i. The Jewish nation is like the phoenix, con- stantly arising to new life from its ashes. It com- prises within itself the three elements of Hegel's 65 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE triad: the idea, the object, and the intelligence. The successive resurrections of the Jewish people follow an ascendant progression, which tends to- ward the spiritually absolute. Starting as a polit- ical organism, it soon developed into a dogmatic- ally religious sect, only to be transformed into a spiritual entity. Krochmal though he does not say it explicitly sees in religion only a passing phenomenon in the history of the Jewish people, exactly as its political existence was but a temporary phase. 2. The Jewish people presents a double aspect to the observer. It is national in its particularism, or its concrete aspect, and universal in its spiritual- ism. The national genius of all other peoples of antiquity was narrowly particularistic. That is why they were submerged. Only the Jewish proph- ets conceived of the absolutely and universally spiritual and of moral truth, and therein lies the secret of the continued existence of the Jewish people. 3. With Hegel Krochmal * admits that the re- sultants from the historical development of a peo- 8 See chapters IX, XVI, and others; also M. Bernfeld, Da at Elohim (" The Knowledge of God ") ; and M. Landau, Die Bibel und der Hegelianismus (Dissertation). 66 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL pie form the quintessence of its existence. But what he does not believe is that the essential ele- ment in the existence of a people is the resultant. The process of historical evolution is in itself an adequate reason for its existence. More rational than Hegel himself, Krochmal thus avoids the con- tradiction which follows from the mystical defi- nition of existence in the Hegelian system. For the German metaphysician, existence is the interval between not being and being, that is, the period of becoming. Krochmal simply eliminates this more or less materialistic notion of the in- terval. He substitutes the moral effects produced incidentally to the course of historic action, for the idea of effects posterior to the same action, the effects called the resultants. The more or less materialistic manner in which historic action de- velops replaces with him the idea of the transition period, the period of becoming, as a mysterious intermediary between actual reason and absolute reason. Proceeding from these axioms, Krochmal, at a time in which Folkerpsychologie and sociology were embryonic sciences, explains the phenomena of Jewish history as well as the phenomena of the religious and spiritual evolution of mankind, and does it with remarkable originality and profundity. 67 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Krochmal's ideas produced an effect not to be exaggerated upon the intelligent among the Polish Jews, who had thrown off the trammels of dogma- tism and mystic hope, but were in a hesitating state of mind, casting about for the reason of their very existence as Jews. His book offered them an explanation, based on modern science and yet in accord with their Jewish essence as revealed by history and therefore satisfying to their national pride. Thus Krochmal opened up a way for the seekers after enlightenment in future generations. On the ideas of the master, his successors built up their conceptions of the Jewish people. Abraham Mapu, the father of the historical novel in He- brew, drew his inspiration from the " Guide ",* and in our days the well-known essayist Ahad ha- 'Am has seized upon certain of Krochmal's prin- ciples, notably the importance to be attached to the spiritual element in the life of the Jewish people. These two leaders, Rapoport and Krochmal, stimulated a whole school of writers, whose works 4 R. Brainin, in his biography of Mapu, p. 64, Warsaw, 1900- THE GALICIAN SCHOOL established the fortune of the Hebrew language in Galicia. With more or less originality, all de- partments of literature and science were cultivated. Very soon, however, the times ceased to be pro- pitious to serene thinking and investigation of the past. Hasidism, triumphant, having conquered the whole of Russian-Poland, threatened to crush all thought and reason at the very time in which the Kulturkampf was battering at the gates of the Polish ghetto. Rapoport, we have seen, contended with Hasidism in a witty pamphlet. After him, there appeared a satirist of great talent, who waged pitiless war with ijs partisans and with all the powers of darkness. Isaac Erter, of Przemysl (1792-1841), was the friend and disciple of Krochmal. An infant prod- igy, he spent all the years of his early childhood in the exclusive study of the Law. When he was thirteen years old, his father married him to a girl of eighteen, whom he had not set eyes upon before the day of their marriage. She did not live long. Erter went on with his Rabbinic studies, and mar- ried a second time. A lucky chance brought him in contact with a Maskil who led him to the study of Hebrew grammar, and he became a devotee of the Haskalah. Encouraged by Rapoport and 69 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Krochmal, with whom he had entered into rela- tions, he published his first satire on Hasidism. It evoked considerable comment. Persecuted by the fanatics on account of it, he could not continue to follow his vocation as teacher of Hebrew. He was obliged to quit his native city, and he went to Brody, where the circle of Maskilim welcomed him with delight. Otherwise his life at Brody was full of hardships. His wife, as courageous as she was intelligent, urged him to equip himself for some serious profession. Accordingly, at the age of thirty-three, he went to Buda-Pesth to study medicine, and five years later he returned to Brody fortified with his diploma as a physician. There- after he occupied an independent position, and he could dare wage uncompromising warfare with obscurantism and the mystics. He published nu- merous articles in the periodicals of the day. After his death, they were collected by the poet Letteris in one volume bearing the^ title Ha-Zofeh le-Bet Yisrael (" The Watchman for the House of Israel"). Erter as satirist and critic of morals is a writer of the first order. For vivacity, his style, at once incisive and elegant, may be compared with that of his contemporaries Heine and Borne. He pos- 70 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL sesses not a few traits in common with these two writers. More serious and positive than Heine, he pursues a steady aim in his satires. Tears mingle with his laugh, and if he castigates, it is in order to chasten. More original and more poetic than Borne, he thinks clearly and to the point, and the effect of his thought is in no way impaired by his stilted mannerisms. Without bias or passion, and with fine irony, he rallies the Hasidim on their baneful superstitions, their worship of angels and demons. He criticises the ignorance and narrow- mindedness of the Rabbis, and scourges the shabby vanity of the comrnunal representatives. Animated by the desire to spread truth and culture among his co-religionists, he does not direct his attacks against the fanatics alone. He is equally bold in driving home the truth with the " moderns " of the ghetto, the " intellectuals ", boastful of their diplomas, who seek their own profit, and do nothing to further the welfare of the people in general. Corresponding to the number of articles he wrote is the number of arrows shot into the very heart of the backward system im- posed upon the Jews of his country. He is the first Hebrew poet who dared expose the social evils honeycombing the curious surroundings, full 71 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE of contrasts and naivete, amid which his people lived. This he did in a series of startling descrip- tions. After the fashion of Cervantes, he employs ridicule to kill off the Rabbi and murder the mystic. Erter deserves a place in the first rank of the champions of civilization among the Jews. Galicia gave birth also to a lyric poet of some distinction. MeTr Halevi Letteris (1815-1871) was a learned philologist, but his chief literary excellencies he displayed as a poet. Like Rapo- port's, his maiden effort was a translation of the Biblical dramas of Racine. His workmanship was exact and beautiful. He was a productive writer, and his activity expressed itself in every sort of literary form. He left upward of thirty volumes in prose and verse. 5 His Hebrew version of Faust, published at Vienna, is a masterpiece in point of style, and it gained him conspicuous renown. He ventured upon a bold departure from Goethe's work. Desiring to transfer the dramatic action to soil wholly Jewish, he substituted for Faust a Gnostic Rabbi of the Talmud, Elisha ben Abuyah, surnamed Aher ("Another"). This change His poetry was collected in one volume, and published at Vienna, under the title Tofes Kinnor we- U gab (" Master of the Lyre and the Cithern"). 72 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL necessitated a number of others, which were far from being advantageous to the Hebrew version. The prose of Letteris is heavy. It lacks grace and naturalness, qualities possessed by the greater number of his contemporaries in Russia. It should, however, be set down to his credit that, unlike many others, he never showed any inclination to sacrifice clearness of thought to elegance of style. By way of compensation, his poetry, from the point of view of style and versification, is raised beyond adverse criticism. It merits the description classic. His numerous translations from modern poets prove the facility with which the ancient language can be handled by a master. But, having acknowledged the superiority of his style, the liter- ary critic has said all there is to be said in praise of his work. The breath of poesy, the tone of personal inspiration, the gift of fancy, are on the whole lacking. His most original poems are noth- ing more than an echo of the romantic school. Nevertheless, there is a certain simple charm diffused through some of his verses, especially those in which he pours out his sorrowful Jewish heart. His Zionist poems are perfect expressions of the national spirit. One of them, the very best his muse has produced, has been almost universally 73 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE accepted as the national hymn. It is called Yonah Homiah (" The Plaintive Dove "). The dove is the symbol for Israel used by the prophetical writers of the Bible. Her mournful cooing voices the grief of the Jewish people driven forth from its native land and forsaken by its God. " ' Alas for my affliction ! I must roam about abandoned since I left the shelter in the cleft of my rock. Around me rages the storm, alone and forsaken I fly to the forest to seek safety in its thickets. My Friend has abandoned me ! His anger was kindled, because faithless to Him I permitted the stranger to seduce me, and now my enemies harry me without respite. Since my Friend deserted me, my eyes have been overflowing with tears. Without Thee, O my Glory, what care I for life? Better to dwell in the shadow of death than wander o'er the wide world. For the oppressed death is as a brother in adversity. "'Yonder two birds are billing and cooing, and tasting of the sweets of love. They live at ease ensconced in the branches of the trees, nestling amid green olive vines and garlands of flow- ers. I, only I, am exiled ! Where shall I find a refuge ? My rock-shelter is hedged about with prickly thorns and thistles. .... E'en the wild birds of prey mate happily, only I, poor mourning dove, alone among all beings alive, dwell apart. E'en those who gorge themselves with innocent blood live tranquil in their home eyries. Alas ! only the righteous must weep, only the poor are stripped of all hope! .... " ' Return, then, my Life, my Breath ! Return, my Comforter ! Hear my bitter wail of woe, lead me back to my home. Have pity on my loneliness! Restore Thy love to me, bring me once 74 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL again to the cleft of my rock, and let me hide myself in the shadow of Thy wings.' " Such moaning and dull wailing, my ear caught in the night, when the fields and the woods were bathed in Divine peace; and hearing the plaintive voice of the mourning dove, my soul knew it to be the voice of the bitter woe of the daughter of my people ! " Other writers and translators in large numbers added to the lustre of Galicia as a centre of He- brew literature. The most important among them is Samson Bloch, the author of a geography of the world, including a sentimental description of Pales- tine, written in oratorical style. Joseph Efrati (1820) wrote an historical drama, Meluhat Shaiil ("The Royalty of Saul"), which deserves men- tion for its fine conception. And Judah Mises, in his two works, Tekunat ha-Rabbanim (" Charac- terization of the Rabbis"), and Kinat ha-Emet (" The Zeal for Truth "), opposed Rabbinic tra- dition and the authorities of the Middle Ages. His antiquated rationalism called forth the severe reproaches of Rapoport. Nevertheless he stirred up a grave controversy, which gave rise to a series of consequences extending down to the literary warfare begun by the collection Ha-Roeh u-Me- bakker (" The Seer and the Searcher "), published 6 76 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE by Bodek and Fischmann, in which the works of Zunz, S. D. Luzzatto, and Jost are criticised. At this point ceases the dominance of the lit- terateurs of Austrian Poland. The centre of liter- ary activity was thereafter transferred to Russia permanently. Hasidism was about to take com- plete possession of Galicia, and Hebrew literature, confined to a few small circles, was never again to reach there the heights which it had occupied in the days of Rapoport and Krochmal. Though the centre of the Hebrew literary move- ment during the earlier half of the nineteenth cen- tury lay in Galicia, yet the Jews elsewhere had a share in it. In almost all the Slav countries as well as in the Occident, in Germany, in Holland, and especially in Italy, Hebrew was cultivated both by scholars and literary men. Some of the works of Zunz, Geiger, Jellinek, and Frankel, for instance, were published in Hebrew. At Amsterdam, out of a whole school of littera- teurs, but one name can be selected for special mention, that of the poet and scholar Samuel Mulder (1789-1862). Besides being active as the editor of several collections of essays, and writing remarkable historical studies, he was the composer 76 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL of poems very much admired by his contempo- raries. Most of them appeared in the Bikkure To'elet ("Useful First Fruits"), which he pub- lished at Amsterdam, in 1820, under the auspices of the Maskilim society To'elet. The Talmudic narrative about the seduction of the celebrated wife of Rabbi Mei'r, forms the subject of an excel- lent poem, entitled " Beruriah ", on the fickleness of women. In Germany it was chiefly the discussion evoked by the movement for religious reforms (1840- 1860) that created a literature in Hebrew. To cite an instance, there'was the fiery pamphlet Or Nogah (" The Bright Light "), by E. Lieberman, a masterpiece in point of style and as a satire upon the orthodox party, together with the replies of the Rabbis and the men of letters. It is curious to read pleas, in Hebrew, for the abolition of the Hebrew language, and against the maintenance of Jewish nationality. Abraham Geiger sided with the ex- treme reformers, while Frankel and Zunz insisted upon the necessity of retaining Hebrew as the language of worship. Another remarkable pam- phlet directed against religious reforms in Judaism must be singled out for mention, that written by Mei'r Israel Bresselau, entitled Hereb Nokemet 77 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Nekam Berit (" The Avenging Sword of the Covenant "). Moses Mendelsohn, of Hamburg, a German Harizi both in the character of his work and by reason of his position as a straggler of the Meas- sefim, was a disciple and imitator of Wessely. His Makamat Pene Tebel ("The Face of the World", Amsterdam, 1870) contain literary reminiscences. Among the contributors to the periodical litera- ture published in Galicia, Judah Jeiteles, of Prague (1773-1838), should be mentioned as a writer of epigrams, models of their kind.' The following one is addressed to Tirzah: " She is as beautiful as the moon, radiant as the sun ; her whole being resembles the two heavenly luminaries. The maiden lav- ishes her gifts upon the whole world, and like the two orbs she rules both day and night." Jeiteles also carried on a sharp pamphlet war against Hasidism. 7 Hungary, whose Jews had the same customs and characteristics as the Jews of Poland, gave birth 'Bene ha-Ne'urim ("Youth"), Prague, 1821. T Like the Vienna and the Brody of that day, Prague also had its literary centres. Among its Hebrew men of letters was Gabriel Sudfeld, the father of the celebrated author Max Nordau, and himself the author of a drama and of an exegetical work, which appeared in 1850. 78 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL to one poet of real merit. Solomon Levinsohn, of Moor (1789-1822), was brought up in orthodox surroundings, and had to contend against all sorts of obstacles, spiritual and material. He triumphed over them, and became a scholar of serious attain- ments and a poet of distinction. Besides his his- torical studies, in German, he wrote an excellent geography of Palestine, in Hebrew, under the title Mehkere Erez (" Investigations of the Land"), published at Vienna in 1819. His poetical treatise Melizat Yeshurun (a Hebrew rhetoric), also pub- lished at Vienna, in 1846, is a master work, both as a treatise on rhetoric and as poetic literature. The introductory poem, on " Poetic Eloquence ", an apotheosis of poetry and belles lettres, is one of the finest ever written in Hebrew. The poet dis- plays a rich imagination, his figures of speech are clear-cut and telling, and his style is remarkable for its classic quality. An unhappy love affair terminated his days before his genius reached the period of full flowering.' The literary movement of the first half of the nineteenth century did not succeed in making itself * Simon Bacher, the father of the scholar Wilhelm Bacher, also won a name as an eloquent poet. 79 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE felt among the masses. It failed to call forth a national literature of even a slight degree of origi- nality. The Maskilim of Galicia fell into the same mistake as their predecessors in Germany. In con- stituting themselves the champions of humanism in Poland, in a community thoroughly religious, and affected by modern conceptions only superfi- cially, they should not have attached the undue im- portance they did to arguments addressed to reason. Their appeal should have been directed to the feel- ings of their co-religionists. They labored under the delusion that positive reasoning could carry conviction to a people immersed in mystical specu- lation, crushed by the double yoke of ceremonial- ism and an inferior social position, and sustained only by the Messianic hope of a glorious future. If Galician humanism never spread beyond the small circles of the literary, it was only what might have been expected. It could not become a popular movement. Neither the depth of thinkers like Rapoport and Krochmal, nor the biting satire of an Erter, nor the Zionistic lyricism of a Letteris, had force enough to cry a halt to the Hasidim and impede their dark work. In point of fact, the newer ideas all but failed to make an im- pression on the most independent of the young 80 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL Rabbis. They were affrighted by the religious de- cadence in evidence in Germany, and they took a rather determined stand in opposition to the spread of a secular literature in Hebrew." As a result, we shall see a steady decline in the position of the Hebrew litterateur in Poland, and a decrease in the number of Hebrew publications. The Mehabber makes his appearance as a type the vagabond author who offers his own writings for sale, fairly forcing them on unwilling purchasers. No more eloquent index is needed to the state of a struggling literature. ^ It is questionable whether the work of the Gali- cian Maskilim would not have been doomed to perpetual sterility, with no hope of ever making an impression on the Jewish masses, if an Italian writer had not appeared on the scene, who pos- sessed the Jewish feeling that was lacking in his predecessors. In Samuel David Luzzatto general culture and genuine breadth of mind were united with Jewish loyalty raised to the highest pitch. "Cases might be cited besides that of the learned friend of Rapoport, Jacob Samuel Bick, referred to by Bernfeld in his biography of Rapoport, p. 13. He deserted from the humanist camp, in which his Jewish feeling was left unsatisfied, and took refuge in Hasidism. 81 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE He succeeded in discovering the formula by which modern culture can be brought to the religious without wounding their Jewish sensibilities. The life and work of so remarkable a personage deserve more than passing mention. After a rather long period of inactivity in He- brew letters in Italy, a new literary and scientific school sprang into being during the first half of the nineteenth century. It participated with not- able success in the movement of the north. The celebrated critic, Isaac Samuel Reggio (1784- 1854), an independent thinker, exercised enormous influence upon his contemporaries by his publica- tions in the history of literature and his bold arti- cles on religious reform. His chief work, " The Law and Philosophy ", which appeared in Vienna in 1827, is an attempt at harmonizing the Jewish Law with science. The best known of the poets were Joseph Almanzi 10 (1790-1860) and Rachel Morpurgo. Almanzi's poems were published in two collections, one entitled Higgayon be-Kitinor (" The Lyric Harp"), and Nezem Zahab ("Ornament of Gold"). 10 The reader is referred to the anthology of the Italian poets of the period, published by Abraham Baruch Piperno, under the title Kol 'Uffab ("The Voice of the Harp", Leghorn, 1846). 