FULLERS HISTORY OF THE 
 HOLY WAR 
 
CHARLES WHITT1NCHAM 
 CH1SWICK 
 
// 
 
 THE* HISTORY- OF- THE 
 
 HOLY- WAR- 
 BY-THOM AS-FULLER- 
 
 D-D 
 
 \\ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 
 LONDON 
 
 WILLIAM PICKERING 
 1840 
 
UN IV 
 
 TO THE HONOURABLE 
 
 EDWARD MONTAGU, 
 
 SON AND HEIR 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 EDWARD LORD MONTAGU 
 
 OF BOUGHTON. 
 
 
 SIR JOHN POWLET, 
 
 SON AND HEIR 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 JOHN LORD POWLET OF 
 
 HINTON ST. GEORGE. 
 
 WHEN I observe the several alterations in 
 nobility, I find four principal actors on the 
 theatres of great families ; the beginner, advancer, V" 
 continuer, and ruiner. The beginner is he who by his \ 
 virtues refineth himself from the dross of the vulgar, 
 and layeth the foundation of his house : an excellent 
 workman indeed, as who not only bringeth his tools, 
 but maketh his materials. The advancer, who im- 
 proveth the patrimony of honour he receiveth ; and 
 what his father found glass and made crystal, he findeth 
 crystal and maketh it pearl. The continuer, who 
 keepeth his nobility alive, and passeth it along, neither 
 marring nor mending it ; but sendeth it to his son as 
 he received it from his father. The ruiner, who basely 
 degenerateth from his ancestors ; so that in him nobi- 
 lity hath run so far from its first starting, that it is 
 tired : and whilst he liveth he is no better than his 
 grandfather's tomb ; without, carved over with honour- 
 able titles ; within, full of emptiness, or what is worse, 
 corruption. 
 
 Now to apply. You cannot be beginners of your 
 families ; that care was cared for, before your nurses 
 were chosen, or your cradles provided. Your fathers, 
 b 
 
 182138 
 
vi EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 
 
 though of late years fixed in a higher sphere, were 
 bright stars long before. None can go on in our 
 English chronicles, but they must meet with a Mon- 
 tagu and a Powlet, either in peace in their gowns, or 
 in war in their armour. Yea, when I go backward by 
 the streams of your paternal nobility (not to speak of 
 the tributary brooks of their matches), I can never find 
 the first fountain ; and hope none shall ever find the 
 last fall. For as for the ruiners of houses, I should 
 rend that thought out with my heart, if it should con- 
 ceive that of you. Nay, let me tell you, if you be but 
 bare continuers of your honour, you deceive both the 
 desires and hopes of your friends. Good is not good 
 when proceeding from them from whom far better is 
 expected. Your youthful virtues are so promising, that 
 you cannot come off in your riper age with credit, with- 
 out performing what may redound to the advancing of 
 the honour of your family, and without building your 
 houses one story higher in the English history. 
 
 Now know T , next religion, there is nothing accom- 
 plkheth a man more than learning. Learning in a 
 lord is as a diamond in gold. And if you fear to hurt 
 your tender hands with thorny school-questions, there 
 is no danger in meddling w T ith history, which is a 
 velvet study, and recreation work. What a pity is it 
 to see a proper gentleman to have such a crick in his 
 neck that he cannot look backward ! yet no better is 
 he who cannot see behind him the actions which long 
 since were performed. History maketh a young man 
 to be old, without either wrinkles or gray hairs ; pri- 
 vileging him with the experience of age, without 
 either the infirmities or inconveniences thereof. Yea, 
 it not only maketh things past, present ; but enableth 
 one to make a rational conjecture of things to come. 
 For this \vorld afFordeth no new accidents, but in the 
 same sense wherein we call it a new moon, which is 
 the old one in another shape, and yet no other than 
 what hath been formerly. Old actions return again, 
 furbished over with some new and different circum- 
 stances. 
 
ft 
 
 EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 
 
 r amongst all particular histories (I may say) 
 is moreej2EaLthan this of the Holy War, which 
 I present to your honours. Some will condemn 
 me tor an ill husband, in lavishing two noble patrons 
 on one book, whereas, one of them might have served 
 to have patronised many volumes. But first, I did it 
 in the weak expression of my thankfulness unto you, 
 being deeply indebted to you both ; and I thought it 
 dishonesty to pay all to one creditor, and none to 
 another : and therefore conceived it best, to share my 
 estate jointly betwixt you, as far forth as it would 
 extend. Secondly, considering the weakness of this 
 work, now being to walk abroad in the world, I thought 
 it must be led by both arms, and needed a double 
 supporter. And now I am sure this Holy War, which 
 was unhappy heretofore, when acted, will be happy 
 hereafter, now written and related, because dedicated 
 to your honours. So resteth 
 
 Your honours' 
 
 in all service 
 
 THOMAS FULLER. 
 
 BROAD-WINDSOR, 
 
 March 6, 1639. 
 
TO THE READER. 
 
 IN this work I can challenge nothing to myself, but 
 the composing of it. The materials were found to 
 my hand ; which if any historian will make, let him not 
 be commended for wit, but shamed for falsehood. If 
 every where I have not charged the margin with the 
 author's names, it is either because the story is author 
 for itself (I mean, generally received), or to avoid the 
 often citing of the same place. Where I could not go 
 abroad myself, there I have taken air at the window, 
 and have cited authors on others' citations ; yet so 
 that the stream may direct to the fountain. 
 
 If the reader may reap in few hours what cost me 
 more months, just cause have I to rejoice, and he (I 
 hope) none to complain. Thus may the faults of this 
 book redound to myself, the profit to others, the glory 
 to God. 
 
TO HIS WORTHY AND LEARNED FRIEND, 
 
 MR. THOMAS FULLER, 
 
 UPON HIS EXCELLENTLY COMPOSED HISTORY OF THE 
 HOLY WAR. 
 
 CAPTAIN of arts, in this thy Holy War 
 My muse desires to be thy trumpeter, 
 In thy just praise to spend a blast or two, 
 For this is all that she (poor thing) can do. 
 
 Peter the Hermit, like an angry owl, 
 Would needs go tight all armed in his cowl. 
 What, had the holy man nought else to do, 
 But thus to lose his blood and credit too ? 
 Seeking to win Christ's sepulchre, God wot, 
 He found his own ; this was the ground he got. 
 Except he got more ground, when he one day 
 Besieging Antioch fiercely ran away. 
 Much wiser was the Pope : at home he stayed, 
 And made the world believe he wept and prayed. 
 Meanwhile (behold the fruit of feigned tears) 
 He sets the world together by the ears. 
 His head serves him, whilst others use their hands : 
 Whilst princes lose their lives, he gets their lands. 
 To win the Holy Land what need kings roam ? 
 The pope can make a Holy Land at home 
 By making it his own : then for a fashion, 
 'Tis said to come by Constantine's donation. 
 For all this fox-craft, I have leave (I hope) 
 To think my friend far wiser than the pope 
 And hermit both : he deals in holy wars, 
 Not as a stickler in those fruitless jars, 
 But a composer rather : hence this book ; 
 Whereon whilst I with greedy eyes do look, 
 Methinks I travel through the Holy Land, 
 Viewing the sacred objects on each hand. 
 Here mounts (methinks), like Olivet, brave sense ; 
 There flows a Jordan of pure eloquence : 
 A temple rich in ornament I find 
 Presented here to my admiring mind. 
 Strange force of Art! the ruined holy city 
 Breeds admiration in me now, not pity. 
 To testify her liking, here my muse 
 Makes solemn vows, as holy pilgrims use. 
 
I vow, dear friend, the Holy War is here 
 
 Far better writ than ever fought elsewhere. 
 
 Thousands have fought and died : but all this while, 
 
 I vow, there nothing triumphs but thy style. 
 
 Thy wit hath vanquished barbarfsm more 
 
 Than ever Godfrey's valour did before. 
 
 Might I but choose, I rather would by far 
 
 Be author of thy book than of that war. 
 
 Let others fight ; I vow to read thy works, 
 
 Prizing thy ink before the blood of Turks. 
 
 J. BOOTH, B.D.C.C.C. 
 
 ON THE TITLE OF THIS BOOK. 
 
 HOW comes stern war to be accounted holy, 
 By nature fierce, complexion melancholy ? 
 I'll tell you how : sh' has been at Rome of late, 
 And gained an indulgence to expiate 
 Her massacres ; and by the pope's command 
 Sh' has been a pilgrim to the Holy Land, 
 Where freeing Christians by a sacred plot, 
 She for her pains this epithet hath got. 
 
 H. ATKINS. 
 
 NOR need Jerusalem, that holy mother, 
 Envy old Troy ; since she has found another 
 To write her battles, and her wars rehearse 
 In prose as elegant as Homer's verse. 
 Let Sueton's name august as Caesar's be ; 
 Curtius more worlds than Alexander see ; 
 Let Joseph in his country's siege survive, 
 And Phoenix-like in his own ashes thrive : 
 Thy work great Fuller, will outlive their glory, 
 And make thy memory sacred as thy story. 
 Thy style is clear and white : thy very name 
 Speaks pureness, and adds lustre to the frame. 
 All men could wish, nay long, the world would jar, 
 So thou'dst be pleased to write, compose the War. 
 H. HLTTON, M. A. C. Jes. 
 
 TO MY FRIEND MR. THOMAS FULLER, 
 
 ON HIS BOOK " THE HOLY WAR." 
 
 "V1THILE of thy book I speak, friend, I'll think on 
 W Thy Jordan for my purest Helicon ; 
 And for biforked Parnassus, I will set 
 My fancy on the sacred Olivet. 
 
XI 
 
 Tis holy ground which now my measured feet 
 Must tread on ; then (as in due right 'tis meet) 
 Let them be bare and plain ; for quainter art 
 May sacrifice to thee without a heart ; 
 And while it praiseth this thy work, may preach 
 His glory, rather than thy merit's reach. 
 
 Here, reader, thou mayst judge and well compare 
 Who most in madness, Jew or Roman, share : 
 This not so blind, yet in the clearest day 
 Does stumble still on stocks, on stones, on clay ; 
 The other will in bright and highest noon 
 Choose still to walk by glimmering light o' th' moon. 
 Here thou mayst represented see the right 
 Between our earthly flesh and heavenly Sp'rit. 
 Lo, how the Turk doth drive with flaming sword, 
 Salvation from him and God's holy word, 
 As once the angel did rebellious vice 
 With Adam force from blessed paradise. 
 And this in style diamond-like doth shine, 
 Which firmest parts and clearest do combine, 
 And o'er the sad ground of the Jewish story 
 As light embroidery explays its glory. 
 The temple razed and ruined seems more high 
 In his strong phrase, than when it kissed the sky. 
 And as the viper, by those precious tears 
 Which Phaeton bemoaned, of amber wears 
 A rich (though fatal) coat; so here enclosed 
 With words so rare, so splendent, so composed, 
 E'en Mahomet has found a tomb, which shall 
 Last when the fainting loadstone lets him fall. 
 
 HENRY VINTENER. 
 
 TO HIS OLD FRIEND MR. FULLER. 
 
 I LOVE no wars, 
 I love no jars, 
 Nor strife's fire : 
 May discords cease ; 
 Let's live in peace ; 
 This I desire. 
 
 If it must be 
 Wars we must see 
 
 So (fates conspire), 
 May we not feel 
 The force of steel ; 
 
 This I desire. 
 
Xll 
 
 But in thy book 
 When I do look 
 
 And it admire ; 
 Let war be there, 
 But peace elsewhere ; 
 
 This I desire. 
 
 THO. JACKSON. 
 
 TO 
 HIS WORTHY FRIEND MR. THOMAS FULLER, 
 
 ON HIS BOOK " THE HOLY WAR." 
 
 THERE'S not a story, friend, in thy book told, 
 But's a jewel ; each line a thread of gold. 
 Though war sound harsh, and doth our minds affright, 
 Yet clothed in well-wrought language 't doth delight. 
 Such is thy gilded phrase, I joy to read 
 In thee massacres, and to see men bleed. 
 Oft have I seen in hangings on a wall 
 The ruins of great Troy, and Priam's fall ; 
 A story in itself so full of woe, 
 Twould make the Grecian weep that was the foe ; 
 But being wrought in arras, and made gay 
 W r ith rich embroidery, 't makes th' beholder say, 
 I like it well ; this flame, that scar is good ; 
 And then commend : this wound, that stream of blood. 
 Things in themselves distasteful, are by art 
 Made pleasant, and do much delight the heart. 
 Such is thy book ; though it of blood relate 
 And horrid war, whose very name we hate, 
 Yet clad in arras-language and thy phrase, 
 Doth not affright, but with delight amaze, 
 And with such power upon our senses seize, 
 That 't makes war dreadful in itself, to please. 
 
 WILLIAM JOHNSON, Q. Coll. 
 
 TO HIS DEAR FRIEND MR. FULLER. 
 
 WE need not now those zealous votaries meet, 
 Or pilgrims turn ; but on our verses' feet. 
 Thy quill hath winged the earth ; the Holy Land 
 Doth visit us, commanded by thy hand. 
 If envy make thy labours prove thy loss, 
 No marvel if a crusade wear the cross. 
 
 CLEMENT BRETTON, Sidn. Coll. 
 
THE HISTORY OF THE 
 HOLY WAR. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. The Destruction of the City and Temple of 
 Jerusalem by the Romans, under the Conduct of Titus. 
 
 WHEN the Jews had made the full measure of their 
 sins run over, by putting to death the Lord of Life 
 [A. D. 34], God's judgments (as they deserved, and our 
 Saviour foretold) quickly overtook them ; for a mighty army 
 of the Romans besieged and sacked the city of Jerusalem 
 [72], wherein by fire, famine, sword, civil discord, and 
 foreign force 1 , eleven hundred thousand were put to death. 
 An incredible number it seemeth : yet it cometh within 
 the compass of our belief, if we consider that the siege began 
 at the time of the passover, when in a manner all Judea was 
 enclosed in Jerusalem, all private synagogues doing then 
 their duties to the mother temple; so that the city then 
 had more guests than inhabitants. Thus the passover, first 2 
 instituted by God in mercy to save the Israelites from death, 
 was now used by him in justice to hasten their destruction, 
 and to gather the nation into a bundle to be cast into the 
 fire of his anger. Besides those who were slain, ninety- 
 seven thousand were taken captives; and they who had 
 bought our Saviour for thirty pence 3 were themselves sold 
 thirty for a penny. The general of the Romans in this 
 action was Titus, son to Vespasian the emperor : a prince 
 so good, that he was styled the Darling of Mankind 4 for 
 
 1 Josephus, lib. 7, Belli Jud. Gr. c. 45, Lat. c. 17. 
 '- Exod. xii. 13. 
 
 3 Adricom. in Actis A post. fol. 282, credo, ex Hegesippo. 
 
 4 Suetonius in Tito. 
 
 B 
 
2 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 132 
 
 his sweet and loving nature (and pity it was so good a stock 
 had not been better grafted), so virtuously disposed, that he 
 may justly be counted the glory of all Pagans, and shame of 
 most Christians. He laboured what lay in his power to 
 have saved the temple, and many therein ; but the Jews, 
 by their obstinacy and desperateness, made themselves in- 
 capable of any mercy. Then was the temple itself made a 
 sacrifice, and burnt to ashes ; and of that stately structure, 
 which drew the apostles' admiration, not a stone left upon 
 a stone. The walls of the city (more shaken with the sins 
 of the Jews defending them, than with the battering rams 
 of the Romans assaulting them) were levelled to the ground ; 
 only three towers left standing, to witness the great strength 
 of the place, and greater valour of the Romans who con- 
 quered it. But whilst this storm fell on the unbelieving 
 Jews, it was calm amongst the Christians ; who, warned by 
 Christ's predictions, and many other prodigies, fled betimes 
 out of the city to Pella (a private place beyond Jordan), 
 which served them instead of a little Zoar, to save them 
 from the imminent destruction 5 . 
 
 CHAP. II. How Judea was dispeopled of Jews by Adrian 
 the Emperor. 
 
 rj^HREESCORE years after [132], Adrian the emperor 
 JL rebuilt the city of Jerusalem, changing the situation 
 somewhat westward, and the name thereof to yElia. To 
 despite the Christians, he built a temple x over our Saviour's 
 grave, with the images of Jupiter and Venus; another at 
 Bethlehem, to Adonis her minion : and to enrage the Jews, 
 did engrave swine over the gates of the city : who, storming 
 at the profanation of their land, brake into open rebellion, 
 but were subdued by Julius Severus, the emperor's lieute- 
 nant, an experienced captain, and many thousands slain, 
 with Bencochab, their counterfeit Messias (for so he termed 
 himself), that is, the son of a star, usurping that prophecy, 
 Out of Jacob shall a star arise a ; though he proved but a 
 fading comet, whose blazing portended the ruin of that 
 nation. The captives, by order from Adrian, were trans- 
 ported into Spain ; the country laid waste, which parted 
 with her people and fruitfulness both together. Indeed 
 pilgrims to this day here and there light on parcels of rich 
 ground in Palestine ; which God may seem to have left, 
 
 5 Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 3, c. 5. 
 
 1 Hieron. torn. 1, p. 104. 2 Num. xxiv. 17. 
 
A.D. 132 THE HOLY WAR. 3 
 
 that men may taste the former sweetness of the land, before 
 it was soured for the people's sins ; and that they may guess 
 the goodness of the cloth by the fineness of the shreds. 
 But it is barren for the generality : the streams of milk and 
 honey, wherewith once it flowed, are now drained dry ; and 
 the whole face of the land looketh sad 3 , not so much for 
 want of dressing, as because God hath frowned on it. Yet 
 great was the oversight of Adrian, thus totally to unpeople 
 a province, and to bequeath it to foxes and leopards. 
 Though his memory vras excellent, yet here he forgot the 
 old Romans' rule, who, to prevent desolations, where they 
 rooted out the natives, planted in colonies of their own 
 people. And surely the country recovered not a competency 
 of inhabitants for some hundred years after. For though 
 many pilgrims came thither in after ages, yet they came 
 rather to visit than to dwell ; and such as remained there, 
 most embracing single lives, were no breeders for posterity. 
 If any say that Adrian did wilfully neglect this land, and 
 prostitute it to ruin for the rebellion of the people ; yet all 
 account it small policy in him, in punishing the Jews, to 
 hurt his own empire, and by this vastation to leave fair 
 and clear footing for foreign enemies to fasten on this coun- 
 try, and from thence to invade the neighbouring dominions : 
 as, after, the Persians and Saracens easily overran and 
 dispeopled Palestine; and no wonder if a thin meadow 
 were quickly mown. But to return to the Jews, such 
 stragglers of them, not considerable in number, as escaped 
 this banishment into Spain (for few hands reap so clean as 
 to leave no gleanings), were forbidden to enter into Jerusa- 
 lem, or so much as to behold it from any rise or advantage 
 of ground. Yet they obtained 4 of the after emperors, once 
 a year (namely, on the tenth of August, whereon their city 
 was taken), to go in and bewail the destruction of their 
 temple and people, bargaining with the soldiers who waited 
 on them, to give so much for so long abiding there ; and if 
 they exceeded the time they conditioned for, they must 
 stretch their purses to a higher rate : so that (as St. Hierome 
 noteth) they who bought Christ's blood were then glad to 
 buy their own tears. 
 
 3 Sand. Trav. p. 145. 4 Hieron. torn. 6, p. 256. 
 
4 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. III. Of the present ivoful Condition of the Jews; 
 and of the small Hope and *great RinderanceS of their 
 Conversion. 
 
 nnilUS the main body of the Jews was brought into 
 JL Spain, and yet they stretched their out-limbs into 
 every country ; so that it was as hard to find a populous 
 city without a common sink, as without a company of 
 Jews. They grew fat on the barest pasture, by usury and 
 brokage ; though often squeezed by those Christians amongst 
 whom they lived, counting them dogs, and therefore easily 
 finding a stick to beat them. And always in any tumult, 
 when the fence of order was broken, the Jews lay next 
 harms : as at the coronation of Richard the First, when 
 the English made great feasts, but the pillaged Jews paid 
 the shot. At last, for their many villanies (as falsifying of 
 coin, poisoning of springs, crucifying of Chiistian children) 
 they were slain in some places *, and finally banished out 
 of others ; out of England, A. D. 1 291 , by Edward the First ; 
 France, 1307, by Philip the Fair; Spain, 1492, by Ferdi- 
 nand; Portugal, 1497, by Emmanuel " L . But had these two 
 latter kings banished all Jewish blood out of their countries, 
 they must have emptied the veins of their best subjects, 
 as descended from them. Still they are found in great 
 numbers in Turkey, chiefly in Salonichi, where they enjoy 
 the freest slavery : and they who in our Saviour's time so 
 scorned publicans, are now most employed in that office, to 
 be the Turks' tollgatherers 3 ; likewise in the popish parts 
 of Germany; in Poland, the Pantheon of all religions; and 
 Amsterdam may be forfeited to the king of Spain, when 
 she cannot show a pattern of this as of all other sects. 
 Lastly, they are thick in the pope's dominions, where they 
 are kept as a testimony of the truth of the Scriptures, and 
 foil to Christianity, but chiefly in pretence to convert them. 
 But his holiness's converting faculty worketh the strongest 
 at the greatest distance; for the Indians he turneth to his 
 religion, and these Jews he converted! to his profit. Some 
 are of opinion of the general calling of the Jews ; and no 
 doubt those who dissent from them in their judgments, con- 
 cur in their wishes and desires. Yet are there three grand 
 hinderances of their conversion : first, the offence taken and 
 given by the papists among whom they live, by their wor- 
 
 1 Minister Cosmogr. p. 457. 2 Polvd. Virg. p. 327. 
 
 3 Sandys' Trav. p. 146. 
 
 
A. D.326 THE HOLY WAR. 5 
 
 shiping of images, the Jews being zealots in the -second 
 commandment : secondly, because on their conversion they 
 must renounce all their goods as ill gotten 4 ; and they will 
 scarce enter in at the door of our church, when first they 
 must climb over so high a threshold : lastly, they are 
 debarred from the use of the New Testament, the means of 
 their salvation. Arid thus we leave them in a state most 
 pitiful, and little pitied. 
 
 CHAP. IV* Of' the flourish ing Church in Judea under Con- 
 stantine. Julian's Success in building the Temple. 
 
 ADRIAN'S profanation of Jerusalem lasted one hundred 
 and eighty years, as St. Hierome counteth it x : during 
 which time the Christians, under the ten persecutions, had 
 scarce a leap-year of peace and quiet, and yet bare all with 
 invincible patience ; yea, some were too ambitious of mar- 
 tyrdom, and rather wooed than waited for their own deaths* 
 At last, Constantine (a Britain by birth, as all authors 
 agree 1 , save one or two late wrangling Grecians, who 
 deserve to be arraigned for felony, for robbing our land of 
 that due honour) stanched the issue of blood wherewith the 
 church had long been troubled, and brought her into 
 acquaintance with peace and prosperity [326]. Then 
 Helen, his mother (no less famous amongst the Christians 
 for her piety, than the ancient Helen amongst Pagans for 
 her beauty), travelled to Jerusalem ; zeal made her scarce 
 sensible of her age, being eighty years old ; and there she 
 purged Mount Calvary and Bethlehem of idolatry ; then 
 built in the places of Christ's birth and burial, and elsewhere 
 in Palestine, many most stately and sumptuous churches. 
 And because she visited the stable and manger of our 
 Saviour's nativity, Jews and Pagans slander her to have 
 been stabularia 3 , an ostleress, or a she stable groom: the 
 same nickname which since impudent papists (not for the 
 same reason, but with as little truth) put on reverend 
 Cranmer 5 , archbishop of Canterbury. But these dead flies 
 were not able to corrupt the sweet ointment of her name, 
 fragrant to posterity ; and as a father 6 writeth of her, Bona 
 stabularia, qua maluit testimari stercoraria ut Christum 
 
 4 P. Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine/p 570, Sir Ed. Sandys' 
 Survey of the West. 
 
 1 Epist. ad Paulinum, torn. 1, p. 104 
 
 2 Camden, Brit. p. 51. 3 Ambros. cont. in Theodosium. 
 * Fox, Martyrol. p. 1860. 6 Ambros. ibid* 
 
6 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 363 
 
 lucrifaceret. To her is ascribed the finding out of the 
 cross, the memory whereof is celebrated the third of May : 
 and from that time the church flourished in Palestine, 
 being as well provided of able bishops, as they of liberal 
 maintenance. 
 
 363]. Afterwards Julian, going about to confute God, 
 befooled himself and many Jews. This apostate studied to 
 invent engines to beat down Christianity : yet all the vapours 
 of his brain could not cloud so bright a sun. He gave the 
 Jews liberty (not so much out of love to them as hatred to 
 Christians), with money and materials, to build again their 
 temple, hoping, by raising it, to ruin the truth of Christ's 
 prophecy. Hither 6 flocked the Jews, with spades and 
 mattocks ^of silver, to clear the foundation; the women 
 carried away the rubbish in their laps, and contributed all 
 their jewels and ornaments to advance the work. But a 
 sudden tempest 7 made them desist, which carried away 
 their tools and materials, with balls of fire which scorched 
 the most adventurous of the builders. Thus they who 
 sought to put out the truth of Christ's words, by snuffing it 
 made it burn the brighter. But the wonder of this wonder 
 was, that the hearts of the Jews, and of him who set them 
 on work, were hardened by obstinacy to be so miracle-proof 
 that all this made no impression on them. Yet afterwards 8 
 the Christians, in the place where Solomon's temple was, 
 built a stately church; but not in opposition to God, or with 
 intent to reestablish Jewish rites, but in humility, and for 
 the exercise of Christian religion : which church was long 
 after the seat of the patriarch. But for fear to exceed the 
 commission of an historian (who with the outward senses 
 may only bring in the species, and barely relate facts, not 
 with the common sense pass verdict or censure on them); I 
 would say, they had better have built in some other place 
 (especially having room enough besides), and left this floor, 
 where the temple stood, alone to her desolations. Yea, 
 God seemeth not so well contented with this their act, the 
 Christians being often beaten out of that church; and at 
 this day 9 whosoever (though casually) entereth therein, 
 must either forfeit his life or renounce his religion. 
 
 6 Ammianus Marcel, lib. 23, sub initio. 
 
 7 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3, cap. 20. Theodoret, lib. 3, cap. 
 20. Sozom. lib. 5, cap. 22. 
 
 . 8 Adricom. Descript. Terras Sanctae, p. 158. 
 9 Sand. Trav. p. 192. 
 
A. D. 628 THE HOLY WAR. 7 
 
 CHAP. V. Syria conquered by Chosroes ; Chosroes, by 
 Heraclius the Grecian Emperor, 
 
 THE next remarkable alteration happened under Phocas 
 the emperor, who (saith Tyrius ") had a nature answer- 
 ing his name, which signifieth a seal, or sea-calf; for as 
 that fish (little better than a monster) useth lazily to lie 
 sleeping and sunning itself on the shore, so this careless 
 usurper minded nothing but his own ease and pleasure, till 
 at last he was slain by Heraclius, his successor [610]; as 
 seldom tyrants' corpses have any other balm at their burial 
 than their own blood. Phocas's negligence betrayed the 
 empire to foreign foes [615], and invited Chosroes, the 
 Persian, to invade it, who, with a great army, subdued 
 Syria and Jerusalem. A conquest little honourable, as 
 made against small resistance, and used with less modera- 
 tion ; for, besides many other cruelties, he sold many thou- 
 sands of Christians to the Jews, their old enemies 2 , who, 
 in revenge of their former grudge, put them not only to 
 drudgery, but to torture. Chosroes, to grace his triumph, 
 carried the cross away with him, forced all the Christians in 
 Persia to turn Nestorians 3 , and demanded of Heraclius, the 
 Grecian emperor, that he should renounce his religion, 
 and worship the sun 4 . Thus we see how lightheaded this 
 Pagan did talk, being stark drunk with pride. But the 
 Christian emperor, entering Persia with great forces, quelled 
 at last this vaunting Sennacherib ; for to him might he well 
 be compared, for pride, cruelty, blasphemous demands, 
 and the manner of his death, being also slain by Siroes, one 
 of his sons [628]. Heraclius, returning, took Jerusalem in 
 his way, and there restored 5 the cross (counted a precious 
 jewel) to the temple of the sepulchre, the cabinet whence it 
 had been violently taken away ; and, in memorial thereof, 
 instituted, on the fourteenth of September, the feast of the 
 Exaltation of the Cross. Yet 6 some make the celebration 
 thereof of greater antiquity ; and the Grecians write, that 
 Chrysostom (a hundred years before) died on the day called 
 the Exaltation of the Cross. This, if it be true, and not 
 antedated by a prolepsis, then Heraclius gave the lustre 
 (not first original) to this festival, and scoured bright an old 
 holy-day with a new solemnity. 
 
 1 Belli Sacri, lib. 23, cap. 21. 2 Theophanes in Aunal. 
 
 3 Paulus Diaconus, Miscel. lib. 18. 4 Cedrenus. 
 
 5 Tyrius, Bell. Sacr. lib. 23, cap. 20. 6 Baron. Mart. 1 4 Sept. 
 
8 THE HISTORY OF A.D.636 
 
 CHAP. VI. Of the Deluge of the Saracens in Syria, the 
 Causes of the far spreading of Mahometan ism. 
 
 BUT the sins of the eastern countries, and chiefly their 
 damnable heresies, hastened God's judgments upon 
 them. In these western parts, heresies, like an angle, 
 caught single persons ; which in Asia, like a drag-net, 
 took whole provinces. The staid and settled wits of Europe 
 were not easily removed out of the old road and track of 
 religion, whilst the active and nimble heads of the east 
 were more desirous of novelties, more cunning to invent 
 distinctions to cozen themselves with, more fluent in lan- 
 guage to express their conceits, as always errors grow the 
 fastest in hot brains. Hence it came to pass, that Mel- 
 chites, Maronites, Nestorians, Eutycheans, Jacobites, over- 
 spread these parts, maintaining their pestilent tenets with 
 all obstinacy, which is that dead flesh which maketh the 
 green wound of an error fester by degrees into the old sore 
 of an heresy. Then was it just with God to suffer them, 
 who would not be convinced with Christian counsels, to be 
 subdued by the Pagans' sword : for though Chosroes had 
 not long a settled government in Palestine, but, as a land 
 flood, came and went away quickly, yet the Saracens, who 
 shortly followed, as standing water, drowned all for a 
 long continuance [636]. These 1 , under Haumer, Prince 
 of Arabia, took Jerusalem, conquered Syria, and propa- 
 gated the doctrine of Mahomet round about. 
 
 It may justly seem admirable how that >enseless religion 
 should gain so much ground on Christianity ; especially 
 having neither real substance in her doctrine, nor winning 
 behaviour in her ceremonies to allure professors. For what 
 is- it but the scum of Judaism and Paganism sod together, 
 and here and there strewed over with a spice of Christianity ? 
 As Mahomet's tomb, so many sentences in his Alcoran 
 seem to hang by some secret loadstone, which draweth 
 together their gaping independences with a mystical cohe- 
 rence, or otherwise they are flat nonsense. Yet this wonder 
 of the spreading of this leprosy is lessened, if we consider 
 that, besides the general causes of the growing of all errors 
 (namely, the gangrene-like nature of evil, and the justice of 
 God to deliver them over to believe lies who will not obey 
 the truth), Mahometauism hath raised itself to this height 
 by some peculiar advantages : first, by permitting much 
 
 1 Tyrius, Bell. Sacr. lib. 1, p. 2. 
 
A. D. 800 THE HOLY WAR. 9 
 
 carnal liberty to the professors (as having many wives), and 
 no wonder if they get fish enough that use that bait : 
 secondly, by promising a paradise of sensual pleasure here- 
 after, wherewith flesh and blood is more affected (as falling 
 under her experience) than with hope of any spiritual 
 delights : thirdly, by prohibiting of disputes, and suppress- 
 ing of all learning ; and thus Mahomet made his shop dark on 
 purpose, that he might vent any wares : lastly, this religion 
 had never made her own passage so fast and so far, if the 
 sword had not cut the way before her, as commonly the 
 conquered follow, for the most part, the religion of the 
 conquerors. By this means that cursed doctrine hath so 
 improved itself, that it may outvie with professors the 
 church of Rome, which boasteth so much of her latitude 
 and extent; though from thence to infer that her faith is the 
 best, is falsely to conclude the fineness of the cloth from the 
 largeness of the measure. 
 
 Now the condition of the Christians under these Saracens 
 was as uncertain as April weather. Sometimes they enjoyed 
 the liberty and public exercise of their religion : and to give 
 the Mahometans their due, they are generally good fellows 
 in this point, and Christians amongst them may keep their 
 consciences free, if their tongues be fettered not to oppose 
 the doctrine of Mahomet. Sometimes they were under 
 fierce and cruel affliction, their bishops and ministers forced 
 to fly from their places were kept very poor, as always the 
 clergy under persecution count that God gives them living 
 enough, when hi gives them their lives. Tyrius* men- 
 tioneth one memorable massacre, which they narrowly 
 escaped : for a spiteful and malicious Saracen had secretly 
 defiled one of their mosques in Jerusalem ; which deed 
 being imputed to the poor Christians, they were all pre- 
 sently dragged to the place of execution to be put to death, 
 when behold a young man, a zealous Christian, by an offi- 
 cious lie (the most lawful of all unlawful things), confessed 
 himself alone to be guilty of the fact, and so, being killed 
 by exquisite torments, saved the lives of many innocents. 
 In memory of which act, the Christians in Jerusalem kept a 
 constant solemnity, and once a year triumphantly marched, 
 with palms in their hands, into the city, to perpetuate the 
 remembrance of this deliverance [800], The longest vaca- 
 tion from persecution they enjoyed was when Charles 3 was 
 Emperor of the West, surnamed the Great ; a surname 
 
 8 Lib. 1, cap. 5. 3 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 3. 
 
10 THE HISTORY OF A.D.800 
 
 which he did not steal, but justly win and deserve; not 
 like Pompey, who got the title of the Great, though, as 
 Caesar 4 observed, he gained his chief fame for martial feats 
 by conquering the weak and cowardly Bithynians. But 
 this Charles, loved of his friends, feared of his foes, sub- 
 dued the strong and lusty Lombards : yet did he not Chris- 
 tianity more good by his war, than by his peace concluded 
 with Aaron, emperor of the Saracens, under whom the 
 Christians in Palestine obtained many privileges and much 
 prosperity ; though this weather was too fair to last long. 
 
 CHAP. VIL The Original and Increase of the Turks; 
 their conquering the Saracens, and taking of Jerusalem. 
 
 BUT the Christians in Palestine afterward changed their 
 masters, though not their condition, being subdued 
 by the Turks. It will be worth our and the reader's pains 
 to inquire into the original of this nation, especially because, 
 (as the river Nilus) they are famous and well known for 
 their overflowing stream, though hidden and obscure for 
 their fountain. Whence they first came, authors only do 
 agree in disagreeing : but most probably it is out of 
 Scythia, Pomponius Mela 1 reckoning them among the 
 inhabitants of that country nigh the river Tanais. This 
 Scythia (since called Tartaria) was a virgin country, never 
 forced by foreign arms; for the monarchs who counted 
 themselves conquerors of the world (by a large synecdoche 
 taking a sixth part for the whole) never subdued it. Alex- 
 ander sent some troops to assault Naura and Gabaza, two 
 out-counties thereof, as an earnest that the rest of his army 
 should follow : but hearing how these were welcomed, 
 willingly lost his earnest, and disposed of his army other- 
 wise. The Roman eagles flew not thus far, and though 
 heard of, were never seen here. The reason that made 
 the Turks leave their native soil was the barrenness thereof; 
 and therefore the poet 2 " maketh famine (which sometimes 
 travelleth abroad into other countries) here to have her 
 constant habitation. And yet, no doubt, so vast a country 
 would maintain her people, if the wildness thereof were 
 tamed with husbandry : but the people (scorning that their 
 ground should be better civilized than themselves) never 
 manure it, and had rather provide their bread with the 
 sword than with the plough. Other partial causes might 
 
 4 Suetonius, in Caesare. 
 
 1 Lib. 1, cap. ult. 2 Ovid. 8 Metam. 
 
A. D. 1060 THE HOLY WAR. 11 
 
 share in these Turks' removal ; but the cause of causes was 
 the justice of God, to suffer this unregarded people to 
 grow into the terror of the world for the punishment of 
 Christians : and we may justly hope, that when the correc- 
 tion is done, the rod shall be burnt ; especially finding already 
 their force to abate, being at this day stopped with the half 
 kingdom of Hungary, who formerly could not be stayed by 
 the whole empire of Greece. 
 