82 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL Rachel Morpurgo (1790-1860), a kinswoman of the Luzzatto family, left a collection of poems on various subjects, entitled 'Ugab Rahel (" The Harp of Rachel"), a carefully prepared edition of which was published by the scholar Vittorio Castiglioni. It is a curious document in the history of Hebrew literature. The language of the poetess is essentially Biblical, her style sprightly and origi- nal, and her thought is dominated by a fine serenity of soul and unwavering faith in the Messianic future of Israel. The following sonnet was inspired by the demo- cratic revolution of 1848, which shook modern society to its very foundations, and in which the Jews were largely and deeply interested : " He who bringeth low the proud, hath brought low all the kings of the earth, .... He hath sent disaster and ruin into the fortified cities, and sated with blood their cringing defenders. " All, both young and old, gird on the sword, greedier for prey than the beasts of the forest; they all cry for liberty, the wise and the boors ; the fury of the battle rages like the billows of the stormy sea " Not thus the servants of God, the valiant of His host. They do battle day and night with their evil inclinations. Patiently they bear the yoke of their Rock, and increase cometh to their strength. My Friend is like a hart, like a sportive gazelle. "He will sound the great trumpet to summon the Deliverer; 83 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE the righteous Sprout shall grow forth from the earth. Their Rock will soothe their pain, He will repair every breach. The Lord reigneth, and the earth rejoiceth aloud." Rachel's finest poem is without a doubt the one named 'Emek 'Akor ("The Dark Valley") in which she affirms her steadfast faith in the truths and consolations of religion : " O dark valley, covered with night and mist, how long wilt thou keep me bound with thy chains? Better to die and abide under the shadow of the Almighty, than sit desolate in the seeth- ing waters." " I discern them from afar, the hills of eternity, their ever- enduring summits clothed with garlands of bloom. O that I might rise on wings like the eagle, fly upward with my eyes, and raise my countenance and gaze into the heart of the sun ! " O Heaven, how beautiful are thy paths, they lead to where liberty reigneth ever. How gentle the zephyrs wafted over thy heights, who hath words to tell ? " The same mystic note struck by Rachel Mor- purgo recurs in the works of other Italian writers of the time. It distinguishes them strikingly from their contemporaries in Galicia and Russia, who proclaim themselves almost without exception the followers of a relentless rationalism. Unquestionably the most original of all these writers, and the one who occupied the most promi- 84 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL nent and influential place, is Samuel David Luz- zatto (1800-1865). He was born at Triest, the son of a carpenter, a poor man, but none the less educated and respected. The childhood years of Luzzatto were passed in poverty and study. He emerged a conqueror from the struggle for life and knowledge. As early as 1829 he was ap- pointed rector of the Rabbinical Seminary at Padua. Thereafter he could devote himself with- out hindrance to science and the education of dis- ciples, many of whom became celebrated. Luzzatto's learning was vast in extent and as thorough. Besides, ke possessed literary taste and modern culture. In his southern temperament, feeling had the upper hand of reason. He was an indefatigable worker, his mind was always actively alert. Versed alike in philology, archaeology, poetry, and philosophy, he was productive in each of these departments, without ever laying himself open to the charge of mediocrity. He was the creator of the Science of Judaism in the Italian language, but above all he was a Hebrew writer. He published excellent editions of the Hebrew masters of the Middle Ages, for the first time bringing to the doors of readers, scholarly readers as well as others, the works of such poets as Jehu- 85 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE dah Halevi (Prague, 1840). The notes in these editions of his are ingenious and scientific. His own verses and poems are wholly devoid of in- spiration and fancy, but in form and style they are irreproachable. 11 His prose is vigorous and pre- cise, at the same time preserving some of the Ori- ental charm native to the Hebrew. His chief distinction is that he was a romantic Jew. His patriotic heart was chilled by the attacks upon the Jewish religion and upon Jewish national- ism by the German and Galician humanists. He was hostile to rationalism, and opposed it all his life. In his sight, science, the importance of which he in no degree denied, was yet not equal in value to religious feeling. This alone, he held, is able to establish morality in a position of supremacy. S. Bernfeld, in his sketch of Rapoport," con- siders it a surprising anachronism that this roman- ticist, this Jewish Chateaubriand, should have ap- peared on the scene at the very moment of the triumph of rationalism in Hebrew letters every- where. Luzzatto was the first among Hebrew humanists to claim the right of existence not only / 11 Kinnor Na'im ("The Sweet Lyre"), Vienna, 1825, and others. "Warsaw and Berlin, 1899. 86 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL for Jewish nationality, but also for the Jewish re- ligion in its integrity. " A people in possession of a land of its own can maintain itself, even without a religion of its own. But the Jewish people, dispersed in all four corners of the earth, can maintain itself only by virtue of its attachment to its faith. And if, heaven forbid, it should cease to believe in revelation, it must inevitably be assimilated with the other peoples The science of Judaism, with which some scholars u are at present occupying themselves in Germany, cannot preserve Judaism. It is not an object in itself to them. When all is said, Goethe and Schiller are more important to these gentlemen, and much dearer to them, than all the prophets and all the Rabbis of the Talmud. They pursue the Science of Judaism pretty much as others study Egyptology or Assyriology, or the lore of Persia. They are inspired by a love of science, by the desire for personal renown, or, at best, by the intention to attach glory to the name of Israel, and they extol certain old works for the purpose of hastening the first redemption, that is, the political emancipation of the Jews. But this Science of Judaism has no stability. It cannot survive the emancipation of the Jews, or the death of those who studied the Torah and believed in God and Moses before they took lessons of Eichhorn and his disciples." " The true Science of Judaism, the science which will last as long as time itself, is that which is founded on the faith ; which endeavors to understand the Bible as a Divine work, and the his- tory of a peculiar people whose lot has been peculiar; which, 13 Jost, in his " History of the Jewish People ", etc. 87 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE finally, dwells upon those moments in the various epochs of Jew- ish history when the innate genius of Judaism wages a conflict with the genius of humanity in general, as it lies in wait without, and how the Divine spirit of Judaism mastered the spirit of hu- manity throughout all the centuries. For the day on which the positions shall be reversed, and the spirit of humanity shall remain in possession of the field, that day will be the last in the life of the people of Israel." This conception of the providential role assigned to Israel is the point at which the Italian romanti- cist meets Krochmal, wide apart though their starting-places are. At bottom both do but in- terpret the ancient notion of the Divine selection of Israel and of a " chosen people ". But while Krochmal regards religion as a fleeting phase in the existence of the nation, for Luzzatto religion is an essential element in Judaism, a view not un- like Bossuet's. However, it does not lead him astray. He still tries to harmonize faith with the demands of the modern spirit. The Jewish re- ligion is in his opinion the moral doctrine par excel- lence. Like Heine he takes the world to be domi- nated by two opposite forces, Hellenism and He- braism. Justice, truth, the good, and self-abnega- tion, whatever appertains to these is Jewish. The beautiful, the rational, the sensuous, is Attic. Luz- zatto does not hesitate to criticise the masters of 88 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL the Middle Ages rather sharply, chief among them Maimonides, who attempted the impossible when he endeavored to harmonize science and faith, reason and feeling, Moses and Aristotle. These are the irreconcilable oppositions in human life. " Science does not make us happy ; the highest morality alone is capable of conferring true happiness upon us, and spiritual peace. And this morality is to be found not with Aristotle, but only with the prophets of Israel. " The happiness of the Jewish people, the people of morality, does not depend upon its political emancipation, but upon its faith and its morality. The French and German Rabbis of the Middle Ages, simple-minded and uncultured, but pious and sin- cere, are preferable to the speculative minds of Spain, whose arguing and rhetoric warped their judgment." Such ideas as these involved Luzzatto in dis- cussions and polemics with the greater number of his friends, the German Jewish scholars, whose views were far removed from his. He defied his contemporaries, as he attacked the masters of the Middle Ages. In one of his letters he goes to the length of asserting, that while Jost and his col- leagues were engaged in what they believed to be the useful work of defending Judaism against its enemies, they were in reality doing it more harm than these same enemies. The latter tended to 89 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE preserve the Jewish people as a nation apart, while the rationalistic criticism of the former, directed against the Jewish religion, burst the bonds that hold the nation together, and hasten its dissolution. " When, my dear German scholars ", he cries out vehemently, " when will the Lord open your eyes ? How long will you fail to understand that, carried away by the general current, you are permitting national feeling to become extinct and the language of our ancestors to fall into desuetude, and are thus preparing the way for the triumphant invasion of Atticism .... So long as you do not teach that the Good is not that which is visible to the eyes, but that which is felt within the heart, and that the pros- perity of our people is not dependent upon civil emancipation, but upon the love of a man for his neighbor, .... their hearts will not be possessed with zeal for God." 1( Luzzatto has no fondness for dry dogmatism, nor for detailed prohibitions and Rabbinic contro- versies. He is too modern for that, too much of a poet. What he loves is the poetry of religion. He is attracted by its moral elevation. Like Jehu- dah Halevi, the sentimental philosopher whose suc- cessor he is, Luzzatto feels and thinks in the pecul- iar fashion that distinguishes the intuitive minds among the Jews. He loves his native country, and this love appears clearly in his writings, yet, at the "Letters, I, No. 267, p. 660. 90 THE GALICIAN SCHOOL same time, they all, whether in prose, as in his Letters, or in verse, as in the Kinnor Nairn, sound a Zionistic note. Luzzatto became the founder of a school. Writers of our own day, like Vittorio Castiglioni, Eude Lolli, and others, draw upon the works of the master as a source, and they acknowledge it openly. His philological and linguistic works, the Bet ha-Ozar among others, have inestimable value, and his Letters, published by Graber in five vol- umes, the edition from which most of the passages cited have been taken, abundantly prove his influ- ence on his contemporaries. He was a master and a prophet, a gracious and brilliant exponent of the Renascence of Hebrew literature, which had been inaugurated by one of his ancestors, another Luzzatto. A century of efforts and uninterrupted labor had wrought the resurrection of the Hebrew language. After it had been transformed into a modern tongue, in touch with all departments of thought, the sole remaining task was to make it acceptable to the masses of the orthodox Jews, and use it as an effective instrument of social and religious eman- cipation. This task became easy of accomplish- 91 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE ment because Luzzatto knew how to direct the mind of his contemporaries. He found the key to the heart of the masses. A message in verse addressed to him by a young Lithuanian poet, in 1857," gives an eloquent inter- pretation of the sentiment felt for the Italian maestro by the devotees of a budding school of literature : " From the icy north country, where the flowers and the sun endure but a few short moons, these halting lines speed with their greeting away from the hoar frost, to the eloquent sage in the southland, enthroned among the wise and extolled by the pious to the gentle guide whose heart burns, like the sun of his own fair land, with love for the people whence he was hewn, and for the tongue of the Jews." The " icy north country " was Lithuania, in which the literary movement had just effected a triumphal entry, bringing with it the light of sci- ence, and the young poet was Judah Leon Gordon, destined to become the greatest Jewish poet of the nineteenth century. Here we arrive at the end of the first part of our essay, devoted in particular to Hebrew literature in Western Europe. For its future we must look to the East. "Poems, by J. L. Gordon, St. Petersburg, 1884, I, p. 125. 92 CHAPTER IV IN LITHUANIA HUMANISM IN RUSSIA We are in the Jewish country, perhaps the only Jewish country in the world. 1 The last to participate in the intellectual move- ment of European Judaism, the Lithuanian Jews start into view, in the second half of the seven- teenth century, as a peculiar social organism, clearly marked as such from its first appearance. The Rabbis and scholars of Lithuania acquired fame without a struggle, and its Rabbinical schools quickly became the busy centres of Talmudic research. The destinies of the Jewish population of Lithu- ania, so different in character from that of Poland proper, were ruled absolutely by the " Synod of the Four Countries ", with Brest, and afterwards Wilna, as headquarters. 1 See Slouschz, Massa be-Lita ("Journey through Lithuania"), Jerusalem, 1899. 93 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE The revolutions and upheavals to which is due the social and religious decadence of the Polish Jews during the eighteenth century, barely touched this forsaken corner of the earth. Even the Cos- sack invasion dealt leniently with Lithuania, if the city of Wilna is excepted, and its early annexation by Russia saved the province from the anarchy and excitement which agitated Poland during its latter days. Left to their fate, neglected by the authorities, and forming almost the whole of the urban popu- lation, the Jews of Lithuania, in the full glare of the eighteenth century, were in all essentials an autonomous community with Jewish national and theocratic features. The Talmud did service as their civil and religious code. The court of final appeal was a Rabbinical expert, supported by the central synod and the local Kahal, and exercising absolute authority over the moral and material interests of those subordinated to his jurisdiction. The study of the Law was carried to the extreme of devotion. To have an illiterate, an 'Am ha- Arez, a " rustic ", in one's family, was considered a pitiable fate. Lithuania, in fine, was the promised land of Rabbinism, in which everything favored the de- velopment of a national Jewish centre. 94 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA The natural poverty of the country, its barren soil, dense forests, and lack of populous centres of civilization, all tended to keep the Polish lords aloof. Poland offered them a more inviting so- journ. There was nothing to hinder the pious scholars who had escaped from religious persecu- tion in the countries of Europe, especially France and Germany, from devoting themselves, with all their heart and energy, to the study of the Talmud and the ceremonials of their religion. No infusion of aliens disturbed them. The inhospitable skies, the absence of diversions, little troubled the refu- gees of the ghettOj-for whom the Book and the dead letter were all-sufficing. They were not affected, their dignity was hardly wounded, by the haughty and arbitrary treatment which the noble- man accorded to the Jewish " factor " and steward, and by the many humiliations which were the price paid in return for the right to live, for without the protection of the lords they would not have been able to hold out against the wretched orthodox peasants. In morality and in race, however, they considered themselves the superior of the "Poriz", the Polish nobleman, with his extravagance and folly. In the villages, the Jews had the upper hand, 95 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE either as the actual owners of the estates, or as the overseers, and in the rude cities with their wooden buildings, they constituted the bulk of the mer- chants, the middlemen, the artisans, even the work- men. They all led a sordid life. Mere existence required a bitter struggle. Destitute of all pleas- ures save the intimate joys of family life, fostering no ambition except such as was connected with the study of the Law, disciplined by religious authority, and chastened by austere and rigid principles of morality, the Jewish masses had a peculiar stamp impressed upon their character by their life of subjection and misery. The mind was constantly kept alert by the dialectics of the Talmud and the ingenious efforts needed to secure one's daily bread. Even the Messianic dreams, inspired by a belief in Divine justice and in the moral and religious superi- ority of Israel, rather than by a mystic conception of life, gave but a faint touch of beauty and glamour to an existence so mournful, so abjectly sad. Such was, and such in part is still, the manner in which they live a sober, energetic, melancholy, and subtle people, the mass of the two millions of Jews who reside in Lithuania and White Russia, and send forth, to the great capitals of Europe and 96 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA to the countries beyond seas, a stream of industri- ous immigrants, resourceful intellectually and morally. In the second half of the eighteenth century, thanks to the peace with which Lithuania was blessed after its subjection by Russia, Rabbinical studies reached their zenith. The high schools, the Yeshibot, became the centres of attraction for the best of the young men. The number of writers and scholars increased considerably, and the He- brew printing presses were kept in full blast. The ideal of every Lithuanian Jew was, if not to marry his daughter to a scholar, at least to have a Bahur at his table, a student of the Talmud, a prospective Rabbi. "The Torah is the best Sehorah" ("merchandise"), every Lithuanian mother croons at the cradle of her child. In those days a Rabbinic authority arose like unto whom none had been known among Jews in the later centuries, and his earnest, independent genius, as well as his moral grandeur, conferred a consecration upon the peculiar spiritual tenden- cies prevailing in Lithuanian Judaism, which he personified at its loftiest. Elijah of Wilna, surnamed " the Gaon ", " his Excellency ", suc- ceeded in resisting the assaults of Hasidism, which 97 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE threatened to overwhelm, if not the learned among them, certainly the Lithuanian masses. To parry the dangers of mysticism, which exercised so power- ful an attraction that the dry' and subtle casuistry of Rabbinic learning could not damp its ardor, he broke with scholastic methods, and took up a com- paratively rational interpretation of texts and the laws. He went to the extreme of asserting the value of profane and practical knowledge, the pur- suit of which could not but bring advantage to the study of the Law a position unheard of at his day, and excusable only in so popular a man as he was. He himself wrote a treatise on mathe- matics, and philologic research was a favorite occupation with him. His pupils followed his ex- ample; they translated several scientific works into Hebrew, and founded schools and centres of puri- tanism, not only in Lithuania, but also as far away as Palestine. From this time on the Yeshibah of Wolosin became the chief seat of traditional Talmud study and Rabbinic rationalism. One of the contemporaries of " the Gaon " was the physician Judah Hurwitz, of Wilna, who op- posed Hasidism in his pamphlet Megillat Sedarim ("A Book of Essays "), and in his ethical work 'Ammude Bet-Yehudah ("The Pillars of the 98 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA House of Judah ", Prague, 1793), he pleads the cause of internationalism and the equality of men and races ! It would be rash to suppose that an echo of the studies of the Encyclopedists had reached a prov- ince double-barred and double-locked by politics and religion. The European languages were un- known in the Lithuanian Jewries of the Gaon's day, and his pupils sought their mental pabulum in the writings of the Jewish scholars of the Middle Ages, Maimonides, and Albo, and their compeers. The result was an odd, whimsical science. False, antiquated notions and theories were introduced through the medium of the Hebrew, and they attained no slight vogue. At the end of the eight- eenth century, a certain Elias, a Rabbi, also of Wilna, undertook to gather all the facts of science into one collection. He compiled a curious ency- clopedia, the Sefer ha-Berit (" The Book of the Covenant"). By the side of geographic details of the most fantastic sort, he set down chemical discoveries and physical laws in the form of magical formulas. This book, by no means the only one of its kind, was reprinted many a time, and in our own day it still affords delight to orthodox readers. 99 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE A long time passed before the Russian govern- ment took note of the intellectual condition of its Jewish subjects, who, in turn, asked nothing better than to be left undisturbed. Nevertheless, the treatment accorded them by the government was not calculated to inspire them with great confidence in it. As for a Russification of the Jewish masses, there could be no question of that, at a time when Russian civilization and language were themselves in an embryonic state. It was only when the first Alexander came to the throne that the reforms planned by the government began to make an impression upon the distant ghetto. A special commission was instituted for the purpose of studying the conditions under which the Jews were living, and how to ameliorate them ma- terially and intellectually. The first close contact between Jews and Russians took place in the little town of Shklow, inhabited almost entirely by Jews. It was an important station on the route from the capital to Western Europe, and the Jews were afforded an opportunity of entering into relations with men of mark, both Russians and strangers, who passed through on their way to St. Petersburg. 3 *As early as 1780 a Hebrew ode was published on the occa- sion of Empress Catherine IPs passing through Shklow. A 100 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA A circle of literary men under the influence of the Meassefim was founded there, and a curious lit- erary document issued thence testifies to the hopes aroused by the reform projects planned in the reign of Alexander I for the improvement of the condition of the Jews. It is a pamphlet bear- ing the title Kol Shaw' at Bat-Yehudah, or Sinat ha-Dat (" The Loud Voice of the Daughter of Judah ", or " Religious Hatred "), and published, in Shklow in 1803, in Hebrew and Russian. The author, whose name was Lob Nevakhovich,* pro- tests energetically, in j)ehalf of truth and humanity, against the contemptuous treatment accorded the Jews. " Ah, ye Christians, men of the newer faith, who vaunt your mercy and lovingkindness ! Exercise your mercy upon us, turn your loving hearts toward us. Why do you scorn the Jew? If he forsakes his faith, how doth it profit you? Have you not heard the voice of Moses Mendelssohn, the celebrated writer of our people, who asked your co-religionists, ' Of what avail that you should continue to attach men lacking faith and religion to printing press was set up there about 1777, and it was at Shklow that a litterateur, N. H. Schulmann, made the first attempt to found a weekly political journal in Hebrew, announcing it in his edition of the Zeker Rab. 1 Grandfather of the well-known scholar E. Metchnikoff, of the Pasteur Institute. 101 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE yourselves ' ? Can you not understand that the Jew, too, loves righteousness and justice like unto yourselves? Why do you constantly scrutinize the man to find the Jew in him? Seek but the man in the Jew, and you will surely find him!" Like so many that have followed, this first ap- peal awakened no answering echo in Russian hearts. A century has passed since then, and Rus- sia still fails to find the man in the unconverted Jew! The hopes aroused in the Jews of Lithuania by the Napoleonic wars were disappointed. An iron hand held them down, and they continued to vege- tate miserably in their gloomy, abandoned corner. The story goes that when Napoleon at the head of the grande armee entered Wilna, the exclama- tion was forced from him, " Why, this is the Jeru- salem of Lithuania ! " Whether the story is true or not, it is a fact that no other city was more de- serving of the epithet. The residence of the Gaon was a Jewish metropolis as early as the eighteenth century, and during the whole of the nineteenth century Wilna was the Jewish city par excellence, a distinction to which it was helped by several facts by the systematic and intentional elimina- tion of the Polish element, especially since the in- 102 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA surrection of 1831, by the prohibition of the Pol- ish language, the closing of the university, and the absence of a Lithuanian population. The de- throned capital of a people betrayed by its nobility became, after its abandonment by the native inhab- itants, the centre of a Jewry independent of its sur- roundings and undisturbed in its internal develop- ment. Without in the least deviating from Rab- binic traditions, its constitutional platform, Jewish society in Wilna was gradually penetrated by mod- ern ideas. The humanism of tjje German Jews, the Haska- lah, met with no effective resistance in a compara- tively enlightened world, prepared for it by the school of the Gaon. The Rabbinical students themselves were the first representatives of human- ism in Lithuania. They became as ambitious in cultivating the Hebrew language and studying the secular sciences presented in it, as in searching out and examining the Talmud. Sprung form the peo- ple, living its life and sharing in its miseries, sepa- rated from Christian society by a barrier of pre- scriptions that seemed insuperable to them, the earliest of the Lithuanian litterateurs vitalized their young love for science and Hebrew letters with the disinterested devotion that characterizes the ideal- ists of the ghetto in general. 103 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE A literary circle, known as the " Berliners ", was formed in Wilna, about 1830. It was the pattern after which a large number were modelled a little later, all of them pursuing Hebrew literature with zeal and ardor. Two writers of worth, both from Wilna, the one a poet, the other a prose writer, headed the literary procession in Lithuania. Abraham Bar Lebensohn (Adam ha-Kohen, 1794-1880), surnamed the "father of poetry", was born at Wilna. He spent a sad childhood. Left motherless early, he was deprived of the love and the care that are the only consolations known to a child of the ghetto. At the age of three, he was sent to the Heder, at seven he was a student of the Talmud, then casuistry occupied his mind, and, finally, the Kabbalah. The last had but feeble attractions for the future poet. His mental mould was determined by his thorough study of the Bible and Hebrew grammar, which was good form in Wilna as early as his day, and the works of Wessely, for whom he always professed warm admiration, had a decided influence upon his poetic bias. In his first attempts at poetry, Lebensohn did not depart greatly from the achievements of the 104 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA many Rabbinical students whose favorite pastime was to discuss the events of the day in Hebrew verse. An elegy to the memory of a Rabbi, an ode celebrating the equivocal glory of a Polish noble- man, and similar subjects, were the natural choice of the muse of the era, and the early flights of our author were not different. There was nothing in them to betray the future poet of merit. A little later he took up the study of German, but his knowl- edge of the language was never more than super- ficial. Haunted by the fame of Schiller, he de- voted himself to poetry, and imitated the German poets, or tried to imitate them, for he never suc- ceeded in grasping the true meaning of German poetry, nor in understanding erotic literature. To the Rabbinical student, with his puritanic spirit and austere manners, it was a collocation of poetic figures of speech and symbolic expressions. His life differed in no wise from that of the poor Jews of the ghetto. Given in marriage early by his father, he suddenly found himself deep in the bitter struggle for existence, before he had known the transport of living, or youth, or the passions, or love, or the inner doubts and beliefs that contend with one another in the heart of man. Feeling for nature, aesthetic delights, were strange 105 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE provinces to this son of the ghetto. A conception of art that is destitute of a moral aim would have passed his understanding and his puritanic horizon. Too much of a free-thinker to follow the Rab- binical profession, he taught Hebrew to children an unremunerative occupation, and little respected in a society in which the most ignorant are not uninstructed, and in which, the choice of vocations being restricted, the unsuccessful and the unskilled naturally drop into teaching. Ten years of it, daily from eight in the morning until nine at night, undermined his health. He fell sick, and was compelled to give up his hap-hazard calling, to the great gain of Hebrew poetry. He went into the brokerage business, and his small leisure he de- voted to his muse. Harassed by petty, sordid cares, this broker was yet a genuine idealist, though it cannot be maintained that Lebensohn was of the stuff of which dreamers are made and great poets. But in his mind, rationalistic and logical to the point of dryness, there was a secluded recess per- vaded with melancholy and real feeling. The He- brew language he cherished with ardent and ex- alted love. Is it not a beautiful language and admirable? Is it not the last relic saved from the shipwreck in which all the national possessions of 106 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA our people were lost? And is not he, Lebensohn himself, the heir to the prophets, the poet laureate and high priest to the holy language ? With what pride he unveils the state of his soul to us : " I am seated at the table of God, and with my hand I guide His pen ; and my hand writes the language holy unto Him, the language of* His Law, the language of His people, Selah ! O God, arouse, awake my spirit, for is it not Thy holy language wherein I sing unto Thee ? " ' A creature of his surroundings, and a disciple of the Rabbis, as he was, the dialectics of a logician were in him joined to native simplicity of spirit, yet he never reached the point of understanding the inner world of struggles and passions that agitate the individual lives of men. For a love song or a poem in praise of nature, he thought it necessary only to copy the German authors and link together a series of pointed verses. The poem " David and Bath-sheba " is a failure. His descriptions of na- ture are dry and artificial. He was never able to account for what was happening under his eyes and around him. Events produced an effect upon him out of all proportion to their importance. The military and civic reforms of Nicholas I, he cele- 4 Shire Sefat Kodesh, II, I. 8 107 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE brated in an ode, in which he applied the enthusi- astic praise " Henceforth Israel will see only good ! " to regulations that were wholly prejudicial to Jewish interests. When some Jewish banker or other was appointed consul-general in the Orient, he welcomed the occurrence in dithyrambic verses, dedicated to the poor fellow in the name of the Jews of Lithuania and White Russia. But when- ever the heart of our poet beats in unison with the sentiments of his Jewish brethren, whenever he surrenders himself to the sadness, the peculiar melancholy, that pervades Jewish relations, then he attains to moral heights and lyric vigor unsur- passed. In his three volumes of poetry, by the side of numerous worthless pieces, we meet many gems of style and thought. The distressed cry of hu- manity against the wretchedness under which it staggers, the sorrowful protest man makes against the lack of compassion he encounters in his fellow, his obstinate refusal to understand the implacable cruelty of nature when she snatches his dearest from him, and his impotence in the presence of death these are the subjects that have inspired Lebensohn's best efforts. He insists constantly, Is not pity the daughter of heaven ? Do we not find her among beasts even, and among reptiles ? Man 108 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA alone is a stranger to her, and he makes himself the tyrant of his neighbor. But it is not man alone who refuses to know this daughter of heaven, Nature denies pity, too, and shows herself relentless : " O world ! House of mourning, valley of weeping ! Thy rivers are tears, and thy soil ashes. Upon thy surface thou bear- est men that mourn, and in thy bowels the corpses of the dead. .... From out of the mountains covered with snow and ice comes forth a chariot with none to guide. Within sits man and the wife of his bosom, beautiful as a flower, and at their knees play sweet children. Alas ! a caravan of the dead simulating life! They journey on, and they go astray, and perish on the icy fields." Distress round about, and all hopes collapsed, death hovers apart, yet near, remorseless, threaten- ing, and in the end victorious. In another poem, entitled " The Weeping Woman ", his subject is pity again. He cries out: " Thy enemy [cruelty] is stronger than thou. If thou art a burning fire, she is a current of icy water ! . . . . Alas for thee, O pity! Where is he that will have pity upon thee?" With a few vigorous strokes, the Hebrew poet describes the nothingness of man in the face of the vast world. The lot of the Hamlets and of the Renes is more enviable than that of the "Mourner" 109 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE of the ghetto. They at least taste of life before becoming a prey to melancholy and delivering themselves up to pessimism. They know the charms of living and its vexations. The disap- pointed son of the ghetto lays no stress on gratifica- tions and pleasures. In the name of the supreme moral law he sets himself up for a pessimistic philosopher. " Our life is a breath, light as a floating bark. The grave is at the very threshold of life, it awaits us not far from the womb of our mother " Since the beginnings of the earth, we have been here, and she changes us like the grass of her soil. She stands firm, un- shaken. We alone are changeable, and help there is none for us, no refuge, nor may we decline to come hither. Like an angler of fish, the world brings us up on a hook. Before it has finished devouring one generation, the next is ready for its fate. One is swallowed up, the other snatched away. Whence cometh our help?" To this general destruction, this wildness of the elements, which the " Mourner " fails to compre- hend, permeated as he is with belief in Divine justice, is superadded the malice of man. " And thou also, thou becomest a scourge unto thy brother ! The heavenly host is joined by thy fellow-man. From the wrath of man, O man, thou wilt never escape. His jealousy of thee will last for aye, until thou art no more ! " 110 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA And with all this, does life offer aught substan- tial, aught that is lasting? " Where are they, the forgotten generations ? Their very name and memory have disappeared. And in the generation to come, we, too, shall be forgotten. And who escapes his lot? Not a single one of us all. None is secure from death. Wealth, wis- dom, strength, beauty, all are nothing, nothing " In a burst of revolt, our poet exclaims: " If I knew that my voice with its reverberations sufficed to destroy the earth and the fulness thereof, and all the hosts of heaven, I would cry with a thundering noise : Cease ! Myself I would return to nothing'with the rest of mankind. Know not the living that the grave will swallow them up after a life of sadness and cruel misery? See they not that the whole of human life is like the flash that goes before the fatal thunderbolt?" The same train of thought is not met with again until we come down to our own time, and Maupas- sant himself does not present it with greater vigor in Sur I'eau. And the end of the matter is that " man has nothing but the consciousness of sorrow; he is naked and starved, feeble and without energy. His soul desires all that he has not, and so he longs and languishes day and night." The uncertainty caused by the certainty of death, the terror inspired by the fatal end, the aching ill THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE regrets over the parting with dear ones, these feel- ings, which possess even the devoutest Jew, are expressed in one of Lebensohn's most beautiful poems, " The Death Agony ", and in " Knowl- edge and Death " the skepticism of the Maskil prevails over the optimism of the Jew. Sometimes he permits himself to sing of the misery of his people as such. In " The Wail of the Daughter of Judah " (Naakat Bat-Yehudah] , it would not be too much to say that there is an echo of the best of the Psalms. The weakest of his verses are, nevertheless, those in which he ex- presses longing for Jerusalem. A great misfortune befell Lebensohn. The pre- mature death of his son, the young poet Micah Joseph, the centre of many and legitimate hopes, extorted cries of distress and despair from him. " Who, alas ! hath driven my bird from my nest ? Who is it that hath banished my lyre from my abode? Who hath shat- tered my heart, and brought me lamentation? .... Who hath with one blow blasted my hopes ? " There is enough in his writings to make the fortune of a great poet, in spite of their ballast of mediocre and tiresome verses, which the reader should disregard as he goes along. Between him 112 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA and his contemporary, the haughty recluse Alfred de Vigny, there is not a little resemblance. Need- less to say that Lebensohn had no acquaintance whatsoever with the works of the French poet. Lebensohn's poems, published at Wilna, in 1852, under the title " Poems in the Holy Lan- guage " (Shire Sefat Kodesh], were greeted with enthusiasm. The author was hailed as the " father of poetry ". Besides, he published several works treating of grammar and exegesis. When the celebrated philanthropist Montefiore went to Russia, in 18^48, to induce the Czar's gov- ernment to ameliorate the civil condition of the Jews and grant reforms in the conduct of the schools, Lebensohn ranged himself publicly on the side of the reformers. According to him, the degradation of the Jews was due to three main causes : 1. Absence of Haskalah, that is, a rational education, founded upon instruction in the lan- guage of the land, the ordinary branches of knowl- edge, and a handicraft. 2. The ignorance of the Rabbis and preachers on all subjects outside of religion. 3. Indulgence in luxuries, especially of the table and of dress. 113 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE If the first two causes are more or less just, the third displays a ludicrously nai've conception of life. Lebensohn was speaking of a famished people, the majority of whom ate meat only once a week, on the Sabbath, and he reproaches them with gastro- nomic excesses and extravagance in dress. We shall see that his simple outlook was shared by most of the Russian Maskilim. In 1867, at the time when the struggle for the emancipation of the Jews and internal reforms in general was at its highest point, Lebensohn pub- lished his drama " Truth and Faith " (Emet we- Emunah, Wilna), which he had written all of twenty years earlier. It is a purely didactic work, blameless of any trace of poetic ardor. It must be conceded that the style is clear and fluent, and the ethical problem is stated with precision. But it lacks every attempt at analysis of character, and is destitute of all psychologic motivation. These being of the very essence of dramatic composition, his drama reduces itself to a moral treatise, weari- some at once and worthless. The plan is simple enough. Sheker (Falsehood) seeks to seduce and win over Hamon (the Crowd). He offers to give him his daughter Emunah (Faith) in marriage, but she is wooed by two lovers, Emet (Truth) and Sekel (Reason). 114 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA The influence of Moses Hayyim Luzzatto is direct and manifest. Like the older author, Leben- sohn, skeptic though he is, does not go to the length of casting doubt upon faith. He rises up against falsehood, hypocrisy, and mock piety, the piety that persecutes others, and steeps its votaries in ignorance. " Pure reason is not opposed to a pure religion ", was the device adopted by the Wilna school. Belief in God being set aside as a basic principle, the reason invoked by the dramatist is positive reason, the reason oPscience, of justice, of rational logic. In verbose monologues, he combats the superstitions and fanaticism of the orthodox. The whole force of the Maskil's hatred against obscu- rantism is expressed through the character named Zibeon, Jewish hypocrite and chief adjutant in the camp of Sheker (Falsehood). This Jewish Tar- tufe is very different in his complexity from the character created by Moliere. Zibeon is a wonder- working Rabbi, a subtle sophist, a crafty dialec- tician. The waves of the Talmud, the casuistry of more than a millennium of scholasticism, have left their traces in his mind and personality. In his hatred of the adversaries of the Haskalah, Leben- sohn depicts him, besides, as a hypocrite, a lover 115 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE of the good things of this world, and given to lewdness, which are not the usual traits of these Rabbis. The alleged Tartufe of the ghetto can- not be called a hypocrite. He is a believer, and hence sincere. What leads him to commit the worst excesses, is his fanaticism, his blind piety. On the other hand, the dramatist is full of admi- ration for Sekel (Reason), Hokmah (Knowl- edge), Emet (Truth), and even Emunah (Faith). On the background of the prosiness of this work by Lebensohn, there stands out one passage of re- markable beauty, the prayer of Sekel beseeching God to liberate Emet. The triumph of Truth closes the drama. One characteristic feature should be pointed out : Neither Regesh (Sentiment), a prominent Jewish quality, nor Taawah (Passion), appears in this gallery of allegorical characters personifying the moral attributes. For Lebensohn, as for the whole school of the humanists of his time, the only thing that mattered was reason, and reason had to be shown all-sufficing to ensure the triumph of truth. In its day Lebensohn's drama excited the wrath of the orthodox. A Rabbi with literary preten- sions, Malbim (Mei'r Lob ben Jehiel Michael), considered it his duty to intervene, and to the accu- 116 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA sations launched by Lebensohn he replied in an- other drama, called Mashal u-Melizah ("Allegory and Interpretation"), wherein he undertakes the defense of the orthodox against the charges of ill- disposed Maskilim. If Abraham Bar Lebensohn is considered the father of poetry, his no less celebrated contem- porary and compatriot, Mordecai Aaron Ginz- burg, has an equally good claim to be called the foremost master of modern Hebrew prose. Ginz- burg is the creator of a realistic Hebrew prose style, though he was permeated to the end with the style and the spirit of the Bible. Whenever the Biblical style can render modern thoughts only by torturing and twisting it, or by resorting to cumber- some circumlocutions, Ginzburg does not hesitate to levy contributions from Talmudic literature and even the modern languages. These linguistic additions made by him are always excellent, and in no way prejudicial to the elegance of Hebrew style. For it should be reiterated, in season and out of season, that it is a mistake to believe the neo-Hebrew to be essentially different from the lan- guage of the Bible, analogous to the difference between the modern and the classic Greek. The 117 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE modern Hebrew is nothing more than an adapta- tion of the ancient Hebrew, conformable to the modern spirit and new ideas. The extreme in- novators, who at best are few in number, cannot but confirm this statement of the case. Ginzburg was a fertile writer; he has left us fifteen volumes, and more, on various subjects. Endowed with good common sense, and equipped with a more solid modern education than the ma- jority of the writers of the time, he exercised a very great influence upon his readers and upon the development of Hebrew literature. His "Abiezer", a sort of autobiography, very realistic, presents a striking picture of the defective education and backward ways of the ghetto, which the critic de- nounces, with remarkable subtlety, in the name of civilization and progress. Besides, he published two volumes on the Napoleonic wars; one volume, under the title Hamat Damesek (1840), on the ritual murder accusation at Damascus; a history of Russia ; a translation of the Alexandrian Philo's account of his mission to Rome ; and a treatise on style (Debir). He was very successful with his works, and all of them were published during his lifetime, at Wilna, Prague, and Leipsic, and have been republished since. One of his achievements 118 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA is that he helped to create a public of Hebrew readers. It must be admitted that the great mass of the people were at first somewhat repelled by his realism and by his terse and accurate way of writing. Their taste was not sufficiently refined to appreciate these qualities, and their primitive sensi- bilities could not derive pleasure from a description of things as they actually are. This is the difficulty which the second generation of Lithuanian writers took account of, and overcame, when they intro- duced romanticism into Hebrew literature. * Though it was the first, Wilna was not the only centre of Hebrew literature in Russia. In the south, and quite independent of the Wilna school, literary circles were formed under the influence of the Galician writers and workers. At Odessa, a European window opening on the Empire of the Czar, we see the first enlightened Jewish community come into existence. The edu- cated flocked thither from all parts, especially from Galicia. Simhah Pinsker and B. Stern are the rep- resentatives of the Science of Judaism in Russia, and the contributions of the Karaite Abraham Fir- kovich in the same field were most valuable, while Eichenbaum, Gottlober, and others distinguished themselves as poets and writers. 