 844J. The first step these Turks took out of their own 
 country was into Turcomania 3 , a northern part of Armenia, 
 conquered and so called by them ; where they lived like 
 the Scythian nomades, always wandering, yet always in 
 their way, none claiming a propriety in the land as his, all 
 defending the common interest therein as theirs. 
 
 The next step was into Persia, whither they were called 
 to assist Mahomet, the Saracen sultan, against his enemies ; 
 where taking notice of their own strength, the Saracens' 
 cowardice, and the pleasure of Persia, they, under Tangro* 
 lipix their first king, overcame that large dominion 4 [1030], 
 Then did the Turks take upon them the Mahometan religion, 
 and, having conquered the Saracens by their valour, were 
 themselves subdued by the Saracen superstition : an acci- 
 dent more memorable, because not easily to be paralleled 
 (excepting King Amaziah 5 , who having taken Edom was 
 took with the idolatry thereof), because conquerors com- 
 monly bring their religion into the places they subdue, and 
 not take it thence. 
 
 Their third large stride was into Babylon, the caliph 
 whereof they overcame. And shortly after, under Cutlu- 
 muses their second king, they won Mesopotamia, the greatest 
 part of Syria, and the city of Jerusalem 6 [1060] . Meantime 
 whilst these vultures (Turks and Saracens) pecked out each 
 other's eyes, the Christians (if they had husbanded this 
 occasion) might much have advantaged themselves, and 
 might have recovered their health by these contrary poisons 
 expelling each other. But the Grecian emperors, given 
 over to pleasure and covetousness, regarded not their own 
 good, till at last the Turks devoured them; as (God will- 
 ing) shall be showed hereafter. As for those Christians who 
 lived in Palestine under the Turks, they had no lease of their 
 safety, but were tenants at will for their lives and goods to 
 these tyrants : though it rained not downright, yet the storm 
 
 a Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 2. 4 Knolles, Tur. Hist. p. 4, 
 
 5 2 Chron. xxv. 14. 6 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 7. 
 
12 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1094 
 
 of persecution hung over their heads ; their minds were 
 ever in torture, being on the rack of continual fear and 
 suspense; and Simon himself was no better than an honour- 
 able slave, though patriarch of Jerusalem, as appeareth by 
 his letters of complaint 7 . 
 
 CHAP. VIII. The. Character of Peter the Hermit. His 
 soliciting the Holy War. The Council at Clermont, and 
 the Success thereof. 
 
 IT happened there came a pilgrim to Jerusalem called 
 Peter, a hermit, bom at Amiens, in France, one of a 
 contemptible person ; his silly looks carried in them a 
 despair of any worth, and yet (as commonly the richest 
 mines lie under the basest and barrenest surface of ground) 
 he had a quick apprehension, eloquent tongue, and, what 
 got him the greatest repute, was accounted very religious. 
 With him Simon, the patriarch of Jerusalem, often treated, 
 concerning the present miseries of the Christians under the 
 Turks; what hope of amendment; and how the matter 
 might secretly be contrived, that the princes in Europe 
 might assist and relieve them. Peter, moved with the 
 patriarch's persuasions, the equity and honourableness of 
 the cause, and chiefly with a vision (as they say) from 
 heaven * (wherein our Saviour himself appointed him his 
 legate, with a commission to negotiate the Christian cause), 
 took the whole business upon him [1094], and travelled to 
 Rome, to consult with Pope Urban the Second about the 
 advancing of so pious a design. 
 
 Now, though many cry up this hermit to have been so 
 precious a piece of holiness, yet some 1 suspect him to be 
 little better than a counterfeit, and a cloak-father for a plot 
 of the pope's begetting ; because the pope alone was the 
 gainer by this great adventure, and all other princes of 
 Europe, if they cast up their audit, shall find themselves 
 losers: this with some is a presumption that this cunning mer- 
 chant first secretly employed this hermit to be his factor, and 
 to go to Jerusalem to set on foot so beneficial a trade for the 
 Romish church. As for the apparition of our Saviour, one 
 may wonder that the world should see most visions when it 
 was most blind ; and that that age, most barren in learning, 
 should be most fruitful in revelations. And surely had 
 
 7 Knolles, Tur. Hist. p. 13. Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 12. 
 
 2 Ursperg. Chron, p. 227. Quern tamen postea multi hypo- 
 critam fuisse dicebant. 
 
,.D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 13 
 
 'eter been truly inspired by God, and moved by his Spirit 
 3 begin this war, he would not have apostated from his 
 mrpose : so mortified a man would not have feared death 
 n a good cause, as he did afterwards, and basely ran away 
 t Antioch 3 . For when the siege grew hot, his devotion 
 rew cold ; he found a difference betwixt a voluntary fast 
 ^ his cell, and a necessary and indispensable famine in a 
 amp ; so that being well hunger-pinched, this cunning 
 ompanion, who was the trumpet to sound a march to others, 
 ecretly sounded a retreat to himself, ran away from the 
 est of the Christians, and was shamefully brought back 
 gain for a fugitive 4 . 
 
 ^But to return to Pope Urban, who was zealous in the 
 ause to further it, and called a council at Clermont, in 
 ''ranee [1095], where met many princes and prelates, to 
 fhom he made a long oration 5 . Authors differ in the 
 nould, but they agree in the metal, that it was to this 
 ffect : First, he bemoaned the miseries of the Christians 
 n Asia, and the vastation of those holy places. Jerusalem, 
 /hich was once the joy of the whole earth, was now become 
 rie grief of all good men. The chapel of Christ's concep- 
 ion, at Nazareth ; birth, at Bethlehem ; burial, on Mount 
 Calvary; ascension, on Mount Olivet; once the fountains of 
 >iety, were now become the sinks of all profaneness. Next, 
 e encouraged the princes in the council to take arms against 
 tiose infidels, and 6 to break their bonds in sunder, and to 
 ast their cords far from them, and (as it is written) to cast 
 ut the handmaid and her children. Otherwise, if they 
 /ould not help to quench their neighbours' houses, they 
 lust expect the speedy burning of their own, and that these 
 arbarous nations would quickly overrun all Europe, Now 
 D set an edge on their courage, he promised to all that 
 rent this voyage a full remission of their sins and penance 
 iere, and the enjoying heaven hereafter. ( Lastly, thus con- 
 luded 7 ;- " Gird your swords to your thighs, O ye men 
 f might. It is our parts to pray, yours to fight ; ours with 
 closes to hold up unwearied hands to God, yours to stretch 
 orth the sword against these children of Amalek. Amen." 
 
 3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3, col. 357. Et JEtnilius, Digest. Franc. 
 i. 123, in Philippe I. 
 
 4 Ut desertor signorum, fratrum commilitonumque proditor. 
 
 5 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3. Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 15. Baron, 
 nno 1095. W. Malmsb. lib. 4, cap. 1. All have several set 
 'rations. 6 Baronius, in anno 1095, col. 688. 
 
 7 Baronius, in anno 1096, col. 691. 
 
14 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1095 
 
 It is above belief with what cheerfulness this motion, 
 meeting with an active and religious world, was generally 
 entertained ; so that the whole assembly cried out 8 , " God 
 \\iK.r. i it :" a speech which was afterwards used as a fortu- 
 nate watchword in their most dangerous designs. Then 
 took mariy of them a cross of red cloth on their right shoul- 
 der, as a badge of their devotion; and to gain the favour- 
 able assistance of the Virgin Mary to make this war the 
 more happy, her office 9 was instituted, containing certain 
 prayers, which at canonical hours were to be made unto 
 her. If fame, which hath told many a lie of others, be not 
 herein belied herself, the things concluded in this council 
 were the same night reported at impossible distance in the 
 utmost parts of Christendom. What spiritual intelligencers 
 there should be, or what echoes in the hollow arch of this 
 world should so quickly resound news from the one side 
 thereof to the other, belongeth not to us to dispute. Yet 
 we find the overthrow 10 of Perseus brought out of Macedon 
 to Rome in four days ; and fame (mounted no doubt on 
 some Pegasus), in Domitian's time, brought a report two 
 thousand five hundred miles in one day. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Arguments for the Lawfulness of the Holy War. 
 
 IT is stiffly canvassed betwixt learned men, whether this 
 war was lawful or not. The reasons for the affirmative 
 are fetched either from piety or policy ; and of the former 
 sort are these. 
 
 1. All the earth is God's land let out to tenants; but 
 Judea was properly his demesnes, which he kept long in his 
 own hands for himself and his children. Now though the 
 infidels had since violently usurped it, yet no prescription of 
 time could prejudice the title of the King of Heaven, but 
 that now the Christians might be God's champions to re- 
 cover his interest. 
 
 2. Religion bindeth men to relieve their brethren in dis-* 
 tress, especially when they implore their help, as now the 
 Christians in Syria did * ; whose entreaties in this case 
 sounded commands in the ears of such as were piously dis-i 
 posed. 
 
 3. The Turks, by their blasphemies and reproaches 
 against God and our Saviour, had disinherited and divested 
 
 8 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3, page 354. 
 
 9 Baronius, torn. 11, p. 692. 10 Livius, lib. 45. 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 11. 
 
,.D. 1095 T(E HOLY WAR. 15 
 
 hemselves of all their right to their lands ; and the Chris- 
 ians, as the next undoubted heirs, might seize on the for- 
 eiture. 
 
 4. This war would advance and increase the patrimony 
 f religion, by propagating the gospel, and converting of 
 nfidels. If any object that religion is not to be beaten into 
 len with the dint of sword ; yet it may be lawful to open 
 le way by force, for instruction, catechising, and such 
 ther gentle means to follow after. 
 
 5. The beholding of those sacred places in Palestine 
 fould much heighten the adventurers' devotion, and make 
 le most frozen heart to melt into pious meditations. 
 
 6. This enterprise 1 was furthered by the persuasions of 
 undry godly men, St. Bernard and others. Now though a 
 ring spirit may delude the prophets of Ahab, yet none 
 rill be so uncharitable as to think God would suffer his. 
 wn Micaiah to be deceived. 
 
 6. God 3 set his hand to this war, and approved it by 
 lany miracles which he wrought in this expedition, and 
 'hich are so confidently and generally reported by credit- 
 worthy writers, that he himself is a miracle that will not be* 
 eve them. 
 
 Neither want there arguments derived from policy. 
 
 1 . Palestine was a parcel of the Roman empire, though 
 ince won by the Saracens; and though the Emperor of 
 Jonstantinople could not recover his right, yet did he al- 
 ways continue his claim, and now (as appeared 4 by his 
 mers read in the Placentine council) Alexius requested 
 lese princes of the west to assist him in the recovery 
 hereof. 
 
 2. A preventive war, grounded on a just fear of an in- 
 asion, is lawful ; but such was this holy war. And be- 
 ause most stress is laid on this argument, as the main 
 upporter of the cause, we will examine and prove the parts 
 lereof. 
 
 Though umbrages and light jealousies, created by cow- 
 rdly fancies, be too narrow to build a fair quarrel on, 
 etthe lawfulness of a preventive war, founded on just fear, 
 5 warranted by reason and the practice of all wise nations, 
 n such a case, it is folly to do as country fellows in a fence 
 chool, never ward a blow till it be past ; but it is best to be 
 Beforehand with the enemy, lest the medicine come too late 
 
 * Bellarm. lib. 3, de Rom. Pont. cap. 17. 3 Ibidem. 
 4 Baronius, torn. 11, p. 687. 
 
16 THE HISTORY <)F A. D. 1095 
 
 for the malady. In such dangers to play an after game is 
 rather a shift than a policy, especially seeing war is a tragedy 
 which always destroyeth the stage whereon it is acted. It 
 is the most advised way not to wait for the enemy, but to 
 seek him out in his own country. 
 
 Now, that the Mahometans (under whom the Turks and 
 Saracens are comprehended, differing in nation, agreeing in 
 religion and spite against Christians) were now justly to be 
 feared, cannot be denied. . So vast was the appetite of their 
 sword, that it had already devoured Asia, and now reserved 
 Grecia for the second course. The Bosporus was too narrow 
 a ditch, and the empire of Grecia too low a hedge, to fence 
 the Pagans out of West Christendom ; yea, the Saracens 
 had lately wasted Italy 5 , pillaged and burned many 
 churches near Rome itself, conquered Spain, inroaded 
 Aquitain, and possessed some islands in the midland-sea. 
 The case, therefore, standing thus, this holy war was both 
 lawful and necessary ; which like unto a sharp pike in the 
 boss of a buckler, though it had a mixture of offend ing, yet 
 it was chiefly of a defensive nature, to which all preventive 
 wars are justly reduced. 
 
 Lastly, this war would be the sewer of Christendom, and 
 drain all discords out of it. For active men, like millstones 
 in motion, if they have no other grist to grind, will set fire 
 one on another. Europe at this time surfeited with people, 
 and many of them were of stirring natures, who counted 
 themselves undone when they were out of doing, and there- 
 fore they employed themselves in mutual jars and conten- 
 tions; but now this holy war will make up all breaches, and 
 unite all their forces against the common foe of Chris^ 
 tianity. 
 
 CHAP, X. Reasons against the Holy War. 
 
 YET all these reasons prevail not so forcibly, but that 
 many are of the contrary opinion 1 , and count this 
 war both needless and unlawful, induced thereunto with 
 these or the like arguments. 
 
 J . When the Jews were no longer God's people, Judea 
 was no longer God's land by any peculiar approbation ; 
 but on the other side, God stamped on that country- an in- 
 
 5 Sabeil. Enu. 9, lib. 3, p. 354. 
 
 1 Job. Cammanus, De Jure Majest. Thes. 22. Et Albert 
 Aqu. Chro. Hieros, lib. 4, cap. 28. Et Reineccius in Prref. 
 Hist. Orient. 
 
A.D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 17 
 
 delible character of desolation, and so scorched it with his 
 anger that it will never change colour, though Christians 
 should wash it with their blood. It is labour in vain, there- 
 fore, for any to endeavour to reestablish a flourishing king- 
 dom in a blasted country; and let none ever look to reap 
 any harvest who sow that land which God will have to lie 
 fallow. 
 
 2. Grant the Turks were no better than dogs, yet were 
 they lb be let alone in their own kennel. They and the 
 Saracens, their predecessors, had now enjoyed Palestine 
 four hundred and sixty years : prescription long enough to 
 solder the most cracked title, and not only to corroborate 
 but to create a right. Yea, God himself may seem herein 
 to allow their title, by suffering them so long peaceably to 
 enjoy it. 
 
 3. To visit those places in Jerusalem (the theatre of so 
 many mysteries and miracles) was as useless as difficult, 
 and might be superstitious if any went (as it is to be feared 
 too many did) with placing transcendent holiness in that 
 place, and with a wooden devotion to the material cross. 
 The angel z sent the women away from looking into the 
 sepulchre with He is risen, he is not here ; and thereby did 
 dehort them and us from burying our affections in Christ's 
 grave, but rather to seek him where he was to be found. 
 At this day a gracious heart maketh every place a Jerusa- 
 lem, where God may as well and as acceptably be wor- 
 shiped. St. Hilarion 3 , though he lived in Palestine, saw 
 Jerusalem but once, and then only because he might not 
 seem to neglect the holy places for their nearness and vici- 
 nity. And St. Hierom (though himself lived at Bethlehem) 
 dissuaded Paulinus from coming thither, for the pains would 
 be above the profit. 
 
 4. Lastly, this war was a quicksand to swallow treasure, 
 and of a hot digestion to devour valiant men ; no good, 
 much evil, came thereby : and the Christians that went out 
 to seek an enemy in Asia, brought one thence, to the danger 
 of all Europe, and the loss of a fair part thereof. For 
 though 
 
 Car eat successibus opto, 
 
 Quisquis ab eventufucta not and a putat : 
 
 may he never speed, 
 
 Who from the issue censures of the deed : 
 
 2 Matt, xxviii. 6. 
 
 3 Hieroa. torn. 1, p. 103, in Epist. ad Paulinum. 
 
 c 
 
18 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1095 
 
 and though an argument fetched from the success is but a 
 cipher in itself, yet it increaseth a number when joined 
 with others. 
 
 These reasons have moved the most moderate 4 ' and re- 
 fined papists, and all protestants generally, in their judg- 
 ments to fight against this holy war. But as for the opinion 
 of Bibliander (who therein stands without company) if Bel- 
 larmine hath truly reported it 5 , it is as far from reason as 
 charity; namely, that these Christians that went to fight 
 against the Saracens were the very army of Gog and Ma- 
 gog spoken of by the prophet Ezekiel 6 . Yet must we not 
 here forget, that such as at this time went to Jerusalem 
 (whether ridiculously or blasphemously, or both, let others 
 judge) did carry a goose before them 7 , pretending it to be 
 the Holy Ghost. 
 
 CHAP. XI. The private Ends and Profits of the Pope, which 
 he is charged by Authors to have had in this Holy War. 
 
 IT is enough with some to make it suspicious that there 
 were some sinister ends in this war, because Gregory 
 the Seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand (and by Luther 
 Larva diaboli 1 }, the worst of all that sat in that chair, first 
 began it; but death preventing him, Urban the Second 
 (whom Cardinal Benno called Turban % for troubling the 
 whole world) effected it. And though the pretences were 
 pious and plausible, yet no doubt the thoughts of his holi- 
 ness began where other men's ended, and he had a privy 
 project beyond the public design : 
 
 First, to reduce the Grecians into subjection to himself 3 , 
 with their three patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Con- 
 stantinople ; and to make the eastern church a chapel of eas e 
 to the mother church of Rome. 
 
 Secondly, this war was the pope's house of correction, 
 whither he sent his sturdy and stubborn enemies to be 
 tamed. Such high-spirited men whom he either feared or 
 suspected, he condemned to this employment, as to an 
 honourable banishment ; and as Saul being afraid of David 
 sent him to fight against the Philistines, that so he might 
 fall by their sword ; so the pope had this cleanly and un- 
 
 4 Vide Besoldum, De Regibus Hieros. p. 99, et sequentibus. 
 
 5 Lib. 3, De Rom. Pon. cap. 17. 6 Ezek. xxxviii. 3. 
 7 Aventinus, lib. 5, Annal. l In bis Chronology. 
 
 2 Balaeus, in Rom. Pont, in Urban. 2. 
 
 3 Mat. Dress. De Bello Sacr. cited by Lampadius Mellifu-. 
 histor. part 3, p. 266. 
 
A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 19 
 
 suspected conveyance to rid away those he hated 4 , by send- 
 ing them against infidels. This appeared most plainly in 
 the matter of the emperor himself, whom he sent from home, 
 that so he might rob his house in his absence. At the be- 
 ginning of this war the pope's temporal power in Italy was 
 very slender, because the emperor's dominions did gird him 
 close and hard on all sides ; .but soon after he grew within 
 short time without all measure, and did lurch a castle here, 
 gain a city there, from the emperor, while he was employed 
 in Palestine ; so that by the time that the Christians had 
 lost all in Syria, the emperor has lost all in Italy ; his domi- 
 nions there being either swallowed up by Peter's patrimony, 
 or by private princes and upstart free states, which as so 
 many splinters flew out of the broken empire. 
 
 Thirdly, hereby the pope determined on his side the gain- 
 fullest controversy that ever was in Christendom. This was 
 about the investiture of bishops, whether the right lay in the 
 pope or in secular princes. Now his holiness diverted this 
 question out of princes' heads by opening an issue another 
 way, and gave vent to the activity of their spirits in this 
 martial employment, and in the mean time quietly went 
 away without any corrival, concluding the controversy for 
 his own profit. 
 
 Lastly, he got a mass of money by it. He had the office 
 to bear the bag, and what was put into it, as contributed 
 to this action from pious people, and expended but some 
 few drops of the showers he received. Guess the rest of his 
 griping tricks from this one which Matth. Paris reporteth 5 . 
 First, he prompted many people in England unfit for arms 
 to take upon them to vow to go to the holy war, and this 
 was done by the exhortation and preaching of the friars. 
 This done, he compelled and forced those votaries (whose 
 purses were more useful for this service than their persons) 
 to commute their journey into money, the payment whereof 
 should be as meritorious as their pilgrimage. And thus 
 scraped he a mass of coin from such silly people as thought 
 themselves cleansed of their sins when they were wiped of 
 their money, and who, having made themselves slaves to the 
 pope by their rash vow, were glad to buy their liberty at his 
 price. 
 
 4 See Daniel, in Henry the Third, p. 141. 
 
 5 Hist. Angl. pp. 702 et 703, Diversis muscipulis simplicem 
 Dei populum substantial sua moliebatur Komaua curia privare, 
 nihil petens nisi aurum et argentum. 
 
20 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1095 
 
 As the pope, so most of the clergy improved their estates 
 by this war ; for the secular princes who went this voyage 
 sold or mortgaged most of their means (selling for gold to 
 purchase with steel and iron), and the clergy were generally 
 their chapmen. For they advised these undertakers, seeing 
 this action was for Christ and his church, rather to make 
 over their estates to spiritual men, of whom they might 
 again redeem the same, and from whom they should be sure 
 to find the fairest dealing, than to laymen. Godfrey, duke 
 of Bouillon 6 , sold that dukedom to the bishop of Liege; 
 and the castle of Sartensy and Monsa, to the bishop of 
 Verdun. Baldwin, his brother, sold him the city of Ver- 
 dun. Yea, by these sales the third part 7 of the best feoffs 
 in France came to be possessed by the clergy, who made 
 good bargains for themselves, and had the conscience to 
 buy earth cheap, and to sell heaven dear. Yea, this voyage 
 laid the foundation of their temporal greatness, till at last, 
 the daughter devoured the mother, and wealth impaired 
 religion. 
 
 CHAP. XII. The Quality and Condition of those People 
 who undertook the War. 
 
 IT is not to be expected that all should be fish which is 
 caught in a drag-net, neither that all should be good 
 and religious people who were adventurers in an action of 
 so large a capacity as this war was. We must in charity 
 allow, that many of them were truly zealous and went with 
 pious intents. These were like to those of whom Bellar- 
 mine speaketh, who had no fault prater nimiam sanctitutem, 
 too much sanctity, which a learned man ' interpreted! too 
 much superstition. But besides these well-meaning people, 
 there went also a rabble-rout, rather for company than con- 
 science. Debtors 1 took this voyage on them as an acquit- 
 tance from their debts, to the defrauding of their creditors ; 
 servants counted the conditions of their service cancelled by 
 it, going away against their masters' will ; thieves and mur- 
 derers took upon them the cross, to escape the gallows ; adul- 
 terers did penance in their armour. A lamentable case that 
 the devil's black guard should be God's soldiers ! And no 
 wonder if the success was as bad as some of the adven- 
 
 6 jEmilius, De Gest. Fran. p. 109. 
 
 7 Daniel, in Henry the First, p. 49. 
 
 1 Whitaker, De Eccl. Contro. 2, cap. 11. 
 
 2 Albert, Aquin. Chron. Hierosol. lib. 1, cap. 2. 
 
A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 21 
 
 turers, especially seeing they retained their old conditions 
 under anew climate. 3 And (as if this voyage had been like 
 to repentance, never too soon nor too late for any to begin) 
 not only green striplings unripe for war, but also decayed 
 men to whom age had given a writ of ease, became sol- 
 diers ; and those who at home should have waited on their 
 own graves, went far to visit Christ's sepulchre. And which 
 was more, women (as if they would make the tale of the 
 Amazons truth) went with weapons in men's clothes; a 
 behaviour at the best immodest, and modesty being the 
 case of chastity, it is to be feared that where the case is 
 broken, the jewel is lost. This enterprise was also the 
 mother of much nonresidence ; many prelates and friars 
 (fitter to handle a penknife than a sword) left their con- 
 vents and pastoral charges to follow this business. The 
 total sum of those pilgrim soldiers amounted to three hun- 
 dred thousand, and some writers 4 do double that number. 
 No doubt the Christians' army had been greater if it had 
 been less, for the belly was too big for the head ; and the 
 medley of nations did rather burden than strengthen it. 
 Besides, the army was like a cloth of many colours, and 
 more seams ; which seams, though they were curiously 
 drawn up for the present, yet after long? wearing began to 
 be seen, and at last brake out into open rents. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. The Adventurers sorted according to their 
 several Nations. 
 
 THE Fiench. Dutch, Italian, and English were the four 
 elemental nations whereof this army was compounded : 
 of these the French were predominant ; they were the cape 
 merchants in this adventure. That nimble nation first 
 apprehended the project, and eagerly prosecuted it. As 
 their language wanteth one proper word to express stand, 
 so their natures mislike a settled, fixed posture, and delight 
 in motion and agitation of business ; yea, France (as being 
 then best at leisure) contributed more soldiers to this war 
 than all Christendom besides. The signal men were 
 Hugh, surnamed le Grand, brother to the king of France ; 
 Godfrey, duke of Bouillon; Baldwin, and Eustace, his 
 younger brother ; Stephen, earl of Blois, father to Stephen, 
 afterwards king of England; Reimund, earl of Toulouse ; 
 Robert, earl of Flanders ; Hugh, earl of St. Paul ; Bald- 
 
 3 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 16. 4 Malmesb. lib. 4, p. 133. 
 
22 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1095 
 
 win de Burge, with many more ; besides of the clergy, 
 Aimar, bishop of Puiand legate to the pope; and William, 
 bishop of Orange. 
 
 Germany is slandered to have sent none to this war at this 
 first voyage ; and that other pilgrims, passing through that 
 country, were mocked by the Dutch, and called fools for 
 their pains '. It is true, the German adventurers in number 
 answered not the largeness and populousness of their coun- 
 try ; for Henry, the emperor (a prince whom the pope long 
 hacked at, and hewed him off at last), being desirous to 
 go this voyage % was tied up at home with civil discords. 
 Yet we find a competency of soldiers of that nation, besides 
 those under Godescalcus a priest, Emmicho the Rhene- 
 grave, and Count Herman, their leaders. But though Ger- 
 many was backward at the first, yet afterwards it proved 
 the main Atlas of the war; that nation, like a heavy bell, 
 was long a raising, but being got up made a loud sound. 
 
 Italy sent few out of her heart and middle provinces 
 nigh Rome. The pope was loath to adventure his darlings 
 into danger; those white boys were to stay at home with 
 his holiness their tender father: wherefore he dispensed 
 with them for going 3 , as knowing how to use their help 
 nearer, and to greater profit. Peter's patrimony must as 
 well be looked to, as Christ's sepulchre. But though the 
 pope would spend none of his own fuel, he burnt the best 
 stakes of the emperor's hedge, and furthered the imperial 
 party to consume itself in this tedious war. Out of the 
 furthermost parts of Italy, Boemund, prince of Tarentum, 
 and Tancred, his nephew (both of the Norman seed, though 
 growing on the Apulian soil), led an army of twelve thou- 
 sand men ; and Lombardy was also very liberal of her sol- 
 diers towards this expedition. 
 
 England 4 (the pope's packhorse in that age, which seldom 
 rested in the stable when there was any work to be done) 
 sent many brave men under Robert, duke of Normandy, 
 brother to William Rufus; as Beauchamp, and others whose 
 names are lost. Neither surely did the Irishmen's feet stick 
 in their bogs, though we find no particular mention of their 
 achievements. 
 
 Spain had other use for her swords against the Saracens 
 
 1 Centurist. ex Ursperg. cent. 11, col. 416. 
 
 2 Pantaleon, De viris Ger. part 2, p. 139. 
 
 3 Daniel, in Will, the Second, p. 49. 
 
 4 Daniel, ut prius. 
 
A.D 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 23 
 
 at home, and therefore sent none of her men abroad. As 
 one saith 5 , the Spaniards did follow their own holy war, 
 a work more necessary, and no less honourable. Thus they 
 acted the same part, though not on the same stage, with 
 our pilgrims, as being also employed in fight against the 
 infidels. 
 
 Poland had the same excuse for not much appearing 
 clean through this war; because she lieth bordering on the 
 Tartars in herappendant country of Lithuania, and therefore 
 was busied in making good her frontiers. Besides, no won- 
 der if Prussia, Lithuania, and Livonia were not up in this 
 service, for it was scarce break of day with them, and the 
 sun of the gospel was newly (if at all) risen in those parts. 
 Yea, Poland was so far from sending men hither, that she 
 fetched them from hence 6 , and afterwards implored the aid 
 of the Teutonic order, who came out of Palestine to assist 
 her against her enemies. 
 
 Hungary might bring filling-stones to this building, but 
 few foundation or corner-stones, and at this time had no 
 commander of note in this action. 
 
 Scotland also presented us not with any remarkable piece 
 of service which her men performed in all this war. It was 
 not want of devotion, which was hot enough in that cold 
 country ; rather we may impute it to want of shipping, that 
 country being little powerful at sea, or (which is most pro- 
 bable) the actions of this nation are hidden, as wrapped up 
 in the bundle with some others ; I should guess under the 
 French, but the intimacy of those two people is of a far 
 later date. 
 
 Denmark and Norway, near acquainted with the Arctic 
 pole, though they lagged the last (and may therein be ex- 
 cused because of the length of the way), were sharers in the 
 honour of this employment, and performed good sea- 
 service. 
 
 Sweden either acted not at all, or else had a very short 
 part in this business. That country being a separatist, be- 
 cause of her remote situation, had little communion with 
 other parts of Europe. And indeed histories are mute of 
 Sweden, but that of late Gustavus's victory hath put a tongue 
 into them, and hath made that country famous to all pos- 
 terity. 
 
 5 ^milius, de Gest. Fran. p. 109. 
 
 6 Munstur, Cosmogr. 
 
24 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1096 
 
 CHAP. XIV. The sad Beginning of the War. 
 
 THEIR first setting forth [March 8, 1096] was checked 
 with bad success. For Walter Sensaver, a nobleman 
 (but what countryman it is unknown), who * had more of 
 the sail of valour than ballast of judgment, led forth an ill- 
 grown and unproportioned army, with many thousand foot, 
 and eight horsemen only *. But we must not think that 
 this fowl should fly far, whose wings were so short, and 
 train so long. His men were routed and slain by the Bul- 
 garians, and he himself, through many miseries, scarce re- 
 covered Constantinople. Peter the Hermit 3 , with his army, 
 went further to meet his own destruction. For after many 
 difficulties, having crossed the Bosporus, they came into 
 Asia, and there found some cities forsaken by the Turks, 
 their inhabitants. This they imputed to their enemies' fear, 
 which proceeded from their policy; and, therefore, being 
 more greedy to pillage than careful to fortify the places they 
 took, hunted after preys so long, till they became one them- 
 selves [July]. Hugh, brother to the king of France, 
 with his surname of the Great, had as little success as the 
 former ; his army being quickly abridged by the furious 
 Bulgarians in their passage, and he brought prisoner to 
 Constantinople 4 . Besides these, one Gotescalcus, a priest, 
 a wolf in sheep's clothing, and Emmicho, a tyrant prince 
 near the Rhine, led forth a rout of wicked people, who car- 
 ried the badge of the cross, and served the devil under 
 Christ's livery, killing and pillaging the poor Jews and 
 other people in Germany as they went 5 . This made Colo- 
 man, king of Hungary, not only deny them passage through 
 his country (and no wonder if he was loath to lodge those 
 guests who were likely to rob their host), but also put most 
 of them to the sword. Some suspected these beginnings to 
 be but the bad breakfast to a worse dinner ; and therefore, 
 abandoning their resolutions, returned home : others, little 
 moved hereat, conceived these first defeats to be but the 
 clarifying of the Christian army from the dregs of base and 
 ruder people. 
 
 1 Malmesh. 1. 4, p. 133. 
 
 2 Calvisius, p. 893, in anno 1096. 
 
 3 ^Emilias, De Gest. Fran. p. 111. 4 Malmesb. 1. 4, p. 135. 
 
 4 Urspergens. pp. 227 et 228. 
 
A. D. 1096 THE HOLY WAR. 25 
 
 CHAP. XV. The Pilgrims' Arrival at Constantinople, Enter- 
 tainment, and Departure. 
 
 BUT now (to speak in my author's phrase 1 ), the chaff 
 being winnowed with this fan out of God's floor, the 
 good grain began to appear. Godfrey, duke of Bouillon, 
 set forth, and marched through Hungary [Aug. 15] with an 
 army of civil and well-conditioned soldiers; so also did 
 Boemund, Reimund, and Robert the Norman, whose 
 setting forth bear divers dates ; and they embraced several 
 courses through sundry countries; but the first rendezvous 
 where all met was at Constantinople. 
 
 Dec. 23.] This was no pleasant prospect to Alexius, the 
 Grecian emperor, to see the sea full of ships, the shore of 
 soldiers. He had gotten the empire by bad practices (by 
 deposing and cloistering Nicephorus, his predecessor), and 
 an ill conscience needeth no enemy but itself; for now he 
 affrighteth himself with the fancy that these pilgrims were 
 so many pioneers come to undermine him. Yea, heseemeth 
 to have entailed his jealousies on all his successors, who 
 never cordially affected this war, but suspected that these 
 western Christians made but a false blow at Jerusalem, and 
 meant to hit Constantinople. But though he had a storm 
 in his heart, yet he made all fair weather in his face ; and 
 finding these his guests so strong that they could command 
 their own welcome, he entertained them rather for fear than 
 love. At last it was covenanted betwixt them 2 , that what 
 countries or cities soever (Jerusalem alone excepted) once 
 belonging to this Grecian empire should be recovered by 
 these Latins, should all be restored to Alexius; in lieu 
 whereof he was to furnish them with armour, shipping, and 
 all other warlike necessaries. Thus might that emperor 3 
 have much improved his estate by these adventures; but 
 he (like those who cannot see their own good for too stead- 
 fast looking on it), by his over carefulness and causeless 
 suspicion, deprived himself of this benefit, and implunged 
 himself in much just hatred for his unjust dealing and 
 treachery. Polybius, though a Grecian himself, yet thus 
 painteth out his countrymen amongst the Greeks 4 : " If 
 one should lend a talent, though he should have for it ten 
 
 1 Urspergens. p. 233. 5 M. Paris, p. 38. 
 
 3 ^Emilius, De Gest. Fran. p. 112. 
 
 4 Lib. 6. Vide Erasmum in Adagio. Gracajides. 
 
 
26 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1096 
 
 bonds, ten seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet the 
 borrower will not keep his credit/' It seems Alexius was 
 one of this same faith, who, though so solemnly engaged on 
 his honour to perform this agreement so advantageous to 
 himself, most unprincelike brake his word, and molested 
 these pilgrims afterwards. 
 
 Some question the discretion of these princes in this 
 agreement 5 , to bargain to purchase Alexius's profit with 
 their blood, and conceive that they much undervalued them- 
 selves in swearing homage unto him ; which only Robert, 
 earl of Flanders 6 (remembering that he was free born and 
 bred), refused to do. Yet they may herein be partly ex- 
 cused, for they apprehended it of absolute necessity to gain 
 this emperor's favour, on what price soever, because his 
 country was the highway through which they must pass. 
 Besides, their zeal to be at their journey's end made them 
 insensible of any future disadvantages, so be it they might 
 have but present expedition to the place they were bound 
 for. And we may also think that Alexius's liberal gifts had 
 great efficacy in this matter, to win these princes to his own 
 desires. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. The Estate of Asia. Siege and Taking of 
 Nice. Turks overthrown in Battle. 
 