119 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Isaac Eichenbaum (1796-1861) was a graceful poet. Besides his prose writings and his remark- able treatise on the game of chess, we have a col- lection in verse by him, entitled Kol Zimrah ("The Voice of Song", Leipsic, 1836). His sweetness and tenderness, his elegant and clear style, often recall Heine. The following quotation is from his poem " The Four Seasons ". " Winter has passed, the cold has fled, the ice melts under the fiery darts of the sun. A stream of melted snow sends its limpid waters flowing down the declivity of the rock. My beloved alone is unmoved, and all the fires of my love cannot melt her icy heart. " The hills are clothed with festive mirth, the face of the valleys smiles joyously. The cedar beams, the vine is jubilant, and the pine tree finds a nest in the recesses of the jagged mountain. But in me sighs increase, they bring me low my friend will not yet hearken unto me. " All sings that lives in the woodland. The beasts of the earth rejoice, and in the branches of the trees the winged crea- tures warble, each to his mate. My well-beloved alone turns her steps away from me, and under the shadow of my roof I am left in solitude. " The plants spring from the soil, the grass glitters in the splendor of the sun, and the earth is covered with verdure. Upon the meadows, the lilies and the roses bloom. Thus my hopes blossom, too, and I am filled with joyous expectation my friend will come back and in her arms enfold me." 120 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA The acknowledged master of the humanists in southern Russia was Isaac Bar Levinsohn, of Kre- menetz, in Wolhynia (1788-1860). His proper place is in a history of the emancipation of the Russian Jews, rather than in a history of literature. Levinsohn was born in the country of Hasidism. A happy chance carried him to Brody when he was very young. He attached himself there to the humanist circle, and made the acquaintance of the Galician masters. On his return to his own coun- try, he was actuated by the desire to work for the emancipation and promote the culture of the Rus- sian Jews. Like Wessely, Levinsohn remained on strictly orthodox ground in his writings, and in the name of traditional religion itself he attacks superstition, and urges the obligatory study of the Hebrew lan- guage, the pursuit of the various branches of knowledge, and the learning of trades. His pro- found scholarship, the gentleness and sincerity of his writings, earned for him the respect of even the most orthodox. His Bet-Yehudah (" The House of Judah ") and Teudah be-Yisrael (" Testimony in Israel ") are pleas in favor of modern school- ing. In " Zerubbabel " he treats of questions of Hebrew philology, and with the help of documents 121 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE he annihilates the legend of the ritual murder in his Efes-Dammim ("No Blood!"). Ahijah ha- Shiloni is a defense of Talmudic Judaism against its Christian detractors. Besides, Levinsohn wrote a number of other things, epigrams, articles, and essays.* The contemporaries of Levinsohn exaggerated the importance of the literary part of his work. Not much of it, outside of his philologic studies, deserves to be called literary, and even they often fall below the mark on account of the simplicity of his views, and especially on account of his prolixity and his awkward diction and style. Also the direct influence which he has exerted upon Jews is less considerable than once was thought. Upon Hasid- ism he made no impression whatsoever. In Lithu- ania, to be sure, his works were widely read by the Jews, but in that home of the Hebrew language the subject-matter and arguments of an author play but little part in giving vogue to what is written in the Biblical language. By his self-abnegation and his wretched fortunes, his isolated life in a remote town, weak in body yet working for the elevation of his co-religionists, he *We owe a new edition of all his works to Nathansohn, War- saw, 1880-1900. 122 HUMANISM IN RUSSIA won the admiration of his contemporaries without exception. The fame of the solitary idealist of Kremenetz spread until it reached government circles. Levin- sohn was the first of the Jewish humanists who maintained direct relations with the Russian au- thorities. Czar Nicholas I gave him a personal audience, and several times sought his advice on problems connected with the endeavor to amelio- rate the social condition of the Jews. The found- ing of Jewish elementary schools, the opening of two Rabbinical seminaries, one at Wilna and one at Zhitomir, the establishment of numerous agricul- tural colonies, the improvements effected in the po- litical condition of the Jews and in the censorship of Hebrew books all these progressive measures are in great part, if not entirely, due to the influence of Levinsohn. And the educated men of his time paid the tribute of veneration to a compeer who enjoyed the esteem of the governing classes to so high a degree. 123 CHAPTER V THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT ABRAHAM MAPU The political reaction following upon the Polish revolution of 1831 made itself felt in Lithuania particularly. The hand of the government weighed heavy upon the people of this province. The University of Wilna was closed, and all traces of civilization were effaced. From the arbitrariness of the Polish nobles, the Jews were rescued only to fall into the tender mercies of unscrupulous officials. As it was, since 1823 the most rigorous measures had been devised against them. They were exposed to expulsions from the villages, and their commercial and other privileges had been considerably curtailed. Be- sides, a new scourge was inflicted upon them, com- pulsory service in the army, unknown until then, a frightful service, with an active period of twenty- five years. Children were torn from their families and their faith, and the whole life of a man was 124 swallowed up. They struggled against this new incubus with all the weapons at the disposal of a feeble population. Bribery, premature marriage, wholesale evasion, voluntary or forced substitu- tion, were the means employed by the well-to-do to save their progeny from military service. In order to ensure the regular recruiting of sol- diers among the Jews, Czar Nicholas I, while abolishing the central synod organization, main- tained the local Kahal everywhere, and made it responsible for the military conscription. The wealthy, the learned, the heads of the communities profited greatly by this official recognition of the Kahal. It enabled them to free the members of their families from enrollment in the army. In their hands, it became an instrument for the oppres- sion and exploitation of the poor. " The devil take the hindmost! " expresses the state of mind of the Russian Jews in the middle of the nineteenth century, during the whole of the period called the Behalah ("Terror"). The reforms projected by Alexander I for the benefit of the Jews, the hopes cherished by the Lithuanian humanists, proved abortive. Reaction- ary tendencies made themselves felt everywhere cruelly, but chiefly they injured the Jews, forever 125 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE persecuted, downtrodden, and humiliated. The profound pessimism of Lebensohn's poetry is elo- quent testimony to the feelings of educated Jews. And yet, these votaries of knowledge, of civiliza- tion, the daughter of heaven, clung to their illu- sions. They continued to insist that only thorough- going reforms can solve the Jewish question. The people at large did not side with them, and even among the educated their view of the situation was not shared by the younger men. In this moral dis- order, the masses of the people permitted them- selves to be carried along unresistingly by the cur- rent of Hasidic views, which had long been waiting to capture the last fortress of rational Judaism. The Rabbis stood by alarmed, unable to do any- thing to" arrest the growing encroachments of the mystic movement. Yet there was an adversary ready and equipped. In the young neo-^iebrew literature, mysticism found a foeman far more powerful than ever logic and rationalism had been. The Hebrew language was cultivated with zeal by the educated classes, and even by the young Rabbis. It was the epoch of the Mellzah, and the Melizah was to supplement the jejuneness of Rab- binism and oppose the Hasidim with good results. Hebrew was in the ascendant, not only for poetry, 126 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT but for general purposes as well. In the sunshine of the nineteenth century, it became the language of commerce, of jurisprudence, of friendly inter- course. Folklore itself, in the very teeth of the now despised jargon, knew no other tongue. The period produced a large quantity of popular poems, which to this day are sung by the Jews of Lithu- ania. The dominant note is the national plaint of the Jewish people, its dreams, and its Messianic hopes. They are essentially Zionistic. In polished and tender Hebrew, with lofty ex- pressions and despairful cries worthy of Byron, a poet of the people mourns the misfortunes of Zion : "Zion, Zion, city of our God! How awful is thy breach! Who will heal thee! .... Every nation, every country, sees its splendor grow from day to day. Thou alone and thy people, ye fall from depth to awful depth " Holy land, O Zion and Jerusalem ! How dare the stranger trample on thy soil with haughty foot? How, O Heaven, can the son of the stranger stand upon the spot whence Thy command banishes him?" But hope is not entirely blasted: " In the name of all thy people, in all their dwelling-places, have we sworn unto thee, O Zion, with scorching tears, that thou shalt always rest upon our hearts as a seal. Not by night and not by day shalt thou be forgotten by us." 127 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Another popular poem, anonymous like the last, entitled " The Rose ", is still more dolorous and despairful in tone. Stepped upon by every passer- by, the rose supplicates incessantly, " O man, have pity on me, restore me to my home ! " Besides these and others with the same under- lying ideas, the lyrics of Lebensohn and " The Mourning Dove " by Letteris constituted the rep- ertory of the people. But soon romanticism on the part of the litterateurs began to respond to the romanticism of the masses, asserting itself as a national Jewish need. A translation of Les Mysteres de Parts, pub- lished in Wilna in 1847-8, introduced the romantic movement among the Jews, and at the same time the novel into the Hebrew language. This trans- lation, or, rather, adaptation, of Sue's work, exe- cuted in a stilted Biblical style, won great renown for its young author, Kalman Schulman. of Wilna (1826-1900) From the literary point of view, Schulman's achievement is interesting because of the kind of literature it was the first to offer to readers of He- brew pastime literature, fiction in place of the serious writings of the humanists. The enormous success obtained by this first work of the translator, 128 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT the repeated editions which it underwent, testify to the existence of a public that craved light literature. Thenceforth, romanticism was to occupy the first place, and the Melizah style was appropriated for the purposes of fiction, to the delight of the friends of the Bible language. In spite of his small originality, it happened that Kalman Schulman contributed more than any other writer to the achievement of securing a place for Hebrew in the hearts of the people. For the length of a half-century, he was regarded popularly as the master of Hebcew style. Romantic and con- servative in religion, enthusiastic for whatsoever the Jewish genius produced, na'i've in his conception of life, he let his activity play upon all the fields of literature. He published a History of the World in ten volumes; a geography, likewise in ten vol- umes; four volumes of biographical and literary essays on the Jewish writers of the Middle Ages; a national romance dealing with the time of Bar Kokbah (a composite made up of a number of translations) ; and curious Biblical and Talmudic essays. 1 His language is the Hebrew of Isaiah. The 1 These works, first published at Wilna, have been republished again and again. 129 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE artificialities and the undue emphasis of his style, his childlike views, his romantic sentimentality in all that touches Jews and Judaism, which appealed directly to the hearts of the simple, ignorant readers who constituted his public, explain the suc- cess of this writer, well merited even though he lacked originality. His books were spread broad- cast, by the millions of copies, and they fostered love of Hebrew, of science, and knowledge in gen- eral among the people. By this token, Schulman was a civilizing agent of the first rank. His work is the portal through which the Maskil had to pass, and sometimes passes to this day, on the path of development toward modern civilization. Schulman became the head of a school. His poetic and inflated style long imposed itself upon all subjects, and hindered the natural development of Hebrew prose, inaugurated by Mordecai A. Ginzburg. More creative writers were not long in making their appearance. Among the poets of the roman- tic school, a prominent place belongs to Micah Joseph Lebensohn, briefly called Mikal (1828- 1852), the son of Abraham Bar Lebensohn. Gentle and gracious in the same measure in which his father was hard and unyielding, Micah 130 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT Joseph Lebensohn was the only writer of the time to enjoy the advantage of a complete modern edu- cation, and the only one of his generation to escape cruel want and the struggle for personal freedom. He knew German literature thoroughly, and he had taken a course in philosophy at Berlin, under Schelling. Along with these attainments, he was master of Hebrew as a living language. It was the vehicle for his most intimate thoughts and the subtlest shades of feeling. His rich poetic imagination, his harmonious style, warm figures or speech, consummate lyric quality, unmarred by the blatant, crude exaggera- tions of his predecessors, constitute Mikal the first artist of his day in Hebrew poetry. He made his appearance in the world of letters, in 1851, with a translation of Schiller's " Destruc- tion of Troy", finished in style and in poetic polish. He was the first to apply the rules of modern pros- ody strictly to Hebrew poetry. His collection of poems, Shire Bat-Z'iyyon (" The Songs of the Daughter of Zion"),* is a masterpiece. It con- tains six historical poems, admirable in thought, form, and inspiration. In " Solomon and Kohe- *Wilna, 1852. German translation by J. Steinberg, Wilna, 1859. 131 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE let ", his most ambitious poem, he brings the youth of King Solomon before our eyes. It was the first time the love of Solomon for the Shulammite was celebrated a sublime, exalted love sung in marvel- lous fashion. The joy of life trembles in all the fibres of the poet's heart .... Then the old age of Ecclesiastes is contrasted strikingly with the youth of Solomon the king disillusioned, skep- tical, convinced of the vanity of love, beauty, and knowledge. All is dross, vanity of vanities ! And the young romantic poet ends his work with the conclusion that wisdom cannot exist without faith that faith alone is capable of giving man su- preme satisfaction. " Jael and Sisera ", a noble production, treats of the silent struggle, in the heart of the valiant woman extolled by Deborah, between the duty of hospitality on the one side, and love of country on the other. The latter triumphs in the end: " With this people I dwell, and in its land I am sheltered ! Should I not desire its prosperity and its happiness ? " " Moses on Mount Abarim " is full of admira- tion for the great legislator. The poet says re- garding his death : "The light of the world is obscured and dun, Of what avail the light of the sun? " 132 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT His elegy on Jehudah Halevi is instinct with th pathos of patriotic love for the Holy Land : " That land, where every stone is an altar to the living God, and every rock a seat for a prophet of the supreme Lord ". Or, as he exclaims in another poem, " Land of the muses, perfection of beauty, wherein every stone is a book, every rock a graven tablet! " Another collection of poems by Mikal, Kinnor Bat-Ziyyon (" The Harp of the Daughter of Zion"), published at Wilna, posthumously, con- tains, besides a numbef of pieces translated from the German, also lyric poems, in which the poet breathes forth his soul and his suffering. He loves life passionately, but he divines that he will not be granted the opportunity of enjoying it long, and, in an access of despair, he cries out : " Accursed be death, accursed also life ! " His nature changes, his muse grows sad, and, like his father, he dis- cerns only injustice and misfortune in the world. In a poem addressed to " The Stars ", he fairly storms high heaven to wrest from it the secret of the worlds: " Answer me, I pray, answer me, ye who are denizens on high ! O, stop the march of the eternal laws a single instant! Alas, my heart is full of disgust over this earth. Here man is born 133 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE unto pain and misery 1 .... Here reigns religious Hatred! On her lips she bears the name of the God of mercy, and in her hands the blood-dripping sword. She prays, she throws herself upon her knees, yet without cease, and in the name of God, she slaughters her victims. This world, when the Lord created it in a fit of anger, He cast it far away from Him in wrath. Then Death threw herself upon it, scattering terror everywhere. She holds this world in 'her talons. Misery also precipitates herself upon it, gnashing her teeth in beast-like rage. She clutches man like a beast of prey, she torments him without reprieve . . . ." This posthumous collection of poems contains also love poems and Zionist lamentations, all bear- ing the impress of the deep melancholy and the sadness that characterized the last years of the poet's short life. A cruel malady carried him off at the age of twenty-four, and the friends of He- brew poetry were left mourning in despair. Romantic fiction in Hebrew, which the strait- laced life and the austerity of the educated had rendered impossible up to this time, now made its first appearance in the form of translations of modern romances. They were received with ac- claim by a well-disposed public greedy for novel- ties. The creators of original romances were not long in coming. The first master in the depart- ment, the father of Hebrew romance, was Abra- ham Mapu (1808-1867). 