 AT our last mentioning of the Turks and their victories, 
 we left them possessed of Jerusalem and the greater 
 part of Syria : but since they have thrived better, and won 
 the lesser Asia from the Grecian emperor. Indeed, those 
 emperors with their own hands lifted up the Turks into their 
 throne, and caused them thus speedily to conquer. For 
 giving themselves over to pleasure, they gave little counte- 
 nance, and less maintenance, to men of service and action; 
 whereby the martial sparks in noble spirits were quenched; 
 and no wonder if virtue did wither where it was not 
 watered with reward. Secondly, out of covetousness the 
 emperors unfurnished their frontiers of garrisons, and laid 
 them open to invasions ; a notorious solecism in policy : 
 for if doors in private houses are to be locked, much more 
 frontiers in kingdoms. Neither did it a little advantage the 
 Turks' proceedings that the Grecian empire fell to Eudoxia, 
 a woman, and her children in minority, too weak pilots to 
 steer so great a state in the tempest of war. And though 
 after other changes it fell to Alexius, one whose personal 
 abilities were not to be excepted against, yet he being to- 
 
 4 M. Paris, p. 38. 6 Malmesb. 137. 
 
A. D. 1097 THE HOLY WAR. 27 
 
 tally busied at home, to maintain his title against home-bred 
 foes, had no leisure to make any effectual resistance against 
 foreign enemies. Nor did the death of Cutlen-Muses, 
 their king, any whit prejudice the Turkish proceedings ; 
 for Solyman, his son, succeeded him, a prince no less 
 famous for his clemency than his conquests ; as victory, to 
 generous minds, is only an inducement to moderation. In 
 this case, under the tyranny of the Turks stood Asia the 
 Less ; and though there were many Christians in every 
 city, yet these being disarmed, had no other weapons than 
 those of the primitive church, tears and prayers. 
 
 But now these western pilgrims, arriving there, besiege 
 the city of Nice with an army as glorious as ever the sun 
 beheld [May 14, 1097]. This city was equally beholden 
 to nature and art for her strength, and was formerly 
 famous for the first general council, called there by Con- 
 stantine against Arius, wherein were assembled three 
 hundred and eighteen bishops. The pilgrims had a Lom- 
 bard for their engineer ; the neighbouring wood afforded 
 them materials, whereof they made many warlike instru- 
 ments, and hoped speedily to conquer the city. But 
 breathed deer are not so quickly caught. The Turks within, 
 being experienced soldiers, defeated their enterprises. And 
 here one might have seen art promising herself the victory, 
 and suddenly meeting with counterart, which mastered her. 
 The lake Ascanius, whereon the city stood, having an out- 
 let into the sea, much advantaged the besieged, whereby 
 they fetched victuals from the country, till at last that pas- 
 sage was locked up by the Grecian fleet. Soon after the 
 city was surrendered [June 20], on composition that the 
 inhabitants' lives and goods should be untouched ; whereat 
 the soldiers, who hitherto hoped for the spoil, now seeing 
 themselves spoiled of their hope, showed no small discon- 
 tentment. Solyman's wife and young children were taken 
 prisoners, and the city (according to the agreement) was 
 delivered to Tatinus, the Grecian admiral, in behalf of 
 Alexius, his master. 
 
 From hence the Christians set forward to the vale of 
 Dogorgan, when behold Solyman with all his might fell 
 upon them, and there followed a cruel battle, fought with 
 much courage and variety of success. A cloud of arrows 
 darkened the sky, which was quickly dissolved into a shower 
 of blood. The Christians had many disadvantages, for 
 their enemies were three to one, and valour itself may be 
 pressed to death under the weight of multitude. The season 
 
28 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1097 
 
 was unseasonable ; the scorching of the sun much annoying 
 these northern people, whilst the Turks had bodies of proof 
 against the heat. Besides, the Christians' horses, affrighted 
 with the barbarous sounds of the Turkish drums, were alto- 
 gether unserviceable. However, they bravely maintained 
 their fight by the special valour and wisdom of their leaders 
 (amongst whom Boemund, and Hugh, brother to the Ijing 
 of France, deserved high commendations), till at last, find- 
 ing themselves overmatched, they began to guard their 
 heads with their heels, and fairly ran away. When in came 
 Robert the Norman, in the very opportunity of opportunity '. 
 Much he encouraged them with his words, more with his 
 valour, slaying three principal Turks with his own hands. 
 This sight so inspirited the Christians, that coming in on 
 fresh, they obtained a most glorious victory. Two thou- 
 sand on their side were slain, whereof William the brother 
 of Tancred, Godfrey de Mont, and Robert of Paris, were of 
 special note. But far greater was the slaughter of their 
 enemies, especially after that Godfrey of Bouillon, who had 
 been absent all the battle, came in with his army : yet they 
 wanted a hammer to drive the victory home to the head, 
 having no horses to make the pursuit 1 . Solyman, flying 
 away, burned all as he went ; and, to prop up his credit, 
 gave it out that he had gotten the day, pleasing himself to 
 be a conqueror in report This great battle was fought 
 July 1st, though some make it many days after; yea, so 
 great is the variety of historians in their dates, that every 
 one may seem to have a several clock of time, which they 
 set faster or slower at their own pleasure ; but as long as 
 they agree in the main, we need not be much moved with 
 their petty dissensions. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. The Siege and Taking of Antioch. Corboran 
 overcome in Fight. Of Christ's Spear, and of holy Fraud. 
 
 FROM hence, with invincible industry and patience, 
 they bored a passage through valleys, up mountains, 
 over rivers, taking as they went the famous cities Iconium, 
 Heraclea, Tarsus, and conquering all the country of Cili- 
 cia. This good success much puffed them up 3 ; God, there- 
 fore, to cure them of the pleurisy of pride, did let them 
 blood with the long and costly siege of Antioch. This city, 
 watered by the river Orontes, and called Reblath of the 
 
 1 M. Paris, p. 42, et H. Hunting, lib. 7, p. 374. 
 
 2 W. Malmesb. p. 138. 3 Urspergens. p. 233. 
 
A. D. 1098 THE HOLY WAR. 29 
 
 Hebrews, was built by Seleucus Nicanor, and enlarged by 
 Antiochus. Compassed it was with a double wall, one of 
 square stone, the other of brick, strengthened with four 
 mndred and sixty towers, and had a castle on the east 
 rather to be admired than assaulted. Here the professors 
 of our faith were first named Christians 2 ", and here St. 
 Peter first sat bishop, whose fair church was a patriarchal 
 seat for many hundred years after. Before this city the 
 pilgrims' army encamped [Oct. 21], and strongly besieged 
 it; but the Turks within manfully defending themselves 
 under Auxianus, their captain, frustrated their hopes of 
 taking it by force. The siege grew long, and victuals short, 
 in the Christians' camp; and now Peter the Hermit 3 , being 
 brought to the touchstone, discovered what base metal he 
 was of, ran away with some other of good note, and were 
 fetched back again, and bound with a new oath to prosecute 
 the war. At last, one within the city (though authors agree 
 neither of his name nor religion, some making him a Turk, 
 others a Christian ; some calling him Pyrrhus, some Hemir- 
 pherrus, others Emipher) in the dead of the night betrayed 
 the city to Boemund [June 3, 1098]. The Christians 
 issuing in, and exasperated with the length of the siege, so 
 remembered what they had suffered, that they forgot what 
 they had to do, killing promiscuously Christian citizens 
 with Turks 4 . Thus passions, like heavy bodies down steep 
 hills, once in motion move themselves, and know no ground 
 but the bottom. 
 
 Antioch, thus taken, was offered to Alexius the emperor, 
 but he refused it, suspecting some deceit in the tender; as 
 bad men measure other men's minds by the crooked rule of 
 their own. Hereupon it was bestowed on Boemund; 
 though this place, dearly purchased, was not long quietly 
 possessed ; for Corboran, the Turkish general, came with a 
 vast army of Persian forces, and besieged the Christians in 
 the city, so that they were brought into a great strait be- 
 twixt death and death, hunger within and their foes without. 
 Many secretly stole away, whereat the rest were no whit 
 discomfited, counting the loss of cowards to be gain to an 
 army. At last they generally resolved rather to lose their 
 lives by wholesale on the point of the sword, than to retail 
 them out by famine, which is the worst of tyrants, and 
 
 2 Acts xi. 26. 
 
 3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 357. Et ^Emilius, in Philip the 
 First, p. 123. 4 P. ^mil. p. 127. 
 
30 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1098 
 
 murdereth men in state, whilst they die in not dying. It 
 did not a little encourage them, that they found in the 
 church of St. Peter that lance wherewith our Saviour's 
 body was pierced 5 . They highly prized this military relic 
 of Christ, as if by wounding of him it had got virtue to 
 wound his enemies, and counted it a pawn of certain vic- 
 tory. Whether this spear was truly found, or whether it 
 was but invented to cozen men with, we will not dispute. 
 However, it wrought much with these pilgrims, for conceit 
 oftentimes doeth things above conceit, especially when the 
 imagination apprehendeth something founded in religion. 
 Marching forth in several armies, they manfully fell upon 
 their enemies [June 28], and being armed with despair to 
 escape, they sought to sell their lives at the dearest rate. 
 Valour doth swell when it is crushed betwixt extremities, and 
 then oftentimes goeth beyond herself in her achievements. 
 This day, by God's blessing on their courage, they got a 
 noble conquest. Some saw St. George in the air with an 
 army of white horses righting for them 6 ; but these, no doubt, 
 did look through the spectacles of fancy. And yet, though 
 we should reject this apparition, we need not play the Ori- 
 gens with the story of St. George, and change all the literal 
 sense into an allegory of Christ and his church ; for it is 
 improbable that our English nation, amongst so many saints 
 that were, would choose one that was not, to be their patron, 
 especially seeing the world, in that age, had rather a glut 
 than famine of saints. 
 
 And here let me advertise the reader, once for all, not to 
 expect that 1 should set down those many miracles 7 where- 
 with authors who write this war so lard their stories, that 
 it will choke the belief of any discreet man to swallow them. 
 As the intent of these writers was pious, to gain credit and 
 converts to the Christian faith, so the prosecuting of -their 
 project must be condemned, in thinking to grace the gospel 
 in reporting such absurd falsities. But let us know that 
 heaven hath a pillory, whereon fraus pia herself shall be 
 punished ; and rather let us leave religion to her native 
 plainness, than hang her ears with counterfeit pearls. 
 
 The pride of the Turks being abated in this battle, and 
 
 5 Tyrius, lib. 6, cap. 14. 
 
 6 TNI. Paris, in Gulielmo secundo, p. 57. 
 
 7 Munclus senescens patitur phamasias falsorum miraculo- 
 rum ; propterea suut nunc babenda miracula valde suspecta. 
 Gerson. 
 
A.D. 1098 
 
 THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 31 
 
 one hundred thousand of them being slain, the Christians grew 
 mightily insolent, and forgot to return to God the honour of 
 the victory; whereupon followed a great mortality, and 
 fifty thousand died in few days. Whether this proceeded 
 from the climate (the bodies of Europe not being friends 
 with the air of Asia, till use by degrees reconcileth them), 
 or whether it was caused by their intemperance : for after 
 long fasting they would not measure their stomachs by the 
 standard of physic, and dieting themselves till nature by 
 degrees could digest the meat; but by surfeiting digged 
 their graves with their own teeth. 
 
 And now we are come to the skirts and borders of Pales- 
 tine. Wherefore as heralds use to blazon the field before 
 they meddle with the charge, so let us describe the land 
 before we relate the actions done therein. If in bowling 
 they must needs throw wide which know not the green or 
 alley whereon they play, much more must they miss the 
 truth in story who are unacquainted with that country 
 whereon the discourse proceedeth. Briefly, therefore, of 
 the Holy Land ; as not intending to make a large and wide 
 I description of so short and narrow a country. 
 
 S ,CHAP. XVIII. A Pisgah-sight, or short Survey of Pales- 
 tine in general; and how it might maintain one million 
 three hundred thousand Men. 
 
 PALESTINE is bounded on the north with Mount Liba- 
 nus; west, with the Midland Sea; south, with the 
 ((wilderness of Paran, parting it from Egypt; and east, with 
 I the mountains of Gilead and the river of Arnon. To give it 
 tithe most favourable dimensions : from the foot of Libanus 
 , I to Beersheba, north and south, may be allowed two hundred 
 and ten miles; and from Ramoth-gilead to Endor, east and 
 r [west, seventy ; which is the constant breadth of the country. 
 llln which compass, in David's time, were maintained thir- 
 teen hundred thousand men 1 , besides women, children, and 
 j (impotent persons ; and yet the tribes of Benjamin 2 and Levi 
 were not reckoned. True this must needs be, for Truth hath 
 id it ; yet it is wonderful. For though the United Pro- 
 inces in the Low Countries maintain as many people in as 
 little a plot of ground, yet they feed not on home-bred food, 
 but have Poland for their granary, the British ocean for 
 (their fishpond, High Germany for their wine-cellar, and by 
 the benefit of their harbours unlock the storehouses of all 
 
 2 Sam. xxiv. 9. 
 
 2 1 Chron. xxi. 6. 
 
32 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 other countries. It fared not thus with the Jews, whose 
 own country fed them all. And yet the seeming impos- 
 sibility of so many kept in so small a land will be abated 
 if we consider these particulars : 
 
 1. People in those hot countries had not so hot appetites 
 for the quantity of the meat eaten, nor gluttonous palates 
 for the variety of it. 
 
 2. The country rising and falling into hills and vales, 
 gained many acres of ground, whereof no notice is taken in 
 a map, for therein all things presented are conceived to be 
 in piano : and so the land was far roomier than the scale of 
 miles doth make it. 
 
 3. They had pasturage to feed their cattle in, in out- 
 countries beyond Palestine. Thus the tribe of Reuben 3 
 grazed their cattle eastward, even to the river Euphrates. 
 
 4. Lastly, the soil was transcendently fruitful, as ap- 
 peareth by that great bunch of grapes 4 carried by two men. 
 For though many a man hath not been able to bear wine, 
 it is much that one should be laden with one cluster of 
 grapes. 
 
 If any object against the fruitfulness of this country, that 
 there were many wildernesses therein, as those of Maon, 
 Ziph, Carrael, Gibeon, Judah, and these must needs cut 
 large thongs out of so narrow a hide : it is answered, that 
 these wildernesses took up no great space, as probably 
 being no bigger than our least forests in England. As for 
 the greater deserts, we must not conceive them to lie wholly 
 waste, but that they were but thinly inhabited ; for we find 
 six cities, with their villages, in the wilderness of Judah 5 . 
 
 Principal commodities of this country were, 
 
 1 . Balm, which wholly failed 6 not long after our Saviour's 
 passion ; whether because the type was to cease when the 
 truth was come, or because that land was unworthy to have 
 so sovereign bodily physic grow in her, where the Physician 
 of the soul was put to death. 
 
 2. Honey, and that either distilled by bees, those little 
 chymists (and the pasture they fed on was never a whit the 
 barer for their biting), or else rained down from heaven, as 
 that which Jonathan tasted 7 , when his sweet meat had like 
 to have had sour sauce, and to have cost him his life. 
 
 Besides these, milk, oil, nuts, almouds, dates, figs, olives 
 
 3 1 Chron. v. 9, 10. * Num. xiii. 23. 5 Joshua, xv. 61 
 
 6 Munster, in Terra sancta, p. 1017, et in ygypt. p. 1135. 
 
 7 1 Sam.xiv. 27. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 33 
 
 so that we may boldly say, no country had better sauce and 
 better meat, having fowl, fish in sea, lakes, and rivers; 
 flesh of sheep, goats, bucks, and kine. 
 
 Mines of gold and silver, with pearls and precious stones, 
 Judea rather had not than wanted; either because God 
 would not have his people proud or covetous, or because 
 these are not essential to man's life, or because nature 
 bestovveth these commodities in recompense on barren 
 countries. 
 
 Horses they had none, but what they bought out of 
 Egypt for service, using asses for burden, oxen for drawing, 
 and mules for travel. And for many hundred years they 
 used no horses in battle, till David took some from Hada- 
 dezer 8 . The greatest inconvenience of the land was that 
 it had wild beasts ; and their sheep were not securely 
 folded like ours in England, which stand more in danger 
 of men than wolves. 
 
 The chief river of the country was Jordan, over which 
 the Israelites passed on foot; afterwards Elijah made a 
 bridge over it with his cloak, and our Saviour washed the 
 water hereof, by being baptized in it. This ariseth from 
 the springs of Jor and Dan ; whence, running south, he 
 enlargeth himself, first into the waters of Merom, then into 
 the lake of Genesareth or Tiberias ; and hence, recovering 
 his stream, as if sensible of his sad fate, and desirous to 
 defer what he cannot avoid, he fetcheth many turnings and 
 windings, but all will not excuse him from falling into the 
 Dead Sea. Authors are very fruitful on the barrenness of 
 this sea (where Sodom once stood), writing how on the 
 banks thereof grow those hypocrite apples and well com- 
 plexioned dust (the true emblems of the false pleasures of 
 this world) which touched fall to ashes. 
 
 CHA.P. XIX. Galilee described. 
 
 PALESTINE contained four provinces : Galilee, on the 
 north; Trachonitis, beyond Jordan, on the east; 
 Judea, on the south; and Samaria, in the middle. Galilee 
 was divided into the upper and lower. The upper (called 
 also Galilee of the Gentiles, because it bordered on them) 
 comprehended the tribes of Asher and Naphtali. 
 . Asher entertaineth us with these observables : 1. Mis- 
 rephothmajim *, the Nantwich of Palestine, where salt was 
 boiled. 2. Sarepta, where Elijah multiplied the widow ! s 
 
 8 V Sana, viii. 4, ' Josh. xi. 8. 
 
34 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 oil. 3. Tyre, anciently the royal exchange of the world; 
 but of this (as of Sidon and Ptolemais) largely hereafter. 
 4. Ephek, whose walls falling down gave both the death 
 and gravestones to twenty-seven thousand of Benhadad's 
 soldiers. 5. Cana the Great, whereof was that woman 
 whose daughter Christ dispossessed of a devil. 6. Belus, 
 a rivulet famous for its glassy sand. 7. Mount Libanus, 
 whether so called (as our Albion) from his snowy top, or 
 from frankincense growing thereon. 
 
 Naphtali with these: 1. Abel-beth-maacha. In this 
 borough Sheba, that vermin, earthed himself, till a woman's 
 wisdom threw his head over the walls : and pity it was those 
 walls should have stood, if they had been too high to throw 
 a traitor's head over them. 2. Harosheth, the city of Sisera, 
 who, for all his commanding of nine hundred iron chariots, 
 was slain with one iron nail. 3. Capernaum, where Christ 
 healed the centurion's servant, and not far off fed an army, 
 of guests with five loaves and two fishes ; so that if we con- 
 sider what they ate, we may wonder that they left any 
 thing ; if what they left, that they ate any thing. 4. Kedesh, 
 a city of refuge, whither they were to fly that killed men 
 unawares. As for those who formerly privileged sanctu- 
 aries in England, where the worst traitors and wilfulest 
 murderers were secure from punishment, they rather pro- 
 pounded Romulus than Moses for their president. 5. Rib- 
 lah, where King Zedekiah (more unhappy that he saw so long, 
 than that he was blind so soon) had his eyes put out, after 
 he had beheld the slaughter of his sons. 6. Cesarea- 
 Philippi, the chief city of Decapolis, which was a small 
 territory on both sides of Jordan, so called of ten cities it 
 contained ; though authors wonderfully differ in reckoning 
 up. 7. Christ's mount, so named because it was his pulpit, 
 as the whole law was his text, when he made that famous 
 sermon on the mount. This Sun of Righteousness, which 
 had all Palestine for his zodiac, the twelve tribes for his 
 signs, stayed longest here and in Zebulun ; and, as St. Hie- 
 rome observeth 1 , as these two tribes were first carried into 
 captivity, so redemption was first preached in these coun- 
 tries. 
 
 Lower Galilee consisted of Zebulun and Issachar. Zebu- 
 lun presenteth us with Nain, where our Saviour raised the 
 widow's son, so that she was twice a mother, yet had but 
 one child. 2. Cana the Less, where he showed the virginity 
 
 2 In 4 Mat. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 35 
 
 of his miracles at a marriage, turning water into wine. 
 3. Bethulia, where Judith struck off Holofernes's head, 
 though some since have struck off that story, not only from 
 canonical scripture, but from truth. 4. Bethsaida, up- 
 braided by Christ, famous for her great means, great ingra- 
 titude, great punishment. 5. Nazareth, where our Saviour 
 had his conception and education. 6. Tiberias, so called 
 by Herod the tetrarch, in the honour of Tiberius. 7. Mount 
 Carmel, the Jewish Parnassus, where the prophets were so 
 conversant 8. Tabor, where our Saviour was transfigured, 
 the earnest of his future glory. 9. The river Kishon, God's 
 besom to sweep away Sisera's great army. 
 
 In Issachar we find Tarichea, taken with great difficulty 
 by Vespasian. 2. Shunem, where Elisha was so often 
 entertained by an honourable woman. And, as if this land 
 had been thirsty of blood, here in this tribe were fought 
 the battles of Gideon against the Midianites, Jehu against 
 Jehoram, Saul against the Philistines upon Mount Gilboa. 
 David therefore cursed that mountain, that neither dew nor 
 rain should fall on it. But of late, some English travellers 
 climbing this mountain were well wetted, David not cursing 
 it by a prophetical spirit, but in a poetical rapture. 
 
 CHAP. XX. The Description of Samaria. 
 
 SAMARIA contained half Manasses on this side Jordan, 
 and the tribe of Ephraim. In the former we met with 
 Bethshean, on the walls whereof the Philistines hanged 
 Saul's body. 2. Tirzah, where Zimri (whose only goodness 
 was, that he reigned but seven days) burned himself and 
 the king's palace. 3. Thebez, where Abimelech, prodigal 
 of his life, but niggardly of his reputation, not so pained 
 with his death, as angry with his killer (because a woman), 
 would needs be killed again by his armour-bearer. 4. Me- 
 giddo, where Josiah, that bright sun, set in a cloud, engaging 
 himself in a needless quarrel, wherein he was slain. 5. 
 Cesarea-Stratonis, where Herod was eaten up with worms. 
 6. Jezreel, a royal city of the kings of Israel, nigh which 
 lay the vineyard, or rather blood-yard, of Naboth. 
 
 Ephraim was adorned with Samaria, the chief city of 
 Israel, which at this day showeth more ruins than Jerusa- 
 lem. 2. Shiloh, where the ark was long leiger; and where 
 Eli, heart-broken with bad news, brake his neck with a 
 fall. 3. Sichem, where Dinah bought the satisfying of 
 her curiosity with the loss of her chastity. And, as if the 
 ground here were stained with perfidiousness, here Simeon 
 
26 THE HISTOE Y OF 
 
 and Levi killed the Sichemites, Joseph was sold by hii 
 brethren, Abimelech usurped the government, the ten tribe; 
 revolted from Rehoboam. 4. Mount Ephraim, a ridge o 
 hills crossing this country. 5. Gerizzim and Ebal, tw< 
 mountains : the blessings were pronounced on the one, ane 
 the curses on the other. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. Judea surveyed. 
 
 JUDEA comprised the tribes of Benjamin, Dan, Simeon 
 and Judah. Benjamin flourished with Gilgal, when 
 Joshua circumcised the Israelites. They hitherto had beei 
 fellow-commoners with the angels, feeding on manna, whicl 
 here ceased ; God withdrawing miracles where he afford e< 
 means. 2. Gibeon, whose inhabitants cozened Joshua wit] 
 a pass of false-dated antiquity : who would have though 
 that clouted shoes could have covered so much subtilty 
 Here Joshua sent his mandate to the sun to stand still, am 
 to wait on him whilst he conquered his enemies. 3. Not 
 where Doeg, more cruel than the king's cattle he kepi 
 slew eighty-five priests, as innocent as their ephods wer 
 white. 4. Jericho, whose walls were battered down wit 
 the sound of rams' horns. 5. Bethel, where God appearei 
 to Jacob. 6. Ai, where the Israelites were slain for th 
 sacrilege of Achan. 
 
 Dan had these memorables : 1. Joppa, a safe harboui 
 where Jonah fled from God's service. 2. Ashdod, c 
 Azotus, where Dagon did twice homage to the ark, nc 
 only falling bare, but putting off his head and hands, i 
 Gath, a seminary of giants, where Goliath was born. < 
 Ekron, where Beelzebub, the God of flies, had a nest c 
 temple. 5. Timnath, where Judah committed incest wit 
 Tamar, but betrayed himself by his own tokens, and be: 
 himself with his own staff. Hence Samson fetched his wif 
 whose epithalamium proved the dirge to so many Philistine 
 6. Modin, where the Maccabees were buried. 7. Sore 
 the chief, if not only rivulet of this tribe. 
 
 Entering on the south coasts of Simeon, we light 
 Askelon, where Herod was born. 2. Gaza, chief of tl 
 five satrapies of the Philistines, the gates whereof Sams< 
 carried away ; and hither being sent for to make sport in tl 
 house of Dagon, acted such a tragedy that plucked dov 
 the stage, slew himself and all the spectators. 3. Mo 
 inland, Ziklag, assigned by Achish to David. 4. Bf( 
 sheba and Gerar, where Abraham and Isaac lived me 
 constantly, near unto the brook of Besor. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 37 
 
 The tribe of Judah was the greatest of all, so that Simeon 
 and Dan did feed on the reversion thereof, and received 
 those cities which originally belonged to this royal tribe. 
 Memorable herein were, 1. Hebron, the land whereof was 
 given to Caleb, because he and Joshua consented not to the 
 false verdict which the jury of spies brought in against the 
 Jand of Canaan. 2. Nigh, in the cave of Machpelah, the 
 patriarchs were buried ; whose bodies took livery and 
 seizin in behalf of their posterity, which were to possess the 
 whole land. 3. Kirjath-sepher or Debir, an ancient univer- 
 sity of the Canaanites : for though. Parnassus was only in 
 Greece, yet the Muses were not confined to that country. 
 4. Tekoa, where -Amos was born, fetched from the herds- 
 men to feed God's sheep; and to dress his vine, from 
 gathering wild figs. 5. Zoar, Lot's refuge, near to which 
 his wife, for one farewell glance at Sodom, was turned into 
 a pillar of salt, to season us to measure a sin by the infinite- 
 ness of God who forbiddeth it. Adjoining is Lot's cave, 
 where he, affecting solitariness, had too much company of 
 his own daughters. 6. Carmel, where Nabal lived, as rich 
 as foolish ; but those grains of wisdom which were wanting 
 in him were found overweight in his wife. Here Uzziah 
 pastured his cattle, a king, yet delighted in husbandry ; as 
 thrift is the fuel of magnificence. 7. Bethlehem, where 
 our Saviour was born. 8. Jerusalem, whereof afterwards. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. Of Trachonitis. 
 
 WE want one adequate word of a country to express 
 the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasses 
 beyond Jordan. Trachonitis cometh the nearest, so called 
 because it riseth up in sharp hills, which are known to 
 Ptolemy by the name of Hippus ; to Strabo, of Trachones ; 
 but in Scripture, of Mount Hermon, or Gilead. 
 
 Reuben, though disinherited of the birthright, had this 
 honour of an elder brother, that he was first provided for. 
 ;His chief places, Heshbon and Medeba, and Macherus, 
 the strongest inland city in that part of the world. Mount 
 Abarim, a chain of hills, the highest whereof was Nebo ; 
 the top cliff of Nebo, Pisgah, whence Moses viewed the 
 land : hereabouts the angel buried him, and also buried his 
 grave, lest it should occasion idolatry. The river Arnon 
 parteth this tribe from Moab. 
 
 In Gad, we find Peniel, where Jacob wrestled with God, 
 lost a sinew, but got a blessing : Jabesh-gilead, where Saul 
 was buried : Ramoth-gilead, where Ahab was slain : Roge- 
 
38 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 lim, the manor of Barzillai, superannuated to be a courtier : 
 Mahanaim, where the angels appeared to Jacob : the forest 
 of Ephraim, where that execution was done by Jephthah 
 on the Ephraimites, for not pronouncing that heavy aspira- 
 tion in Shibboleth : the river Jabbok. 
 
 In Manasses, Edrei, the city of Og, on whose giant-like 
 proportion the rabbins have more giant-like lies : Gadara, 
 whose inhabitants loved their swine better than their Saviour. 
 They that desire to be further informed of Canaan, let them 
 spare pains to strike fire, and light their candle at Sir 
 Walter Raleigh's torch. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. The Description of the City of Jerusalem; 
 the Observables within and about her. 
 
 TERUSALEM, by the often change of her fortunes, hath 
 J somewhat altered her situation, having hitched herself, 
 more north-westward. For the mountain of Calvary, which 
 formerly she shut out of her gates, as the infamous place of 
 execution, she now embraceth within her walls as her most 
 venerable monument. 
 
 On the south of Jerusalem (once part of her, now ex- 
 cluded) lieth Mount Sion, famous anciently for the palace 
 of David : on the east, Mount Olivet, parted with the vale 
 of Jehoshaphat; which (some will have) shall be the hall 
 for the great assizes of the world at the day of judgment, 
 whilst others more modestly conceive that the place as well 
 as the time is concealed. On the west, the hill of Gihon : 
 and on the north, it is indifferent plain. 
 
 The monuments which are still extant, to be seen without 
 or within the city, are reducible to one of these three 
 ranks: 1. Certainly true; as the mountains compassing it, 
 which are standards too great and too heavy for either time 
 or war to remove ; and such also are some eminent particu- 
 lars of some places, which constant tradition, without rup- 
 ture, hath entailed on posterity. 2. Of a mixed nature; 
 where the text is true, but superstition and fancy have 
 commented on it. 3. Stark lies, without a rag of proba- 
 bility to hide their shame ; where the believer is as foolish 
 as the inventor impudent. We will bundle them together, 
 and let the reader sort them at his discretion : for it is as 
 hard to fit the throats as to please the palates of men ; and 
 that will choke one man's belief which another will swallow 
 as easily credible. Neither let any censure this discourse 
 as a parenthesis to this history, seeing that to see these 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 39 
 
 relics was one principal motive with many to undertake this 
 pilgrimage. 
 
 To begin without the city, on the south, there remain the 
 ruins of David's palace, too near to which was Uriah's 
 house ; and the fountain * is still showed where Bathsheba's 
 washing of her body occasioned the fouling of her soul. 
 Next, David's tomb is to be seen, wherein he was buried : 
 his monument was enriched with a mass of treasure, saith 
 Josephus; out of which Hircanus, eight hundred and fifty 
 years after, took three thousand talents. But surely David, 
 who despised riches in his life, was not covetous after his 
 death : and I am sure they are his own words, that Man 
 shall carry nothing away with him, neither shall his great 
 pomp follow him 2> . Thirdly, Aceldama, that burying-place 
 for strangers ; and the grave, that every where hath a good 
 stomach, hath here a boulimia, or greedy worm, for it will 
 devour the flesh of a corpse in forty-eight hours. Fourthly, 
 Absalom's pillar, which he built to continue his memory, 
 though he might have saved that cost, having eternized his 
 infamy by his unnatural rebellion. Fifthly, the houses of 
 Annas and Caiaphas, to pass by others of inferior note. 
 
 On the east, first, Mount Olivet, from whence our Saviour 
 took his rise into heaven. The chapel of Ascension, of an 
 eight-square round, mounted on three degrees, still chal- 
 lengeth great reverence ; and there the footsteps of our Saviour 
 are still to be seen, which cannot be covered over. Secondly, 
 the fig-tree which Christ cursed ; for he who spake many, 
 here wrought a parable; this whole tree being but the bark, 
 and Christ under it cursing the fruitless profession of the 
 Jews. Thirdly, the place where St. Stephen was stoned ; 
 and the stones thereabouts are overgrown with a red rust, 
 which is (forsooth) the very blood of that holy martyr. 
 Fourthly, the place where Judas surprised our Saviour, 
 and he fell down on a stone, in which the print of his 
 elbows and feet are still to be seen. Fifthly, the sepulchre 
 of the blessed Virgin ; whose body, after it had been three 
 days buried, was carried up by the angels into heaven ; and 
 she let fall her girdle to St. Thomas 3 , that his weak faith 
 might be swaddled therewith; otherwise he who in the 
 point of Christ's resurrection would have no creed, except 
 he made his own articles, and put his finger into his side, 
 would no doubt hardly have believed the Virgin's assump- 
 
 1 Morison's Trav. part 1, p. 226. a Psalm xlix. 17. 
 
 3 Sandys, p. 190. 
 
40 THE HISTOR Y OF 
 
 tion. With this legend we may couple another, which, 
 though distant in place, will be believed both together: 
 they show at Bethlehem 4 " a little hole over the place where 
 our Saviour was born, through which the star which con- 
 ducted the wise men fell down to the ground. But who 
 will not conclude but there was a vertigo in his head, who 
 first made a star subject to the falling sickness ? Sixthly, 
 the vale of Hinnom or Tophet, in which wise Solomon, 
 befooled by his wives, built a temple to Moloch. Seventhly, 
 Cedron, a brook so often mentioned in Scripture. 
 
 The west and north sides of Jerusalem were not so 
 happily planted with sacred monuments; and we find none 
 thereon which grew to any eminency. 
 
 We will now lead the reader into Jerusalem ; where, 
 first, on Mount Moriah (the place where Isaac was offered, 
 though not sacrificed), stood Solomon's temple, destroyed 
 by the Chaldeans, rebuilt by Zorobabel ; afterward Herod, 
 reedified it so stately (saith Josephus) that it exceeded 
 Solomon's temple ; if his words exceed not the truth. But 
 no wonder if he that never saw the sun, dare say that the 
 moon is the most glorious light in the heavens. Secondly, 
 Solomon's palace, which was thirteen years in building 5 , 
 whereas the temple was finished in seven 6 : not that he 
 bestowed more cost and pains (because more time) on his 
 own than on God's house ; but rather he plied God's work 
 more thoroughly, and entertained then more builders; so 
 that, contrary to the proverb, church work went on the most 
 speedily. Thirdly, the house of the forest of Lebanon, 
 which was (as appeareth by cprnparing the text) forty 
 cubits longer, and thirty cubits broader than the temple 
 itself. But no doubt the Holy Spirit, speaking of holy 
 buildings, meaneth the great cubit of the sanctuary; but in 
 other houses, the ordinary or common cubit. It was called 
 the house of Lebanon, because hard by it Solomon planted 
 a grove 7 , the abridgment of the great forest; so that the 
 pleasures of spacious Lebanon were here written in a less 
 character. Fourthly, Pilate's palace, and the common 
 hall, where the Judge of the world was condemned to 
 death. Fifthly, the pool of Bethesda, the waters whereof, 
 troubled by the angel, were a punpharmacon to him that 
 
 4 Bidulph's Trav. p. 130, and Morison's, part 1, p. 227. 
 
 5 1 Kings, vii. 1. 
 
 6 1 Kings, vi. 38. Vide Tremel. in locum. 
 " Adricom. ex Hieron. p. 153. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 41 
 
 first got into them. Here was a spital built with five 
 porches, the mercy of God being seconded by the charity of 
 man ; God gave the cure, men built the harbour for impo- 
 tent persons. Sixthly, the house of Dives, the rich glutton : 
 and therefore (saith Adricomius 8 ) it was no parable: but 
 may we not retort his words ? It was a parable, and there- 
 fore this is none of Dives's house. Sure I am, Theophy- 
 lact is against the literal sense thereof, and saith, they think 
 foolishly that think otherwise 9 . 
 
 But my discourse hasteth to Mount Calvary, which at 
 this day hath almost engrossed all reverence to itself. It is 
 called Calvary, Golgotha, or the place of a scull, either 
 because the hill is rolled and rounded up in the fashion of a 
 man's head 10 (as Pen 11 in the British tongue signifieth 
 both a head and a copped hill), or because here the bodies 
 of such as were executed were cast. As for that conceit, 
 that Adam's scull should here be found, it is confuted by 
 St. Hierome, who will have him buried at Hebron. Neither 
 is it likely, if the Jews had a tradition that the father of man- 
 kind had here been interred, that they would have made 
 his sepulchre their Tyburn, where malefactors were put to 
 death, and the charnel-house where their bones were scat- 
 tered. Over our Saviour's grave stood a stately church, 
 built, say some, by Helen, say others, by Constantine; but 
 we will not set mother and son at variance; it might be she 
 built it at his cost. In this church are many monuments, 
 as the pillar whereunto Christ was bound when scourged, 
 wherein red spots of dusky-veined marble usurped the 
 honour to be counted Christ's blood". Secondly, a great 
 cleft in the rock, which was rent in sunder at the passion, 
 whereby the bad thief was divided from Christ (the sign of 
 his spiritual separation), and they say it reacheth to the 
 centre of the earth : a thing hard to confute. Thirdly, cer- 
 tain pillars, which, being in a. dark place under ground, are 
 said miraculously to weep for our Saviour's sufferings. But 
 I refer those who desire the criticisms of those places, 
 without going thither, to read our English travellers ; for in 
 this case, as good wares and far cheaper pennyworths are 
 bought at the second hand. 
 
 To conclude our description of Palestine, let none con- 
 
 8 Theatr. Terr. Sanct. 153. 
 
 9 ai/OTjrwe, Comment, in 16 Luc. 10 Illyricus, in 27 Matth. 
 
 11 Camden's Brit, in Buckinghamshire. 
 
 12 Bridenb. De Domin. Sepulchro. 
 
42 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 ceive that God forgot the Levites in division of the land 
 because they had no entire country allotted unto them 
 Their portion was as large as any, though paid in severa 
 sums ; they had forty-eight cities, with their suburbs, tithes 
 first-fruits, free-offerings; being better provided for thar 
 many English ministers, who may preach of hospitality tc 
 their people, but cannot go to the cost to practise their owr 
 doctrine. 
 
 A TABLE SHOWING THE VARIETY OF PLACES* NAMES IN 
 PALESTINE. 
 
 In the Old Testa- 
 
 At Christ's 
 
 In St. Hie- 
 
 At this 
 
 ment, 
 
 time. 
 
 rome's time. 
 
 day. 
 
 1. Azzah. 
 
 Gaza. 
 
 Constantia. 
 
 Gazra'3. 
 
 2. Japho. 
 
 Joppa. 
 
 
 Jaffa 1 *. 
 
 3. Ramah. 
 
 Arimathea. 
 
 
 Ramma 15 . 
 
 4. Shechem. 
 
 Sychar. 
 
 Neapolis. 
 
 Pelosa 16 . 
 
 5. 
 6. Capharsala- 
 
 Lydda. 
 
 Diospolis. 
 
 
 ma. 
 
 Antipatris. 
 
 
 Assur 17 . 
 
 7. Zarephath. 
 
 Sarepta. 
 
 
 Saphet 18 . 
 
 8. 
 
 Emmaus. 
 
 Nicopolis. 
 
 
 9. Bethsan. 
 
 
 Scythopolis. 
 
 
 10. Tzor. 
 
 Tyrus. 
 
 
 Sur'9. 
 
 /Laish. 
 
 
 
 
 11 /Dan J Cesarea-Philip- 
 
 1 1 ,\ .LJalJ \ -r\ ~r* i- */> 
 
 ) I pi. Paneas. Belma 20 . 
 (Leshem. 
 
 12. Jerusalem. Hierosolyma. ^.lia. Cuds". 
 
 13. Samaria. Samaria. Sebaste. 
 
 14. Cinnereth". Tiberias. Saffet* 3 . 
 
 15. Accho. Ptolemais. Acre. 
 
 16. Gath. Dio-Cesarea. Ybilin 2 -*. 
 
 17. Dammesek. Damascus. Sham 2 ' 5 . 
 
 18. Arnon. Areopolis. Petra 16 . 
 
 19. Rabbah. Philadelphia. 
 
 20. Waters of Semochonite 
 
 Merom. lake. Houle 2 - 7 . 
 
 13 Sandys, p. 149. u Adricom. p. 23. 15 Morison, p. 216. 
 
 16 Raleigh, p. 311. 17 Adricom. p. 70. 1S Raleigh, p. 283. 
 
 19 Sandys, p. 216. 20 Raleigh, p. 291. 21 Sandys, p. 155. 
 
 22 Adricom. p. 143. 23 Sandys, p. 212. ^ Adricom. p. 22. 
 
 25 Bidulph, p. 94. 26 Adricom. p. 32. 27 Sandys, p. 212. 
 
A. D. 1099. THE HOLY WAR. 43 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. The Siege and Taking of Jerusalem. 
 
 BY this time cold weather (the best besom to sweep the 
 chambers of the air) had well cleared the Christians' 
 camp from infection : and now their devotion moved the 
 swifter, being come near to the centre thereof, the city of 
 Jerusalem. Forward they set, and take the city of Marrha 
 [Dec. 11, 1098], and employ themselves in securing the 
 country about them, that so they might clear the way as 
 they went [1099]. Neither did the discords betwixt Rei- 
 mund and Boemund much delay their proceedings, being 
 in some measure seasonably compounded ; as was also the 
 sea battle betwixt the Pisans and Venetians. For the Vene- 
 tians seeing on the Pisans the cognizance of the cross 1 , the 
 uncounterfeited passport that they wear for the holy war, 
 suffered them safely to go on, though otherwise they were 
 their deadly enemies ; yea, and set five thousand of them 
 at liberty, whom they had taken captive. 
 
 The pilgrims kept their Easter at Tripolie [April 10], 
 Whitsuntide by Cesarea-Statonis [May 29], taking many 
 places in their passage ; and at last came to Jerusalem. 
 Discovering the city afar off, it was a pretty sight to behold 
 the harmony in the difference of expressing their joy; how 
 they clothed the same passion with diverse gestures ; some 
 prostrate, some kneeling, some weeping; all had much 
 ado to manage so great a gladness. Then began they the 
 siege of the city on the north [June 6] (being scarce assault- 
 able on any other side, by reason of steep and broken 
 rocks), and continued it with great valour. On the fourth 
 day after [June 10], they had taken it but for want of 
 scaling-ladders. But a far greater want was the defect of 
 water, the springs being either stopped up or poisoned by 
 the Turks ; so that they fetched water five miles off 2 '. As 
 for the brook Cedron, it was dried up, as having no sub- 
 sistence of itself, but merely depending on the benevo- 
 lence of winter waters, which Mount Olivet bestoweth upon 
 it. Admiral Coligni was wont to say, He that will well 
 paint the beast war, must first begin to shape the belly ; 
 meaning that a good general must first provide victuals for 
 an army : yea, let him remember the bladder in the beast's 
 belly, as well as the guts, and take order for moisture more 
 especially than for meat itself; thirst, in northern bodies, 
 being more insupportable than famine : quickly will their 
 
 1 Sabellicus, Enn. 9, lib. 3, p. 3o7. 2 ^milius, p. 135. 
 
44 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099! 
 
 courage be cooled, who have no moisture to cool their 
 hearts. As for the Christians' want of ladders, that was 
 quickly supplied ; for the Genoans arriving with a fleet in 
 Palestine, brought most curious engineers, who framed a 
 wooden tower, and all other artificial instruments. For we 
 must not think that the world was at a loss for war tools 
 before the brood of guns was hatched : it had the battering- 
 ram 3 , first found out by Epeus, at the taking of Troy; the 
 balista, to discharge great stones, invented by the Pheni- 
 cians ; the catapulta, being a sling of mighty strength, 
 whereof the Syrians were authors; and perchance King 
 Uzziah first made it 4 ; for we find him very dexterous and 
 happy in devising such things. And although these bear- 
 whelps were but rude and unshaped at the first, yet art did 
 lick them afterwards, and they got more teeth and sharper- 
 nails by degrees ; so that every age set them forth in a new 
 edition, corrected and amended. But these and many more 
 voluminous engines (for the ram alone had a hundred men 
 to manage it) are now virtually epitomized in the cannon. 
 And though some may say, that the finding of guns hath 
 been the losing of many men's lives, yet it will appear that 
 battles now are fought with more expedition, and victory 
 standeth not so long a neuter, before she express herself on 
 one side or other. 
 
 But these guns have shot my discourse from the siege of 
 Jerusalem. To return thither again. By this time, in the 
 space of a month 5 [July 11 J, the Genoans had finished 
 their engines which they built seven miles off 6 ; for nearer 
 there grew no stick of bigness. I will not say, that since 
 our Saviour was hanged on a tree, the land about that city 
 hath been cursed with a barrenness of wood. And now, 
 for a preparative, that their courage might work the better, 
 they began with a fast and a solemn procession about 
 Mount Olivet [July 12]. 
 
 Next day they gave a fierce assault [July 1 3] ; yea, 
 women played the men 7 , and fought most valiantly in 
 armour. But they within being forty thousand strong, well 
 victualled and appointed, made stout resistance, till the 
 night (accounted but a foe for her friendship) umpired 
 betwixt them, and abruptly put an end to their fight in the 
 midst of their courage. 
 
 3 Plin. ]Vat. Hist. lib. 7, cap. 56. 4 2 Cbron. xxvi. 15. 
 
 5 M. Paris, p. 63. 
 
 6 P. .tmilius, p. 135 ; and Tyrius, lib. 8, cap. 6. 
 
 7 Tyrius, lib. 8, cap. 13. 
 
..D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 45 
 
 When the first light brought news of a morning, they on 
 fresh; the rather, because they had intercepted a letter 8 
 bed to the legs of a dove (it being the fashion of that 
 ountry both to write and send their letters with the win^s 
 f a fowl 9), wherein the Persian emperor promised present 
 uccours to the besieged. The Turks cased the outside of 
 
 heir walls with bags of chaff, straw, and such like pliable 
 
 matter, which conquered the engines of the Christians by 
 ielding unto them. As for one sturdy engine whose force 
 -ould not be tamed, they brought two old witches on the 
 
 walls to enchant it 10 ; but the spirit thereof was too strong 
 or their spells, so that both of them were miserably slain 
 n the place. 
 The day following [July 15], Duke Godfrey 11 fired 
 
 much combustible matter, the smoke whereof (the light 
 ause of a heavy effect), driven with the wind, blinded the 
 'urks' eyes ; and under the protection thereof the Christians 
 ntered the city, Godfrey himself first footing the walls, and 
 hen his brother Eustace. The Turks retired to Solomon's 
 emple (so called because built in the same place), there to 
 ake the farewell of their lives. In a desperate conflict there, 
 he foremost of the Christians were miserably slain, thrust upon 
 he weapons of their enemies by their fellows that followed 
 hem. The pavement so swam, that none could go but 
 
 either through a rivulet of blood, or over a bridge of dead 
 >odies. Valour was not wanting in the Turks, but super- 
 atively abundant in the Christians, till night made them 
 eave off. Next morning mercy was proclaimed to all those 
 hat would lay down their weapons ; for though blood be 
 he best sauce for victory, yet must it not be more than the 
 
 meat. Thus was Jerusalem won by the Christians, and 
 wenty thousand Turks therein slain 12 , on the 15th of July, 
 
 being Friday, about three of the clock in the afternoon. 
 Tyrius * 3 fmdeth a great mystery in the time, because Adam 
 
 was created on a Friday, and on the same day and hour our 
 
 Saviour suffered. But these synchronisms, as when they 
 
 are natural they are pretty and pleasing, so when violently 
 
 wrested, nothing more poor and ridiculous. 
 
 Then many Christians [July 18], who all this while had 
 ived in Jerusalem in most lamentable slavery, being glad 
 
 8 P. ^Emilius, p. 136. 
 
 p The manner set down at large, Bidulph's Trav. p. 43. 
 lu Tyrins, lib. 8, cap. 15. n Idem, lib. 8, cap. 18. 
 
 la AI. Paris, p. 65. 13 Lib. 8, c. 18. 
 
46 THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 to lurk in secret (as truth oftentimes seeketh corners, as 
 fearing her judge, though never as suspecting her cause) 
 came forth joyfully, welcomed and embraced these the pro- 
 curers of their liberty. 
 
 Three days after it was concluded, as a necessary piece 
 of severity for their defence 14 , to put all the Turks in Jeru- 
 salem to death ; which was accordingly performed without 
 favour to age or sex. The pretence was for fear of treason 
 in them, if the emperor of Persia should besiege the city. 
 And some slew them with the same zeal wherewith Saul 
 slew the Gibeonites, and thought it unfit that these goats 
 should live in the sheep's pasture. But noble Tancred was 
 highly displeased hereat, because done in cold blood, it 
 being no slip of an extemporary passion, but a studied and 
 premeditated act; and that against pardon proclaimed, 
 many of them having compounded and paid for their lives 
 and liberty. Besides, the execution was merciless, upon 
 sucking children, whose not speaking spake for them ; and 
 on women, whose weakness is a shield to defend them 
 against a valiant man. To conclude : severity hot in the 
 fourth degree, is little better than poison, and becometh 
 cruelty itself; and this act seemeth to be of the same 
 nature. 
 
 14 Besoldus, De Regibus Hierosol. ex variis auctoribus, p. 
 119. 
 
BOOK II. 
 
 'HAP. I. Robert the Norman refuseth the Kingdom of 
 Jerusalem. Godfrey of Bouillon chosen King. His 
 Parentage, Education, and Virtues. 
 
 EIGHT days after Jerusalem was won, they proceeded 
 to the election of a king [July 23, 1099]; but they 
 lad so much choice that they had no choice at all ; so 
 many princes there were, and so equally eminent, that 
 ustice herself must suspend her verdict, not knowing 
 /hich of them best deserved the crown. Yet it was their 
 Measure to pitch on Robert the Norman as on the man of 
 n'ghest descent, being son to a king; for great Hugh of 
 France was already returned home, pretending the colic ; 
 hough some impute it to cowardliness, and make the dis- 
 ase not in his bowels, but his heart. 
 Robert refused this honourable proffer 1 ; whether because 
 had an eye to the kingdom of England now void by the 
 death of William Rufus, or because he accounted Jeru- 
 salem would be incumbered with continual war. But he 
 who would not take the crown with the cross, was fain to 
 ake the cross without the crown, and never thrived after- 
 wards in any thing he undertook *. Thus they who refuse 
 irhat God fairly carveth for them, do never after cut well 
 or themselves. He lived to see much misery, and felt 
 more, having his eyes put out by King Henry's brother ; 
 and at last found rest (when buried) in the new cathedral 
 church of Gloucester, under a wooden monument 3 , bearing 
 setter proportion to his low fortunes than high birth. And 
 since, in the same choir, he hath got the company of another 
 prince as unfortunate as himself, King Edward the Second. 
 They go on to a second choice ; and that they may know 
 the natures of the princes the better, their servants were 
 examined on oath to confess their masters' faults. The 
 servants of Godfrey of Bouillon protested their master's 
 only fault was this 4 , that when matins were done he would 
 stay so long in the church, to know of the priest the mean- 
 
 1 P. ^mylius, p. 137. 2 Henry Hunting, lib. 7, p. 377. 
 
 3 Camden, Brit. p. 255. 4 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12. 
 
48 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099 
 
 ing of every image and picture, that dinner at home was 
 spoiled by his long tarrying. All admired hereat, that this 
 man's worst vice should be so great a virtue, and unani- 
 mously chose him their king. He accepted the place, but 
 refused the solemnity thereof, and would not wear a crown 
 of gold there, where the Saviour of mankind had worn a 
 crown of thorns. 
 
 He was son to Eustace, duke of Bouillon, and Ida his 
 wife, daughter and heir to Godfrey, duke of Lorraine ; born, 
 saith Tyrius 5 , at Boulogne, a town in Champagne, on the 
 English sea, which he mistaketh for Bouillon, up higher in 
 the continent, near the country of Luxembourg. Such slips 
 are incident to the pens of the best authors ; yea, we may 
 see Canterbury mistaken for Cambridge, not only in Mun- 
 ster 6 , but even in all our own printed statute-books in the 
 twelfth of Richard the Second 7 . He was brought up in 
 that school of valour, the court of Henry the Fourth the 
 emperor. Whilst he lived there, there happened an intri- 
 cate suit betwixt him and another prince about title of land j 
 and because judges could not untie the knot, it was con- 
 cluded the two princes should cut it asunder with theii 
 sword in a combat. Godfrey was very unwilling to fight 8 , 
 not that he was the worse soldier, but the better Christian ; 
 he made the demur not in his courage, but in his conscience ; 
 as conceiving any private title for land not ground enough 
 for a duel: yea, we may observe generally, that they who 
 long most to fight duels are the first that surfeit of them. 
 Notwithstanding, he yielded to the tyranny of custom, and 
 after the fashion of the country entered the lists ; when, at 
 the first encounter, his sword brake, but he struck his 
 adversary down with the hilt, yet so that he saved his life, 
 and gained his own inheritance. Another parallel act ol 
 his valour was when being standard-bearer to the emperor, 
 he with the imperial ensign killed Rodulphus, the duke oi 
 Saxony, in single fight, and fed the eagle on the bowels ol 
 that arch-rebel. His soul was enriched with many virtues, 
 but the most orient of all was his humility, which took all 
 men's affections without resistance ; and though one saith. 
 take away ambition, and you take away the spurs of a sol- 
 dier ; yet Godfrey, without those spurs, rode on most tri- 
 umphantly. 
 
 5 Lib. 9, cap, 5. 6 Lib. 2, Cosmog. p. 50. 
 
 7 As Caius proveth it plainly out of \\alsingham. 
 
 8 Quantum potuit renitebalur, Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 7. 
 
A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 49 
 
 !HAP. II. The establishing of ecclesiastical Affairs, and 
 Patriarchs in Antioch and Jerusalem. The Numerosity of 
 Palestine Bishops. 
 
 BUT now let us leave the helmets, and look on the 
 mitres, and consider the ordering of ecclesiastical 
 affairs. For the commonwealth is a ring, the church the 
 diamond ; both well set together, receive, and return lustre 
 each on other. As soon as Antioch was taken, one Bernard 
 
 reverend prelate) was made patriarch there with general 
 consent. But more stir was there about that place in Jeru- 
 salem ; for first Arnulphus, a worthless and vicious man, 
 was by popular faction lifted up into the patriarch's chair 1 ; 
 3ut with much ado was avoided, and Dabert, archbishop of 
 Pisa, substituted in his room : one very wise and politic, 
 an excellent bookman in reading of men, and otherwise 
 well studied, especially as that age went, wherein a medi- 
 ocrity was an eminency in learning. But he was infected 
 with the humour of the clergy of that age, who counted 
 themselves to want room except they justled with princes. 
 As for Arnulphus, he never ceased to trouble and molest 
 this Dabert ; and as a firebrand smoketh most when out of 
 the chimney, so he after his displacing was most turbulent 
 and unquiet, ever sitting on his skirts that sat in the patri- 
 arch's chair, till after mafcy changes he struggled himself 
 again into the place. 
 
 Under these patriarchs many archbishops and bishops 
 were appointed, in the very places (as near as might be) 
 where they were before the Saracens overrunning the coun- 
 try, and good maintenance assigned to most of them. 
 
 But at this time bishops were set too thick for all to grow 
 great, and Palestine fed too many cathedral churches to 
 have them generally fat. Lydda% Jamnia, and Joppa, 
 three episcopal towns, were within four miles one of another. 
 Yea, Tyrius 3 makes fourteen bishops under the archbishop 
 of Tyre, twenty under the archbishop of Caesarea, under 
 the archbishop of Scythopolis nine, twelve under the arch- 
 bishop of Kabbah, besides twenty-five suffragan churches, 
 which it seems were immediately depending on the patri- 
 arch of Jerusalem, without subordination to any archbishop. 
 Surely many of these bishops (to use Bishop Langham's 
 
 1 Fatuo populo suffragia incousulta ministrante. Tyrius, lib. 
 9, cap. 4. 
 
 8 VideTabulas Adricomii. 3 Lib. 14, cap. 12. 
 
 E 
 
50 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099 
 
 expression 4 -) had high racks, but poor mangers. Neither 
 let it stagger the reader if in that catalogue of Tyrius he 
 light on many bishops' seats which are not to be found in 
 Mercator, Ortelius, or any other geographer, for some of 
 them were such poor places that they were ashamed to 
 appear in a map, and fall so much under a geographer's 
 notice that they fall not under it. For in that age bishops 
 had their sees at poor and contemptible villages (as here in 
 England, before the Conquest, who would suspect Sunning 
 in Berkshire, or Dorchester, near Oxford, to have had 
 cathedral churches?) till in the days of William the First 
 bishops removed their seats to the principal towns in the 
 shire 5 . 
 
 CHAP. III. The Saracens conquered at Askelon. 
 
 MAHOMET'S tomb hung not so strong but now it 
 began to shake, and was likely to fall. These vic- 
 tories of the Christians gave a deadly wound to that religion. 
 Wherefore the Saracens combined themselves with the 
 Turks to assist them, there being betwixt these two nations, 
 I will not say an unity, but a conspiracy in the same super- 
 stition, so that therein they were like a nest of hornets, 
 stir one and anger all. Wherefore coming out of Egypt 
 under Ammiravissus, their general, at Askelon they gave 
 the Christians battle [Aug. 12]. But God sent such a 
 qualm of cowardliness over the hearts of these infidels, that 
 a hundred thousand of them were quickly slain, so that it 
 was rather an execution than a fight ; and their rich tents, 
 which seemed to be the exchequer of the east country, 
 spoiled 6 ; so that the pilgrims knew not how to value the 
 wealth they found in them. 
 
 This victory obtained, such pilgrims as were disposed to 
 return addressed themselves for their country ; and these 
 merchants for honour went home, having made a gainful 
 adventure. Those that remained were advanced to signories 
 in the land, as Tancred was made governor of Galilee. 
 Nor will it be amiss to insert this story : Peter, bishop of 
 Anagnia, in Italy, was purposed here to lead his life with- 
 out taking care for his charge, when behold St. Magnus 7 , 
 patron of that church, appeared to him in a vision, pre- 
 tending himself to be a young man who had left his wife at 
 
 4 In the Archbishops of Cant. p. 143. 
 
 5 Fox, Marfyrolog. p. 173. 6 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12. 
 7 Baronius out of Brunus in anno 1099. 
 
A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 51 
 
 home, and was come to live in Jerusalem. " Fie," said 
 Peter to him, " go home again to your wife ; whom God 
 hath joined together, let no man put asunder." " Why, 
 then," replied St. Magnus, " have you left your church a 
 widow in Italy, and live here so far from her company ?" 
 This vision, though calculated for this one bishop, did 
 generally serve for all the nonresidents which posted 
 hither, and who paid not the lawful debt to their con- 
 science, whilst by needless bonds they engaged themselves 
 to their own will-worship. For though souls of men be 
 light, because immaterial, yet they may prove a heavy 
 burden to these careless pastors who were to answer for 
 them. 
 
 After the return of these pilgrims, the heat of the Chris- 
 tians' victories in Syria was somewhat allayed : for Boe- 
 mund 8 prince of Antioch, marching into Mesopotamia, was 
 taken prisoner, and Godfrey besieging the city of Antipatris, 
 then called Assur, though hitherto he had been always a 
 conqueror, was fain to depart with disgrace. So small a 
 remora may stay that ship which saileth with the fairest 
 gale of success. 
 
 CHAP. IV. The Original and Increase of the Hospitallers; 
 
 their degenerating through Wealth into Luxury. 
 \ BOUT this time, under Gerard their first master, began 
 JTjL the order of Knights-hospitallers ' . Indeed more anci- 
 ently there were hospitallers in Jerusalem ; but these were no 
 knights : they had a kind of order, but no honour annexed 
 to it ; but were pure alms-men, whose house was founded, 
 and they maintained, by the charity of the merchants of 
 Amalphia, a city in Italy. 
 
 But now they had more stately buildings assigned unto 
 them, their house dedicated to St. John of Jerusalem ; 
 Knights-hospitallers and those of St. John of Jerusalem 
 being both the same ; although learned Dr. Ridley * maketh 
 them two distinct orders, for which our great antiquary 3 
 doth justly reprove him. But such an error is venial ; and 
 it is a greater fault rigidly to censure, than to commit 
 a small oversight. The one showeth himself man, in 
 mistaking; the other no man, in not pardoning a light 
 mistake. 
 
 8 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 20. Idem, lib. 9, cap. 19. 
 
 1 Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165. 
 
 2 In his View of Civil Law, p. 159. 
 
 3 Mr. Selden, in his preface of Tithes, p. 6. 
 
52 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1099 
 
 To make one capable of the highest order of this knight- 
 hood (for their servitors and priests might be of an inferior 
 rank 4 ) the party must thus be qualified: eighteen years 
 old at the least; of an able body ; not descended of Jewish 
 or Turkish parents; no bastard, except bastard to a prince, 
 there being honour in that dishonour, as there is light in 
 the very spots of the moon. Descended he must be of 
 worshipful parentage. They wore a red belt with a white 
 cross ; and on a black cloak the white cross of Jerusalem, 
 which is a cross crossed, or five crosses together, in memory 
 of our Saviour's five wounds. Yet was there some difference 
 betwixt their habit in peace and in war. Their profession 
 was to fight against infidels, and to secure pilgrims coming 
 to the sepulchre ; and they vowed poverty, chastity, and 
 obedience. Reimundus de Podio, their second master, made 
 some additional to their profession, as, They must receive 
 the sacrament thrice a year, hear mass once a day if pos- 
 sible ; they were to be no merchants, no usurers, to fight 
 no private duels, to stand neuters, and to take no side, if 
 the princes in Christendom should fall out 5 . 
 
 But it is given to most religious orders, to be clear in the 
 spring, and miry in the stream. These Hospitallers after- 
 wards getting wealth, unlaced themselves from the strictness 
 of their first institution, and grew loose into all licentious- 
 ness. What was their obedience to their master, but 
 rebellion against the patriarch their first patron? as shall 
 be showed hereafter. What was their poverty but a 
 cozenage of the world, whilst their order sued in forma 
 pauperis, and yet had nineteen thousand manors in Christen- 
 dom belonging unto them 6 ? Neither will it be scandaluw 
 magnatum to their lordships, to say what St. Bernard 7 
 speaketh of their chastity, how they lived inter scorta et 
 epulas, betwixt bawds and banquets. And no wonder if 
 their forced virginity was the mother of much uncleanness ; 
 for commonly those who vow not to go the highway of God's 
 ordinance, do haunt base and unwarrantable by-paths. 
 
 I will not forestall the history, to show how these Hospi- 
 tallers were afterwards knights of Rhodes, and at this day of 
 Malta, but will conclude with the ceremonies used at their 
 creation, because much material stuff no doubt may be 
 picked out of their formalities. 
 
 4 Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165. 
 
 5 Hospinian. ut prius. 6 Camd. Brit. p. 311. 
 7 Cited by Volaterian. 
 
A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 53 
 
 There is delivered them, 1. a sword 8 , in token that they 
 must be valiant ; 2. with a cross hilt, their valour must 
 defend religion; 3. with this sword they are struck three 
 times over the shoulders, to teach them patiently to suffer 
 for Christ; 4. they must wipe the sword, their life must 
 be undented ; 5. gilt spurs are put on them, because they 
 are to scorn wealth at their heels; 6. and then they take a 
 taper in their hands, for they are to lighten others by their 
 exemplary lives ; 7. and so go to hear mass, where we leave 
 them. 
 
 At the same time knights of the sepulchre were also 
 ordained, which for their original and profession are like 
 to these Knights-hospitallers 9 . The order continueth to 
 this day. The padre guardian of Jerusalem maketh them 
 of such as have seen the sepulchre ; they should be gentle- 
 men by birth, but the padre carrieth a chancery in his 
 bosom, to mitigate the rigour of this common law, and will 
 admit of him that bringeth fat enough, though no blood ; 
 as of late he made an apothecary of Aleppo of that honour ; 
 so that there the sword of knighthood is denied to none 
 who bring a good sheath with them, and have a purse to 
 pay soundly for it. 
 
 CHAP. V. The Scuffling betwixt the King and Patriarch 
 about the City of Jerusalem. The Issue thereof. 
 
 NOT long after, there was started a controversy of great 
 consequence betwixt the king and patriarch ; the 
 patriarch claiming the cities of Jerusalem and Joppa, with 
 the appurtenances ; the king refusing to surrender them. 
 
 The patriarch pleaded, that these places anciently be- 
 longed to his predecessors. He set before the king the 
 heinousness of sacrilege, how great a sin it was when 
 princes, who should be nursing fathers and suckle the 
 church, shall suck from it; and showed how the common- 
 wealth may grow fat, but never healthful, by feeding on 
 the church's goods. 
 
 On the other side the king alleged, that the Christian 
 princes had now purchased Jerusalem with their blood, 
 and bestowed it on him; that the patriarch's overgrown 
 title was drowned in this late conquest, from which, as 
 from a new foundation, all must build their claims who 
 challenge any right to any part in that city. Secondly, he 
 pleaded, it was unreasonable that the king of Jerusalem 
 
 8 Sand. Trav. p. 229. 9 Idem, p. 159. 
 
54 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1099 
 
 should have nothing in Jerusalem (as at this day the 
 Roman emperor is a very cipher, without power or profit 
 in Rome) and should live rather as a sojourner than a 
 prince in his royal city, confined to an airy title, whilst 
 the patriarch should have all the command. 
 
 To this the patriarch answered, that the Christians' new 
 conquest could not cancel his ancient right, which was 
 enjoyed even under the Saracens; that this voyage was 
 principally undertaken for advancing the church, and not 
 to restore her only to her liberty, and withhold from her 
 her lands, so that in this respect she should find better 
 usage from her foes than from her children. If we mistake 
 not, the chief pinch of the cause lieth on the patriarch's 
 proof, that the lands he demanded formerly belonged to 
 his predecessors ; and we find him to fail in the main issue 
 of the matter. True it was, that for the last thirty years, 
 the patriarchs, on condition they should repair and fortify 
 the walls of Jerusalem, were possessed of a fourth part of 
 the city, even by grant from Bomensor the emperor of the 
 Saracens, in the year of our Lord 1063. But that ever he 
 had the whole city, either by this or by any previous grant, 
 it appeareth not in Tyrius, who saith moreover 1 , We 
 wonder for what reason the lord patriarch should raise this 
 controversy against Duke Godfrey. 
 
 Let me add, that this our author is above exception ; for 
 being both a politic statesman and pious prelate, no doubt 
 his pen striketh the true and even stroke betwixt king and 
 patriarch. Besides, he might well see the truth of this 
 matter, writing in a well proportioned distance of time 
 from it. Those who live too near the stories they write, 
 oftentimes willingly mistake through partiality; and those 
 who live too far off, are mistaken by uncertainties, the foot- 
 steps of truth being almost worn out with time. 
 
 But to return to Godfrey, who though unwilling at first, 
 yet afterwards not only on Candlemas day restored to the 
 patriarch the fourth part of the city, but also on the Easter 
 following gave him all Jerusalem, Joppa, and whatsoever 
 he demanded ; conditionally that the king should hold it of 
 the patriarch till such time as he could conquer Babylon, 
 or some other royal city fit for him to keep his court in. 
 If in the mean time Godfrey died without issue, the patri- 
 arch was to have it presently delivered unto him. 
 
 We will be more charitable than those, that say that the 
 
 1 Lib. 9, cap. 16. 
 
A.D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. .55 
 
 patriarch herein did bewitch and bemad Godfrey to make 
 this large donation to him, by torturing his conscience at 
 the confession of his sins 2 . Only we may question the 
 discretion of this prince in giving a gift of so large a size ; 
 for Charity's eyes must be open as well as her hands; 
 though she giveth away her branches, not to part with the 
 root. 
 
 And let the reader observe, that Godfrey at the time of 
 this his bountiful grant lay on his death-bed, sick of that 
 irrecoverable disease which ended him. How easily may 
 importunity stamp any impression on those whom desperate 
 sickness hath softened ! And if the sturdiest man nigh 
 death may be affrighted into good works for fear of purga- 
 tory, no wonder if devout Godfrey were pliable to any 
 demand. Pierce Plowman 3 maketh a witty wonder, why 
 friars should covet rather to confess and bury, than to 
 christen children ; intimating it proceeded from covetous- 
 ness, there being gain to be gotten by the one, none by the 
 other. And this was the age wherein the convents got their 
 best living by the dying, which made them (contrary to 
 all other people) most to worship the sun setting. 
 
 CHAP. VI. Godfrey's Death and Burial. 
 
 AUTHORS differ on the death of this noble king, some 
 making him to die of that long wasting sickness, 
 others of the plague 1 . It may be the plague took him out 
 of the hands of that lingering disease, and quickly cut off 
 what that had been long in fretting. He died July the 
 18th, having reigned one year wanting five days. A prince 
 valiant, pious, bountiful to the church ; for, besides what 
 he gave to the patriarch, he founded canons in the Temple 
 of the Sepulchre, and a' monastery in the vale of Jehosha- 
 phat. 
 
 We would say his death was very unseasonable (leaving 
 the orphan state not only in its minority, but in its infancy), 
 but that that fruit which to man's apprehension is blown 
 down green and untimely, is gathered full ripe in God's 
 providence. He was buried in the Temple of the Sepulchre, 
 where his tomb is unviolated at this day, whether out of a 
 religion the Turks bear to the place, or out of honour to 
 his memory, or out of a valiant scorn to fight against dead 
 bones ; or perchance the Turks are minded as John king 
 
 2 Centuriatores, centur. 12, col. 490. De schism. 
 
 3 In his Pass. 11. ' P. ^Emilius, lib. 5. 
 
56 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 100 
 
 of England was, who being wished by a courtier to untomb 
 the bones of one who whilst he was living had been his 
 great enemy, " Oh no," said King John, " would all mine 
 enemies were as honourably buried !" 
 
 CHAP. VII. Baldwin chosen King. He keepeth Jerusalem 
 in despite of the Patriarch. 
 
 GODFREY being dead, the Christians with a joint 
 consent despatched an embassy to Baldwin his bro- 
 ther [11 00], count of Edessa (a city in Arabia 1 , the lord 
 whereof had adopted this Baldwin to be his heir) entreated 
 him to accept of the kingdom ; which honourable offer he 
 courteously embraced. 
 
 A prince whose body nature cut of the largest size, being, 
 like Saul% higher by the head than his subjects. And 
 though the Goths had a law always to choose a short thick 
 man for their king 3 , yet surely a goodly stature is most 
 majestical. His hair and beard brown, face fair, with an 
 eagle's nose ; which in the Persian kings was anciently 
 observed as a mark of magnanimity 4 -. Bred he was a 
 scholar, entered into orders, and was prebendary in the 
 churches of Rheims, Liege, and Cambray 5 ; but afterwards 
 turned secular prince, as our Ethelwolf, who exchanged 
 the mitre of Winchester for the crown of England 6 . Yet 
 Baldwin put not off his scholarship with his habit, but 
 made good use thereof in his reign. For though bookish- 
 ness may unactive, yet learning doth accomplish a prince, 
 and maketh him sway his sceptre the steadier. 
 