134 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT Mapu was born at Slobodka, a suburb of Kowno, a sad town inhabited almost entirely by Jews. The whole of the population vegetates there amid the most deplorable conditions, economic and sanitary. The father of Mapu was a poor, melancholy Melammed, a teacher of Hebrew and the Talmud, simple in his outlook upon life, yet not without a certain degree of education. He loved and culti- vated knowledge as taught by the Hebrew masters of the Middle Ages. Mapu's mother was gentle and sweet. With resignation and fortitude she endured the physical suffering that hampered her all her life. His brother Mattathias, a Rabbinical student, was a man of parts. In brief, it was misery itself, the life he knew, but the misery once surmounted, and vain desires eliminated, it was a life that tended to bind closer the ties of family love. Being a sickly child, Mapu did not begin to study the elementary branches until he was five years old, an advanced age among people whose children were usually sent to the Heder at four, to spend years upon years there that brought no joy to the student as he sat all day long bent over the great folios of the Talmud, except the joy that comes from success in study. Rational instruction in the Bible and in Hebrew 135 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE grammar, scorned by the Talmudic dialecticians as superficial studies, was banished from the Heder. Happily for the future writer, his father taught him the Bible, and awakened love in his sensitive heart for the Hebrew language and for the glori- ous past of his people. At the same time, his Tal- mudic education went on admirably. At the age of twelve, he had the reputation of being a scholar, at the age of thirteen, an 'Illtti, a " phenomenon ", and from that time on he was at liberty to devote himself to his studies at his own free will, without submitting himself to the discipline of a master. Like all young Talmudists, he was soon sought after as a desirable son-in-law, and it was not long before his father affianced him to the daughter of a well-to-do burgher. At the age of seventeen, he was married. Marriage, however, did not change his life. As before, he pursued his studies, while his father-in-law provided for his wants. But soon his studies took a new direction. His pensive mind, stifled by Rabbinic scholasticism, turned to the Kabbalah. Mystical exaltation more and more took possession of him, and the day came when he all but declared himself a follower of Hasidism. It was his mother who saved him. He yielded to her prayers, and was held back from committing a perilous act of heresy. 136 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT These internal conflicts between feeling and reason, the perplexities with which his spirit wrestled, did not affect our author to an excessive degree. They produced no radical change in his personality. All his life Mapu remained the hum- ble scholar of the ghetto, a successor of the Ebyo- nim, of the psalmists and the prophets. Timorous, melancholy, lacking all desire for the things con- nected with practical life, often degraded by their own material wretchedness and by the intellectual wretchedness of their surroundings, these dreamers of the ghetto, more numerous than the outsider knows, hide a moral exaltation in the depths of their hearts, a supreme idealism, always ready to do battle, never conquered. In their persons we are offered the only explanation there is for the activity and persistence of the Messianic people. Mapu was on the point of succumbing, like so many others, the darkness of mysticism was about to drop like a pall upon his mind, when something happened, insignificant in itself, but important through its consequences, and he was snatched out of danger. A Latin psalter fell into his hands by chance; it gave a fresh turn to his studies, and his mind took its bearings anew. Was it curiosity, or was it desire for knowledge, 137 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE that impelled him to decipher the sacred text in an unknown language at what cost soever? It is cer- tain that no difficulty affrighted him. Word by word he translated the Latin text by dint of com- paring it with the Hebrew original, and he suc- ceeded in acquiring a large number of Latin words. He is not alone in this achievement. Solomon Maimon learned the alphabet of the German, the language in which he later wrote his best philo- sophic essays, from the German names of the treatises of the Talmud prefixed to an edition printed in Berlin. And many other such cases among the educated Jews of Lithuania might be cited. These mental gymnastics, the necessity of ren- dering account to himself as to the precise value of each word, helped Mapu to a better understanding of the Bible text and a closer identification with its spirit. Good fortune and material well-being are not stable possessions with people like the Russian Jews, obliged to earn their livelihood in the face of rabid competition, and exposed to the caprices of a hostile legislation. One day Mapu's father-in-law found himself ruined. The young man was obliged to interrupt his studies and accept a place 138 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT as tutor in the family of a well-situated Jewish farmer. His prolonged stay in the country exerted an excellent influence upon the impressionable soul of the young man. His close communion with nature, which quickly captivated his mind, rent asunder forever the mystic veil that had en- shrouded it. Still more important was his asso- ciation with the enlightened Polish curate of the village, who interested himself in the young scholar and devoted much time to his instruction. Mapu threw himself with ardor into the study of the Latin classics. He is the first instance of a Hebrew poet having had the opportunity of forming his mind upon the ample models of classic antiquity. Continuing under the tuition of the curate, he studied French, the language of his preference, then German, and, only in the last instance, Rus- sian. The Russian language was not held in high esteem by the Maskilim of Mapu's day. In Kowno, whither he returned after some time, he was compelled to hide his new acquisitions, for fear of arousing the hatred of the fanatics and suffering injury in his profession as teacher of Hebrew. Infatuated with the works of the romanticists, especially the novels of Eugene Sue, his favorite 10 139 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE author, he began to think out the first part of his historical romance Ahabat Ziyyon (" The Love of Zion") as early as 1830. Twenty-three years were to pass before it saw the light of day. Dur- ing that interval he led a life of never-ceasing pri- vation and toil, laboring by day, dreaming by night. The Haskalah had created humanist cen- tres in the little towns of Lithuania. In some of these, in Zhagor and in Rossieny, " the city of the educated, of the friends of their people and of the sacred tongue ", Mapu finally found the oppor- tunity to display his talents. But his material con- dition, bad enough to begin with, grew worse and worse. After oft-repeated applications, he re- ceived the appointment as teacher at a Jewish gov- ernment school in Kowno, in 1848. This, together with the pecuniary assistance granted him by his more fortunate brother, put an end permanently to his embarrassment. Occupying an independent position, he could devote himself to his romance. Finally, the success obtained by the Hebrew trans- lation of " The Mysteries of Paris " emboldened him to publish his " Love of Zion ", and the timid author was overwhelmed, stupefied almost, when he realized the enthusiasm with which the public had greeted his first literary product. 140 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT Into the ascetic and puritanic environment in which the world of sentiment and the life of the spirit were unknown, Mapu's romance descended like a flash of lightning, rending the cloud that enveloped all hearts. A century after Rousseau, there was still a corner in Europe in which pleas- ure, the joy of living, the good things of this life, and nature, were considered futilities, in which love was condemned as a crime, and the passions as the ruin of the soul. Such were the surround- ings amid which " The. Love of Zion ", a Jewish Nouvelle Heloise, appeared as the first plea for nature and love. ' The Love of Zion " is an historical romance. It re-tells a chapter in the life of the Jewish people at the time of the prophet Isaiah. The poet could not exercise any choice as to his subject it was forced upon him inevitably. In order to be sure of touching a responsive chord in his people, it was necessary to carry the action twenty-five centuries back. A Jewish novel based on contemporaneous life would have been incongruous both with truth and with the spirit of the ghetto. The time of his novel was the golden age of ancient Judea. It was the epoch of a great literary and prophetic outburst. Also it was an agitated 141 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE time, presenting striking contrasts. At Jerusalem, an enlightened king was making a firm stand against the limitation of his power from within and against an almost invincible enemy from with- out. On the one side, society was decadent, on the other side arose the greatest moralists the world has ever seen, the prophets, the intrepid assailants of corruption. It was, finally, the period in which the noblest dreams of a better, an ideal humanity were dreamed. That is the time in which the author lets his story take place. In the reign of King Ahaz, two friends lived at Jerusalem. The one named Joram was an officer in the army and the owner of rich domains ; the other, Jedidiah, belonged to the royal family. Joram had married two wives, Haggith and Naamah. The latter was his favorite, but at the end of many years she had borne him no children. Obliged to go forth to war against the Philis- tines, Joram entrusted his family to the care of his friend Jedidiah. At the moment of his departure, his wife Naamah, and also Tirzah, the wife of Jedidiah, discovered, each, that she was with child. The two friends agreed, that if the one bore a son and the other a daughter, the two children should in time marry each other. Things turned out according to the hopes of the fathers. The wife of Jedidiah was the first to be confined, and she gave birth to a daughter, who was named Tamar. Joram was taken captive by the enemy, and did not return. At the same time a great misfortune overtook his family. Hi* 142 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT steward Achan permitted himself to be tempted to evil by a judge, Matthan by name, a personal enemy of Joram. He set fire to the house of his master, first having despoiled it of all there was in it. His booty he carried to the house of Matthan, and Haggith and her children perished in the flames. Achan laid the blame for the fire upon Naamah, who, he said, desired to avenge herself upon her rival Haggith. He substituted his own son Nabal for Azrikam, the son of Haggith, the only one of Joram's family, he pretended, to escape with his life. Poor Naamah, about to be delivered, was compelled to flee and take refuge with a shepherd in the neighborhood of Bethlehem. There she bore twins, a son named Amnon, and a daughter, Peninnah. * Jedidiah, shocked by the calamity that had overwhelmed the house of his friend, took the supposed Azrikam, the son of Joram, home with him, and raised him with his own children. In order to keep the spirit of his word to his friend, he consid- ered Azrikam the future husband of his daughter, seeing that Naamah had disappeared, and was, besides, under the suspicion of being a murderess. Achan's triumph was complete. His son was to take the place of Azrikam, inherit the house of Joram, and marry the beautiful Tamar. In the meanwhile happened the fall of the kingdom of Samaria. The Assyrians carried off the inhabitants captive, among them Hananel, the father-in-law of Jedidiah. One of the captives, the Samaritan priest Zimri, succeeded in making his escape, and he fled to Jerusalem. The name of his fellow-prisoner Hana- nel, which he used as a recommendation, opened the house and the trustful heart of Jedidiah to him. Tamar and Azrikam grew up side by side in the house of Jedidiah. They differed from each other radically. Beautiful 143 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE as Tamar was, and good and generous, so ugly and perverse was Azrikam. The maiden despised him with all her heart. One day Tamar, while walking in the country near Bethlehem, was attacked by a lion. A shepherd hastened to her rescue and saved her life. This shepherd was none but Amnon, the son of the unfortunate Naamah. Teman, the brother of Tamar, by chance happened upon Peninnah, the sister of Amnon, who pretended she was an alien, and he was seized with violent love for her. Thus the son and the daughter of Jedidiah were infatuated, the one with the daughter of Naamah, the other with her son, without suspecting who they were. Amnon, who had come to Jerusalem to celebrate the Feast of Tabernacles, was received with joy, by Jedidiah and his wife, as the savior of their daughter. He was made at home in their house, and won general favor by reason of his excellent character. The young shepherd felt attracted to the study of sacred subjects. He frequented the school of the prophets, and he was particularly entranced with the eloquence of the great Isaiah. The pretended Azrikam did not view the friendship established between Tamar and Amnon with a favorable eye. He took the priest Zimri into his confidence, and made him his accomplice and aid in disposing of his rival. Jedidiah, meanwhile, remained faithful to his promise, and persisted in his intention of giving his daughter in marriage to Azrikam, in spite of her own wishes in the matter. When the tender feeling between Tamar and Amnon became evident, Jedidiah dismissed the latter from his house. The period treated of is the most turbulent in the history of Judea. The conflict of passions and intrigues is going on that 144 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT preceded the downfall of the kingdom of Judah and the great Assyrian invasion. Moral disorder reigns everywhere, iniquity and lies rule in place of justice. The upright tremble and hope, encouraged by the prophets. The wicked are defiant, and give themselves up shamelessly to their debauches. " Let us drink, let us sing ! " exclaimed the crowd of the im- pious. " Who knows whether to-morrow finds us alive ! " Zimri meditates a master stroke. Every evening Amnon betook himself to a little hut on the outskirts of the town, where his mother and his sister lived. Zimri surprises him. He takes Tamar and Teman there, and they watch Amnon embrace his sister. Now all is over. A dreadful blow is dealt the love of brother and sister, who are ignorant of the bonds of kinship uniting Amnon and Peninrtah. Repulsed by Tamar, for he knows not what reason, Amnon leaves Jerusalem, despair in his heart. All is not lost yet. Maltreated by his own son and plagued by remorse, Achan confesses his misdeeds to the alleged Azrikam, and reveals his real origin to him. Furious, Azrikam thinks of nothing but to get rid of his father. He sets his father's house afire, but, before his death, Achan makes a confession to the court. Everything is disclosed, and everything is cleared up. Tamar, now made aware of the error she has committed, is inconsolable at having separated from Amnon. Meantime the political events take their course. The brave king Hezekiah carries on the struggle against his minister Shebnah, who desires to surrender the capital to the Assyrians. The miraculous defeat of the enemy at the gates of Jerusalem assures the triumph of Hezekiah. Peace and justice are estab- lished once more. During this time, Amnon, taken prisoner in war and sold as 145 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE slave to a master living on one of the Ionian isles, has found his father Joram there. Both together succeed in making good their escape, and they return to Jerusalem. The joy of the Holy City delivered from the invader coincides with the joy of the two reunited families, whose cherished wishes are realized. The loves of Tamar and Amnon, and Teman and Peninnah, triumph. This is the frame of the novel, which recalls the wonder-tales of the eighteenth century. From the point of view of romantic intrigue, study of char- acter, and development of plot, it is a puerile work. The interest does not reside in the romantic story. Borrowed from modern works, the fiction rather injures Mapu's novel, which is primarily a poem and an historical reconstruction. " The Love of Zion " is more than an historical romance, more than a narrative invented by an imaginative ro- mancer it is ancient Judea herself, the Judea of the prophets and the kings, brought to life again in the dreams of the poet. The reconstruction of Jewish society of long ago, the appreciation of the prophetic life, the local color, the majesty of the descriptions of nature, the vivid and striking figures of speech, the elevated and vigorous style, every- thing is so instinct with the spirit of the Bible that, without the romantic story, one would believe him- 146 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT self to be perusing a long-lost and now recovered book of poetry of ancient Judea. Dreamy, guileless, ignorant of the actual and complicated phenomena of modern life, Mapu was able to identify himself with the times of the prophets so well that he confounded them with modern times. He committed the anachronism of transporting the humanist ideas of the Lithuanian Maskil to the period of Isaiah. But by reason of wishing to show himself modern, he became an- cient. He was not even aware of the fact that he was restoring the past with its peculiar civilization, its manners, and ideas. None the less his aim as a reformer was attained. Guided by prophetic intuition, Mapu accomplished a task making for morality and culture. To men given over to a degenerate asceticism, or to a mystic attitude hostile to the present, he revealed a glori- ous past as it really had been, not as their brains, weighed down by misery and befogged by igno- rance, pictured it to have been. He showed them, not the Judea of the Rabbis, of the pious, and the ascetics, but the land blessed by nature, the land where men took joy in living, the land of life, flow- ing with gaiety and love, the land of the Song of Songs and of Ruth. He drew Isaiah for them, 147 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE not as a saintly Rabbi or a teller of mystical dreams, but a poetic Isaiah, patriot, sublime moral- ist, the prophet of a free Judea, the preacher of earthly prosperity, of goodness, and justice, oppos- ing the narrow doctrines and minute and senseless ceremonialism inculcated by the priests, who were the predecessors of the Rabbis. The lesson of the novel is an exhortation to return to a natural life. It presents a world of pleasure, of feeling, of joyous living, justified and idealized in the name of the past. It sets forth the charms of rural life in a succession of poetic pictures. Judea, the pastoral land, passes under the eyes of the reader. The blithe humor of the vine-dressers, the light-heartedness of the shep- herds, the popular festivals with their outbursts of joy and high spirits, are reproduced with masterly skill. The moral grandeur of Judea appears in the magnificent description of a whole people as- sembled to celebrate the Feast in the Holy City, and in the impassioned discourses of the prophets, who openly criticise the great and the priests in the name of justice and truth. But especially it is love that pervades the work, love, chaste and ingenuous, apotheosized in the relation of Amnon and Tamar. The impression that was made by the book is 148 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT inconceivable. It can be compared with nothing less than the effect produced by the publication of the Nouvelle Helo'ise. At last the Hebrew language had found the master who could make the appeal to popular taste, who understood the art of speaking to the multi- tude and touching them deeply. The success of the book was impressive. In spite of the fanatical intriguers, who looked with horror upon this pro- fanation of the holy language, the novel made its way everywhere, into tbe academies for Rabbinical students, into the very synagogues. The young were amazed and entranced by the poetic flights and by the sentimentalism of the book. A whole people seemed to be reborn unto life, to emerge from its millennial lethargy. Upon all minds the comparison between ancient grandeur and actually existing misery obtruded itself. The Lithuanian woods witnessed a startling spectacle. Rabbinical students, playing truant, re- sorted thither to read Mapu's novel in secret. Luxuriously they lived the ancient days over again. The elevated love celebrated in the book touched all hearts, and many an artless romance was sketched in outline. But the greatest beneficiary of the new move- 149 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE ment ushered into being by the appearance of "The Love of Zion " was the Hebrew language, revived in all its splendor. " I have searched out the ancient Latin in its majestic vigor, the German with its depth of meaning, the French full of charm and ravishing expressions, the Russian in the flower of its youth. Each has qualities of its own, each is crowned with beauty. But in the face of all of them, whose voice appeals unto me? Is it not thy voice, my dove? How pellucid is thy word, though its music issues from the land of destruction! .... The melody of thy words sings in my ear like a heavenly harp." s This idealization of a language of the past, and of that past itself, produced an enormous effect upon all minds, and it prepared the soil for an abundant harvest. The success won by ' The Love of Zion " encouraged Mapu to publish his other historical romance, the action of which is placed in the same period as the first work. Ashmat Shomeron ("The Transgression of Samaria"), also published at Wilna, is an epic in the true sense. It reproduces the conflicts set afoot by the rivalry between Jerusalem and Samaria. The underlying idea in this novel is not unlike that of " The Love of Zion ". But the author allows himself to run riot in the use of antitheses and contrasts. He 8 See Brainin, " Abraham Mapu ", p. 107. 