 He was properly the first king of Jerusalem (his brother 
 Godfrey never accounted more than a duke) and was 
 crowned on Christmas day [Dec. 25]. The reason that 
 made him assume the name of a king was thereby to strike 
 the greater terror into the Pagans 7 . Thus our kings of 
 England from the days of King John were styled but lords 
 of Ireland, till Henry VIII. first entitled himself king, 
 because lord was slighted by the seditious rebels 8 . As for 
 that religious scruple which Godfrey made, to wear a 
 crown of gold where Christ wore one of thorns, Baldwin 
 easily dispensed therewith. And surely in these things the 
 
 1 Plin. lib. 5, cap. 24. 2 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 2. 
 
 3 Munst. Cosraog. lib. 3, p. 264. 
 
 4 Pantal. in Vita Caroli V. 5 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 1. 
 
 6 Fox, Martyrol. p. 136. 7 Munst. Cosmog. p. 1008. 
 
 8 Camden, Brit. p. 732. 
 
A. D. 1102 
 
 THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 57 
 
 mind is all ; a crown might be refused with pride, and 
 worn with humility. 
 
 But before his coronation there was a tough bickering 
 about the city of Jerusalem. Dabert the patriarch, on the 
 death of Godfrey, devoured Jerusalem and the tower of 
 David in his hope, but coming to take possession, found 
 the place too hot for him. For Gamier earl of Gretz, in 
 the behalf of King Baldwin (who was not as yet returned 
 from Edessa) manned it against him. But so it happened, 
 that this valiant earl died three days after, which by Dabert 
 was counted a just judgment of God upon him for his 
 sacrilege 9 . Now though it be piety to impute all events to 
 God's hand, yet to say that this man's death was for such a 
 sin, showeth too much presumption towards God, and too 
 little charity towards our neighbour. Indeed if sudden 
 death had singled out this earl alone, it had somewhat 
 favoured their censure ; but there was then a general 
 mortality in the city which swept away thousands 10 ; and 
 which is most material, what this patriarch interpreted 
 sacrilege, others accounted loyalty to his sovereign. As for 
 that donation of the city of Jerusalem, and tower of David, 
 which Godfrey gave to the patriarch, some thought that 
 this gift overthrew itself with its own greatness, being so 
 immoderately large ; others supposed it was but a personal 
 act of Godfrey, and therefore died with the giver, as con- 
 ceiving his successors not obliged to perform it, because it 
 was unreasonable that a prince should in such sort fetter 
 and restrain those who should come after him. Sure it is, 
 that Baldwin having both the stronger sword, and possession 
 of the city, kept it perforce, whilst the patriarch took that 
 leave which is allowed to losers, to talk, chafe, and com- 
 plain; sending his bemoaning letters to Boemund prince 
 of Antioch 11 , inviting him to take arms, and by violence 
 to recover the church's right; but from him received the 
 useless assistance of his pity, and that was all. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. The Church Story during this King's Reign. 
 
 A Chain of successive Patriarchs Dabertus, Ebremarus, 
 
 Gibelline, and Arnulphus. Their several Characters. 
 
 \ FTERWARDS, this breach betwixt the king and 
 
 -/A. patriarch was made up by the mediation of some 
 
 friends [1 102] ; but the skin only was drawn over, not dead 
 
 9 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 4. 
 11 Tyrius, lib. 10. 
 
 Ursperg, p. 236. 
 
58 
 
 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1103 
 
 flesh drawn out of the wound, and Arnulphus (whom we 
 mentioned before), discontented for his loss of the patriarch's 
 place, still kept the sore raw betwixt them. At last 
 Dabertus the patriarch was fain to flee to Antioch, where 
 he had plentiful maintenance allowed him by Bernard, 
 patriarch of that see [1103]. But he was too high in the 
 instep to wear another man's shoes, and conceived himself 
 to be but in a charitable prison whilst he lived on another's 
 benevolence. Wherefore hence he hasted to Rome 1 , com- 
 plained to the pope, and received from his holiness a 
 command to King Baldwin to be reestablished in the 
 patriarch's place ; but returning home died by the way at 
 Messina in Sicily, being accounted seven years patriarch, 
 four at home, and three in banishment. 
 
 1107.] Whilst Dabertus was thrust out, one Ebremarus 
 was made patriarch against his will by King Baldwin. A 
 holy and devout man, but he had more of the dove than 
 the serpent, and was none of the deepest reach. He, hear- 
 ing that he was complained of to the pope for his irregular 
 election, posted to Rome to excuse himself, showing he 
 was chosen against his will ; and though preferment may 
 not be snatched, it needs not be thrust away. But all 
 would not do ; it was enough to put him out, because the 
 king put him in. Wherefore he was commanded to return 
 home, and to wait the definitive sentence, which Gibellinus 
 archbishop of Aries, and the pope's legate, should pronounce 
 in the matter. 
 
 Gibellinus, coming to Jerusalem, concluded the election 
 of Ebremarus to be illegal and void, and was himself 
 chosen patriarch in his place, and the other in reverence of 
 his piety made archbishop of Caesarea. And though Ar- 
 nulphus (the firebrand of this church), desired the patri- 
 arch s place for himself, yet was he better content with 
 Gibellinus's election, because he was a thorough old man, 
 and hoped that candle would quickly go out that was in the 
 socket. 
 
 To this Gibellinus King Baldwin granted, that all places 
 which he or his successors should win, should be subject to 
 his jurisdiction 21 ; and this also was confirmed by Pope 
 Paschal II. But Bernard, patriarch of Antioch, found 
 himself much aggrieved hereat 3 , because many of these 
 cities, by the ancient canon of the council of Nice, were 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 4. 
 3 Baronius in anno 1108. 
 
 2 Idem, lib. 11, cap. 28. 
 
 
 
A. D. 1112 THE HOLY WAR. 59 
 
 subject to his church. At last the pope took the matter 
 into his hand, and stroked the angry patriarch of Antioch 
 into gentleness with good language. He showed, how 
 since the council of Nice the country had got a new face ; 
 ancient mountains were buried, rivers drowned in oblivion, 
 and they new christened with other names ; yea, the deluge 
 of the Saracens' tyranny had washed away the bounds of 
 the church's jurisdictions, that now they knew not their 
 own severals, where Mahometanism so long had made all 
 common and waste. He desired him therefore to be con- 
 tented with this new division of their jurisdictions, especially 
 because it was reasonable, that the king of Jerusalem and 
 his successors should dispose of those places, which they 
 should win with their own swords. Bernard, perceiving 
 hereby how his holiness stood affected in the business, 
 contented his conscience that he had set his title on foot, 
 and then quietly let it fall to the ground, as counting it no 
 policy to show his teeth where he durst not bite. 
 
 Gibellinus never laid claim to the city of Jerusalem, 
 whether it was because in thankfulness for this large eccle- 
 siastical power which King Baldwin had bestowed upon 
 him, or that his old age was too weak to strive with so 
 strong an adversary. He sat four years in his chair, and 
 Arnulphus, thinking he went too slow to the grave, is 
 suspected to have given him something to have mended 
 his pace, and was himself substituted in his room by the 
 especial favour of King Baldwin. 
 
 1112]. This Arnulphus was called mala corona, as if all 
 vices met in him to dance a round. And no wonder if the 
 king, being himself wantonly disposed, advanced such a 
 man; for generally, loose patrons cannot abide to be pinched 
 and pent with over-strict chaplains. Besides, it was policy 
 in him to choose such a patriarch as was liable to exceptions 
 for his vicious life, that so if he began to bark against the 
 king, his mouth might be quickly stopped. Arnulphus 
 was as quiet as a lamb, and durst never challenge his 
 interest in Jerusalem from Godfrey's donation, as fearing 
 to wrestle with the king, who had him on the hip, and 
 could out him at pleasure for his bad manners. Amongst 
 other vices he was a great church robber, who to make 
 Emmelor his niece a princess, and to marry Eustace prince 
 of Sidon, gave her the city of Jericho for her dowry, and 
 lands belonging to his see worth five thousand crowns 
 yearly. And though papists may pretend that marriage 
 causeth covetousness in the clergy, yet we shall find when 
 
60 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1101 
 
 the prelacy were constrained to a single life, that their 
 nephews ate more church bread than now the children of 
 married ministers. Yea, some popes not only fed their 
 bastards with church milk, but even cut off the church's 
 breasts for their pompous and magnificent maintenance. 
 And thus having dispatched the story of the church in this 
 king's reign, we come now to handle the business of the 
 commonwealth entirely by itself. 
 
 CHAP. IX. A mountain-like Army of new Adventurers, after 
 long and hard Travail, delivered^ of a Mouse. Alexius' & 
 Treachery. 
 
 THE fame of the good success in Palestine, summoned 
 a new supply of other pilgrims out of Christendom 
 [1101]. Germany, and other places which were sparing at 
 the first voyage, made now amends with double liberality. 
 The chief adventurers were, Guelpho duke of Bavaria (who 
 formerly had been a great champion of the popes against 
 Henry the emperor, and from him they of the papal faction 
 were denominated Guelphes ', in distinction from the impe- 
 rial party which were called Gibellines). Hugh brother 
 to the king of France, and Stephen, earl of Blois (both 
 which had much suffered in their reputation for deserting 
 their fellows in the former expedition, and therefore they 
 sought to unstain their credits by going again. Stephen 
 earl of Burgundy, William duke of Aquitain, Frederick 
 count of Bogen, Hugh brother to the earl of Toulouse, 
 besides many great prelates, Diemo archbishop of Salzburg, 
 the bishops of Millain and Pavie % which led fifty thousand 
 out of Lombardy, the total sum amounting to two hundred 
 and fifty thousand. All stood on the tiptoes of expectation to 
 see what so great an army would achieve ; men commonly 
 measuring victories by the multitudes of the soldiers. 'But 
 they did nothing memorable, save only that so many went 
 so far to do nothing. Their sufferings are more famous 
 than their deeds, being so consumed with plague, famine, 
 and the sword, that Conrad abbot of Ursperg, who went 
 and wrote this voyage, believeth that not a thousand of all 
 these came into Palestine 3 , and those so poor that their 
 bones would scarce hold together, so that they were fitter 
 to be sent into an hospital than to march into the field, 
 having nothing about them wherewith to affright their 
 
 1 Pantal. De Hist. Germ, part 2, p. 151. 
 
 2 Ursperg. p. 237. 3 In Chronico, p. 239. 
 
A.D. 1101 THE HOLY WAR. 61 
 
 enemies, except it were the ghost-like ghastliness of their 
 famished faces. The army that came out of Lornbardy 
 were so eaten up by the swords of the Turks, that no frag- 
 ments of them were left, nor news to be heard what was 
 become of them ; and no wonder, being led by prelates 
 unexperienced in martial affairs, which though perchance 
 great clerks, were now to turn over a new leaf, which they 
 had no skill to read. Luther was wont to say 4 , that he 
 would be unwilling to be a soldier in that army where 
 priests were captains, because the church, and not the camp, 
 was their proper place ; whereas going to war, they willingly 
 outed themselves of God's protection, being out of their 
 vocation. 
 
 But the main matter which made this whole voyage 
 miscarry in her travail, was the treachery of the midwife 
 through whose hands it was to pass. For Alexius the 
 Grecian emperor feared, lest betwixt the Latins in the 
 east in Palestine, and west in Europe, as betwixt two mill- 
 stones, his empire lying in the midst should be ground to 
 powder. Whereupon, as these pilgrims went through his 
 country, he did them all possible mischief, still under the 
 pretence of kindness, (what hinderer to a false helper?) 
 calling the chief captains of the army his sons, but they 
 found it true, the more courtesy, the more craft. Yea, this 
 deep dissembler would put off his vizard in private, and 
 profess to his friends that he delighted as much to see the 
 Turks and these Christians in battle, as to see mastiff dogs 
 fight together 5 ; and that which side soever lost, yet he 
 himself would be a gainer 6 . 
 
 But when they had passed Grecia, and had crossed the 
 Bosporus (otherwise called the arm of St. George), enter- 
 ing into the dominion of the Turks, they were for thirty 
 days exposed a mark to their arrows. And though this 
 ?reat multitude was never stabbed with any mortal defeat 
 in a set battle, yet they consumed away by degrees, the 
 cowardly Turks striking them when their hands were 
 pinioned up in the straits of unknown passages. The 
 generals bestrewed the country about with their corpses. 
 Great Hugh of France was buried at Tarsus in Cilicia ; 
 duke Guelpho, at Paphos in Cyprus; Diemo the arch- 
 bishop of Salzburg saw his own heart cut out 7 , and was 
 
 4 Cited by Lampad. Mellif. Histor. part 3, p. 268. 
 
 5 Bwoldus. 6 P. ^Emilius, p. 140. 
 7 Munst. Cosmog. p. 640. 
 
62 THE HISTORY OF A.D.H. 
 
 martyred by the Turks at Chorazin 8 ; and God (saith ir. 
 author) manifested by the event, that the war was ni 
 pleasing unto him. 
 
 CHAP. X. Antipatris and Ctesarea won by the Christian* 
 The Variety of King Baldwin's Success. 
 
 MEANTIME Ring Baldwin was employed with bette 
 success in Palestine; for hitherto Joppa was th< 
 only port the Christians had ; but now by the assistance o 
 the Genoan fleet (who for their pains were to have a thirc 
 part of the spoil, and a whole street to themselves of even 
 city they took 1 ), Baldwin won most considerable haven-, 
 along the Midland Sea. He began with Antipatris, t( 
 ransom the Christian honour which was mortgaged here 
 because Godfrey was driven away from hence ; and nc 
 wonder, having no shipping z , whereas that army \vhicF 
 takes a strong harbour, otter-like, must swim at sea as wel 
 as go on ground. 
 
 Next he took Caesarea-Stratonis, built and so named 
 the honour of Caesar Augustus, by Herod the Great, whc 
 so politicly poised himself 3 , that he sat upright whilst th< 
 wheel of fortune turned round under him. Let Antony 
 win, let Augustus win, all one to him ; by contrary wind 
 he sailed to his own ends. Caesarea taken, Baldwin a 
 Rhamula put the Turks to a great overthrow. 
 
 But see the chance of war; few days after at the san 
 place he received a great defeat by the infidels, wherein 
 besides many others, the two Stephens, earls of Burgund 
 and Blois, were slain. This was the first great overthrow 
 the Christians suffered in Palestine, and needs must blow 
 be grievous to them who were not used to be beaten. Th 
 king was reported slain, but fame deserved to be pardonec 
 for so good a lie, which for the present much disheartene 
 the Christians, a great part of the soldiers' courage being! 
 wrapped up in the life of the general. 
 
 Baronius (as bold as any Bethshemite to pry into the arki 
 of God's secrets 4 ) saith, this was a just punishment on 
 Baldwin for detaining the church's goods 5 . But to leave 
 hidden things to God, the apparent cause of his overthrow 
 was his own rashness 6 , being desirous to engross all the 
 
 8 Ursperg. p. 238. Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 14. 
 
 2 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 18. 3 Josephus. 4 1 Sam. vi. 
 
 5 In Annal. Eccles. anno 1100, et rursus, anno 1104. 
 
 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 20. 
 
1104 THE HOLY WAR. 63 
 
 it alone, without sending for succours and supplies from 
 neighbours. He assaulted his numerous enemies with 
 andful of men, and so brake himself, with covetousness 
 purchase more honour than he could pay for. And 
 in he discovered his want of judgment, being indeed 
 an arrow well feathered, but with a blunt pile ; he 
 swift, but did not sink deep. Thus his credit lay 
 eding, but he quickly stanched it. The Pagans, little 
 peeling to be reencountered, gave themselves over to 
 th and jollity (as security oftentimes maketh the sword 
 all out of their hands from whom no force could wrest 
 when Baldwin coming on them with fresh soldiers, 
 ttuck them with the back blows of an unexpected enemy, 
 *|ich always pierce the deepest, routed them and put 
 m to the flight. This his victory followed so suddenly 
 r his overthrow, that some mention not the overthrow 
 all, but the victory only ; as that good horseman is 
 rce perceived to be thrown, that quickly recovereth the 
 die. 
 
 , XL The Conquest of sundry fair Havens by the 
 Christians. Ptolemais, etc. 
 
 7HILST the king was thus busied in battle [1102], 
 Tancred prince of Galilee was not idle, but enlarged 
 Christian dominions with the taking of Apamea and 
 icea. These cities in Celosyria were built by Antio- 
 s 1 , and they agreed so well together, that they were 
 i [led sisters ; and as in concord, so in condition they went 
 d in hand, being now both conquered together, 
 tolemais next stooped to the Christian yoke [1104], 
 named from Ptolemeus Philometer king of Egypt ; a city 
 edj the Mediterranean, of a triangular form, having two 
 es washed with the sea, the third regarding the champion. 
 Genoan galleys being seventy in number, did the main 
 vice in conquering, and had granted them for their 
 ard large profits from the harbour, a church to them- 
 ves, and jurisdiction over a fourth part of the city. This 
 lemais was afterwards the very seat of the holy war. 
 t me mind the reader of a Latin proverb, Lis Ptole- 
 ica* ; that is, a long and constant strife, so called, from 
 _|olemais, a froward old woman who was never out of 
 angling. But may not the proverb as well be verified 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 23. Idem, cap. 28. 
 
 2 Vide Erasm. Adag. 
 
64 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1107{ 
 
 of this city, in which there was ninescore years' fighting 
 against the Turks ? 
 
 With worse success did Baldwin count of Edessa, and 
 Earl Joceline besiege Charran in Mesopotamia 3 ; for when 
 it was ready to be surrendered, the Christian captains fell j 
 out amongst themselves, were defeated by the Pagans, and | 
 the two forenamed earls taken prisoners. This Charran is 
 famous for Abraham's living, and his father Terah's dying 
 there 4 ; and in the same place rich Crassus the Roman 
 vomited up the sacrilegious goods he had devoured of the 
 temple of Jerusalem, and had his army overthrown 5 . Nor 
 here may we overpass, how Boemund prince of Antioch, 
 with a great navy, spoiled the harbours of Grecia [llOTj, 
 to be revenged of treacherous Alexius the emperor. Volun- 
 taries for this service he had enough 6 , all desiring to have 
 a lash at the dog in the manger, and every man's hand 
 itching to throw a cudgel at him ; who like a nut tree must 
 be manured by beating, or else would never bear fruit ; 
 yet on some conditions an agreement at last was made 
 betwixt them 7 . 
 
 To return to Palestine. The next city that felt the 
 victorious arms of the Christians was Biblus ; a good 
 haven, and built by Heveus, the sixth son of Canaan. 
 Here Adonis was anciently worshiped, whose untimely 
 death by a boar Venus so much bemoaned ; and the fable 
 is moralized, when lust lamenteth the loss of beauty con- 
 sumed by age. Nor did Tripoli hold out long after [1109] ; 
 so called, because jointly built by the Tyrians, Sidonians, 
 and Aradites. And Berytus (since Barutus) accompanied 
 her neighbour, and both of them were yielded unto the 
 Christians. The king created one Bertram, a well-deserving 
 nobleman, earl of Tripoli, who did homage to the king for 
 his place, which was accounted a title of great honour, as 
 being one of the four tetrarchies of the kingdom of Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 CHAP. XII. The Description of Sidon and Tyre ; the one 
 taken, the other besieged in vain, by Baldivin, 1110. 
 
 SIDON is the most ancient city of Phoenicia ; and though 
 the proud Grecians counted all Barbarians besides them- 
 selves, yet Phoenicia was the schoolmistress of Grecia, and 
 first taught her her alphabet. For Cadmus, a Phoenician 
 
 3 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 30. 4 Gen. xi. 31. 
 5 Josephus. Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 6. 
 
 7 Idem. 
 
A. D. 1112 THE HOLY WAR. 65 
 
 born, first invented and brought letters to Thebes. Sidon 
 had her name from the eldest son of Canaan 1 , and was 
 famous for the finest crystal glasses which here were made. 
 The glassy sand was fetched forty miles off, from the river 
 Belus; but it could not be made fusile till it was brought 
 hither 2 ; whether for want of tools, or from some secret 
 sullen humour therein, we will not dispute. This city 
 anciently was of great renown, but her fortune being as 
 brittle as her glasses, she was fain to find neck for every 
 one of the monarchs' yokes ; and now at last (by the assist- 
 ance of the Danish and Norwegian fleet 3 ) was subdued by 
 the Christians [Dec. 19. 1112]. 
 
 Flushed with this conquest, they next besieged Tyre. 
 Sea and land, nature and art, consented together to make 
 this city strong ; for it was seated in an island, save that it 
 was tacked to the continent with a small neck of land, which 
 was fortified with many walls and towers. It is questionable 
 whether the strength or wealth of this city was greater; 
 but out of question that the pride was greater than either. 
 Here the best purples were dyed, a colour even from the 
 beginning destined to courts and magistracy ; and here the 
 richest clothes were embroidered and curiously wrought. 
 And though generally those who are best with their fingers 
 are worst with their arms, yet the Tyrians were also stout 
 men, able mariners, and the planters of the noblest colonies 
 in the world. As their city was the daughter of Sidon, so 
 was it mother to Rome's rival Carthage, Leptis, Utica, 
 Cadiz, and Nola. The most plentiful proof they gave of 
 their valour was, when for three years they defended them- 
 selves against Nebuchadnezzar ; and afterwards stopped the 
 full career of Alexander's conquests ; so that his victori- 
 ous army which did fly into other countries, was glad to 
 creep into this city. Yet after seven months' siege (such is 
 the omnipotency of industry) he forced it, and stripped this 
 lady of the sea naked beyond modesty and mercy, putting 
 all therein to the sword that resisted, and hanged up two 
 thousand of the prime citizens in a rank along the sea- 
 shore. 
 
 Yet afterwards Tyre outgrew these her miseries, and 
 attained, though not to her first giant-like, yet to a compe- 
 tent proportion of greatness. At this time wherein King 
 Baldwin besieged it, it was of great strength and impor- 
 
 1 Gen. x. 15. 2 Sand. Trav. p. 210. 
 
 3 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 14. 
 F 
 
66 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1113 
 
 tance, insomuch that, finding it a weight too heavy for his 
 shoulders, he was fain to break off his siege and depart. 
 
 With worse success he afterwards did rashly give battle 
 to the vast army of the Persian general [1113], wherein he 
 lost many men, all his baggage, and escaped himself with 
 great difficulty 5 . 
 
 CHAP. XIII. The pleasurable Voyages of King Baldwin, 
 and his Death. 
 
 AFTER the tempest of a long war, a calm came at last, 
 and King Baldwin had a five years' vacation of peace 
 in his old age ; in which time he disported himself with 
 many voyages for pleasure : as one to the Red Sea [1116], 
 not so called from the redness of the water or sand, as some 
 without any colour have conceited, but from the neigh- 
 bouring Edomites, whom the Grecians called Erythreans, 
 or red men, truly translating the Hebrew name of Edomites : 
 they had their name of redness from their father Edom x . 
 And here Baldwin surveyed the country, with the nature 
 and strength thereof. Another journey he took afterwards 
 into Egypt* [1117], as conceiving himself engaged in 
 honour to make one inroad into that country, in part of 
 payment of those many excursions the Egyptians had made 
 into his kingdom. He took the city of Pharamia 3 , anciently 
 called Rameses, and gave the spoil thereof to his soldiers. 
 This work being done, he began his play, and entertained 
 the time with viewing that riddle of nature, the river Nile, 
 whose stream is the confluence of so many wonders : first, 
 for its undiscoverable fountain ; though some late geogra- 
 phers, because they would be held more intelligent than 
 others, have found the head of the Nile in their own brains, 
 and make it to flow from a fountain they fancy in the moun- 
 tains of the moon, in the south of Africa ; then for the strange 
 creatures bred therein, as river bulls, horses, and croco- 
 diles. But the chiefest wonder is the yearly increasing 
 thereof from the 17th of June to the midst of September 4 , 
 overflowing all Egypt, and the banks of all human judg- 
 ment to give the true reason thereof. 
 
 Much time Baldwin spent in beholding this river, 
 
 5 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 19. 
 
 1 Scalig. on Festus in .'Egyptius, et Fuller, Miscell. lib. 4, 
 cap. 20. 2 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 31. 
 
 3 Calvisius makes it to be won at the former voyage. 
 
 4 Sand. Trav. p. 94. 
 
A.D. 1118 THE HOLY WAR. 67 
 
 /herein he took many fishes, and his death in eating them ; 
 'or a new surfeit revived the grief of an old wound, which 
 many years before received at the siege of Ptolemais. 
 His sickness put him in mind of his sins, conscience 
 speaking loudest when men begin to grow speechless ; and 
 especially he grieved that, having another wife alive, he had 
 married the countess of Sicily, the relict of Earl Roger ; 
 jut now, heartily sorrowful for his fault, he sent away this 
 iis last wife : yet we read not that he received his former 
 again. Other faults he would have amended, but was pre- 
 vented by death. And no doubt, where the deed could not 
 present, the desire was a sufficient proxy. He died at 
 Laris, a city in the road from Egypt, and was brought to 
 Jerusalem, and buried on Palm Sunday, in the Temple of 
 the Sepulchre, in the eighteenth year of his reign [March 
 26,1118]. 
 
 A prince superior to his brother Godfrey in learning, 
 equal in valour, inferior in judgment; rash, precipitate, 
 greedy of honour, but swallowing more than he could 
 ligest, and undertaking what he was not able to perform ; 
 little affected to the clergy, or rather to their temporal 
 greatness, especially when it came in competition with his 
 own ; much given to women (besides the three wives he 
 had, first marrying Gutrera, an English woman ; after her 
 death, Tafror, an Armenian lady; and, whilst she yet sur- 
 vived, the countess of Sicily), yet he had no child : God 
 commonly punishing wantonness with barrenness. For the 
 rest, we refer the reader to the dull epitaph written on his 
 tomb, which (like the verses of that age) runneth in a kind 
 of rhythm, though it can scarce stand on true feet : 
 
 Rex Baldwinus, Judm alter Maccab&us, 
 Spes patrite, vigor ecclesitf, virtus utriusque ; 
 Quern formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant, 
 Cedar 5 , JEgypti Dan, ac homicida Damascus ; 
 Proh dolor ! in modico clauditur hoc tumulo. 
 
 Baldwin, another Maccabee for might ; 
 Hope, help of state, of church, and both's delight ; 
 Cedar, with Egypt's Dan, of him afraid, 
 Bloody Damascus to him tribute paid : 
 Alas! here in this tomb is laid. 
 
 Let him who pleaseth play the critic on the divers read- 
 ings; and whether by Dan be meant the Souldan, or whe- 
 
 * A liter Caesar. 
 
63 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1118 
 
 ther it relateth to the conceit that Antichrist shall come of 
 the tribe of Dan. But perchance the text is not worth a 
 comment. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. Baldwin the Second chosen King. Prince 
 Eustace peaceably renounceth his Right. 
 
 IT happened the same day King Baldwin was buried, that 
 Baldwin de Burgo, his kinsman, and count of Edessa, 
 came casually into the city, intending only there to keep 
 his Easter, when behold the Christian princes met together 
 for the election of a new king. The greater part did centre 
 their suffrages on Prince Eustace, brother to the two former 
 kings, but then absent in France. They alleged that it was 
 not safe to break the chain of succession, where the inver- 
 sion of order bringeth all to confusion ; and that it was high 
 ingratitude to the memories of Godfrey and Baldwin to 
 exclude their brother from the crown, especially he being 
 fit in all points to be a king, wanting nothing but that he 
 wanted to be there ; that in the mean time some might be 
 deputed to lock up all things safe, and to keep the keys of 
 the state till he should arrive. 
 
 On the other side, some objected the dangers of an inter- 
 regnum, how when a state is headless, every malecontent 
 would make head ; inconveniences in another country would 
 be mischiefs here, where they lived in the mouth of their 
 enemies; and therefore to stay for a king was the way to 
 lose the kingdom. 
 
 Then Joceline, prince of Tiberias, a man of great autho- 
 rity, offered himself a moderator in this difference, and coun- 
 selled both sides to this effect : to proceed to a present 
 election, and therein to be directed, not confined by suc- 
 cession ; though they missed the next, let them take one of 
 Godfrey's kindred. As the case now stood, he must be 
 counted next in blood that was next at hand ; and this was 
 Baldwin, count of Edessa, on whom he bestowed most 
 superlative praises. All were much affected with these his 
 commendations, for they knew that Joceline was his sworn 
 adversary, and concluded that it must needs be a mighty 
 weight of worth in Baldwin, which pressed out praise from 
 the mouth of his enemy ; though indeed private ends 
 prompted him to speak this speech, who hoped himself to 
 get the earldom of Edessa when Baldwin should be trans- 
 lated to Jerusalem. However, his words took effect, and 
 Baldwin hereupon was chosen king [April 2, 1118], and 
 crowned on Easter day by Arnulphus, the patriarch 1 . 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 4. 
 
A.D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 69 
 
 Meantime some secretly were sent to Prince Eustace to 
 come and challenge the crown. But he, hearing that another 
 was already in possession, though he was on his journey 
 coming, quietly went back again. A large alms, to give 
 away a kingdom out of his charity to the public cause. 
 
 Baldwin was of a proper personage, and able body, born 
 nigh Rheims, in France, son to Hugh, count of Rorstet, 
 and Millesent, his wife. He was exceedingly charitable to 
 the poor, and pious towards God ; witness the brawn on 
 his hands and knees made with continual praying : valiant 
 also, and excellently well seen in all martial affairs . 
 
 We had almost forgotten what happened in this year, the 
 death of Alexius the Grecian emperor, that arch-hypocrite 
 and grand enemy of this war; on whom we may bestow 
 this epitaph : 
 
 If he of men the best doth know to live 
 Who best knows to dissemble, justly then 
 To thee, Alexius, we this praise must give, 
 That thou to live didst know the best of men. 
 And this was it at last did stop thy breath, 
 Thou knew'st not how to counterfeit with death. 
 
 His son, Calo-Johannes, succeeded him in his empire, of 
 whom we shall have much cause to speak hereafter. 
 
 CHAP. XV T .- The ecclesiastical Affairs in this King's 
 Reign. 
 
 ACCORDING to our wonted method, let us first rid 
 out of the way church matters in this king's reign, that 
 so we may have the more room to follow the affairs of the 
 commonwealth. We left Arnulphus, the last patriarch of 
 Jerusalem; since which time the bad savour of his life 
 came to the pope's nose, who sent a legate to depose him. 
 But Arnulphus hasted to Rome with much money 1 , and 
 there bought himself to be innocent, so that he enjoyed the 
 place during his life. 
 
 Guarimund succeeded in his place [1119], a very reli- 
 gious man, by whom God gave the Christians many victo- 
 ries. He called a council at Neapolis or Sichem, wherein 
 many wholesome things were concluded for reformation of 
 manners. Betwixt him and William, archbishop of Tyre 
 (an Englishman), there arose a difference, because this 
 archbishop would not receive his confirmation of him (from 
 whom, by ancient right, he should take it), but from the 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 26. 
 
70 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1128 
 
 pope, counting it the most honour to hold of the highest 
 landlord. And indeed the pope for gain confirmed him, 
 though he should have sent him to .the patriarch. But the 
 court of Rome careth not though men steal their corn, so 
 be it they bring it to their mills to grind. 
 
 After Guarimund's death [1128], Stephen, abbot of St. 
 John de Valia, was chosen patriarch ; once a cavalier, but 
 afterward, laying down the sword, he took up the word, and 
 entered into orders. He awaked the patriarch's title to 
 Jerusalem, which had slept during his three predecessors, 
 and challenged it very imperiously of the king, for he was 
 a man of spirit and mettle. And indeed he had too much 
 life to live long. For the king, fearing what flame this spark 
 might kindle, and finding him to be an active man, gave 
 him (as it is suspected) a little more active poison, which 
 cut him off in the midst of his age and beginning of his 
 projects. 
 
 The king coming to him when he lay on his death-bed, 
 asked him how he did : to whom he answered 3 , " My lord, 
 for the present I am as you would have me" [1130]. A 
 cruel murder, if true ; but it is strange, that he whose hands 
 (as we have said) were hardened with frequent prayer, 
 should soften them again in innocent blood. Wherefore we 
 will not condemn the memory of a king on doubtful evi- 
 den. The patriarch's place was filled with William, prior 
 of the Sepulchre, a Fleming; a man better beloved than 
 learned. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. Knights-Templars and Teutonics instituted. 
 
 ABOUT this time the two great orders of Templars and 
 Teutonics appeared in the world [1119]. The former 
 under Hugh de Paganis, and Ganfred of St. Omer, their 
 first founders. They agreed in profession with the Hospi- 
 tallers, and performed it alike, vowing poverty, chastity, and 
 obedience, and to defend pilgrims coming to the sepulchre. 
 It is falsely fathered on St. Bernard, that he appointed them 
 their rule * ; who prescribeth not what they should do, but 
 only describeth what they did*: namely, how they were 
 never idle, mending their old clothes when wanting other 
 employment. ; never played at chess or dice, never ha%vked 
 nor hunted, beheld no stage-plays ; arming themselves with 
 faith within, with steel without; aiming more at strength 
 
 3 Tyrius, lib. 13, cap. 25. ' Baronius, in anno 1127. 
 
 2 Quarto el quinto cap. exhort. 
 
A.D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 71 
 
 than state ; to be feared, not admired ; to strike terror with 
 their valour, not stir covetousness with their wealth in the 
 heart of their enemies. Other sweet praises of them let 
 him who pleaseth fetch from the mouth of this mellifluous 
 doctor. 
 
 Indeed, at first they were very poor, in token whereof 
 they gave for their seal two men riding on one horse 3 . And 
 hence it was, that if the Turks took any of them prisoners, 
 their constant ransom was sword and a belt 4 ; it being con- 
 ceived that their poor state could stretch to no higher price. 
 But after their order was confirmed by Pope Honorius (by 
 the entreaty of Stephen, the patriarch of Jerusalem), who 
 appointed them to wear a white garment, to which Euge- 
 nius the Third added a red cross on their breast, they grew 
 wonderfully rich by the bounty of several patrons ; yea, 
 the king and patriarch of Jerusalem 5 dandled this infant 
 order so long in their laps till it brake their knees, it grew 
 so heavy at last ; and these ungrateful Templars did pluck 
 out the feathers of those wings which hatched and brooded 
 them. From almsmen they turned lords ; and though 'very 
 valiant at first (for they were sworn rather to die than to 
 fly), afterwards laziness withered their arms, and swelled 
 their bellies. They laughed at the rules of their first insti- 
 tution, as at the swaddling clothes of their infancy ; neg- 
 lecting the patriarch, and counting themselves too old to be 
 whipped with the rod of his discipline ; till partly their 
 viciousuess and partly their wealth caused their final extir- 
 pation, as (God willing) shall be showed hereafter 6 . 
 
 At the same time began the Teutonic order, consisting 
 only of Dutchmen well descended, living at Jerusalem in 
 a house which one of that nation bequeathed to his country- 
 men that, came thither on pilgrimage. In the year 1190 
 their order was honoured with a great master, whereof the 
 first was Henry a- Walpot; and they had a habit assigned 
 them to wear, black crosses on white robes : they were to 
 fight in the defence of Christianity against Pagans. But 
 we shall meet with them more largely in the following 
 story. 
 
 3 Weaver, Fun. Mon. p. 71. 4 Hospin. De Orig. 
 8 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 7. 6 Lib. 5, cap. 1 3. 
 
 Mon. 
 
72 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1122 
 
 CHAP. XVII. The Christians' Variety of Success. Tyre 
 taken by the Assistance of the Venetians. 
 
 IT is worth the reader's marking how this king's reign 
 was chequered with variety of fortune ; for first, Roger, 
 prince of Antioch * (or rather guardian in the minority of 
 young Boemund), went forth with greater courage than 
 discretion; whereunto his success was answerable, being 
 conquered and killed by the Turks. But Baldwin, on the 
 14th of August following, forced the Turks to a restitution 
 of their victory, and with a small army gave them a great 
 overthrow, in spite of Gazi, their boasting general. 
 
 To qualify the Christians' joy for this good success, Joce- 
 line, unadvisedly fighting with Balak, a petty king of the 
 Turks, \vas conquered and taken prisoner [1122]; and 
 King Baldwin, coming to deliver him, was also taken him- 
 self, for which he might thank his own rashness ; for it had 
 been his best work to have done nothing for a while, till 
 the Venetian succours, which were not far off, had come 
 to him, and not presently to adventure all to the hazard of 
 a battle. 
 
 Yet the Christians' hands were not bound in the king's 
 captivity; for Eustace Grenier, chosen viceroy whilst the 
 king was in durance, stoutly defended the country, and 
 Count Joceline, who had escaped out of prison, fighting 
 again with Balak at Hircapolis, routed his army, and killed 
 him with his own hands. But the main piece of service 
 was the taking of Tyre, which was done under the conduct 
 of Guarimund, the patriarch of Jerusalem ; but chiefly by 
 the help of the Venetian navy, which Michael their duke 
 brought, who for their pains were to have a third part of 
 the city to themselves. Tyre had in it store of men and 
 munition ; but famine increasing (against whose arrows 
 there is no armour of proof), it was yielded on honourable 
 terms. And though perhaps hunger shortly would have 
 made the Turks digest coarser conditions, yet the Christians 
 were loath to anger their enemies' valour into desperateness. 
 
 Next year the king returned home [June 29], having 
 been eighteen months a prisoner, being to pay for his ransom 
 a hundred thousand Michaelets, and for security he left his 
 daughter in pawn. But he paid the Turks with their own 
 money, or (which was as good coin) with the money of 
 the Saracens, vanquishing Barsequen their captain at An- 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 10. 
 
i.D. 1131 THE HOLY WAR. 73 
 
 ioch [1125] : and not long after he conquered Doldequin, 
 mother great commander of them at Damascus [1126], 
 
 To correct the rankness of the Christians' pride for this 
 *ood success, Damascus was afterwards by them unfortu- 
 nately besieged [1130]. Heaven discharged against them 
 thunder ordinance, arrows of lightning, small-shot of hail, 
 whereby they being miserably wasted were forced to depart. 
 And this affliction was increased when Boemund, the young 
 )rince of Antioch, one of great hope and much lamented, 
 defeated and slain [1131]. Authors impute these 
 mishaps to the Christians' pride, and relying on their own 
 strength, which never is more untrusty than when most 
 rusted. True it was, God often gave them great victories, 
 .vhen they defended themselves in great straits : hereupon 
 they turned their thankfulness into presumption, grew at last 
 from defending themselves to dare their enemies on disad- 
 vantages to their often overthrow : for God will not unmake 
 lis miracles by making them common. And may not this 
 also be counted some cause of their ill success, that they 
 always imputed their victories to the material cross which 
 was carried before them ; so that Christ's glory, after his 
 ascension, suffered again on the cross by their superstition. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. The Death of Baldwin the Second. 
 
 KING Baldwin, a little before his death, renounced the 
 world, and took on him a religious habit. This was 
 he fashion of many princes in that age, though they did it 
 or divers ends. Some thought to make amends for their 
 disordered lives by entering into some holy order at their 
 deaths; others, having surfeited of the world's vanity, fasted 
 rom it when they could eat no more, because of the impo- 
 ency of their bodies ; others, being crossed by the world by 
 ome misfortune, sought to cross the world again in re- 
 nouncing of it. These, like furious gamesters, threw up 
 heir cards, not out of dislike of gaming but of their game ; 
 and they were rather discontented to live than contented to 
 die. But we must believe that Baldwin did it out of true 
 devotion, to ripen himself for heaven, because he was piously 
 ffected from his youth, so that all his life was religiously 
 uned, though it made the sweetest music in the close. He 
 died not long after, on the 22d of August, in the thirteenth 
 ear of his reign, and was buried with his predecessors in the 
 Temple of the Sepulchre. By Morphe, a Grecian lady, his 
 wife, he had four daughters, whereof Millesent was the 
 eldest ; the second Alice, married to young Boemund, 
 
 or THE ' 
 
 UNIVERSH 
 
74 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 113: 
 
 prince of Antioch; the third Hodiern, wife to Reimund 
 prince of Tripoli; and Mete the youngest, abbess c 
 Bethany. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. Of Fuko, the fourth King of Jerusalem. 
 
 FULCO, earl of Tours, Mara, and Anjou, coming som< 
 three years before on pilgrimage to Jerusalem [1132] 
 there took in marriage Millesent, the king's daughter. IL 
 had assigned to him the city of Tyre, and some othe 
 princely accommodations for his present maintenance, anc 
 the kingdom after the death of his father-in-law, which h 
 received accordingly. He was well nigh sixty years old 
 and by his first wife he had a son, Geffrey Plantagenet ear 
 of Anjou, to whom he left his lands in France, and frorr 
 whom our kings of England are descended. This Fulc 
 was a very valiant man, able both of body and mind. Hi 
 greatest defect was a weak memory (though not so bad a 
 that of Messala Corvinus 1 , who forgot his own name) 
 insomuch that he knew not his own servants, and those 
 whom he even now preferred were presently after strangers 
 unto him. Yet though he had a bad memory whilst he 
 lived, he hath a good one now he is dead, and his virtues 
 are famous to posterity. 
 
 CHAP. XX. The' Church Story during this King's Reign. 
 The remarkable Ruin of Rodolphus, Patriarch of Antioch. 
 
 THE church of Jerusalem yielded no alterations in the 
 reign of Fulco. But in Antioch there was much 
 stir who should succeed Bernard, that peaceable long-lived 
 man, who sat thirty-six years, and survived eight patriarchs 
 of Jerusalem. Now, whilst the clergy were tedious in theii 
 choice, the laity was too nimble for them, and they (thinking 
 it equal to have a hand in making, who must have theii 
 arms in defending a .patriarch) clapped one Rodolphus, ol 
 noble parentage, into the chair* [1136]. He presently took 
 his pall off from the altar of St. Peter, thereby sparing both 
 his purse and pains to go to Rome, and acknowledging no 
 other superior than that apostle for his patron. This man 
 was the darling of the gentry (and no wonder if they loved 
 him who was of their cloth and making), but hated of the 
 clergy. Wherefore knowing himself to need strong arms 
 who was to swim against the stream, he wrought himsell 
 
 1 Plin. lib. 7, cap. 24. 2 Tyrius, lib. ID. 
 
D. 1136 THE HOLY WAR. 75 
 
 nto the favour of the princess of Antioch, the widow of 
 young Boemund, so that he commanded all her command, 
 ind beat down his enemies with her strength. He promised 
 o make a marriage betwixt her and Reimund, earl of 
 Poictou (a Frenchman of great fame, who was coming into 
 these parts), but he deceived her, and caused the earl to 
 marry Constantia, the daughter of this lady, by whom he 
 ad the principality of Antioch. Indeed this Constantia 
 was but a child for age ; but they never want years to marry 
 who have a kingdom for their portion. 
 
 The patriarch, to make sure work, bound Prince Reimund 
 by an oath to be true to him ; but friends unjustly gotten 
 are seldom comfortably enjoyed. Of his sworn friend he 
 )roved his sworn enemy, and forced him to go up to Rome, 
 here to answer many accusations laid to his charge, wherein 
 the groundwork perchance was true, though malice might 
 set the varnish on it. The main matter was, that he made 
 Ddious comparisons betwixt Antioch and Rome, and counted 
 limself equal to his holiness. 
 
 Rodolphus, coming to Rome, found the pope's doors shut 
 against him, but he opened them with a golden key. 
 Vloney he sowed plentifully, and reaped it when he came to 
 be tried ; for he found their hands very soft towards him 
 whom formerly he had greased in the fist. He also resigned 
 lis old pall, and took a new one from the pope. As for 
 lis other crimes, it was concluded that Albericus, bishop of 
 Ostia, should be sent into Syria the pope's legate, to examine 
 matters, and to proceed accordingly with the patriarch, as 
 hings there should be found alleged and proved; whereat 
 lis adversaries much stormed, who expected that he should 
 nstantly have been deposed. 
 
 Yet afterwards they prevailed mightily with Albericus, 
 he legate, and bowed him on their side. He, coming to 
 Antioch, cited the patriarch to appear, who, being thrice 
 ailed, came not. On his absence all were present with 
 heir conjectures what should cause it ; some imputing it to 
 lis guiltiness, others to his contempt, others to his fear of 
 lis enemy's potency, or judge's partiality, for indeed the 
 egate came not with a virgin judgment, but ravished with 
 >rejudice, being prepossessed with this intent to dispossess 
 iim of his place. Some thought he relied on his peace 
 ormerly made at Rome, where the illegality of his election 
 ras rectified by his laying down his first pall, and assuming 
 
 new one from the pope. 
 
 Here was it worth the beholding in what several streams 
 
76 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1141 
 
 men's affections ran 3 . All wished that the tree might be 
 felled, who had hopes to gather chips by his fall, and espe- 
 cially one Arnulphus, and Dean Lambert, the promoters 
 against the patriarch. Others pitied him, and, though 
 perchance content that his roof might be taken down, were 
 loath he should be razed to the ground. Some reserved their 
 affections till they were counselled by the event which side 
 to favour, and would not be engaged by any manifest 
 declaration, but so that they might fairly retreat if need 
 required. Amongst other prelates which were present, 
 Serlo, archbishop of Apamea, was one, who formerly had 
 been a great enemy to the patriarch, but had lately taken 
 himself off from that course. The legate demanded of him 
 why he proceeded not to accuse the patriarch as he was 
 wont; to whom he answered 4 , " What formerly I did was 
 done out of unadvised heat against the health of my soul, 
 discovering the nakedness of my father, like to cursed Ham 
 and now God hath recalled me from mine error : so that I 
 will neither accuse, nor presumptuously judge him, but am 
 ready to die for his safety." Hereupon the legate immedi- 
 ately (such was the martial law in a churchman) deposed 
 him from his archbishopric. Little hope then had the 
 patriarch, who saw himself condemned in his friend : and he 
 himself followed not long after 5 , being thrust out by vio- 
 lence, cast into prison, and there long kept in chains, till at 
 last he made an escape to Rome, intending there to traverse 
 his cause again, had not death (occasioned by poison, as is 
 thought) prevented him [1141]. 
 
 CHAP XXI. Calo- Johannes, the Grecian Emperor, dc- 
 mandeth Antioch. Reimund, the Prince thereof, doeth 
 Homage to him for it. 
 
 (^ ALO-JOHANNES, the Grecian emperor, came up 
 \J with a vast army of horse and foot 1 [1136], and de- 
 manded of Reimund, prince of Antioch, to resign unto him 
 that whole signory, according to the composition which the 
 Christian princes made with Alexius, his father 1 . 
 
 Hereat Reimund and all the Latins stormed out of 
 measure: had they purchased the inheritance of the land 
 with their own blood, now to turn tenants at will to another? 
 
 3 Baronius, in anno 1136. 4 Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 16i. 
 5 Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 17. Idem, lib. 14, cap. 14. 
 2 Vide supra, book l,chap. 15. 
 
.D. 1140 THE HOLY WAR. 77 
 
 ome pleaded that the ill usage of Alexius 3 extorted from 
 rodfrey and the rest of the pilgrims that agreement, and 
 n oath made by force is of no force, but may freely be 
 roken, because not freely made. Others alleged that when 
 oitioch was first won, it was offered to Alexius, and he 
 ifused it 4 ; so fair a tender was a payment. Others argued 
 lat that generation which made this contract was wholly 
 ead, and that the debt descended not on them to make 
 
 good. But most insisted on this, that Alexius kept not 
 is covenants, and assisted them not according to the agree- 
 lent. Indeed he called these princes his sons, but he 
 isinherited them of their hopes, and all their portion was 
 n promises never paid. No reason then that the knot of 
 he agreement should hold them fast, and let him loose. 
 
 The worst of these answers had been good enough, if their 
 words had been as strong as the Grecian emperor's. But he 
 :oming with a numerous army, in few days overcame all 
 ^ilicia (which for forty years had belonged to the prince of 
 ^.ntioch), and then besieged the city of Antioch itself. 
 ? orce is the body, and resolution the soul of an action : 
 30th these were well tempered together in the emperor's 
 irmy, and the city brought to great distress; whereupon 
 ?ulco, king of Jerusalem, with some other princes, fearing 
 vhat woful conclusion would follow so violent premises, 
 nade a composition between them ; so that Reimund did 
 lomage to the emperor, and held his principality as a vassal 
 rom him. And though four years after the emperor came 
 igain into these parts [1140], yet he did not much harm ; 
 )illaging was all his conquest. Some years after he died, 
 >eing accidentally poisoned by one of his own arrows, 
 which he intended for the wild boar. A prince so much 
 better to the Latins than his father Alexius, as an honourable 
 be is above a treacherous friend. His empire he disposed 
 to Emmanuel, his son. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. The Succession of the Turkish Kings and the 
 Saracen Caliphs. Of the unlimited Power of a Souldan. 
 Some Resemblance thereof anciently in the Kingdom of 
 France. 
 
 O great service of moment was performed in the reign 
 __ . of King Fulco, because he was molested with domesti- 
 cal discords, and intestine wars against Paulinus count of 
 
 3 Ursperg. p. 235, tortis sacramentis. 
 
 4 Vide supra, book 1, chap. Id. 
 
 N 
 
73 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Tripoli, and Hugh earl of Joppa; only Beersheba was 
 fortified, and some forts built about Askelon, as an intro- 
 duction to besiege it. Also skirmishes were now and then 
 fought with variety of success against Sanguin, one of the 
 Turks' great princes. 
 
 And here let the reader take notice, that though we have 
 mentioned many commanders, as Auxianus, Corboran, 
 Ammiravissus, Tenduc, Gazi, Balak, Dordequin, Borscquin, 
 Sanguin, some Turkish, some Saracen, yet none of these 
 were absolute kings (though perchance in courtesy some- 
 times so styled by writers), but were only generals and lieu- 
 tenants accountable to their superiors, the caliphs either of 
 Babylon or Egypt. Who what they were, we refer the reader 
 to our chronology. 
 
 Caliph was the pope (as I may say) of the Saracens, a 
 mixture of priest and prince. But we need not now trouble 
 ourselves with curiosity in their successions, these caliphs 
 being but obscure men, who confined themselves to plea- 
 sures, making play their work, and having their constant 
 diet on the sauce of recreation. We are rather to take 
 notice of their generals and captains, which were the men 
 of action. FoY a souldan (which was but a viceroy), with 
 his borrowed light, shineth brighter in history than the 
 caliph himself, yet may we justly wonder that these slothful 
 caliphs should do nothing themselves, and commit such 
 unlimited power to their souldans,especially seeing too much 
 trust is a strong temptation to make ambitious flesh and 
 blood disloyal. Yet something may be said for the caliph 
 of Egypt, besides that the pleasures of that country were 
 sufficient to invite him to a voluptuous life*. First, the 
 awful regard which the Egyptians had of their princes gave 
 them security to trust their officers with ample commission. 
 Secondly, herein they followed an ancient custom practised 
 by the Pharaohs anciently, who gave unto Joseph so large 
 authority, as we may read in Genesis 1 . Some example also 
 we have hereof in France about nine hundred years ago. 
 Childeric, Theodoric, Clovis, Childebert, Dagobert, &c. a 
 chain of idle kings well linked together, gave themselves 
 over to pleasures privately, never coming abroad ; but only 
 on May-day they showed themselves to the people, riding 
 in a chariot, adorned with flowers, and drawn with oxen 
 (slow cattle, but good enough for so lazy luggage) whilst 
 
 1 Sir Walter Raleigh, part 1, book 2, chap. ytf. 
 
 2 Gen. xli. 40. 
 
 
ID. 1143 THE HOLY WAR. 79 
 
 lharles Martell and Pipin, mayors of the palace, opened 
 
 tickets, gave audience to embassadors, made war or peace, 
 
 lacted and repealed laws at pleasure, till afterwards, from 
 
 mtrollers of the king's household, they became controllers 
 
 the kings, and at last kings themselves. 
 
 To return to Egypt. Let none be troubled (pardon a 
 
 laritable digression to satisfy some scrupulous in a point 
 
 chronology) if they find anciently more kings of the 
 
 Igyptians, and longer reigning than the consent of times 
 
 fill allow room for : for no doubt that which hath swelled 
 
 te number, is the counting deputies for kings. Yea, we 
 
 id the Holy Spirit, in the same breath, speak a viceroy to 
 
 a king and no king; There was no king in Edom; a 
 
 \puty was king 3 . 
 
 [CHAP. XXIII. The lamentable Death of King Fulco. 
 "HEN Fulco had now eleven years with much in- 
 dustry and care (though with little enlarging of his 
 )minions) governed the land, he was slain in earnest as 
 blowing his sport in hunting, to the great grief of his sub- 
 its 1 [1142]. And we may hear him thus speaking his 
 >itaph : 
 
 A hare I hunted, and death hunted me ; 
 The more my speed was, was the worse my speed : 
 For as well-mounted I away did flee, 
 Death caught and kill'd me, falling from my steed. 
 Yet this mishap a happy miss I count, 
 That fell from horse that I to heaven might mount, 
 prince of a sweet nature ; and though one would have 
 ad him to be very furious by his high-coloured countenance, 
 
 [et his face was a good hypocrite ; and (contra leges istiiis 
 loris, saith Tyrius *) he was affable, courteous, and pitiful 
 all in distress. He was buried with his predecessors in 
 
 le Temple of the Sepulchre, leaving two sons, Baldwin who 
 
 ras thirteen, and Almerick seven years old* 
 
 !HAP. XXIV. The Disposition of Baldwin the Third. The 
 
 Care of Queen Millesent in her Son's Minority. 
 BALDWIN succeeded his father [1143], who quickly 
 ^ grew up, as to age, so in all royal accomplishments, 
 
 id became a most complete prince; well learned, espe- 
 
 3 1 Kings, xxii. 47. Melek in both. 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. ult. 2 Lib. 14. cap. 1. 
 
80 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 148 
 
 cially in history; liberal ; very witty and very pleasant hi 
 discourse; he would often give a smart jest, which would 
 make the place both blush and bleed where it lighted : yet 
 this was the better taken at his hands, because he cherished 
 not a cowardly wit in himself, to wound men behind their 
 backs, but played on them freely to their faces ; yea, and 
 never refused the coin he paid them in, but would be 
 contented (though a king) to be the subject of a good jest : 
 and sometimes he was well-favouredly met with 1 ; as the 
 best fencer in wit's school hath now and then an unhappy 
 blow dealt him. Some thought he descended beneath him- 
 self in too much familiarity to his subjects : for he would 
 commonly call and salute mean persons by their names : 
 but the vulgar sort, in whose judgments the lowest stars are 
 ever the greatest, conceived him to surpass all his prede- 
 cessors, because he was so fellow-like with them. 
 
 But whilst yet he was in minority, his mother Millesent 
 made up his want of age with her abundant care, being 
 governor of all : a woman in sex, but of a masculine spirit. 
 She continued a widow : and as for children's sake she 
 married once, so for her children's sake she married no 
 more. St. Bernard and she spake often together by letters* : 
 he extolled her single life, how it was more honour to live a 
 widow, than to be a queen': this she had by birth, that by 
 God's bounty ; this she was happily begotten, that she had 
 manfully gotten of herself 3 . Yet we find not that she made 
 a vow never to marry again ; wherein she did the wiser : 
 for the chastest minds cannot conclude, from the present 
 calm, that there will never after arise any lustful storm in 
 their souls. Besides, a resolution is a free custody ; but a 
 vow is a kind of prison, which restrained nature hath the 
 more desire to break. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Of Fulcher Patriarch of Jerusalem, and the 
 Insolence of the Hospitallers against him. 
 
 WILLIAM, who was last possessed of the patriarch's 
 chair in Jerusalem, was none of the greatest clerks. 
 But whatsoever! he was for edifying of the church, he was 
 excellent at building of castles (one at Askelon, another at 
 Ramula, a third called Blank-guard for the securing of pil- 
 grims), till at last, having sat in his place fifteen years, he 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 16, cap. 2. 2 Epist. 206, col. 1569. 
 
 3 Illud tibi ex genere, istud ex munere Dei; illud feh'citer 
 nata es, hoc viriliter nacta. Epist. 289. col. 
 
A. D. 1156 THE HOLY WAR. 81 
 
 |\vas translated to heaven [1145], and on earth Fulcher 
 archbishop of Tyre succeeded him. An honest old man, 
 whose weak age was much molested with the pride and 
 rebellion of the Hospitallers, who lately had procured from 
 the pope a plenary exemption from the patriarch. This his 
 holiness did the more willingly grant, because hereby he 
 made himself absolute master of all orders, pinning them 
 on himself by an immediate dependence, and so bringing 
 water to his mill by straighter and nearer stream. But hereby 
 the entireness of episcopal jurisdiction was much maimed 
 and mangled, and every convent was a castle of rebels, armed 
 with privileges to fight against their lawful diocesan. 
 
 Now as these Hospitallers wronged the power of the 
 bishops, so did they rob the profit of poor priests, refusing 
 to pay any tithes of their manors, which contained many 
 parishes (so that the pastors who fed the flocks were 
 starved themselves; and having laboured all day in the 
 vineyard, were at night sent supperless to bed), the Hospi- 
 tallers pleading that the pope had freed them from these 
 duties ; as if an acquittance under the hand of his holiness 
 was sufficient to discharge them from paying of tithes, a 
 debt due to God. Other foul crimes they also were guilty 
 of: as, outbraving the Temple of the Sepulchre with their 
 I stately buildings ; giving the sacraments to and receiving of 
 excommunicated persons; ringing their bells when their pa- 
 triarch preached, that his voice might not be heard ; shooting 
 I arrows into the church to disturb him and the people in 
 [divine service 1 ; a bundle whereof were hung up as a mo- 
 nument of their impiety [1156]. 
 
 Fulcher the patriarch crawled to Rome, being a hundred 
 years old, to complain of these misdemeanours; carrying 
 with him the archbishop of Tyre and five other bishops. 
 But he had sped better, if instead of every one of them he 
 had carried a bag of gold. For the Hospitallers prevented 
 him, and had formerly been effectually present with their 
 large bribes, so that the patriarch's suit was very cold ; and 
 no wonder, seeing he did afford no fuel to heat it. The 
 cardinals' eyes in the court of Rome were old and dim ; and 
 therefore the glass wherein they see any thing must be well 
 silvered. Indeed two of them, Octavian, and John of St. 
 Martin, favoured Christ's cause and his ministers, but all 
 the rest followed gifts, and the way of Balaam the son of 
 
 Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 3. 
 c 
 
82 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1142 
 
 Bosor 3 . But here Baronius 4 , who hitherto had leaned on 
 Tyrius 's authority, now starteth from it : and no wonder, 
 for his pen will seldom cast ink, when he meeteth with the 
 corruption of the Romish court. But sure it was, that the 
 good patriarch, wearied with delays, returned back with his 
 grievances unredressed. Whereupon the Hospitallers grew 
 more insolent; and, under pretence of being freed from 
 fetters, would wear no girdle; denying not only subjection, 
 but any filial obedience to a superior. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. Of Almericus Patriarch of Antioch, his 
 instituting of Carmelites. Their differing from the Pattern 
 of Elias. 
 
 AFTER the tragical life and death of Rodolphus patri- 
 arch of Antioch [1142], who was twelve years patri- 
 arch, counting his banishment, Haymericus by the contrary 
 faction and power of Prince Reimund succeeded him, with 
 little quiet and comfort of his place. 
 
 And here, to our grief, must we take our final farewell of 
 the distinct succession of the patriarchs of Antioch, with the 
 years that they sat ; such is the obscurity and confusion of 
 it. Yet no doubt this Haymericus was the same with Al- 
 mericus 1 , who about the year 1160 first instituted the order 
 of Carmelites. Indeed formerly they lived dispersed about 
 the mountain of Carmel: but he gathered them together 
 into one house; because solitariness is a trespass against the 
 nature of man, and God, when he had made all things good, 
 saw it was not good for man to be alone. 
 
 Surely from great antiquity in the primitive church, many 
 retired themselves to solitary places (where they were always 
 alone, and always in the company of good thoughts) chiefly 
 to shade themselves from the heat of persecution *. Whose 
 example was in after ages imitated by others, when there 
 was no such necessity : as here by these Carmelites, whose 
 order was afterwards perfected in the year 1216, by Albert 
 patriarch of Jerusalem, with certain canonical observations 
 imposed upon them. And in the next age, these bees, which 
 first bred in the ground and hollow trees, got them hives 
 in gardens ; and, leaving the deserts, gained them princely 
 
 a Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secuti sunt vias Balaam 
 filii Bosor. Tyrius, lib. 18, cap. 8. 
 
 4 Annal. Eccles. in anno 1155. 
 
 1 Compare Baronius with himself in these years, 1143, 1154, 
 1181, and we shall tind Haymericus and Almericus the same. 
 
 * Polid. Virg. lib. 7, cap. 3. Sabel. Enn. 9, lib. 5. Hospin. 
 De Orig. Men. 
 
A.D. 1142 THE HOLY WAR. 83 
 
 houses in pleasant places. They pretended indeed that 
 they followed the pattern of Elias, though far enough from 
 his example. First, for their habit, they wore white coats 
 guarded with red streaks 3 : but they have no colour in the 
 Bible that Elias ever wore such a livery ; it suits rather 
 with Joseph than with him. Secondly, by their order they 
 were to ride on he-asses ; whereas we read that Elias went 
 on foot, and rode but once in a chariot of fire. Thirdly 
 they by the constitution of Pope Nicholas V. had sisters of 
 their company living near unto them 4 ; we find Elias to have 
 no such feminine consorts. Fourthly, they lived in all lust 
 and laziness, as Nicolas Gallus their own general did com- 
 plain 5 that they were Sodomites, and compareth them to 
 the tail of the dragon : so that their luxury differed from 
 Elias's austerity, as much as velvet from sackcloth. Where- 
 fore that the Carmelites came from mount Carmel cannot be 
 denied: but on that mountain I find that both Elias and 
 Baal's priests gathered together; and let the indifferent 
 reader judge which of them their lives do most resemble. 
 
 Afterwards Pope Honorius III. counting the party-co- 
 loured coats these Carmelites did wear to be too gaudy, 
 caused them to wear only white, the colour which nature 
 doth dye ; simple, and therefore fittest for religion. But 
 Melexala king of Egypt, who formerly was very bountiful 
 to the Carmelites, knew not his almsmen in their new coats, 
 but changed his love, as they their livery, and persecuted 
 them out of all Egypt. It seemeth afterwards, by the com- 
 plaint of Mantuan, that they wore some black again over 
 their white : for he playeth on them, as if their bad manners 
 had blacked and altered their clothes 6 . 
 
 Now, though Palestine was their mother, England was 
 their best nurse. Ralph Fresburg, about the year 1240, 
 first brought them hither; and they were first seated at 
 Newenden in Kent 7 . A hundred and forty English 
 writers have been of this order 8 . And here they nourished 
 in great pomp, till at last King Henry VIII., as they came 
 out of the wilderness, so turned their houses into a wilder- 
 ness ; not only breaking the necks of all abbeys in England, 
 but also scattering abroad their very bones, past possibility 
 of recounting them. 
 
 3 Antonius, tit. 20. cap. 5. * Balaeus in Vita Nicol. V. 
 
 5 Vide Balaeum, centur. 4, cap. 42, in append. 2. 
 
 6 Eclog. 2. Iramutarunt mutati vellera mores. 
 
 7 Yet Camden saith they were first seated in Northumberland. 
 
 8 Pitsaeus, in indice Carm. 
 
84 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1147 
 
 CHAP. XX VII. Edessa lost. The hopeful Voyage of Con- 
 rad the Emperor and Louis King of France, to the Holy 
 Land, blasted by the Perjidiousness of Em?nanuel the 
 Grecian Emperor. 
 
 EMPIRES have their set bounds, whither when they 
 come, they stand still, go back, fall down ; this we 
 may see in the kingdom of Jerusalem, which under Godfrey 
 and the two first Baldwins was a gainer, under Fulco a 
 saver, under the succeeding kings a constant loser, till all 
 was gone. For now Sanguin, prince of the Turks (as 
 bloody as his name), wrested from the Christians the 
 country and city of Edessa, one of the four tetrarchies of 
 the kingdom of Jerusalem. And though Sanguin shortly 
 after was stabbed at a feast, yet Noradin his son succeeded, 
 and exceeded him in cruelty against the Christians. 
 
 The loss of Edessa [1147] (wherein our religion had 
 flourished ever since the apostles' time 1 ) moved Conrad, 
 emperor of the West, and Louis VII. surnamed the Young, 
 king of France, to undertake a voyage to the Holy Land. 
 Pope Eugenius III. bestirred himself in the matter, and 
 made St. Bernard his solicitor to advance the design. For 
 never could so much steel have been drawn into the east, 
 had not this good man's persuasion been the loadstone : the 
 emperor's army contained two hundred thousand foot, 
 besides fifty thousand horse ; nor was the army of King Louis 
 much inferior in number. In France they sent a distaff 
 and a spindle to all those able men that went not with them, 
 as upbraiding their effeminateness 1 ; and no wonder, when 
 women themselves went in armour (having a brave lass, like 
 another Penthesilea, for their leader, so befringed with gold 
 that they called her Golden-foot 3 ), riding astride like men ; 
 which I should count more strange, but that I find all 
 women in England in the same posture on their horses, till 
 Anna 4 , wife to Ring Richard II., some two hundred years 
 since, taught them a more modest behaviour. The Turks 
 did quake, hearing of these preparations, which to them 
 were reported far greater than they were, feme (contrary to 
 all other painters) making those the greatest which are pre- 
 sented the farthest off. 
 
 1 Christiano nomini atemporibus Apostolorum devota. Tyri- 
 us, lib. 16, cap. 5. 2 P. ^mil. in Ludov. VII. 
 
 3 Nicetas, in Emm. Comn. 
 
 4 Camd. Britan. in Surrey. 
 
A. D. 1147 THE HOLY WAR. 85 
 
 Conrad, with his army, took his way through Grecia; 
 where Emmanuel, the emperor, possessed with an hereditary 
 fear of the Latins, fortified his cities in the way, as knowing 
 there needed strong banks where such a stream of people 
 was to pass. And suspecting that if these pilgrims often 
 made his empire their highway into Palestine, little grass 
 would grow in so trodden a path, and his country thereby 
 be much endamaged, he used them most treacherously, 
 giving them bad welcome, that he might no more have such 
 guests. To increase their miseries, as the Dutch encamped 
 by the river Melas 5 (if that may be called a river which is 
 all mud in summer, all sea in winter), deserving his name 
 from this black and dismal accident, it drowned many with 
 its sudden overflowings, as if it had conspired with the 
 Grecians, and learned treachery from them. 
 . They that survived this sudden mishap were reserved for 
 lingering misery. For the Grecian emperor did them all 
 possible mischief, by mingling lime with their meal, by 
 killing of stragglers, by holding intelligence with the Turks 
 their enemies, by corrupting his coin, making his silver as 
 base as himself (so that the Dutch sold good wares for bad 
 money, and bought bad wares with good money), by giving 
 them false conductors, which trained them into danger, so 
 that there was more fear of the guides than of the way. All 
 which his unfaithful dealings are recorded by that faithful 
 historian Nicetas Choniates 6 ; who, though a Grecian born, 
 affirmeth these things ; the truth of his love to his country, 
 men no whit prejudicing his love to the truth. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. The Turks conquered at Meander. The 
 Dutch and French arrive in Palestine. 
 
 SCARCE had the Dutch escaped the treachery of the 
 Greeks, when they were encountered with the hostility 
 of the Turks, who waited for them on the other side of 
 Meander. The river was not fordable ; ship or bridge the 
 Christians had none: when, behold, Conrad the emperor 
 adventured on an action, which, because it was successful, 
 shall be accounted valiant, otherwise we should term it 
 desperate. After an exhortation to his army, he com- 
 manded them all at once to flounce into the river ! . Meander 
 was plunged by their plunging into it: his water stood 
 amazed, as unresolved whether to retreat to the fountain or 
 
 5 Nicetas, ut prius. 6 In Vita Manuel. Comn. lib. 1, 5. 
 ' Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 33. 
 
86 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1147 
 
 proceed to the sea, and in this ecstasy afforded them a dry 
 passage over the stream z ; an act, which like that of Hora- 
 tius Cocles's leaping into Tiber 3 , plus famte ad posteros 
 habiturum quam Jidei, will find more admirers than be- 
 lievers with posterity. The affrighted Turks, on the other 
 side, thinking there was no contending with them that did 
 teach nature itself obedience, offered their throats to the 
 Christians' swords, and were killed in such number, that 
 whole piles of dead bodies remain there for a monument ; 
 like those heaps of the Cimbrians slain by Marius, near 
 Marseilles, where afterwards the inhabitants walled their 
 vineyards with sculls, and guarded their grapes with dead 
 men 4 -. Hence Conrad made forward to Iconium, now 
 called Cogni, which he besieged in vain, to the great loss 
 of his army. 
 
 The king of France followed after with great multitudes, 
 and drank of the same cup at the Grecians' hands, though 
 not so deeply; till at last, finding that those who marched 
 through the continent met with an ocean of misery, he 
 thought better to trust the wind and sea than the Greeks ; 
 and, taking shipping, safely arrived in Palestine, where he 
 was highly welcomed by Reimund, prince of Antioch. 
 Some weeks were spent in complying, entertainments, and 
 visiting holy places ; till at last, Eleanor, wife to the king of 
 France, who accompanied her husband, made religion her 
 pander, and played bankrupt of her honour 5 ; under pre- 
 tence of pilgrimage, keeping company with a base Saracen 
 jester, whom she preferred before a king. Thus love may 
 blindfold the eyes, but lust boreth them out. Yea, now she 
 pleaded that she might be no longer wife to the king, 
 because she was too near unto him, within the degrees for- 
 bidden. This new started scruple never troubled her before ; 
 but some have sluices in their consciences, and can keep 
 them open, or shut them as occasion required. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Damascus besieged in vain. The Return 
 of the Emperor and King; with- the Censure on this 
 Voyage. 
 
 THE late come pilgrims having sufficiently recreated 
 themselves, the emperor and the king of France con- 
 cluded to besiege Damascus : for a small town was con- 
 
 2 Nicetas, in Man. Comn. lib. 1, 6. 3 Liv. lib. 2. 
 
 4 Munst. Cosmog. lib. 2, p. 227. 
 
 5 Serres, translated by Grimstou, in Vita Ludov. VII. and 
 P. .-Emilias, in ejusdem Vita. 
 
A. D. 1148 THE HOLY WAR. 87 
 
 ceived too narrow an object of their valour, whilst so 
 eminent an action was adequate to the undertakers. Da- 
 mascus is so pleasant a city, that Mahomet durst never 
 enter it, lest this deceiver should be deceived himself, and 
 be so ravished with the pleasures of the place, that he should 
 forget to go on in that great work he had in hand. Some 
 make Eliezer, Abraham's steward, builder of this city, 
 because he is called Eliezer of Damascus; though that 
 phrase speaketh him rather to have had his birth or dwell- 
 ing there, than the city her building from him. To pass 
 this by, because as the foundations are hidden in the ground, 
 so the founders of most ancient places are forgotten. It 
 was for many years after the metropolis of Syria, and was 
 now straitly besieged by the Christians with great hope of 
 success [1148], had they not afterwards fallen out amongst 
 themselves who should eat the chickens before they were 
 hatched. Conrad and King Louis destined the city to 
 Theodoric, earl of Flanders, lately arrived in those parts ; 
 whilst other princes which had been long resident in Pales- 
 tine, and borne the heat of the war, grudged hereat ; and 
 their stomachs could not digest the crudity of a raw upstart 
 to be preferred before them. Yea, some of the Christians, 
 corrupted with Turkish money (though when they received 
 it, it proved but gilded brass 1 ; may all traitors be paid in 
 such coin !), persuaded the king of France to remove his 
 camp to a stronger part of the walls; which they long 
 besieged in vain, and returned home at last, leaving the city 
 and their honours behind them. 
 