150 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT arraigns the poor inhabitants of Samaria with piti- less severity. Whatever is good, just, beautiful, lofty, and chaste in love, proceeds from Jerusalem ; whatever savors of hypocrisy, crookedness, dog- matism, absurdity, sensuality, proceeds from Sa- maria. The author is particularly implacable to- ward the hypocrites, and toward the blind fanatics with their narrow-mindedness. The personifica- tion of certain types of ghetto fanatics is a trans- parent ruse. The book excited the anger of the obscurantists, and, in their wrath, they persecuted all who read the works of Mapu. ' The Transgression of Samaria " shares a number of faults of technique with the first novel, but also it is equally with the other a product of rich imaginativeness and epic vigor. In reprodu- cing local color and the Biblical life, the author's touch is even surer than in " The Love of Zion ". If one were inclined to apply to Mapu's novels the standards of art criticism, a radical fault would reveal itself. Mapu is not a psychologist. He does not know how to create heroes of flesh and blood. His men and women are blurred, artificial. The moral aim dominates. The plot is puerile, and the succession of events tiresome. But these shortcomings were not noticed by his simple, un- 151 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE cultivated readers, for the reason that they shared the artless naivete of the author. Besides these two, we have some poetic frag- ments of a third historical romance by Mapu, which was destroyed by the Russian censor. There is also an excellent manual of the Hebrew language, Amon Padgug ("The Master Pedagogue"), very much valued by teachers of Hebrew, and, fin- ally, a method of the French language in Hebrew. We shall revert elsewhere to his last novel, 'Ayit Zabua ("The Hypocrite"), which is very dif- ferent in style and character from his first two romances. In his last years he was afflicted with a severe disease. Unable to work, he was supported by his brother, who had settled in Paris, and who invited Mapu to join him there. On the way, death over- took him, and he never saw the capital of the country for which he had expressed the greatest admiration all his life. In southern Russia, especially at Odessa, literary activity continued to be carried on with success. Abraham Bar Gottlober (1811-1900), writing under the pseudonym Mahalalel, was the most productive of the poets, if not the best endowed of the whole school. 152 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT A disciple of Isaac Bar Levinsohn, and visibly affected by the influence of Wessely and Abraham Bar Lebensohn, he devoted himself to poetry. The first volume of his poems appeared at Wilna in 1851. Toward the end of his days, he published his complete works in three volumes, Kol Shire Mahalalel (" Collected Poems ", Warsaw, 1890). His earliest productions go back to the middle of the last century. He is a remarkable stylist, and, in some of his works, his language is both simple and polished. " Cain ", or the Vagabond, is a marvel in style and thought. In the poem entitled " The Bird in the Cage ", he writes as a Zionist, and he weeps over the trials of his people in exile. In another poem, Nezah Yisrael (" The Eternity of Israel "), perhaps the best that issued from his pen, he puts forward a dignified claim to his title as Jew, of which he is proud. " Judah has neither bow nor warring hosts, nor avenging dart, nor sharpened sword. But he has a suit in the name of justice with the nations that contend with him " I take good heed not to recount to you our glory. Why should I extol the eternal people, for you detest its virtues, you desire not to hear of them .... But remember, ye peoples, if I commit a transgression, not in me lies the wrong through your sin I have stumbled .... " I ask not for pity, I ask but for justice." 153 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE On the whole, Gottlober lacks poetic warmth. In the majority of his poems, his style errs on the side of prolixity and wordiness. He has made a number of translations into Hebrew, and his prose is ex- cellent. His satires frequently display wit. His versified history of Hebrew poetry, contained in the third volume of his works, is inferior to the Melizat Yeshurun by Solomon Levinsohn referred to above. Later he published a monthly review in Hebrew, under the title Ha-Boker Or ("The Clear Morning"). His reminiscences of the Hasidim, 4 whom he opposed all his life, are the best of his prose writings, and put him in a class with the realists. He also wrote a history of the Kabbalah and Hasidism ( Toledot ha-Kabbalah weha-Hasidut) . Gottlober was the Mehabber personified, the type of the vagabond author, who is obliged to go about in person and force his works upon patrons in easy circumstances. The number of writers belonging to the ro- mantic school, by reason of the form of their works, or by reason of their content, is too large for us to give them all by name. Only a few can be mentioned and characterized briefly. 4 In the monthly Ha-Boker Or, and Orot me-Offl ("Gleams in the Darkness"), Warsaw, 1881. 154 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT Elias Mordecai Werbel (1805-1880) was the official poet of the literary circle at Odessa. A collection of his poems, which appeared at Odessa, is distinguished by its polished execution. Besides odes and occasional poems, they contain several historical pieces, the most remarkable of them " Huldah and Bor ", Wilna, 1848, based on a Tahnudic legend. 1 He was excelled by Israel Roll (1830-1893), a Galician by birth, but living in Odessa. His Shire Romi (" Roman Poems "), all translated from the works of the great Latin poets, give evidence of considerable poetic endowment. His style is clas- sic, copious, and precise, and his volume of poems will always maintain a place in a library of Hebrew literature by the side of Mikal's version of Ovid and the admirable translation of the Sibylline books made by the eminent philologist Joshua Steinberg. In prose, first place belongs to Benjamin Man- delstamm (died 1886). Among his works is a history of Russia, but his most important produc- tion, Hazon la-Mo ed, is a narrative of his travels and the impressions he received in the " Jewish 1 In Keneset Yurtul, Warsaw, 1888. 11 155 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE zone ", chiefly Lithuania. In certain respects, he must be classified with Mordecai A. Ginzburg, with whom he shares clarity of thought and wit. But his sentimentality, and his excessive indulgence in certain affectations of style, range him with the romantic poets. The distinguished poet Judah Leon Gordon in his beginnings also belonged to the romantic school. His earliest poems, especially " David and Michal ", treat of Bible times. But Gordon did not remain long in sympathy with the endeavors of the romanticists, and the mature stage of his literary activity belongs to a later epoch. The characteristic trait of Hebrew romanticism, which distinguishes it from most analogous move- ments in Europe, is that it remained in the path of orderly progress and emancipation. It showed no sign of turning aside toward reactionary meas- ures in religion or in other concerns. Neither the retrograde policy adopted by the government against the Jews, nor the uncompromising fanati- cism of certain parties among the Jews themselves, could arrest the development of the humanitarian ideas disseminated by the Austrian and the Italian school. 156 THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT Since the origin of the German Meassefim move- ment, the evolution of Hebrew literature has not been stopped for a single instant in its striving for knowledge and light. The romantic movement is one of its most characteristic stages, and at the same time one most productive of good results. The sombre present held out no promises for the future, and the dark clouds on the political hori- zon eclipsed every hope of better fortunes. At such a time the champions of the Haskalah op- posed ignorance and prejudice in the name of the past, and in the name of morality and idealism they sought to win the hearts of the populace for the " Divine Haskalah ". The influence of Hebrew romanticism was many-sided. The blending of the rationalism of the first humanists with the patriotic sentiments of Luzzatto fortified the bonds that united the writers to the mass of the faithful believers. A sentimen- talism that was called forth by a poetic revival of the times of the prophets did more for the diffusion of sane and natural ideas than exhortations and arguments without end, and the declaration, re- peated again and again by the school of Wilna, that science and faith stand in no sort of opposition to each other, was an equally powerful means of 157 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE bringing together the educated with the moderate among the religious. Soon the times were to become more favorable to a renewal of the combat with the obscurants, and then the antagonism between the educated classes and the orthodox would be resumed with fresh vigor. When that time arrived, a whole school of ardent realistic writers set themselves the task of counteracting the misery of Jewish life, and they executed it without sparing the susceptibilities and the self-love of the religious masses. They rose up in judgment against orthodox and tradi- tional Judaism; they chastised it and traduced it. With acerbity they promulgated the gospel of modern humanism and the surrender of outward beliefs. By their side, however, we shall see a more moderate school claim its own, and one not less efficient. It will proclaim words of charity, faith, and hope. To the negations and destructive aphor- isms of the realistic school it will oppose firm con- fidence in the early regeneration of the Jewish people, called to fulfil its destiny upon its national soil. The Zionist appeal will unite the orthodox masses and the emancipated youth in a single trans- port of action and hope. 158 CHAPTER VI THE EMANCIPATION MOVEMENT THE REALISTS The accession of Alexander II to the throne marks a decisive moment in the history of the Rus- sian empire. The fresh impetus that proceeded from the generous ancj liberal ideas encouraged by the Czar himself reached the ghetto. Substantial improvements in the political situation of the Jews their enlarged rights of residence in all parts of the empire and the easier access to the liberal pro- fessions granted them, the abolition of the old order of military service and the suppression of the Kahal these, joined to the expectation of an early civil emancipation, stirred the Jewish human- ists profoundly. Startled out of their age-long dreams, the Jews with a modern education found themselves suddenly face to face with reality, and engaged in a struggle with the exigencies of mod- ern life. In justice to them it must be said that they realized at once where their duty lay, and they were not found wanting. in THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE They ranged themselves on the side of the re- form government, and with all their strength they tried to neutralize the resistance with which the conservative Jews met the reforms, projected or achieved. They were particularly active in the regions remote from the large cities, which had hardly been touched by the new currents. Early in the struggle, the creation of a Hebrew press placed an effective instrument in the hands of the defenders of the new order. The interest aroused among the Jews by the Crimean War suggested the idea of a political and literary journal in Hebrew to Eliezer Lipman Silberman. It was called Ha-Maggid (" The Herald"), and the first issue appeared in 1856, in the little Prussian town of Lyck, situated on the Russo-Polish frontier. It was successful beyond expectation. The enthusiasm of the readers at sight of the periodical published in the holy lan- guage expressed itself in dithyrambic eulogies and a vast number of odes that filled its columns. The influence it exercised was great. It formed a meet- ing-place for the educated Jews of all countries and all shades of opinion. Besides news bearing on politics and literature, and philological essays, and poems more or less bombastic, Ha-Maggid pub- 160 THE REALISTS lished a number of original articles of great value. Its issues formed the link between the old masters, Rapoport and Luzzatto, and young Russian writ- ers like Gordon and Lilienblum. The learned French Orientalist Joseph Halevy, later the author of an interesting collection of He- brew poems, used Ha-Maggid for the promulga- tion of his bold ideas on the revival of Hebrew, and its practical adjustment to modern notions and needs by means of the invention of new terms. In part, his propositions have been realized in our own days. To Rabbi Hirsch Kalisher and the editor, David Gordon, as the first promoters of the Zionist idea, Ha-Maggid gave the opportunity, as early as 1860, of urging its practical realization, and due to their propaganda the first society was formed for the colonization of Palestine. This pioneer venture in the field of Hebrew journalism stimulated many others. Hebrew news- papers sprang up in all countries, varying in their tendencies according to their surroundings and the opinions of their editors. In Galicia especially, where there was no absurd censorship to manacle thought, Hebrew journals were published in abun- dance. In Palestine, in Austria, at one time in Paris even, periodicals were founded, and they 161 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE created a public opinion as well as readers. But it was above all in Russia, in the measure in which the censorship was relaxed, that the Hebrew press became eventually a popular tribunal in the true sense of the word, with a steady army of readers at its back. Samuel Joseph Finn, an historian and a philol- ogist of merit, published a review at Wilna, called Ha-Karmel (1860-1880), which was devoted to the Science of Judaism in particular. Hayyim Selig Slonimski, the renowned mathe- matician, founded his journal Ha-Zefirah (" The Morningstar ") in 1872. It was issued first in Berlin and later in Warsaw. He himself wrote a large number of articles in it, in his chosen field as popularizer of the natural sciences. In Galicia, Joseph Kohen-Zedek published Ha- Mebasser ("The Messenger") and Ha-Nesher ("The Eagle"), and Baruch Werber, Ha-'Ibri ("The Hebrew"). By far outstripping all these in importance was the first Hebrew journal that appeared in Russia, Ha-Meliz ("The Interpreter"), founded at Odessa in 1860, by Alexander Zederbaum, one of the most faithful champions of humanism. Ha- Meliz became the principal organ of the move- 162 THE REALISTS mcnt for emancipation, and the spokesman of the Jewish reformers. The Hebrew press with all its shortcomings, and in spite of its meagre resources, 1 which prevented it from securing regular, paid contributors, and left it at the mercy of an irresponsible set of ama- teurs, yet exercised considerable influence upon the Jews of Russia. Unremittingly it busied itself with the spread of civilization, knowledge, and Hebrew literature. In the large centres, especially in the more re- cently established communities in the south of Rus- sia, the intellectual emancipation of the Jews was an accomplished fact at an early day. The young people streamed to the schools, and applied them- selves voluntarily to manual trades. The profes- sional schools and the Rabbinical seminaries es- tablished by the government robbed the Hedarim and the Yeshibot of thousands of students. The Russian language, hitherto neglected, began to dis- pute the first place with the jargon and even the Hebrew. Wherever the breath of economic and political reforms had penetrated, emancipation made its way, and without encountering serious opposition on the part of traditional Judaism. 1 Sometimes ten readers clubbed together for one subscription. 163 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Wilna, the capital of Lithuania, sorely tried by the Polish insurrection of 1863, and intentionally excluded by the government from the benefits of all administrative and political reforms, did not continue to be the centre of the new life of the Rus- sian Jews, as it had been of their old life. The " Lithuanian Jerusalem " had put aside its sceptre, and it lay down for a long sleep, with dreams of the Haskalah, " twin-sister of faith ". As Wilna has since that time witnessed no excesses of fanat- icism, so also it has not known an intense life, the acrid opposition between Haskalah and religion. It remained the capital of the moderate, traditional attitude and religious opportunism. By way of compensation, the small country towns and the Talmudic centres in Lithuania put up a stubborn resistance to the new reforms. The poor literary folk stranded in out-of-the-way cor- ners far removed from civilization were treated as pernicious heretics. Nothing could stop the fanatics in their persecution, and they had recourse to the extremest expedients. Made to believe that the reformers harbored designs against the funda- mental principles of Judaism, the people, deluded and erring, thought the obscurantists right and ap- plauded them, while they rose up against the modernizers as one man. 164 THE REALISTS The opposition between humanism and the re- ligious fanatics degenerated into a remorseless struggle. The early Haskalah, the gentle, celestial daughter of dreamers, was a thing of the past. The educated classes, conscious of the support of the authorities and of the public opinion prevailing in the centres of enlightenment, became aggressive, and made a bold attack upon the course and ways of the traditionalists. They displayed openly, with bluntest realism, all the evils that were corroding the system of their antagonists. They followed the example of the Russian realistic literature of their day, in exposing, branding, scourging, and chastising whatever is old and antiquated, what- ever mutinies against the modern spirit. Such is the character of the realistic literature succeeding the epoch of the romanticists. The signal was again given by Abraham Mapu, in his novel descriptive of the manners of the small town, 'Aylt Zabua ("The Hypocrite"), of which the early volumes appeared about the year 1860, at Wilna. In view of the growing in- solence of the fanatics, and the urgency of the re- forms projected by the government, the master of Hebrew romance decided to abandon the poetic heights to which his dreams had been soaring. He 165 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE threw himself into the scrimmage, adding the weight of his authority to the efforts of those who were carrying on the combat with the obscurantists. Even in his historical romances, especially in the second of them, he had permitted his hatred against the hypocrites of the ghetto, disguised in the skin of the false prophet Zimri and his emula- tors, to make itself plainly visible. Now he un- masked them in full view of all, and without re- gard for the feelings of the other party. " The Hypocrite " is an ambitious novel in five parts. All the types of ghetto fanatics are por- trayed with the crudest realism. The most promi- nent figure is Rabbi Zadok, canting, unmannerly, lewd, an unscrupulous criminal, covering his mal- practices with the mantle of piety. He is the pro- totype of all the Tartufes of the ghetto, who play upon the ignorance and credulity of the people. His chief follower, Gadiel, is a blind fanatic, an implacable persecutor of all who do not share his opinions, the enemy of Hebrew literature, embit- tering the life of any who venture to read a modern publication. Devoted adherent of the Haskalah as he was, Mapu was not sparing of paint in black- ening these enemies of culture. Around his central figure a large number of 166 THE REALISTS characters are grouped, each personifying a type peculiar to the Lithuanian province. The darkest portrait is that of Gaal, the ignorant upstart who rules the whole community, and makes common cause with Rabbi Zadok and his followers. The venality of the officials gives the heartless parvenu free scope for his arbitrary misdeeds, and without let or hindrance he persecutes all who are suspected of modernizing tendencies. He is enveloped in an atmosphere of crime and terror. Mapu was guilty of overdrawing his characters; he exceeded the limits of truth. On the other hand, he grows more indulgent and more veracious when he describes the life of the humbler denizens of the ghetto. Jerahmeel, the Batlan, is a finished product. The Batlan is a species unknown outside of the ghetto. In a sense, he is the bohemian in Jewry. His distinguishing traits are his oddity and farcical ways. Not that he is an ignoramus far from that. In many instances he is an erudite Talmudist, but his simplicity, his absent-mindedness, his lack of all practical sense, incapacitate him from undertaking anything, of whatever nature it may be. He is a parasite, and by reason of mere inertia he becomes attached to the enemies of progress. The Shadhan, the influential matrimonial agent 167 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE lacking in no Jewish community, is painted true to life. Spiteful, cunning, witty, even learned, he excels in the art of bringing together the eligibles of the two sexes and unravelling intricate situations. The most sympathetic figure in the whole novel is the honest burgher. Mapu has given us the idealization of the large class of humble tradesmen who have been well grounded in the Talmud, who are endowed with an open heart for every generous feeling, and whose good common sense and pro- foundly moral character the congested condition of the ghetto has not succeeded in perverting. All these figures represent real individuals, liv- ing and acting. Mapu has without a doubt exag- gerated reality, and frequently to the detriment of truth. Nevertheless they remain veracious types. On the other hand, he has not succeeded so well in the creation of the Maskilim type. The new generation, the enlightened friends of culture, are puppets without life, without personality, who speak and move only for the purpose of glorifying the " Divine Haskalah ". Mapu's conception of Jewish life can be summed up in two phrases: enlightened, hence good, just, generous ; fanatic, hence wicked, hypocritical, lewd, cowardly. 