 The French proverb was verified of this voyage, " Much 
 bruit and little fruit." They not only did no good in the 
 Holy Land (save that some think their coming advantaged 
 King Baldwin for the taking of the city of Askelon 1 ), but 
 also did much harm. For now the Turks, seeing one city 
 both bear the brunt and batter the strength of both armies, 
 began to conceive that their own fear was their greatest 
 enemy ; and those swords of these new pilgrims which they 
 dreaded in the sheath, they slighted when they saw them 
 drawn, and shook off that awe which had formerly pos- 
 sessed them, of the strength of the western emperor. Many 
 thousand Christians perished in this adventure, whose souls 
 are pronounced by all the writers of this age to be carried up 
 into heaven on the wings of the holy cause they died for ; 
 
 1 Tlieodor. a Niein De Privileges Imperil, cap. de Con- 
 rado 4. a Sabellicus. 
 
88 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1148 
 
 whose blessed estate I will not disprove; nor will I listen 
 to the unhappy Dutch proverb, " He that bringeth himself 
 into needless dangers, dieth the devil's martyr 3 ." 
 
 We must not forget how the French king, coming home- 
 ward, was taken prisoner by the fleet of the Grecian empe- 
 ror, and rescued again by Gregory, admiral to Roger king 
 of Sicily. When he was safely arrived in France, in open 
 parliament his wife was divorced from him. Her nearness 
 in blood was the only cause specified; and the king took 
 no notice of her inconstancy, accounting those but foolish 
 husbands who needlessly proclaim their wives' dishonesty. 
 He gave her back again all the lands in France which he 
 had received with her in portion, scorning her wealth which 
 neglected his love. Herein he did nobly, but not politicly, 
 to part with the dukedoms of Poictou and Aquitain, which 
 he enjoyed in her right ; for he brake his own garland by 
 giving her her flowers back again; mangled and dismem- 
 bered his own kingdom, and gave a torch into Henry king 
 of England's hands (who afterwards married her) to set 
 France on fire 4 -. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. An Apology for St. Bernard, whom the vul- 
 gar Sort condemned for the Murderer of those that went 
 this Voyage. 
 
 SLANDER (quicker than martial law) arraigneth, con- 
 demneth, and executeth all in an instant This we may 
 see in poor St. Bernard, who was the mark for every man's 
 tongue to shoot arrows against : and when this voyage had 
 miscarried, many condemned him 1 , because his persuasion 
 set this project not only on foot but on wings ; as if he had 
 thrust so many men, as one morsel, into the jaws of death. 
 
 But much may be alleged truly to excuse this good man. 
 
 First, he was but an instrument employed by Pope 
 Eugenius and a provincial council of French bishops to 
 forward the design *. . Rather then should they have blamed 
 his holiness who set him on work : but the saddle oftentimes 
 is not set on the right horse, because his back is too high 
 to be reached, and we see commonly that the instruments 
 are made screens to save the face of the principal from 
 scorching. 
 
 3 Cited by Luther, on Gen. iii. 4 Serres, in Ludov. VII. 
 1 Goffridus, in Vita Bern. lib. 3, cap. 4. 
 a Baron. Annal. Eccl. in auno 1140. Insistens operi sibi 
 coinmisso ab Eu^enio. 
 
A. D. 1148. THE HOLY WAR. 89 
 
 Secondly, the true cause of the ill success was the vicious- 
 ness of the undertakers. For Germany at this time sur- 
 feited of lewd people, and those grew the fattest which 
 lived on the highways. But this voyage robbed the whole 
 country of her thieves 3 , and then no wonder if they found 
 their death in Asia, who deserved it in Europe. Hear 
 what Otho Frisingensis, who went this voyage, speaketh 
 impartially in the matter 4 :- " If we should say that Bernard, 
 that holy abbot, was inspired by God's Spirit to incite us to 
 this war, but we, through our pride and wantonness, not 
 observing his holy commands, deservedly brought on our- 
 selves the loss of our goods and lives, we should say nothing 
 but what is agreeable to reason, and to ancient examples." 
 However, it was a heavy affliction on St. Bernard's aged 
 back to bear the reproach of many people : it being a great 
 ^rief for one to be generally condemned as guilty, for want 
 of proof of his innocency. And though God set his hand 
 to St. Bernard's testimonial by the many miracles which 
 
 it father wrought 5 , yet still some challenged him for a 
 counterfeit. 
 
 And surely this humiliation was both wholesome and 
 necessary for him. For the people, who cannot love with- 
 out doting, nor approve without admiring, were too much 
 transported with a high opinion of this man and his direc- 
 tions ; as if that arrow could not miss the mark which came 
 out of St. Bernard's bow. Wherefore this miscarriage came 
 very seasonably to abate their overtowering conceits of him ; 
 and perchance his own of himself. And no doubt he made 
 a good use of this bad accident. The less his fame blazed, 
 the more his devotion burned ; and the cutting off of his top 
 made him take deep root, and to be made more truly hum- 
 bled and sanctified. In his book of Consideration 6 he 
 maketh a modest defence of himself; whither we refer the 
 reader. To conclude : the devotion of this man was out of 
 question, so neglecting this world, that )ie even did spit out 
 that preferment which was dropped into his mouth : but as 
 for his judgment, it was not always the best; which gave 
 occasion to the proverb, Bernardus non videt ornnia. 
 
 3 Germania tune latrociniis frequens, purgabatur eo genere 
 liominum. Krantz. 6 Sax. cap. 13. 
 
 4 In Vita Fred. lib. 1, cap. 6, in fine. 
 
 6 Goffrid. ut prius. 6 Lib. 2, cap. 1. 
 
90 THE HISTORY OF A.D.114& 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Unseasonable Discords betwixt King Bald- 
 win and his Mother. Her Strength in yielding to her 
 Son. 
 
 UPON the departure of Emperor Conrad and King 
 Louis, Noradin the Turk much prevailed in Pales- 
 tine [1149]. Nor was he little advantaged by the discords 
 betwixt Millesent, queen-mother, and the nobility; thus 
 occasioned: There was a nobleman called Manasses, whom 
 the queen (governing all in her son's minority) made con- 
 stable of the kingdom. This man, unable to manage his 
 own happiness, grew so insolent that he could not go, but 
 either spurning his equals, or trampling on his inferiors. 
 No wonder then if envy, the shadow of greatness, waited 
 upon him. The nobility highly distasted him 1 ; but in all 
 oppositions the queen's favour was his sanctuary, who, to 
 show her own absoluteness, and that her affection should 
 not be controlled, nor that thrown down which she set up, 
 still preserved the creature she had made. 
 
 His enemies, perceiving him so fast rooted in her favour, 
 and seeing they could not remove him from his foundation, 
 sought to remove him with his foundation ; instigating 
 young King Baldwin against his mother, and especially 
 against her favourite. They complained how the state 
 groaned under his insolency ; he was the bridge by which 
 all offices must pass, and there pay toll ; he alone sifted all 
 matters, and then no wonder if much bran passed ; he, under 
 pretence of opening the queen's eyes, did lead her by the 
 nose, captivating her judgment instead of directing it; he, 
 like a by-gulf, devoured her affection, which should flow to 
 her children. They persuaded the king he was ripe for 
 government, and needed none to hold his hand to hold the 
 sceptre. Let him therefore either unite or cut himself loose 
 from this slavery, and not be in subjection to a subject. 
 
 Liberty needeth no hard pressing on youth ; a touch on 
 that stamp maketh an impression on that waxen age. 
 Young Baldwin is apprehensive of this motion, and prose- 
 cuteth the matter so eagerly, that, at length, he coopeth up 
 this Manasses in a castle, and forceth him to abjure the 
 kingdom. Much stir afterwards was betwixt him and his 
 mother; till at last, to end divisions, the kingdom was 
 divided betwixt them : she had the city of Jerusalem, and 
 the land-locked part; he the maritime half of the land. 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 17, cap. 13. 
 
A. D.1153 THE HOLY WAR. 91 
 
 But the widest throne is too narrow for two to sit on 
 together. He, not content with this partition, marcheth 
 furiously to Jerusalem, there to besiege his mother, and to 
 take all from her. Out of the city cometh Fulcher, the good 
 patriarch 2 (his age was a patent for his boldness), and freely 
 reproveth the king : why should he go on in such an action 
 wherein, every step he stirred, his legs must need grate and 
 crash both against nature and religion? Did he thus 
 requite his mother's care in stewarding the state, thus to 
 affright her age, to take arms against her ? Was it not her 
 goodness to be content with a moiety, when the whole king- 
 dom in right belonged unto her? 
 
 But ambition had so enchanted Baldwin, that he was 
 penetrable with no reasons which crossed his designs : so 
 that by the advice of her friends she was content to resign 
 up all, lest the Christian cause should suffer in these dissen- 
 sions. She retired herself to Sebaste 3 , and abridged her 
 train from state to necessity. And now the less room she 
 had to build upon, the higher she raised her soul with 
 heavenly meditations ; and lived as more private, so more 
 pious till the day of her death. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. Reimund, Prince of Antioch, overcome and 
 killed. Askelon taken by the Christians. The Death of 
 King Baldwin. 
 r 1 ^HESE discords betwixt mother and son were harmony 
 A in the ears of Noradin the Turk : who, coming with a 
 great army, wasted all about Antioch ; and Prince Reimund, 
 going out to bid him battle, was slain himself, and his army 
 overthrown : nor long after Joceline, count of Edessa, was 
 intercepted by the Turks, and taken prisoner. 
 
 As for Constantia, the relict of Reimund prince of 
 Antioch, she lived a good while a widow, refusing the 
 affections which many princely suitors proffered unto her, 
 till at last she descended beneath herself to marry a plain 
 man, Reinold of Castile [1153]. Yet why should we say 
 so, when as a Castilian gentleman (if that not a needless 
 tautology), as he maketh the inventory of his own worth, 
 prizeth himself any prince's fellow: and the proverb is, 
 Each layman of Castile may make a king, each clergyman 
 a pope. Yea, we had best take heed how we speak against 
 this match ; for Almericus, patriarch of Antioch, for in- 
 veighing against it, was by this Prince Reinold set in the 
 
 2 Tyrius, lib. 17, cap. 14. 3 Idem, ibidem. 
 
92 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 115 
 
 heat of the sun with his bare head besmeared with honey 
 (a sweet bitter torment), that so bees might sting him t 
 death. But Ring Baldwin mediated for him, and obtaine< 
 his liberty, that he might come to Jerusalem, where he IP 
 many years in good esteem. And God's judgments aiT 
 said to have overtaken the prince of Antioch ; for, beside 
 the famine which followed in his country, he himself aftei 
 wards fighting unfortunately with the Turks, was takei 
 prisoner. 
 
 But let us step over to Jerusalem, where we shall fin< 
 King Baldwin making preparation for the siege of Aske 
 Ion ; which city, after it had long been blocked up, had a 
 last an assauhable breach made in the walls thereof. Thi 
 Templars (to whom the king promised the spoil if they too' 
 it) entered through this breach into the city ; and conceiving 
 they had enough to wield the work and master the place 
 set a guard at the breach, that no more of their fellov 
 Christians should come in to be sharers with them in th< 
 booty. But their covetousness cost them their lives 2 ; fo: 
 the Turks, contemning their few number, put them everj 
 one to the sword. Yet at last the city was taken, thoug 
 with much difficulty [Aug. 12, 1154]. 
 
 Other considerable victories Baldwin got of the Turks 
 especially one at the river Jordan, where he vanquisher 
 Noradin: and twice he relieved Caesarea-Philippi, whicf 
 the Turks had straitly besieged. But death at last put 
 period to his earthly happiness [1163], being poisoned (a] 
 it was supposed) by a Jewish physician ; for the rest of the 
 potion killed a dog to whom it was given. This king': 
 youth was stained with unnatural discords with his mother 
 and other vices, which in his settled age he reformed. Le 
 the witness of Noradin, his enemy, be believed, who honour 
 ably refused to invade the kingdom whilst the funer; 
 solemnities of Baldwin were performing; and professec 
 the Christians had a just cause of sorrow, having lost sucl 
 a king, whose equal for justice and valour the world did no 
 afford 3 . He died without issue, having reigned one an< 
 twenty years. So that sure it is the printer's mistake ii 
 Tyrius, where he hath four and twenty years assigned hin 
 more than the consent of time will allow. 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 18, cap. 1. 2 Idem, lib. 17, cap. 27. 
 
 3 Idem, lib. 19, cap. 34. 
 
D. 1163 
 
 THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 93 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. King Almerick's Disposition. 
 
 LMERICK, brother to King Baldwin, earl of Joppa 
 and Askelon, succeeded to the crown [Feb. 18, 1163J. 
 It before his coronation he was enjoined by the pope's 
 [ate, and by the patriarch of Jerusalem, to dismiss Agnes 
 wife, daughter to Joceline the younger, count of Edessa, 
 mse she was his cousin in the fourth degree; with this 
 [ervation, that the two children he had by her, Baldwin 
 Sibyll, should be accounted legitimate, and capable of 
 [ir father's possessions. A prince of excellent parts ; of a 
 )st happy memory 1 (wherein also his brother Baldwin 
 .s eminent, though Fulco, their father, was wonderfully 
 [getful ; so true is the maxim, Pure personalia non propa- 
 itur, Parents entail neither their personal defects nor 
 [rfections on their posterity), solid judgment, quick appre- 
 ision ; but of a bad utterance, which made him use words 
 ly as a shield when he was urged and pressed to speak, 
 lerwise he preferred to be silent, and declined popularity 
 >re than his brother Baldwin affected it. Very thrifty he 
 and though Tully saith z , Did hominem frugi non 
 habet laudis in rege, yet moderate frugality is both 
 idable and necessary in a king. But our Almerick went 
 lewhat too far, and was a little poor in admiring of 
 |hes, laying great taxations on the holy places to their 
 ter impoverishing : yet was he not mastered by his purse, 
 ft made it his vassal, and spared no money on a just 
 :asion. He never received accusation against any of his 
 icers, and never reckoned with them (count it as you 
 >, carelessness or noble confidence), because he would 
 It teach them to be dishonest by suspecting them. Nor is 
 I the last and least part of his praise, that William, arch- 
 shop of Tyre (so often mentioned), wrote the Holy War 
 I his instance. Once he angered the good archbishop with 
 is question, Hpw the resurrection of the body may be 
 >ved by reason 3 ? Hereat the good prelate was much 
 spleased, as counting it a dangerous question, wherewith 
 [e removeth a foundation stone in divinity, though with 
 tent to lay it in the place again. But the king presently 
 nested, that he demanded it not out of any diffidence in 
 nself about that article, but in case one should meet with 
 sturdy man, who (as too many nowadays) would not 
 
 I 1 Tyrius,lib. 19, cap. 2. 
 I 3 Tyrius, lib. 19, cap. 3. 
 
 2 In Orat. pro Deiotaro. 
 
94 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 116SJ 
 
 trust faith on her single bond, except he have reason joined 
 for security with her. Hereupon the archbishop alleged 
 many strong arguments to prove it, and both rested well 
 satisfied. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIV. Ecclesiastical Business. A Sultan of 
 Iconium, and the Master of the Assassins desired to be 
 christened. The Commonwealth of the Assassins de- 
 scribed. 
 
 IN the church of Jerusalem we find Almerick still patri- 
 arch ; a Frenchman born, but little fit for the place to 
 which he was preferred by the favour of Sibyll, countess of 
 Flanders, the king's sister. Meantime the church needed 
 a salique law, to forbid distaffs to meddle with mitres ; and 
 neither to be nor to make patriarchs. 
 
 But the most remarkable church matter in this king's 
 reign, was the clandestine christening of a sultan of Iconium. 
 And more of his courtiers might have followed him *, but 
 that his ambassadors being at Rome, were offended there 
 with the viciousness of Christians' lives ; which made them 
 to exclaim, " How can fresh and salt water flow from the 
 same fountain 2 ?" [1169] This hath made many Pagans 
 step back, which had one foot in our church, when they 
 have seen Christians believe so well and live so ill ; break- 
 ing the commandments against the creed. 
 
 Not long after, the great master of the Assassins wag 
 really disposed to receive our religion ; and to this end 
 sent an ambassador to King Almerick, which ambassador 
 was treacherously slain by one of the Templars [1173]. 
 The king demanded this murderer of the master of the 
 Templars, that justice might pass upon him 3 . But the 
 master proudly answered, that he had already enjoined him 
 penance, and had directed to send him to the pope, but 
 stoutly refused to surrender him to the king. This cruel 
 murder imbittered the Assassins more desperately against 
 the Christians. 
 
 These Assassins were a precise sect of Mahometans, and 
 had in them the very spirits of that poisonous superstition. 
 They had some six cities, and were about forty thousand 
 in number, living near Antaradus in Syria. Over these 
 was a chief master (hell itself cannot subsist without a 
 Beelzebub ; so much order there is in the place of confu- 
 
 1 Baron, in anno 1169. 2 M. Paris in anno 1169. 
 3 Tyrius, lib. 20, cap. 32. 
 
i. D. 1165 THE HOLY WAR. 95 
 
 ion), whom they called The Old Man of the Mountains 4 . 
 Vt his command they would refuse no pain or peril, but 
 .tab any prince whom he appointed out to death ; scorning 
 lot to find hands for his tongue, to perform what he 
 jnjoined. At this day there are none of them extant 
 except revived by the Jesuits, for sure Ignatius Loyola, the 
 ame father of blind obedience, fetched his platform hence), 
 Deing all, as it seems, slain by the Tartarians 5 , anno 1257. 
 But no tears need be shed at their funerals ; yea, pity it is 
 that any pity should be lavished upon them, whose whole 
 government was an engine built against human society, 
 worthy to be fired by all men ; the body of their state being 
 i very monstrosity, and a grievance of mankind. 
 
 UHAP. XXXV. Dargan and Sanar, two Egyptian Lords, 
 contending about the Sultany, Sanar callet/i in the Turks 
 to help him. Of the Danger of mercenary Soldiers ; yet 
 how, well qualified^ they may be serviceable. 
 
 EGYPT was the stage whereon the most remarkable 
 passages in the reign of King Almerick were acted. 
 [t will be necessary, therefore, to premise somewhat concern- 
 ng the estate of that kingdom at this time. Whilst the Turks 
 thus lorded it in Syria and the Lesser Asia, the Saracen caliph 
 commanded in Egypt; under whom, two great lords, Dar- 
 gan and Sanar, fell out about the sultany or viceroy ship of 
 that land. But Sanar, fearing he should be worsted by 
 Dargan, sued to Noradin king of the Turks at Damascus 
 for aid, who sent him an army of Turks, under the com- 
 mand of Syracon, an experienced captain, against Sultan 
 Dargan [1165]. So Dargan and Sanar met and fought. 
 The victory was Dargan's, but he enjoyed it not long, being 
 shortly after slain by treachery, whereby Sanar recovered 
 the sultan's place. Meantime how strange was the volup- 
 tuous lethargy of the caliph Elhadach, to pursue his private 
 pleasures, whilst his viceroys thus fought under his nose, 
 and employed foreign succours, yet he never regarded it ; 
 as if the tottering of his kingdom had rocked him fast 
 asleep. 
 
 Nor was he moved with that which followed, and more 
 nearly concerned him. For Syracon the Turkish captain, 
 whom Sanar had gotten to come into Egypt, would not be 
 entreated to go home again; but seized on the city of 
 
 4 M. Paris, anno 1147. P. ^railius, in Ludov. Juu. 
 
 5 M. Paris (aut ejus Continuator), in anno 1257. 
 
06 THE HISTORY OF A.r.1161 
 
 Belbis, fortified it, and there attended the arrival of more 
 Turks from Damascus, for the conquest of Egypt. Which 
 afterwards they performed, the land being never completely 
 cleared of them, till at last they conquered the whole king- 
 dom, partly under this Syracon, and wholly under Saladin 
 his nephew. 
 
 And here my discourse (by the leave of the reader) must 
 a little sally forth to treat of the danger of entertaining 
 mercenary soldiers. They may perchance be called in with 
 a whistle, but scarce cast out with a whip. If they be 
 slugs, they endanger a state by their slothfulness ; if spirited 
 men, by their activity. Caesar Borgia, Machiavel's idol, 
 whose practice he raaketh the pattern of policy, saith, that 
 he had rather be conquered with his own men, than be 
 conqueror with an army of others, because he counted that 
 conquest to be none at all 1 . 
 
 Yet good physic may be made of poison well corrected. 
 They may sometimes be necessary evils, yea, good and 
 serviceable to defend a land, if thus qualified : First, if they 
 have no command of castles, or place near about the prince's 
 person, for then they have a compendious way to treason, 
 if they intend it. Secondly, if they be not entertained in 
 too great numbers, but in such refracted degrees, that the 
 natives may still have the predominancy; for a surfeit oi 
 foreign supplies is a disease incurable. Thirdly, if the 
 prince who employeth them hath their wives, children, and 
 estates in his own hands ; which will be both a caution and 
 pawn for their fidelity, and will also interest their affections 
 more cordially in the cause. Lastly, if they be of the same 
 religion with them, and fight against the enemy of the 
 religion of both ; for then they are not purely hirelings, but 
 parties in part, and the cause doth at least mediately 
 concern them. I believe that it will scarcely be shown, 
 that the protestants have turned tails and betrayed them 
 they came to assist. 
 
 We may observe, the Low Countries have best thrived by 
 setting this trade of journeymen soldiers on work. Let 
 them thank God and the good English; for if Francis 
 duke of Anjou with his Frenchmen had well succeeded, 
 no doubt he would have spread his bread with their butter. 
 Next them the Venetians have sped best ; for they have 
 the trick, when they find it equally dangerous to cashier 
 
 1 Mach. Prince, cap. 9. Se malle vinci suis annis quam 
 alienis victorem esse. 
 
A. D. 1166 THE HOLY WAR. 97 
 
 their mercenary general or to entertain him any longer, 
 fairly to kill him, as they served Carmignola*. England 
 hath best thrived without them ; under God's protection we 
 stand on our own legs. The last I find are a handful of 
 Almains used against Kett, in Norfolk in the days of King 
 Edward VI. 3 . And let it be our prayers, that as for those 
 hirelings which are to be last tried and least trusted, we 
 never have want of their help, and never have too much 
 of it. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVI. Sunar imploreth the Aid of King Almerick. 
 A solemn Agreement made betwixt them, and ratified by 
 the magnificent Caliph. 
 
 SULTAN Sanar perceiving himself pressed and overlaid 
 by these Turks [1166], who with Syracon their captain 
 refused to return, and of assistance turned invaders, bor- 
 rowed the help of Almerick king of Jerusalem to avoid them 
 out of Egypt. Whilst Almerick marched thither, an unfor- 
 tunate battle was fought [Aug. 10], betwixt Boemund the 
 third of that name prince of Antioch, Reimund count of 
 Tripoli, Calaman Grecian governor of Cilicia, and Joceline 
 III. the titular count of Edessa, on the one side; and 
 Noradin king of the Turks, on the other. The Turks got 
 the victory, and these four Christian princes were taken 
 prisoners; and their army lost so much good blood that 
 day, that cast it into an irrecoverable consumption, and 
 hastened the ruin of this kingdom. Noradin, following 
 his blow, won Csesarea-Philippi. 
 
 Nevertheless Almerick went on effectually in Egypt, and 
 for a time expulsed the Turks out of this land [Aug. 18]. 
 But Syracon would not so quickly quit the country, but 
 goeth to the caliph of Babylon (who was opposite to him 
 of Egypt, each of them claiming as heir to Mahomet, that 
 false prophet, the sovereignty over all that were of the Saracen 
 law) and offereth him his means for the extirpation of this 
 schismatical caliph, and the reduction of all Egypt to the 
 subjection of the Babylonian. 
 
 The motion was joyfully entertained, and Syracon with 
 a mighty power descendeth into Egypt. 
 
 Sanar, affrighted hereat, maketh new and large proffers 
 to King Almerick to stop this deluge of his enemies, and 
 proffereth him a pension of forty thousand ducats yearly 
 
 2 Mach. Prince, cap. 8. 3 Speed, Edward VI. 
 
93 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1166 
 
 for his behooveful assistance. But the king, understanding 
 that the sultan (how much soever he took upon him) was 
 subject to a higher lord, would make no such bargain with 
 him, but with the caliph himself; and therefore sent his 
 ambassadors, Hugh earl of Caesarea, and a knight-templar, 
 along with the sultan to Caliph Elhadach, then resident at 
 Cairo 1 . Arriving at his palace, they passed through dark 
 passages well guarded with armed Ethiopians. Hence 
 they were conducted into goodly open courts, of such 
 beauty and riches, that they could not retain the gravity of 
 ambassadors, but were enforced to admire the rarities they 
 beheld 2 . The farther they went, the greater the state; till 
 at last they were brought to the caliph's own lodging ; 
 where, entering the presence, the sultan thrice prostrated 
 himself to the ground before the curtain behind which the 
 caliph sat. Presently the traverse wrought with pearls was 
 opened, and the caliph himself discovered, sitting with 
 great majesty on a throne of gold, having few of his most 
 inward eunuchs about him. 
 
 The sultan humbly kissed his master's feet, and briefly 
 told him the cause of their coming, the danger wherein the 
 land stood, the proffers he had made to King Almerick, 
 desiring him now to ratify them, and in demonstration 
 thereof, to give his hand to the king's ambassadors. The 
 caliph demurred hereat, as counting such a gesture a 
 diminution to his state; and at no hand would give him 
 his hand bare, but gave it in his glove. To whom the 
 resolute earl of Caesarea 3 : " Sir," said he, "truth seeketh 
 no holes to hide itself. Princes that will hold covenant, 
 must deal openly and nakedly ; give us therefore your bare 
 hand ; we will make no bargain with your glove." He 
 was loath to do it, but necessity (a more imperious caliph 
 than himself at this time) commanded it ; and he did it at 
 last, dismissing the Christian ambassadors with such gifts 
 as testified his greatness. 
 
 According to this agreement King Almerick cordially 
 prosecuted his business, improving his utmost might to 
 expel Syracon with his Turks out of Egypt, whom he bade 
 battle, and got the day, though he lost all his baggage ; so 
 that the conquest in a manner was divided ; the Turks 
 gaining the wealth, the Christians the honour of the victory. 
 Following his blow, he pinned up the Turks afterward in 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 19, cap. 16. 2 Idem, cap. 18. 
 
 3 Idem, cap. 19. 
 
A. D. 1168 THE HOLY WAR. 99 
 
 the city of Alexandria, and forced them to receive of him 
 conditions of peace, and then returned himself with honour 
 to Askelon [Sept. 21, 1167]. 
 
 CHAP. XXXVII. Almerick, against his Promise, invadet/i 
 Egypt. His Perjury punished with the future Ruin of the 
 Kingdom of Jerusalem. His Death. 
 
 WHEN a crown is the prize of the game, we must 
 never expect fair play of the gamesters. King 
 Almerick having looked on the beauty of the kingdom of 
 Egypt, he longed for it [1168] ; and now no longer to drive 
 out the relics of the Turks, but to get Egypt to himself; 
 and the next year, against the solemn league with the caliph, 
 invaded it with a great army. He falsely pretended that 
 the caliph would make a private peace with Noradin king 
 of the Turks, and hence created his quarrel. For he hath 
 a barren brain, who cannot fit himself with an occasion if 
 he hath a desire to fall out. But Gilbert master of the 
 Hospitallers chiefly stirred up the king to this war, upon 
 promise that the city and country of Pelusium, if conquered, 
 should be given to his order. The Templars were much 
 against the design (one of their order was ambassador at 
 the ratifying of the peace) and with much zeal protested 
 against it, as undertaken against oath and fidelity. 
 
 An oath being the highest appeal, perjury must needs be 
 a heinous sin, whereby God is solemnly invited to be 
 witness of his own dishonour. And as bad is a God- 
 mocking equivocation ; for he that surpriseth truth with an 
 ambush, is as bad an enemy as he that fighteth against her 
 with a flat lie in open field. I know what is pleaded for 
 King Almerick, namely, that Christians are not bound to 
 keep faith with idolaters, the worshippers of a false god, as 
 the Egyptian caliph was on the matter. But open so wide 
 a window, and it will be in vain to shut any doors. All 
 contracts with Pagans may easily be voided, if this evasion 
 be allowed. But what saith St. Hierome ? " It matters not 
 to whom, but by whom we swear 1 /' And God, to acquit 
 himself, knowing the Christians' prosperity could not stand 
 with his justice after their perjury, frowned upon them. 
 And from hence authors date the constant ill success of the 
 holy war. For though this expedition sped well at the 
 
 1 Non considerandum cui, sed per quern juraveris. Com- 
 ment. Ezek. xvii. 
 
100 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1173 
 
 first, and Almerick won the city of Belbis or Pelusium, yet 
 see what a cloud of miseries ensued. 
 
 First, Noradin in his absence wasted and won places 
 near Antioch at pleasure. 
 
 Secondly, Meller prince of Armenia, a Christian, made 
 a covenant with Noradin % and kept it most constantly, to 
 the inestimable disadvantage of the king of Jerusalem. 
 This act of Meller must be condemned, but withal God's 
 justice admired. Christians break their covenant with 
 Saracens in Egypt, whilst other Christians, to punish them, 
 make and keep covenant with Turks in Asia. 
 
 Thirdly, the Saracens grew good soldiers on a sudden, 
 who were naked at first, and only had bows ; but now 
 learned from the Christians to use all offensive and defen- 
 fensive weapons. Thus rude nations always better them- 
 selves in fighting with a skilful enemy. How good marks- 
 men are the Irish nowadays, which some seventy years 
 ago, at the beginning of their rebellions, had three men to 
 discharge a handgun 3 ! 
 
 Fourthly, Almerick's hopes of conquering Egypt were 
 frustrated ; for after some victories he was driven out, and 
 that whole kingdom conquered by Saladin (nephew to 
 Syracon), who killed the caliph with his horse-mace as he 
 came to do him reverence, and made himself the absolutest 
 Turkish king of Egypt. And presently after the death of 
 Noradin [May, 1173], the kingdom of the Turks at Damas- 
 cus was by their consent bestowed upon him. Indeed 
 Noradin left a son, Melexala, who commanded in part of 
 his father's dominions ; but Saladin, after his death, got all 
 for himself. Thus rising men shall still meet with more 
 stairs to raise them ; as those of falling, with stumbling- 
 blocks to ruin them. 
 
 Meantime Jerusalem was a poor weatherbeaten kingdom, 
 bleak and open to the storm of enemies on all sides, having 
 no covert or shelter of any good friend near it, lying in the 
 lion's mouth betwixt his upper and nether jaw ; Damascus 
 on the north, and Egypt on the south; two potent Turkish 
 kingdoms, united under a puissant prince, Saladin. This 
 made Almerick send for succours into Europe ; for now, few 
 voluntaries came to this service ; soldiers must be pressed 
 with importunity. Our western princes were prodigal of 
 their pity, but niggardly of their help. The heat of the 
 
 2 Centurist. Centur. 12, in Almerico. 
 
 3 Morison, iii the Description of Ireland, anno 1598. 
 
 
JA.D. 1174 THE HOLT WAR. 101 
 
 I war in Palestine had cooled their desires to go thither, 
 which made these ambassadors to return without supplies, 
 having gone far to fetch home nothing but discomfort and 
 despair. 
 
 Lastly, King Almerick himself, wearied with whole volleys 
 of miseries, ended his life of a bloody flux, having reigned 
 eleven full years, and was buried with his predecessors; 
 leaving two children, Baldwin and Sibyll, by Agnes his first 
 wife, and by Mary his second wife (daughter to John 
 Proto-Sebastus, a Grecian prince), one daughter, Isabel ; 
 married afterwards to Hemphred III. prince of Thorone 4 . 
 
 CHAP. XXXVIII. Baldwin the Fourth succeedeth. His 
 Education under William, the reverend Archbishop of 
 Tyre. 
 
 BALDWIN'S son, the fourth of that name, succeeded 
 his father [July 15, 1174] ; so like unto him, that we 
 report the reader to the character of King Almerick, and will 
 spare the repeating his description. Only he differed in 
 the temper of his body, being inclined to the leprosy called 
 elephantiasis, noisome to the patient, but not infectious to 
 the company ; not like Uzziah's, but Naaman's leprosy, 
 which had it been contagious, no doubt the king of Assyria, 
 when he went into the house of Rimmon, would have 
 chosen another supporter. Meantime the kingdom was as 
 sick as the king; he of a leprosy, that of an incurable 
 consumption. 
 
 This Baldwin had the benefit of excellent education 
 under William archbishop of Tyre, a pious man and excel- 
 lent scholar, skilled in all the learned oriental tongues, be- 
 sides the Dutch, and French his native language; a mode- 
 rate and faithful writer : for in the latter part of his history 
 of the holy war, his eye guided his hand, till at last the 
 taking of the city of Jerusalem so shook his hand, that his 
 pen fell out, and he wrote no more. Treasurer he was of 
 all the money contributed to the holy war, chancellor of this 
 kingdom; employed in several embassies in the west ; pre- 
 sent at the Lateran council, the acts whereof he did record : 
 cardinal he might have been, but refused it 1 : in a word, 
 unhappy only that he lived in that age, though that age was 
 happy he lived in it. 
 
 4 Tyrius, lib. 22, cap. 4. 
 
 1 Centurist. Centur. in Episcopis. 
 
102 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1181 
 
 CHAP. XXXIX. The Viciousness of Heraclius, the Patri- 
 arch of Jerusalem. His Embassy to Henry the Second 
 King of England) with the Success. The Maronites re- 
 conciled to the Roman Church. 
 
 AFTER the death of Almerick, patriarch of Jerusalem, 
 Heraclius was, by the queen-mother Mary, second 
 wife to King Almerick, for his handsomeness, preferred to 
 be patriarch [1181]. William, archbishop of Tyre, was 
 violent against his election, because of a prophecy, that as 
 Heraclius king of Persia won, so an Heraclius should lose 
 the cross 1 . But others excepted, that this exception was 
 nothing worth; for let God give the man, and let the devil 
 set the name. As for those blind prophecies, they miss the 
 truth oftener than hit it ; so that no wise man will lean his 
 belief on so slender a prop. But Heraclius had a worse 
 name than his name, the bad report of his vicious life ; 
 keeping a vintner's wife, whom he maintained in all state 
 like an empress, and owned the children he had by her : 
 her name, Pascha de Rivera* , and she was generally saluted 
 the patriarchess 3 . His example infected the inferior clergy, 
 whose corruption was a sad presage of the ruin of the realm ; 
 for when prelates, the seers, when once those eye-strings 
 begin to break, the heart-strings hold not out long after. 
 
 In his time the Maronites were reconciled to the Roman 
 church. Their main error was the heresy of the Monothe- 
 lites, touching one only will and action in Christ. For 
 after that the heresy of Nestorius, about two persons in our 
 Saviour, was detested in the eastern churches, some thought 
 not themselves safe enough for the heresy of two persons 
 till they were fallen with the opposite extremity of one 
 nature in Christ : violence making men reel from one ex- 
 treme to another. The error once broached, found many 
 embracers ; as no opinion so monstrous, but if it hath had a 
 mother, it will get a nurse. But now these Maronites, 
 renouncing their tenets, received the Catholic faith [1182] ; 
 though soon after, when Saladin had conquered their 
 country, they relapsed to their old errors; wherein they 
 continued till the late times of Pope Gregory XIII. and 
 Clement VIII., when they again renewed their communion 
 with the Roman church. They live at this day on Mount 
 Libanus, not exceeding twelve thousand households, and 
 
 1 Besoldus, De Reg. Hieros. p. 282. 2 Besoldus, p. 284. 
 3 Patriarchissa, Marinas San. lib. 3, pare. 6, cap. 24. 
 
A. D. 1185 THE HOLY WAR. 103 
 
 pay to the great Turk, for every one above twelve years 
 old, seventeen sultanines by the year 4 ; and for every space 
 of ground sixteen span square, one sultanine yearly; to 
 keep themselves free from the mixture of Mahometans. 
 A sultanine is about seven shillings and sixpence of our 
 money 5 . 
 