168 THE REALISTS If the novel on account of its treatment of the subject has some claims upon the description real- istic, it has none by reason of its form. " The Hypocrite " suffers from all the defects of Mapu's historical romances, which, in the work under con- sideration, take on a graver aspect. The style of Isaiah and poetic flights do not comport well with a modern subject and a modern environment. Herein, again, Mapu's example became pernicious for his successors. When the novel is in full swing, there occurs a series of letters written by one of the heroes from Palestine. The enthusiasm of the author for the Holy Land cannot deny itself, and this unexpected Zionist note, in a purely modern work, reveals his soul as it really is, the soul of a great dreamer. It was after the appearance of Mapu's " Hypo- crite ", in the year 1867, that Abraham Bar Le- bensohn published, at Wilna, his drama " Truth and Faith ", written twenty years before, in which, also, the Tartufe of the ghetto plays a great part. At about the same time a young writer, Solomon Jacob Abramowitsch, issued his realistic novel Ha- Abot weha-Banim (" Fathers and Sons ", Zhito- mir, 1868). Abramowitsch had already acquired some fame by a natural history ( Toledot ha-Teba) 169 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE in four volumes, in which he taxed his ingenuity to create a complete nomenclature for zoology in He- brew. His novel is a failure. The subject is the antagonism between religious fathers and emanci- pated sons, and the action takes place in Hasidic surroundings. There is nothing to betray the future master, the delicate satirist, the admirable painter of manners. Abramowitsch then turned away from Hebrew for a while, and made the literary fortune of the Jewish-German jargon by writing his tales of Jewish life in it, but about ten years ago he re- entered the ranks of the writers of Hebrew, and became one of the most original authors handling the sacred language. What distinguishes Abramo- witsch from his contemporaries is his style. He was among the first to introduce the diction of the Talmud and the Midrash into modern Hebrew. The result is a picturesque idiom, to which the Talmudic expressions give its peculiar charm. Though it continues essentially Biblical, the new element in it puts it into perfect accord with the spirit and the environment it is called upon to depict. It lends itself marvellously well to the description of the life and manners of the Jews of Wolhynia, the province which forms the back- ground of his novels. 170 THE REALISTS All these creators of a Hebrew realism were outstripped by the poet Gordon, who expresses the whole of his agitated epoch in his own person alone. 12 171 CHAPTER VII THE CONFLICT WITH RABBINISM JUDAH LEON GORDON Judah Leon Gordon (1830-1892) was born at Wilna, of well-to-do parents, who were pious and comparatively enlightened. As was customary in his day, he received a Rabbinical education, but at the same time he was not permitted to neglect the study of the Bible and the classical Hebrew. He was a brilliant student, and all circumstances pointed to his future eminence as a Talmudist. The academic address which he delivered on the occasion of his Bar-Mizwah, on his thirteenth birthday, proclaimed him an 'Him, and he was betrothed to the daughter of a rich burgher. His father's financial ruin caused the rupture of his engagement, and, a marriage being out of the question, he was left free to continue his studies as he would. He returned to Wilna, the first centre of the Haskalah in Russia. The secular literature couched in Hebrew had penetrated to the very 172 JUDAH LEON GORDON synagogue, if not openly, at least by the back door. In secret Gordon devoured all the modern writings that fell in his hands. It was the time of the elder Lebensohn, when he stood at the summit of his fame and influence. Very soon Gordon perceived that the study of Hebrew is not sufficient for the equipment of a man of learning and cultivation. Under the guidance of an intelligent kinsman, he studied German, Russian, French, and Latin, one of the first Hebrew writers to become thoroughly acquainted with Russian literature. He devoted much time to the study of Hebrew philology and grammar, and he was justly reputed a distinguished connoisseur of the language. Both his linguistic researches and his new linguistic formations in Hebrew are extremely valuable. The muse visited him early, and by his first attempts at poetry he earned the good-will and favor of Lebensohn the father and the friendship of Lebensohn the son. In his youthful fervor, he offers enthusiastic admiration to the older man, and proclaims himself his disciple. But it was the younger poet, Micah Joseph, who exerted the greater influence upon him. A little drama dedi- cated to the memory of the poet snatched away in the prime of his years shows the depth and ten- derness of Gordon's affection for him. 173 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE All this time Gordon did not cease to be a stu- dent. In 1852 he passed his final examinations, graduating him from the Rabbinical Seminary at Wilna, and he was appointed teacher at a Jewish government school at Poneviej, a small town in the Government of Kowno. Successively he was trans- ferred from town to town in the same district. Twenty years of wrangling with fanatics and teaching of children in the most backward prov- ince of Lithuania did not arrest his literary activity. In 1872 he was called to the post of secretary to the Jewish community of St. Petersburg and sec- retary to the recently formed Society for the Pro- motion of Culture among the Jews of Russia. Thenceforward his material needs were provided for, and he held an assured, independent position. Denounced in 1879 as a political conspirator, he was thrown into prison, with the result that he suffered considerable financial loss and irreparable physical injury. His innocence was established, and, having been set free, he became one of the editors of the journal Ha-Meliz, the Hebrew peri- odical with the largest circulation at the time. But the disease he had contracted ate away his strength, and he died a victim of the Russian espionage system. 174 JUDAH LEON GORDON As was said, the young poet followed in the tracks of the two Lebensohns. In 1857 he pub- lished his first ambitious poem, Ahabat David u- Michal, 1 the product of a nai've dreamer, who swears a solemn oath to " remain the slave of the Hebrew language forever, and consecrate all his life to it ". " David and Michal " rehearses poet- ically the tale of the shepherd's love for the daugh- ter of the king. The poet carries us back to Biblical times. He tells us how the daughter of Saul is enamored of tlie young shepherd summoned to the royal court to dispel the king's melancholy. Jealousy springs up in the heart of Saul, and he takes umbrage at the popularity of David. Before granting him the hand of his daughter, he imposes superhuman tests upon the young suitor, which would seem to doom him to certain death. But David emerges from every trial with glory, and returns triumphant. The king is mastered by con- suming jealousy, and in his anger pursues David relentlessly. David is obliged to flee, and Michal is given to his rival. The friendship of David and Jonathan is depicted in touching words. Finally David prevails, and he is anointed king over lr rhe collected poems of Gordon appeared, in four volumes, in 1884, at St. Petersburg, and in six volumes, in 1900, at Wilna. 175 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Israel. He takes Michal back unto himself, love being stronger than the sense of injury. The shame of the past is forgotten. But the poor victim is never to know the joy of bearing a child Michal remains barren until the last, and leads a solitary existence. Old and forgotten, she passes out of life on the very day of David's death. In this simple, pure drama, the influence of Schiller and of Micah Joseph Lebensohn is clearly seen. But real feeling for nature and real under- standing of the emotion of love are lacking in Gordon. His descriptions of nature are a pale re- tracing of the pictures of the romanticists. Poet of the ghetto as he was, he knew neither nature at first hand, nor love, nor art. 2 His poems of love are destitute of the personal note. On the other hand, in point of classic style and the modern polish of his verses, he outdistances all who pre- ceded him. Lebensohn the younger removed from the arena, Gordon attained the first place among Hebrew poets. In " David and Barzillai ", the poet contrasts the tranquillity of the shepherd's life with that of the king. Gordon was happily inspired by the "The first collection of his lyrics and his epic poems appeared at Wilna, in 1866, under the title Shire Yehudah. 176 JUDAH LEON GORDON desire for outdoor life that had sprung up in the ghetto since Mapu's warm praise of rural scenes and pleasures, and also under the influence of the Jewish agricultural colonies founded in Russia. He shows us the aged king, crushed under a load of hardships, betrayed by his own son, standing face to face with the old shepherd, who refuses royal gifts. " And David reigned as Israel's head, And Barzillai his flocks to pasture led." The charm of this Kttle poem lies in the descrip- tion of the land of Gilead. It seems that in re- viving the past, the Hebrew poets were often vouchsafed remarkable insight into nature and local coloring, which ordinarily was not a charac- teristic of theirs. The same warmth and historical verisimilitude is found again in Asenath Bat-Poti- pherah. From the same period dates the first volume of fables by Gordon, published at Vienna, in 1860, under the title Mishle Yehudah, forming the second part of his collected poems, and being itself divided into four books. It consists of translations, or, better, imitations of ^?Esop, La Fontaine, and Kryloff, together with fables drawn from the Mid- 177 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE rash. The style is concise and telling, and the satire is keen. The production of these fables marks a turning- point in the work of Gordon. Snatched out of the indulgent and conciliatory surroundings in which he had developed, he found himself face to face with the sad reality of Jewish life in the provinces. The invincible fanaticism of the Rabbis, the ana- chronistic education given the children, who were kept in a state of ignorance, weighed "heavily upon the heart of the patriot and man of intellect. It was the time in which liberal ideas and European civilization had penetrated into Russia under the protection of Czar Alexander II, and Gordon yearned to see his Russian co-religionists occupy a position similar to that enjoyed by their brethren in the West. Those envied Jews of the West had had a proper understanding of the exigencies of their time. They had liberated themselves from the yoke of Rabbinism, and had assimilated with their fellow-citizens of other faiths. The Russian gov- ernment encouraged the spread of education among the Jews, and granted privileges to such as profited by the opportunities offered. The reformers were strengthened also by the support of the newly- 178 JUDAH LEON GORDON founded Hebrew journals. Gordon threw him- self deliberately into the fracas. Poetry and prose, Hebrew and Russian, all served him to champion the cause of the Haskalah. With him the Has- kalah was no longer limited to the cultivation of the Hebrew language and to the writing of philo- sophical treatises. It had become an undisguised conflict with obscurantism, ignorance, a time-worn routine, and all that barred the way to culture. Since the government permitted the Jews to enter the social life of the Country, and seeing that they might in the future aspire to a better lot, the Has- kalah should and would work to prepare them for it and make them worthy of it. In 1863, after the liberation of the serfs in Rus- sia, Gordon uttered a thrilling cry, Hakizah " Awake, O my people ! How long wilt thou slumber ? Lo, the night has vanished, the sun shines bright. Open thy eyes, look hither and thither. I pray thee, see in what place thou art, in what time thou livest ! . . . . " The land wherein we were born, wherein we live, is it not part of Europe, the most civilized of all continents? .... " This land, Eden itself, behold, it is open unto thee, its sons welcome thee as brother ..... Thou hast but to apply thy heart to wisdom and knowledge, become a public-spirited people, and speak their tongue ! " 179 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE In another poem, the writer acclaims the dawn of a new time for the Jews. Their zeal to enter the liberal professions augurs well for a speedy and complete emancipation. We have seen how stubborn a resistance was opposed by the orthodox to this new phase of the Haskalah. Terror seized upon them when they saw the young desert the religious schools and give themselves up to profane studies. As for the new Rabbinical seminaries, they regarded them as out- right nurseries of atheism. However, the government standing on the side of the reformers, the orthodox could not fight in the open. They entrenched themselves behind a passive resistance. In this struggle, as was observed above, Gordon occupied the foremost place. Thenceforth a single idea animated him, opposi- tion to the enemies of light. His bitter, trenchant sarcasm, his caustic, vengeful pen, were put at the service of this cause. Even his historical poems quiver with his resentment. He loses no opportu- nity to scourge the Rabbis and their conservative adherents. Ben Shinne Arayot (" Between the Teeth of the Lions ") is an historical poem on a subject con- nected with the Judeo-Roman wars. The hero, 180 JUDAH LEON GORDON Simon the Zealot, is taken captive by Titus. At the moment of succumbing in the arena, his eyes meet those of his beloved Martha, sold by the enemy as a slave, and the two expire at the same time. The poem is a masterpiece by reason of the truly poetic inspiration that informs it, and the deep national feeling expressed in it. But Gordon did not stop at that. He makes use of the oppor- tunity to attack Rabbinism in its vital beginnings, wherein he discerns the, cause of his nation's peril. " Woe is thee, O Israel ! Thy teachers have not taught thee how to conduct war with skill and strategem. " Rebellion and bravery, of what avail are they without disci- pline and tactics! " True, for many long centuries, they led thee, and con- structed houses of learning for thee but what did they teach thee? "What accomplished they? They but sowed the wind, and ploughed the rock, drew water in a sieve, and threshed empty straw ! " They taught thee to run counter to life, to isolate thyself betwen walls of precepts and prescriptions, to be dead on earth and alive in heaven, to walk about in a dream and speak in thy sleep. " Thus thy spirit grew faint, thy strength dried up, and the dust of thy scribes has sepulchred thee, a living mummy " Woe is thee, O Jerusalem that art lost ! " 181 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Yet, though he accuses Rabbinism of all possible ills that have befallen the Jewish people, it does not follow that he justifies the Roman invasion. All his wrath is aroused against Rome, the peren- nial enemy of Judaism. In the name of humanity and justice, he pours out his scorn over her. The first he presents is Titus, " the delight of man- kind ", preparing brilliant but sanguinary specta- cles for his people, and revelling in the sight of innocent blood shed in the gladiators' arena. Then he arraigns Rome herself, " the great people who is mistress of three-quarters of the earth, the terror of the world, whose triumph can know no limit now that she has carried off the victory over a people destined to perish, whose territory can be covered in a five hours' march ". And finally his Jewish heart is revolted by " the noble matrons followed by their servants, whose tender soul is about to take delight in the bloody sights of the arena ". Bi-Mezulot Yam ("In the Depths of the Sea") revives a terrible episode of the exodus of the Jews from Spain (1492). The refugees embarked on pirate vessels, where they were exploited pitilessly. The cupidity of the corsairs is insatiable. After despoiling the Jews of all they own, they sell them 182 JUDAH LEON GORDON as slaves or cast them into the water. This is the lot that threatens to overtake a group of exiles on a certain ship. But the captain falls in love with the daughter of a Rabbi, a maiden of rare beauty. To rescue her companions, she pretends to yield to the solicitations of the captain, who promises to land the passengers safe and sound on the coast. He keeps his word, but the girl and her mother must stay with him. At a distance from the coast, the two women, with prayers to God upon their lips, throw themselves jnto the sea, to save the girl from having to surrender herself to the desires of the corsair. It is one of the most beautiful of Gordon's poems. Indignation and grief inspire such words as these : " The daughter of Jacob is banished from every foot of Spanish soil. Portugal also has thrust her out. Europe turns her back upon the unfortunates. She grants them only the grave, martyrdom, hell. Their bones are strewn upon the rocks of Africa. Their blood floods the shores of Asia And the Judge of the world appeareth not ! And the tears of the op- pressed are not avenged ! " What revolts the poet above all is the thought that the downtrodden victims will never have their revenge all the crimes against them will go un- punished : 183 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE " Never, O Israel, wilt thou be avenged ! Power is with thy oppressors. What they desire they accomplish, what they do, prospereth Spain did her vessels not set forth and dis- cover the New World, the day thou wast driven out a fugitive and outlaw? And Portugal, did she not find the way to the Indies? And in that far-off country, too, she ruined the land that welcomed thy refugees. Yea, Spain and Portugal stand unassailed ! " But if vengeance is withheld from the Jews, im- placable hatred takes possession of all hearts, and never will it be appeased. " Enjoin it upon your children until the end of days. Adjure your descendants, the great and the little, never to return to the land of Spain, reddened with your blood, never again to set foot upon the Pyrenean peninsula ! " The despair, the grief of the poet are concen- trated in the last stanzas, telling how the maiden and her mother throw themselves into the water: " Only the Eye of the World, silently looking through the clouds, the eye that witnesseth the end of all things, views the ruin of these thousands of beings, and it sheds not a single tear." His last historical poem, " King Zedekiah in Prison ", dates from the period when the poet's skepticism was a confirmed temper of mind. Ac- cording to Gordon, the ruin of the Jewish State was brought about by the weight given to moral 184 JUDAH LEON GORDON as compared with political considerations. He no longer contents himself with attacking Rabbinism, he goes back to the very principles of the Judaism of the prophets. These are the ideas which he puts into the mouth of the King of Judah, the cap- tive of Nebuchadnezzar. He makes him the advo- cate of the claims of political power as against the moralist pretensions of the prophets. The king passes all his misfortunes in review, and he asks himself to what cause they are attrib- utable. " Because I did not submit to the will of Jeremiah ? But what was it that the priest of Anathoth required of me to do? " No, the king cannot concede that " the City would still be standing if her inhabitants had not borne burdens on the Sabbath day ". The prophet proclaims the rule of the letter and of the Law, supreme over work and war, but can a people of dreamers and visionaries exist a single day? The king does not stop at such rebellious thoughts. He remembers all too well the story of Saul and Samuel how the king was castigated for having resisted the whims of the prophets. 1 Thus the seers and prophets have always sought to crush the kings in Israel ", he maintains. 185 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE " Alas ! I see that the words of the son of Hilkiah will be ful- filled -^yithout fail. The Law will stand, the kingdom will be ruinedj The book, the word they will succeed to the royal sceptra I foresee a whole people of scholars and teachers, de- generlte folk and feeble." Hhis amazing view, so disconcerting to the pr/phet-people, Gordon held to the very end. And feing that the Law had killed the nation, and a fruel fatality dogged the footsteps of the people the Book, would it not be best to free the indi- viduals from the chains of the faith and liberate the masses from the minute religious ceremonial that has obstructed their path to life? This was the task Gordon set himself for the rest of his days. In a poem inscribed to Smolenskin, the editor of Ha-Shahar (" Daybreak "), on the occasion of the periodical's resuming publication after an interval, the poet poured forth his afflicted soul, and pointed out the aim he had decided to pursue : " Once upon a time I sang of love, too, and pleasure, and friendship; I announced the advent of days of joy, liberty, and hope. The strings of my lyre thrilled with emotion " But yonder comes Ha-Shahar again, and I shall attune my harp to hail the break of day. " Alas, I am no more the same, I know not how to sing, I waken naught but grief. Disquieting dreams trouble my nights. They show me my people face to face They show me my 186 JUDAH LEON GORDON people in all its abasement, with all its unprobed wounds. They reveal to me the iniquity that is the source of all its ills. " I see its leaders go astray, and its teachers deceiving it. My heart bleeds with grief. The strings of my lyre groan, my song is a lament. "Since that day I sing no more of joy and solace; I hope no more for the light, I wait no more for liberty. I sing only of bitter days, I foretell everlasting slavery, degradation, and no end. And from the strings of my lyre tears gush forth for the ruin of my people. " Since that day my muse is black as a raven, her mouth is filled with abuse, from her tongue drops complaint. She groans like the Bat-Kol upon Mojjnt Horeb's ruins. She cries out against the wicked shepherds, against the sottish people. " She recounts unto God, unto all the human kind, the degrad- ing miseries of a hand-to-mouth existence, of the soul that pierces to the depths of evil." But the patriotism of the poet carries the day over his discouragement: " From pity for my people, from compassion, I will tell unto its shepherds their crimes, unto its teachers the error of their ways." Will he succeed in his purpose ? Is not all hope lost? No matter, he at least will do his duty until the end : " From every part of the Law, from every retreat of the people, I shall gather together all vain teachings, all the poisonous 13 187 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE vipers, wherever they may be, and in the sight of all suspend them like a banner. Let the wounded look upon them, perhaps they will be cured perhaps there is still healing for their ills, perhaps there is still life in them ! " The poet kept his word. In a series of satires, fables, and epistles, he reveals the moral plagues that eat into the fabric of Jewish society in the Slav countries. He gives a realistic description, at once accurate and subjective, of an extraordinary milieu, lacking plausibility though it existed and defied all opposition. Gordon descended to the innermost depths of the people's soul, he knew its profoundest secrets. He caught the spirit of the peculiar man- ners of the ghetto and reproduced them with un- failing fidelity. Also he knew all the dishonor of some of the persons who ruled its society, and he sounded their mean, crafty brains. His heart was filled with indignation at the painful spectacle he himself bodied forth, and he suffered the misfor- tunes of his people. His poetic manner changed with the new direc- tion taken by his mind. He was no more an artist for art's sake. Classical purity ceased to interest him. What he pursued above all things was an object which can be reached only by struggle and propaganda. His style became more realistic. He 188 JUDAH LEON GORDON saturated it with Talmudic terms and phrases, thus adapting it more closely to the spirit of the scenes and things and acts he was occupied with, and making it the proper medium for the descrip- tion of a world that was Rabbinical in all essential points. But Gordon never went to excess in the use of Talmudisms; he always maintained a just sense of proportion. It requires discriminating taste to appreciate his style, now delicate and now sarcastic, by turns appealing and vehement. Here Gordon displayed the whole range of his talent, all his creative powers. The language he uses is the genuine modern Hebrew, a polished and ex- pressive medium, yielding in naught to the clas- sical Hebrew. The social condition of the Jewish woman, the saddest conceivable in the ghetto, inspired the first of Gordon's satires. The poem is entitled " The Dot on the I ", or, more literally, " The Hanger of the Yod " (#020 shel Yod). " O thou, Jewish Woman, who knows thy life ! Unnoticed thou enterest the world, unnoticed thou departest from it. " Thy heart-aches and thy joys, thy sorrows and thy desires spring up within thee and die within thee. " All the good things of this life, its pleasures, its enjoyments, they were created for the daughters of the other nations. The 189 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE Jewish woman's life is naught but servitude, toil without end. Thou conceivest, thou bearest, thou givest suck, thou weanest thy babes, thou bakest, thou cookest, and thou witherest before thy time. " Vain for thee to be dowered with an impressionable heart, to be beautiful, gentle, intelligent ! " The Law in thy mouth is turned to foolishness, beauty in thee is a taint, every gift a fault, all knowledge a defect Thou art but a hen good to raise a brood of chicks ! " It is vain for a Jewish woman to cherish aspira- tions after life, after knowledge nothing of all this is accessible to her. " The planting of the Lord wastes away in a desert land with- out having seen the light of the sun " Before thou becomest conscious of thy soul, before thou knowest aught, thou art given in marriage, thou art a mother. " Before thou hast learnt to be a daughter to thy parents, thou art a wife, and mother to children of thine own. " Thou art betrothed knowest thou him for whom thou art destined? Dost thou love him? Yea, hast thou seen him? Love ! Thou unhappy being ! Knowest thou not that to the heart of a Jewish woman love is prohibited? " Forty days before thy birth, thy mate and life companion was assigned to thee. 8 " Cover thy head, cut off thy braids of hair. Of what avail to look at him who stands beside thee? Is he hunchbacked or 3 According to popular belief, it is decided forty days before its birth to whom a child will be married. 190 JUDAH LEON GORDON one-eyed? Is he young or old? What matters it? Not thou hast chosen, but thy parents, they rule over thee, like merchan- dise thou passest from hand to hand." Slave to her parents, slave to her husband, she is not permitted to taste even the joys of mother- hood in peace. Unforeseen misfortunes assail her and lay her low. Her husband, without an educa- tion, without a profession, often without a heart, finds himself suddenly at odds with life, after hav- ing eaten at the table and lodged in the house of his wife's parents for a^number of years following his marriage, as is customary among the Jews of the Slavic countries. If no chance of success pre- sents itself soon, he grows weary, abandons his wife and children, and goes off no one knows whither, without a sign of his whereabouts, and she remains behind, an 'Agunah, a forsaken wife, widowed without being a widow, most unfortunate of unfortunate creatures. " This is the history of all Jewish women, and it is the history of Bath-shua the beautiful." Bath-shua is a noble creature, endowed by nature with all fine qualities she is beautiful, intelligent, pure, good, attractive, and an excellent house- keeper. She is admired by everybody. Even the 191 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE miserable Parush, the recluse student, conceals him- self behind the railing that divides the women's gallery from the rest of the synagogue, to steal a look at her. Alas, this flower of womankind is betrothed by her father to a certain Hillel, a sour specimen, ugly, stupid, repulsive. But he knows the Talmud by heart, folio by folio, and to say that is to say everything. The marriage comes off in due time, the young couple eat at the table of Bath-shua's parents for three years, and two chil- dren spring from the union. The wife's father loses his fortune, and Hillel must earn his own livelihood. Incapable as he is, he finds nothing to do, and he goes to foreign parts to seek his fortunes. Never is he heard of again. Bath-shua remains behind alone with her two chil- dren. By painful toil, she earns her bread with un- failing courage. All the love of her rich nature she pours out upon her children, whom by a supreme effort she dresses and adorns like the chil- dren of the wealthy. Meantime a young man by the name of Fabi makes his appearance in the little town. He is the type of the modern Jew, educated and intelligent, and he is handsome and generous besides. He begins by taking an interest in the young woman, 192 JUDAH LEON GORDON and ends by falling in love with her. Bath-shua does not dare believe in her happiness. But an insurmountable obstacle lies in the path of their union. Bath-shua is not divorced from her hus- band, and none can tell whether he is dead or alive. Energetically Fabi undertakes to find the hiding- place of the faithless man. He traces him, and bribes him to give his wife a divorce. The official document, properly drawn up and attested by a Rabbinical authority, is sent to her. Hillel em- barks for America, andjiis vessel suffers shipwreck. Finally, it would seem, Bath-shua will enjoy the happiness she has amply merited. Alas, no! In the person of Rabbi Wofsi, fortune plays her an- other trick. This Rabbi is a rigid legalist, the slightest of slips suffices to render the divorce in- valid. According to certain commentators the name Hillel is spelled incorrectly in the document. After the He a Yod is missing ! Thus is the hap- piness glimpsed by Bath-shua shattered forever! Her fate is not unique the Bath-shuas are counted by the legion in the ghetto. And there are other fates no less poignant caused by reasons no less futile. In another poem, Ashakka de-Rispak ("The Shaft of the Wagon ", meaning " For a Trifle "), 193 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE the poet tells how the peace of a household was undermined on account of a barley grain discovered by accident in the soup at the Passover meal, which must be free from every trace of fermented food. Brooding over the incident and filled with remorse for having served the doubtful soup to her family, the poor woman runs to the Rabbi, who decides that she has, indeed, caused her family to eat pro- hibited food, and the dishes in which it was pre- pared and served must be broken, they cannot be used, they may not even be sold. But the husband, a simple carter, does not accept the decision tran- quilly. He vents his anger upon the woman. The peace of the house is troubled, and finally the man repudiates his wife. The poet fulminates against the Rabbis and their narrow, senseless interpretations of texts. " Slaves we were in the land of Egypt .... And what are we now? Do we not sink lower from year to year? Are we not bound with ropes of absurdities, with cords of quibbles, with all sorts of prejudices? .... The stranger no longer oppresses us, our despots are the progeny of our own bodies. Our hands are no longer manacled, but our soul is in chains." In the last of his great satires, ' ' The Two Joseph-ben-Simons ", Gordon gives a sombre and at the same time lofty picture of the manners of 194 JUDAH LEON GORDON the ghetto, an exact description of the wicked, arbi- trary domination exercised by the Kahal, and an idealization of the Maskil, powerless to prevail single-handed in the combat with combined reac- tionary forces. A young Talmudist, devotee of the sciences and of modern literature, is persecuted by the fanatics. Unable to resist the seductions of his alien studies, he is forced to expatriate himself. He goes to Italy, to the University of Padua, whither the renown of Samuel David Luzzatto has attracted many a young Russian Jew eager for knowledge. There he pursues both Rabbinical and medical courses. His efforts are crowned with success, and he dreams of returning to his country and consecrat- ing his powers to the amelioration of the material and moral condition of his brethren. In his mind's eye he sees himself at the head of his community, healing souls and bodies, redressing wrongs, intro- ducing reforms, breathing a new spirit into the dry bones and limbs of Judaism. Hardly has he set foot upon the soil of his native town when he is arrested and thrown into prison. The Kahal had made out a passport in his name for the cobbler's son, a degraded character, a highway robber and sneak thief, and charged with murder. Now the 195 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE true Joseph ben Simon is to expiate the crime of the other. It is vain for him to protest his inno- cence. The president of the Kahal, before whom he is arraigned, declares there is no other Joseph ben Simon, and he is the guilty one. The little town is described minutely. We are on the public square, the market place, the dump- ing ground of all the offal and dirt, whence an offensive odor rises in the nostrils of the passer-by. Facing this square is the synagogue, a mean, dilapi- dated building. " Mud and filth detract from holiness ", but the Lord takes no offense, " He thrones too high to be incommoded by it ". The greatest impurity, however, a moral infection, oozes from the little chamber adjoining the synagogue the meeting-room of the Kahal. That is the breed- ing place of crime and injustice. Oppression and venality assert themselves there with barefaced im- pudence. The Kahal keeps the lists relating to military service; it makes out the passports, and the whole town is at its mercy. It offers the hypo- crite of the ghetto the opportunity of exercising his fatal power. There the widow is despoiled, and the orphans are abused. Together with the un- fortunates who have dared aspire to the light, the fatherless are delivered to the recruiting agent as 196 JUDAH LEON GORDON substitutes for the sons of the wealthy. It is the domain over which reigns the venerated Rabbi, powerful and fear-inspiring, Shamgar ben Anath, a stupid and uncouth upstart. The life of sacrifices and privations led by the Jewish students who go abroad in search of an education, inspires Gordon with one of the most beautiful passages in his poem. In the true sense of the word, these young men are loyal to Jewish traditions. They are the genuine successors of those who formerly braved hunger and cold upon the benches of the Yeshibot. " How strong it is, the desire for knowledge in the hearts of the youth of Israel, the crushed people ! It is like the fire, never extinguished, burning upon the altar ! . . . . " Stop upon the highways leading to Mir, Eisheshok, and Wolo- sin. 4 See yon haggard youths walking on foot ! Whither lead their steps? What do they seek? Naked they will sleep upon the floor, and lead a life of privation. " It is said : ' The Torah is given to him alone who dies for her ! ' " And here is the modern counterpart: "Go to no matter what university in \Europe: the lot of the young Jewish strangers is no better The Russians are 4 Lithuanian towns well-known for their Talmudic academies. 197 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE proud of the fame of a Lomonossoff, the son of a poor moujik who became a luminary in the wqrld of science. How numerous are the Lomonossoffs of the Jew alley ! . . . . " And then the poet, in an access of patriotism, cries out : i " And what, in fine, art thou, O Israel, but a poor Bahur among the peoples, eating one day with one of them, another day with the other! .... " Thou hast kindled a perpetual lamp for the whole world. Around thee alone the world is dark, O People, slave of slaves, desperate and despised ! " With this poem we bring to a close the analysis of Gordon's satires. It shows at their best the dreams, the aspirations, the struggles of the Mas- kilim, in their opposition to the aims of the reac- tionaries and the moral and material confusion in which Slavic Judaism wallowed. The same order of ideas is presented in the greater part of the original pieces in his " Little Fables for Big Children ". They are written in a vivid, pithy style. The delicate, bantering criti- cism and the deep philosophy with which they are impregnated put these fables among the finest pro- ductions of Hebrew literature. To the same period as the fables belong the several volumes of tales published by Gordon, 198 JUDAH LEON GORDON Shene Yomim ive-Latlah Ehad (" Two Days and One Night"), 'Olam ke-Minhago (" The World as It is "), and later the first part of Kol Kitbe Yehudah ("Collected Writings of Gordon"). They also relate to the life and manners of the Jews of Lithuania, and the struggle of the modern element with the old. Gordon as story teller is inferior to Gordon as poet. Nevertheless his prose displays all the delicacy of his mind and the pre- cision of his observations. At all events, these tales of his are not a negligible quantity in Hebrew literature. The reaction which set in about 1870, after a period of social reforms and unrealized hopes, affected the poet deeply. The government put obstacles in the forward march of the Jews, the masses remained steeped in fanaticism, and the men of light and leading themselves fell short of doing their whole duty. Disillusioned, he cherished no hope of anything. He could not share the optim- ism of Smolenskin and his school. For an instant he stops to look back over the road travelled. He sees nothing, and in anguish he asks himself: "For whom have I toiled all the years of my prime? " My parents, they cling to the faith and to their people, they think of nothing but business and religious observances all 199 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE day long; they despise knowledge, and are hostile to good sense " Our intellectuals scorn the national language, and all their love is lavished upon the language of the land. " Our daughters, charming as they are, are kept in absolute ignorance of Hebrew " And the young generation go on and on, God knows how far and whither .... perhaps to the point whence they will never return." He therefore addresses himself to a handful of the elect, amateurs, the only ones who do not des- pise the Hebrew poet, but understand him and approve his ways : " To you I bring my genius as a sacrifice, before you I shed my tears as a libation .... Who knows but I am the last to sing of Zion, and you the last to read the Zion songs ? " This pessimistic strain recurs in all the later writings of Gordon. Even after the events of 1882, when revived hatred and persecution had thrown the camp of the emancipators into disorder, and the most ardent of the anti-Rabbinic cham- pions, like Lilienblum and Braudes, had been driven to the point of raising the flag of Zionism, Gordon alone of all was not carried along with the current. His skepticism kept him from embracing the illusions of his friends converted to Zionism. 200 JUDAH LEON GORDON All his contempt for the tyrants, and his com- passion for his people unjustly oppressed, he puts into his poem Ahoti Ruhamah, which is inscribed " to the Honor of the Daughter of Jacob violated by the Son of Hamor." " Why weepest thou, my afflicted sister ? "Wherefore this desolation of spirit, this anguish of heart? " If thieves surprised thee and ravished thy honor, if the hand of the malefactor has prevailed against thee, is it thy fault, my afflicted sister ? "Whither shall I bear my shame? " Where is thy shame, seeing thy heart is pure and chaste ? Arise, display thy wound, that all the world may see the blood of Abel upon the forehead of Cain. Let the world know, my afflicted sister, how thou art tortured ! " Not upon thee falls the shame, but upon thy oppressors. " Thy purity has not been sullied by their polluting touch .... Thou art white as snow, my afflicted sister." Almost the poet seems to regret his efforts of other days to bring the Jews close to the Christians. " What of humiliation hath befallen thee is a solace unto me. Long I bore distress and injustice, violence and spoliation; yet I remained loyal to my country; for better days I hoped, and submitted to all. But to bear thy shame, my afflicted sister, I have no spirit more." But what was to become of it all? Whither were the Jews to turn ? The Palestine of the Turk 201 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE has not too many attractions for the poet. He still believes in the existence of a country some- where " in which the light shines for all human beings alike, in which man is not humiliated on account of his race or his faith." Thither he invites his brethren to go and seek an asylum, " until what day our Father in heaven will take pity on us and return us to our ancient mother." It was the agitated time in which Pinsker sent forth his manifesto, " Auto-Emancipation ", and Gordon dedicated his poem, " The Flock of the Lord ", to him. " What are we, you ask, and what our life ? Are we a people like those around us, or only members of a religious community? I will tell you: We are neither a people, nor a brotherhood, we are but a flock the holy flock of the Lord God, and the whole earth is an altar for us. Thereon we are laid either as burnt offerings sacrificed by the other peoples, or as victims bound by the precepts of our own Rabbis. A flock wandering in the waste desert, sheep set upon on all sides by the wolves We cry out in vain ! We utter laments none hears ! The desert shuts us in on all sides. The earth is of copper, the heavens are of brass. " Not an ordinary flock are we, but a flock of iron. We survive the slaughter. But will our strength endure forever? " A flock dispersed, undisciplined, without a bond we are the flock of the Lord God ! " Not that the idea of a national rebirth displeased 202 JUDAH LEON GORDON the poet. Far from it. Zionism cannot but exer- cise a charm upon the Jewish heart. But he be- lieved the time had not yet arrived for a national regeneration. According to his opinion, there was a work of religious liberation to be accomplished before the reconstruction of the Jewish State could be thought of. He defended this idea in a series of articles published in Ha-Meliz, of which he was the editor at that time. The last years of his life were tragic, pathetic. With a torn heart he sat by and looked upon the desperate situation into which the government had put millions of his brethren. To this he alludes in his fable " Adoni-bezek ", which we reproduce in its entirety, to give a notion of Gordon as a fabulist: " In a sumptuous palace, in the middle of a vast hall, per- fumed, and draped with Egyptian fabrics, stands a table, and upon it are the most delicious viands. Adoni-bezek is dining. His attendants are standing each in his place his cupbearer, the master baker, and the chief cook. The eunuchs, his slaves, come and go, bringing every variety of dainty dishes, and the flesh of all sorts of beasts and birds, roasted and stewed. " On the floor, insolent dogs lie sprawling, their jaws agape, panting to snap up the bones and scraps their master throws to them. " Prostrate under the table are seventy captive kings, with 14 203 THE RENASCENCE OF HEBREW LITERATURE their thumbs and big toes cut off. To appease their appetite they must scramble for the scraps that drop under the table of their sovereign lord. " Adoni-bezek has finished his repast, and he amuses himself with throwing bones to the creatures under the table. Suddenly there is a hubbub, the dogs bark, and yap at their human neigh- bors, who have appropriated morsels meant for them. "The wounded kings complain to the master: O king, see our suffering and deliver us from thy dogs. And Adoni-bezek's answer is: But it is you who are to be blamed, and they are in the right. Why do you do them wrong? "With bitterness the kings make reply: " O king, is it our fault if we have been brought so low that we must vie with your dogs and pick up the crumbs that drop from your table? Thou didst come up against us and crush us with thy powerful hand, thou didst mutilate us and chain us in these cages. No longer are we able to work or seek our suste- nance. Why should these dogs have the right to bite and bark ? O that the just if still there are such men in our time might rise up ! O that one whose heart has been touched by God might judge between ourselves and those who bite us, which of us is the hangman and which the victim?" Toward the end of his days the poet was per- mitted to enjoy a great gratification. The Jewish notabilities of the capital arranged a celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of his activity as a writer. At the reunion of Gordon's friends on this occasion it was decided to publish an edition de luxe of his poetical works. A final optimistic 20