 To return to Heraclius. Soon after he was sent ambas- 
 sador to Henry II. king of England [1185], to crave his 
 personal assistance in the holy war, delivering unto him the 
 royal standard, with the keys of our Saviour's sepulchre, 
 the tower of David, and the city of Jerusalem, sent him by 
 King Baldwin. King Henry was singled out for this ser- 
 vice before other princes because the world justly reported 
 him valiant, wise, rich, powerful, and fortunate ; and 
 (which was the main) hereby he might expiate his murder, 
 and gather up again the innocent blood which he had shed 
 of Thomas Becket. Besides, Heraclius entitled our Henry 
 to the kingdom of Jerusalem because Geoffrey Plantagenet 
 his father, was son (some say brother) to Fulco IV. king of 
 Jerusalem. But King Henry was too wise to bite at such 
 a bait, wherein was only the husk of title without the kernel 
 of profit. Yet he pretended he would go into Palestine ; 
 and got hereby a mass of money towards his voyage, making 
 every one, as well clerk as lay (saving such as went) to pay 
 that year the tenth of all their revenues, moveables, and 
 chattels, as well in gold as in silver. Of every city in Eng- 
 land he chose the richest men ; as in London two hundred, 
 in York a hundred, and so in proportion: and took the 
 tenth of all their moveables, by the estimation of credible 
 men who knew their estates 6 ; imprisoning those who re- 
 fused to pay, sub e.leemosynfe titulo vitium rapacitatis in- 
 cludens, saith Walsingham. But now, when he had filled 
 his purse, all expected he should fulfil his promise; when 
 all his voyage into Palestine turned into a journey into 
 France. 
 
 Heraclius, whilst he stayed in England, consecrated the 
 Temple Church in the suburbs of London, and the house 
 adjoining belonging to the Templars ; since turned to a 
 better use, for the students of our municipal law ; these 
 new Templars defending one Christian from another, as the 
 old ones Christians from Pagans. 
 
 4 Possevine, Appar. sacr. in Maron. 
 
 5 Brierwood, Inquiries, cap. 25. 6 Daniel, in Henry II. 
 
104 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. XL. Saladin fitteth himself with foreign Forces. 
 The Original and great Power of the Mamalukes, with 
 their jirst Service. 
 
 IN the minority of King Baldwin, who was but thirteen 
 years old, Milo de Planci, a nobleman, was protector 
 of the realm; whose pride and insolence could not be 
 brooked, and therefore he was stabbed at Ptolemais, and 
 Reimund, count of Tripoli, chosen to succeed him. 
 
 Now Saladin seriously intendeth to set on the kingdom 
 of Jerusalem, and seeketh to furnish himself with soldiers 
 for that service. But he perceived that the ancient nation 
 of the Egyptians had lasted so long, that now it ran dregs ; 
 their spirits being as low as the country they lived in, and 
 they fitter to make merchants and mechanics than military 
 men : for they were bred in such soft employments, that 
 they were presently foundered with any hard labour. 
 Wherefore he sent to the Circassians by the lake of Maeotis, 
 near Taurica Chersonesus, and thence bought many slaves 
 of able and active bodies. For it was a people born in a 
 hard country (no fuel for pleasure grew there nor was 
 brought thither), and bred harder ; so that war was almost 
 their nature, with custom of continual skirmishing with the 
 neighbouring Tartars. 
 
 These slaves he trained up in military discipline, most 
 of them being Christians once baptized; but afterwards un- 
 taught Christ, they learned Mahomet, and so became the 
 worse foes to religion for once being her friends. These 
 proved excellent soldiers and special horsemen, and are 
 called mairralukes. And surely the greatness of Saladin 
 and his successors stood not so much on the legs of their 
 native Egyptians, as it leaned on the staff of these strangers. 
 Saladin, and especially the Turkish kings after him, gave 
 great power, and placed much trust in these mamalukes 1 : 
 who lived a long time in ignorance of their own strength, 
 till at last they took notice of it, and scorning any longer to 
 be factors for another, they would set up for themselves, 
 and got the sovereignty from the Turkish kings. Thus 
 princes who make their subjects overgreat, whet a knife for 
 their own throats. And posterity may chance to see the 
 insolent janizaries give the grand seignior such a trip on the 
 heel as may tumble him on his back. But more largely of 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 23. 
 
A. D. 1181 THE HOLY WAR. 105 
 
 these mamalukes usurping the kingdom of Egypt (God 
 willing) in its proper place. 
 
 Thus Saladin, having furnished himself with new sol- 
 diers, went to handsel their valour upon the Christians, in- 
 vaded the Holy Land, burning all the country before him, 
 and raging in the blood of poor Christians, till he came and 
 encamped about Askelon. 
 
 Meantime, whilst Reimund count of Tripoli, protector 
 of the kingdom, with Philip earl of Flanders, and the chief 
 strength of the kingdom, were absent in Celosyria, wasting 
 the country about Emissa and Csesarea, young King Bald- 
 win lay close in Askelon, not daring to adventure on so 
 strong an enemy. With whose fear Saladin encouraged, 
 dispersed his army, some one way, some another, to forage 
 the country. King Baldwin, courted with this opportunity, 
 marched out privately, nor having past four hundred horse, 
 with some few footmen, and assaulted his secure enemies, 
 being six and twenty thousand [Nov. 25, 1176]. But vic- 
 tory standeth as little in the number of soldiers, as verity in 
 the plurality of voices. The Christians got the conquest, 
 and in great triumph returned to Jerusalem. 
 
 This overthrow rather madded than daunted Saladin; 
 who, therefore, to recover his credit, some months after, 
 with his mamalukes, fell like a mighty tempest upon the 
 Christians, as they were parting the spoil of a band of 
 Turks, whom they had vanquished ; put many to the sword, 
 the rest to flight. Otto, grand master of the Templars, and 
 Hugh, son-in-law to the count of Tripoli, were taken 
 prisoners ; and the king himself had much ado to escape. 
 And thus both sides being well wearied with war, they were 
 glad to refresh themselves with a short slumber of a truce 
 solemnly concluded ; and their troubled estates breathed 
 almost for the space of two years. Which truce Saladin the 
 more willingly embraced, because of a famine in the king- 
 dom of Damascus [1179], where it had scarce rained for 
 five years together 2 . 
 
 IHA.P. XLI. The fatal Jealousies betwixt the King and 
 Reimund Earl of Tripoli. 
 
 BUT this so welcome a calm was troubled with domestical 
 discords [1181] ; for the king's mother (a woman of a 
 turbulent spirit), and her brother, his steward, accused 
 Reimund count of Tripoli, governor of the realm in the 
 
 2 Centurist. Cent. 12, in Baldvino IV. 
 
106 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1181J 
 
 king's minority, as if he affected the crown for himself: 
 which accusation this earl could never wholly wipe off. For 
 slender and lean slanders quickly consume themselves ; but 
 he that is branded with a heinous crime (though false), 
 when the wound is cured, his credit will be killed with the 
 scar. Before we go further, let us view this Earl Reimund's 
 disposition, and we shall find him marked to do mischief, 
 and to ruin this realm. He was son to Reimund, grand- 
 child to Pontius earl of Tripoli, by Cecilie, the daughter 
 of Philip king of France 1 , great grandchild to Bertram 
 first earl of Tripoli, great great grandchild to Reimund 
 earl of Toulouse, one of special note amongst the primitive 
 adventurers in the holy war. His mother was Hodiern, 
 third daughter of Baldwin II. king of Jerusalem. A man 
 whose stomach was as high as his birth, and very serviceable 
 to this state whilst the sharpness of his parts was used 
 against the Turks, which at last turned edge against the 
 Christians : proud, not able to digest the least wrong ; and 
 though long in captivity amongst the Turks, yet a very 
 truant in the school of affliction, who never learned the 
 lesson of patience ; so revengeful, that he would strike his 
 enemy, though it were through the sides of religion and 
 the Christian cause. For this present accusation of treason 
 good authors seem to be his compurgators for this at this 
 time, though afterwards he discovered his treacherous in- 
 tents. And because he could not rise by his service, he 
 made his service fall by him, and undid what he had done 
 for the public good, because thereby he could not attain 
 his private ends. He commanded over the earldom of 
 Tripoli, which was a territory of large extent, wherein he 
 was absolute lord. And by the way we may take notice of 
 this as one of the banes of the kingdom of Jerusalem, that 
 the principalities of Antioch, Tripoli, and Edessa (whilst it 
 was Christian), were branches of this kingdom, but too big 
 for the body ; for the princes thereof, on each petty distaste, 
 would stand on their guard, as if they had been subjects 
 out of courtesy, not conscience ; and though they confessed 
 they owed the king allegiance, yet they would pay no more 
 than they thought fitting themselves. 
 
 To return to King Baldwin. This suspicion of Earl 
 Reimund, though at first but a buzz, soon got a sting in the 
 king's head, and he violently apprehended it. Whereupon 
 Reimund, coming to Jerusalem, was by the way com- 
 manded to stay, to his great disgrace. But some of the 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 5. 
 
A.D. 1181 THE HOLY WAR. 107 
 
 nobility, foreseeing what danger this discord might bring, 
 reconciled them with much labour. However, Baldwin 
 ever after looked on this earl with a jealous eye. Jealousy, 
 if it be fire in private persons, is wildfire in princes, who 
 seldom rase out their names whom once they have written 
 in their black bills. And, as the Italian proverb is, " Sus- 
 picion giveth a passport to faith to set it on packing ;" so this 
 earl, finding himself suspected, was never after cordially 
 loya.1, smothering his treachery in this king's life, which 
 afterwards broke forth into an open flame. 
 
 CHAP. XLII. Saladin is conquered by King Baldwin, and 
 conquereth Mesopotamia. Discords about the Protector- 
 ship of Jerusalem. The Death and Praise of Baldwin the 
 Fourth. 
 
 THE kingdom of Damascus being recovered of the 
 famine, Saladin having gotten his ends by the truce, 
 would now have the truce to end ; and breaking it (as not 
 standing with his haughty designs), marched with a great 
 army out of Egypt through Palestine to Damascus, much 
 spoiling the country. And now having joined the Egyptian 
 with the Damascene forces, reentered the Holy Land. But 
 young King Baldwin meeting him, though but with seven 
 hundred to twenty thousand, at the village Frobolt, over- 
 threw him in a great battle * ; and Saladin himself was 
 glad with speedy flight to escape the danger, and by long 
 marches to get him again to Damascus. Afterward he be- 
 sieged Berytus both by sea and land ; but the vigilance and 
 valour of King Baldwin defeated his taking of it. 
 
 Saladin, finding such tough resistance in the Holy Land, 
 thought to make a better purchase by laying out his time 
 in Mesopotamia. Wherefore, passing Euphrates, he won 
 Charran and divers other cities; and then returning, in 
 Syria besieged Aleppo, the strongest place the Christians 
 had in that country ; so fortified by nature, that he had 
 little hope to force it. But treason will run up the steepest 
 ascent, where valour itself can scarce creep; and Saladin, 
 with the battery of bribes, made such a breach in the loyalty 
 of the governor, that he betrayed it unto him. 
 
 Thus he cometh again into the Holy Land more formi- 
 dable than ever before, carrying an army of terror in the 
 mentioning of his name, which drove the poor Christians all 
 into their fenced cities. As for King Baldwin, the leprosy 
 
 1 Centurist. Cent 12, in Baldvino IV. 
 
108 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1183 
 
 had arrested him prisoner, and kept him at home. Long 
 had this king's spirit endured this infirmity, swallowing 
 many a bitter pang with a smiling face, arid going upright 
 with patient shoulders under the weight of his disease. It 
 made him put all his might to it, because when he yielded 
 to his sickness, he must leave off the managing of the state; 
 and he was loath to put off his royal robes before he went to 
 bed, a crown being too good a companion for one to part 
 with willingly. But at last he was made to stoop, and 
 retired himself to a private life [1183J, appointing Baldwin 
 his nephew (a child of five years old) his successor; and 
 Guy earl of Joppa and Askelon, this child's father-in-law, 
 to be protector of the realm in his minority. 
 
 But soon after he revoked this latter act, and designed 
 Reimund earl of Tripoli for the protector. He displaced 
 Guy, because he found him of no over-weight worth, scarce 
 passable without favourable allowance, little feared of his 
 foes, and as little loved of his friends. The more martial 
 Christians slighted him as a slug, and neglected so lazy a 
 leader that could not keep pace with those that were to 
 follow him : yea, they refused (whilst he was protector) at 
 his command to fight with Saladin ; and, out of distaste to 
 their general, suffered their enemy freely to forage ; which 
 was never done before : for the Christians never met any 
 Turks wandering in the Holy Land, but on even terms 
 they would examine their passport how sufficient it was, 
 and bid them battle. 
 
 Guy stormed at his displacing, and though little valiant, 
 yet very sullen, left the court in discontent, went home, and 
 fortified his cities of Joppa and Askelon. What should 
 King Baldwin do in this case? Whom should he make 
 protector ? Guy had too little, Reimund too much spirit for 
 the place. He feared Guy's cowardliness, lest he should 
 lose the kingdom to the Turks ; and Reimund's treachery, 
 lest he should get it for himself. Thus anguish of mind 
 and weakness of body (a doughty conquest for their united 
 strengths, which single might suffice) ended this king's days, 
 dying young at five and twenty years of age. But if by the 
 morning we may guess at the day, he would have been no 
 whit inferior to any of his predecessors ; especially if his 
 body had been able : but (alas !) it spoiled the music of 
 his soul, that the instrument was quite out of tune. He 
 reigned twelve years, and was buried in the Temple of the 
 Sepulchre [May 16, 1185] : a king happy in this, that he 
 died before the death of his kingdom. 
 
i.D.1185 THE HOLY WAR. 109 
 
 ^HAP. XLIII. The short Life and woful Death of Bald- 
 win the Fifth, an Infant. Guy, his Father-in-law, succeed- 
 eth him. 
 
 IT is a rare happiness of the family of St. Laurence [1 185], 
 barons of Howth in Ireland 1 , that the heirs for four 
 hundred years together always have been of age before the 
 death of their fathers : for minors have not only baned fa- 
 milies, but ruined realms. It is one of God's threatenings : 
 * I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall 
 rule over them 1 ." With this rod God struck the kingdom of 
 Jerusalem thrice in forty years; Baldwin the third, fourth, 
 and fifth, being all under age ; and this last but five years 
 old. He was the posthumous son of William, marquis of 
 Montferrat, by Sibyll his wife, sister to Baldwin IV. daughter 
 to King Almerick : she was afterwards married to Guy, 
 earl of Joppa and Askelon. 
 
 Now Reimund earl of Tripoli challenged to be protector 
 of this young king, by the virtue of an act of the former 
 king so assigning him. But Sibyll, mother to this infant, to 
 defeat Reimund, first murdered all natural affection in 
 herself, and then by poison murdered her son ; that so the 
 crown in her right might come to her husband Guy. This 
 Baldwin reigned eight months and eight days 3 , saith mis- 
 taken Munster; and some mistake more, who make him 
 not to reign at all : cruel to v ri ">ng his memory of his 
 honour, whom his mother had robbed both of his life and 
 kingdom. 
 
 His death was concealed, till Guy, his father-in-law, had 
 obtained by large bribes to the Templars and Heraclius the 
 patriarch, to be crowned king: one more ennobled with his 
 descent from the ancient family of the Lusignans in Poictou, 
 than for any eminence in himself 4 : his gifts were better 
 than his endowments. Yet had he been more fortunate, he 
 would have been accounted more virtuous ; men commonly 
 censuring that the fault of the king, which is the fate of the 
 kingdom. And now the Christian affairs here posted to 
 their woful period, being spurred on by the discords of the 
 princes. 
 
 1 Camd. Brit, in the Descript. of the County of Dublin. 
 
 2 Isa. iii. 4. 3 Cosmog. lib. 5, in Terra Sancta. 
 
 4 Tyrius, lib. 22, cap. 25 et 27, calleth himhorainem indiscre 
 tum et penitus inutilem. 
 
110 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 
 CHAP. XLIV. Church Affairs. Of Haymericus, Patriarch 
 of Antioch. Of the Grecian Anti-patriarchs ; and of the 
 learned Theodorus Balsamon. 
 
 WHILST Heraclius did patriarch it in Jerusalem, one 
 Haymericus had the same honour at Antioch. He 
 wrote to Henry II. king of England, a bemoaning letter of 
 the Christians in the East, and from him received another, 
 fraught with never- performed fair promises. This man must 
 needs be different from that Haymericus who began his 
 patriarchship in Antioch anno 1143, and sat but twelve 
 years, say the centuriators * : but Baronius 2 , as different 
 from them sometimes in chronology as divinity, maketh 
 them the same. Then must he be a thorough old man, 
 enjoying his place above forty years ; being probably before 
 he wore the style of patriarch, well worn in years himself. 
 I must confess it passeth my chymistry to exact any agree- 
 ment herein out of the contrariety of writers. We must also 
 take notice that, besides the Latin patriarchs in Jesusalem 
 and Antioch, there were also Grecian anti-patriarchs ap- 
 pointed by the emperor of Constantinople ; who, having no 
 temporal power nor profit by church lands, had only juris- 
 diction over those of the Greek church. We find not the 
 chain of their succession, but here and there light on a link; 
 and at this time in Jerusalem on three successively: 1. 
 Athanasius, whom though one 3 out of his abundant charity 
 is pleased to style a schismatic, yet was he both pious and 
 learned, as appeareth by his epistles. 2. Leoutius, com- 
 mended likewise to posterity for a good clerk and an honest 
 man 4 . 3. Dositheus, inferior to the former in both respects 5 : 
 Isaac the Grecian emperor sent to make him patriarch of 
 Constantinople, and Dositheus catching at both, held neither, 
 but betwixt two patriarchs' chairs fell to the ground. 
 
 Antioch also had her Greek patriarchs : as one Sotericus 
 displaced for maintaining some unsound tenets about our 
 Saviour ; after him Theodorus Balsamon, the oracle of the 
 learned law in his age. He compiled and commented on 
 the ancient canons ; and principally set forth the privileges 
 of Constantinople ; listening, say the Romanists, to the least 
 noise that soundeth to the advancing of the eastern churches, 
 
 1 Centur. 12, in Episcop. 2 Annal. Eccl. in Haymerico. 
 
 3 Baronius, in anno 1180. 
 
 4 Nicetas Choniates, in Isaacio Angelo, p. 438. 
 
 5 Idem, ibidem. 
 
.D. 1187 THE HOLY WAR. Ill 
 
 nd knocking down Rome wheresoever it peepeth above 
 Constantinople. This maketh Bellarmine except against 
 urn as a partial writer ; because a true historian should be 
 either party, advocate, nor judge, but a bare witness. 
 By Isaac the Grecian emperor this Balsamon was also 
 eceived 6 : he pretended to remove him to Constantinople, 
 n condition he would prove the translation of the patriarch 
 o be legal, which is forbidden by the canons. Balsamon 
 ook upon him to prove it : and a lawyer's brains will beat 
 o purpose when his own preferment is the fee. But herein 
 did but crack the nut for another to eat the kernel : for 
 he emperor mutable in his mind, changing his favourites as 
 veil as his clothes before they were old, when the legality 
 f the translation was avowed, bestowed the patriarchship of 
 Constantinople on another; and Theodorus was still staked 
 own at Antioch in a true spiritual preferment, affording 
 rim little bodily maintenance. 
 
 :HAP. XLVThe Revolt of the Earl of Tripoli. The 
 Christians irrecoverably overthrown^ and their King taken 
 Prisoner. 
 
 rHERE was at this time [1187] a truce betwixt the 
 Christians and Saladin, broken on this occasion : 
 Paladin's mother went from Egypt to Damascus, with much 
 ;reasure and a little train, as sufficiently guarded with the 
 :ruce yet in force ; when Reinold of Castile surprised and 
 obbed her. Saladin, glad of this occasion, gathereth all his 
 strength together, and besiegeth Ptolemais. 
 
 Now Reimund earl of Tripoli appeareth in his colours, 
 /exed at the loss of the government. His great stomach 
 lad no room for patience : and his passions boiled from a 
 iever to a phrensy ; so that, blinded with anger at King Guy, 
 le mistaketh his enemy, and will be revenged on God and 
 religion ; revolting with his principality (a third part of the 
 dngdom of Jerusalem) to Saladin ; and in his own person, 
 mder a vizard, assisted him in this siege. 
 
 Out of the city marched the Templars and Hospitallers, and 
 fallingon the Turks killed twenty thousand ofthem[May l.J. 
 5fet they gave well nigh a valuable consideration for their 
 victory, the master of the Hospitallers being slain; and a 
 brave general in battle never dieth unattended. 
 
 Saladin hereupon raiseth his siege ; and Reimund earl 
 rf Tripoli, whether out of fear the Christians might prevail, 
 
 6 Nicetas Chron. in Isaacio, p. 440. 
 
112 THE HISTORY OF A.D. lia* 
 
 or remorse of conscience, or discontent, not finding th 
 respect he expected of Saladin (who had learned th 
 politic maxim, to give some honour, no trust to a fugitive 
 reconciled himself to King Guy ; and, sorry for his form 
 offence, returned to the Christians. 
 
 King Guy hereupon gathering the whole strength of hi. 
 weak kingdom to do their last devoir, determined to bi 
 Saladin battle; though having but fifteen hundred horse, 
 and fifteen thousand foot, against a hundred and twenty 
 thousand horse, and a hundred and sixty thousand foot. 
 Nigh Tiberias the battle was fought [July 3] ; they close 
 in the afternoon, but night moderating betwixt them, both 
 sides drew their stakes till next morning ; then on afresh 
 The Christians' valour poised the number of their enemies 
 till at last the distemper of the weather turned the scales to 
 the Turks' side. More Christians (thirsty within and scalded 
 without) were killed with the beams the sun darted, than 
 with the arrows the enemies shot. Reinold of Castile was 
 slain, with most of the Templars and Hospitallers. Gerard 
 master of the Templars, and Boniface marquis of Mont- 
 ferrat, were taken prisoners l ; and also Guy the king, whc 
 saw the rest of his servants slain before his eyes, only 
 obtaining of Saladin the life of his schoolmaster. Yea. ir 
 this battle, the flower of the Christian chivalry was cu k 
 down; and, what was most lamented, the cross (saith 
 Matthew Paris), which freed men from the captivity of 
 their sins, was for men's sins taken captive. Most impute 
 this overthrow to the earl of Tripoli, who that day com- 
 manded a great part of the Christian army, and is said d 
 some treacherously to have fled away. But when a great 
 action miscarrieth, the blame must be laid on some ; am" 
 commonly it lighteth on them who formerly have been 
 found false, be it right or wrong; so impossible is it for 
 him who once hath broken his credit by treason, ever to 
 have it perfectly jointed again. It increaseth the suspicion, 
 because this earl, afterwards found dead in his bed (as 
 some say), was circumcised. 
 
 Victorious Saladin, as he had thrown a good cast, played 
 it as well ; in a month conquering Berytus, Biblus, Ptole- 
 mais, and all the havens (Tyre excepted), from Sidon to 
 Askelon. He used his conquest with much moderation, 
 giving lives and goods to all, and forcing no Christians to 
 depart their cities, save only the Latins. This his gentle- 
 
 1 Besoldus, in Guidone ; ex Crusio. 
 
I.D. 1187 THE HOLY WAR. 113 
 
 ess proceeded from policy, well knowing that if the 
 
 Christians could not buy their lives cheap, they would sell 
 
 icm dear, and fight it out to the uttermost. Askelon was 
 
 ,out, and would not surrender. Wherefore Saladin, loath 
 
 with the hazard of so long a siege to check his fortune in 
 
 .he full speed, left it, and went to Jerusalem, as to a place 
 
 }f less difficulty and more honour to conquer. 
 
 CHAP. XLVI. Jerusalem won by the Turk; with woful 
 
 Remarkables thereat. 
 
 T) EFORE the beginning of the siege, the sun, as sympa- 
 JLJ thizing with the Christians' woes, was eclipsed [Sept. 
 4]. A sad presage of the loss of Jerusalem. For though 
 those within the city valiantly defended it for a fortnight, 
 yet they saw it was but the playing out of a desperate game 
 which must be lost: their foes near, their friends far off; 
 and those willing to pity, unable to help. Why then should 
 ;hey prolong languishing, where they could not preserve 
 life ? Concluding to lavish no more valour, they yielded 
 up the city [Oct. 2], on condition all their lives might be 
 redeemed, a man for ten, a woman for five, a child for one 
 besant 1 ; and fourteen thousand poor people, not able to 
 pay their ransom, were kept in perpetual bondage. All 
 Latins were cast out of the city, but those of the Greek 
 religion were permitted to stay therein ; only Saladin to 
 two Frenchmen gave liberty to abide there, and maintenance 
 to live on, in reverence to their age: the one Robert of 
 Corbie, a soldier to Godfrey of Bouillon when he won this 
 city; the other Fulco Fiole, the first child born in the city 
 after the Christians had conquered it*. 
 
 Saladin, possessed of Jerusalem, turned the churches into 
 stables, sparing only that of the Sepulchre for a great sum 
 of money. Solomon's Temple he converted to a mosque, 
 sprinkling it all over with rose-water, as if he would wash it 
 from profaneness, whilst he profaned it with his washing. 
 
 Thus Jerusalem, after it had fourscore and eight years 
 been enjoyed by the Christians, by God's just judgment 
 was taken again by the Turks. What else could be 
 expected ? Sin reigned in every corner ; there was scarce 
 one honest woman in the whole city of Jerusalem 3 . He- 
 raclius the patriarch, with the clergy, was desperately 
 
 1 M. Paris, in anno 1187. 
 
 2 Besoldus, in Guidone, p. 285. 
 
 3 Ibid, p. 284, 
 
 I 
 
114 THE HOLY WAR. A. D. 1187 
 
 vicious ; and no wonder if iron rust, when gold doth ; and 
 if the laity followed their bad example. 
 
 This doleful news brought into Europe, filled all with 
 sighs and sorrows. Pope Urban III. (as another Eli at 
 the ark's captivity) died for grief; the cardinals lamented 
 out of measure, vowing such reformation of manners ; 
 never more to take bribes, never more to live so viciously ; 
 yea, never to ride on a horse so long as the Holy Land was 
 under the feet of the Turks 4 . But this their passion spent 
 itself with its own violence, and these mariners' vows ended 
 with the tempest. 
 
 In this general grief of Christendom, there was one 
 woman found to rejoice, and she a German prophetess 
 called St. Christian, a virgin ; who, as she had foretold 
 the day of the defeat, so on the same she professed that 
 she saw in a vision Christ and his angels rejoicing. For 
 the loss of the earthly Canaan was gain to the heavenly ; 
 peopling it with many inhabitants, who were conquerors in 
 their overthrow ; whilst they requited Christ's passion, and 
 died for him who suffered for them 5 . But for the truth 
 both of the doctrine and history hereof, none need burden 
 their belief farther than they please. We will conclude all 
 with Roger Hoveden's witty descant on the time 6 : When 
 Jerusalem was won by the Christians, and afterwards when 
 it was lost, an Urban was pope of Rome, a Frederick 
 emperor of Germany, an Heraclius patriarch of Jerusalem. 
 But by his leave, though the first of his observations be 
 true, the second is a flat falsity, the third a foul mistake, 
 and may thus be mended : (it is charity to lend a crutch to 
 a lame conceit) When the cross was taken from the Persians, 
 Heraclius was emperor ; and when it was taken from the 
 Turks, Heraclius was patriarch. Thus these curious obser- 
 vations (like over-small watches), not one of a hundred 
 goeth true. Though it cannot be denied, but the same 
 name (as Henry of England, one the win-all, another the 
 lose-all in France) hath often been happy and unhappy in 
 founding and confounding of kingdoms. But such nominal 
 toys are rags not worth a wise man's stooping to take them 
 up. 
 
 4 Roger Hoveden, in Henrico, anno 1187. 
 
 5 Qaandam morti Salvatoris virem cum multa devotione 
 rependunt. Baronius, in anno 1187. 6 Loco prius citato. 
 
BOOK III. 
 
 CHAP. I. Conrad of Montferrat valiantly defendeth Tyre, 
 and is chosen King. 
 
 IN this woful estate stood the Christian affairs in the 
 Holy Land, when Conrad marquis of Montferrat arrived 
 there. His worth commandeth my pen to wait on him 
 from his own country till he came hither. Son he was to 
 Boniface marquis of Montferrat, and had spent his youth 
 in the service of Isaac Angelus, the Grecian emperor. 
 This Isaac, fitter for a priest than a prince, was always 
 bred in a private way; and the confining of his body 
 seemeth to have brought him to a pent and narrow soul. 
 For he suffered rebels to affront him to his face, never 
 sending an army against them, but commending all his 
 cause to a company of barefooted friars whom he kept in 
 his court, desiring them to pray for him, and by their pious 
 tears to quench the combustions in the empire. But our 
 Conrad plainly told him, he must use as well the weapons 
 of the left hand as of the right x ; meaning the sword as 
 well as prayers ; and by the advice of this his general, he 
 quickly subdued all his enemies. Which his great service 
 found small reward ; only he was graced to wear his shoes 
 of the imperial fashion 1 ; a low matter, but there (forsooth) 
 accounted a high honour. But soon after Isaac was sick 
 of this physician who had cured his empire. If private 
 debtors care riot for the company of their creditors, much 
 less do princes love to see them to whom they owe them- 
 selves and their kingdom ; so unwelcome are courtesies to 
 them when above their requital. Now it is ancient policy, 
 to rid away high spirits by sending them on some plausible 
 errand into remote parts, there to seek for themselves an 
 honourable grave. To this end Isaac by the persuasions 
 of some spurred on Conrad (free enough of himself to any 
 noble action), to go into Palestine, there to support the 
 
 1 Nicetas, in Isaacio Angelo, lib. 1, 7. 
 
 2 Ibid, lib. 2, 1. Movov TO fiij TOIQ woXXoif of 
 
 TV irodoQ TO T&v KcuiTapwv Xeyw Trapaonj/xov. 
 
116 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1187 
 
 ruinous affairs of the Christians. Conrad was sensible of 
 their plot, but suffered himself to be wrought on, being 
 weary of the Grecians' baseness, and came into the Holy 
 Land with a brave company of gentlemen furnished on their 
 own cost. 
 
 For a while we set him aside, and return to Saladin ; 
 who by this time had taken Askelon, on condition that 
 King Guy, and Gerard, master of the Templars, should be 
 set at liberty. Nor long after was the castle of Antioch 
 betrayed unto him by the patriarch 3 ; and the city, scarce 
 got with eleven months' siege, was lost in an instant, 
 with five and twenty strong towns more, which attended 
 the fortune of Antioch : and many provinces thereto be- 
 longing, came into the possession of the Turks. Must not 
 the Christians needs be bankrupts if they continue this 
 trade, buying dear, and selling cheap; gaining by inches,, 
 and losing by ells ? 
 
 With better success those in Tripoli (which city the wife 
 of Earl Reimund after his death delivered to the Christians) 
 defended themselves against Saladin 4 . For shame they 
 would not forego their shirts, though they had parted with 
 their clothes. Stark naked from shelter had the Christians 
 been left, if stripped out of Tripoli and Tyre. Manfully 
 therefore they defended themselves; and Saladin, having 
 tasted of their valour in Tripoli, had no mind to mend his 
 draught, but marched away to Tyre. 
 
 But Conrad of Montferrat, who was in Tyre with his 
 army, so used the matter, that Saladin was fain to fly, and 
 leave his tents behind him, which were lined with much 
 treasure; and the Christians had that happiness to squeeze 
 that sponge which formerly was rilled with their spoil. 
 They in Tyre, in token of gratitude, chose this Conrad king 
 of Jerusalem ; swearing themselves his subjects who had 
 kept them from being the Turks' slaves. To strengthen his 
 title, he married Eliza or Isabella 5 (authors christen her 
 with either name), formerly espoused to Humfred of Thorone, 
 sister to Baldwin IV., daughter to Almerick king of Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 By this time King Guy was delivered out of prison [l 1 88], 
 having sworn never more to bear arms against Saladin ; 
 which oath by the clergy was adjudged void, because forced 
 from him when he was detained in prison, unjustly against 
 
 3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 377. 4 Hoveden. 
 
 5 Besoldus, ex Ritio De Reg. p. 293. 
 
A. D. 1188 THE HOLY WAR. 117 
 
 promise. The worst was, now he had gained his liberty? 
 he could not get his kingdom. Coming to Tyre, they shut 
 the gates against him, owning no king but Conrad. Thus 
 to have two kings together, is the way to have neither king 
 nor kingdom. 
 
 But Guy following the affront as well as he might, and 
 piecing up a cloth of remnants, with his broken army be- 
 sieged Ptolemais [August]. The Pisans, Venetians, and 
 Florentines, with their sea succours, came to assist him. 
 But this siege was churchwork, and therefore went on 
 slowly ; we may easier perceive it to have moved than to 
 move, especially if we return hither a twelvemonth hence. 
 
 CHAP. II. The Church Story in the Holy Land to the End 
 of the War. The Use and Abuse of titular Bishops. 
 
 WE must now no longer look for a full face of a 
 church in the Holy Land ; it is well if we find one 
 cheek and an eye. Though Jerusalem and Antioch were 
 won by the Turks, the pope ceased not to make patriarchs 
 of both. We will content ourselves with the names of those 
 of Jerusalem, finding little else of them remarkable. 
 
 After Heraclius, Thomas Agni was patriarch, present in 
 the Lateran council under Innocent III*. 
 
 Geraldus succeeded him, who sided with the pope against 
 Frederick the emperor 2 '. 
 
 Albertus, patriarch in Jerusalem when the Christians lost 
 their land in Syria. He prescribed some rules to the Car- 
 melites 3 . 
 
 After him, Antony Beak, bishop of Durham, the most 
 triumphant prelate of the English militant church, except 
 Cardinal Wolsey. He founded and endowed a college for 
 prebends at Chester 4 , in the bishopric of Durham ; yet no 
 doubt he had done a deed more acceptable to God, if 
 instead of sacrifice he had done justice, and not defrauded 
 the Lord Vessy's heir, to whom he was guardian. Let 
 those who are delighted with sciography paint out (if they 
 please) these shadow-patriarchs, as also those of Antioch, 
 and deduce their succession to this day : for this custom 
 still continueth, and I find the suffragans to several arch- 
 
 1 Centur. Cent. 13, cap. 9. 
 
 2 Mattli. Paris, in anno 1229. 3 Centur. ut prius. 
 
 4 Camden, Brit. p. 601. Godwin, in Episc. Dunelm. See 
 this catalogue of patriarchs altered 0ud perfected in the Chro- 
 nology. 
 
118 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1188 
 
 bishops and bishops in Germany and France style themselves 
 bishops of Palestine 5 : for example, the suffragans of 1. 
 Tournay, 2. Munster, 3. Mentz, 4. Utrecht, 5. Sens, 6. Tri- 
 ers, write themselves bishops of 1. Sarepta, 2. Ptolemais, 
 3. Sidon, 4. Hebron, 5. Caesarea, 6. Azotus. But well did 
 one in the council of Trent give these titular bishops the 
 title of fgmenta hum ana, man's devices 6 ; because they 
 have as little ground in God's word and the ancient canons 
 for their making, as ground in Palestine for their mainte- 
 nance : yea, a titular bishop soundeth a contradiction ; for 
 a bishop and a church or diocess are relatives, as a husband 
 and his wife. Besides, these bishops, by ascending to so 
 high an honour, were fain to descend to many indecencies 
 and indignities to support themselves, with many corrup- 
 tions in selling of orders they conferred, the truest and 
 basest simony. 
 
 However the pope still continueth in making of them. 
 First, because it is conceived to conduce to the state and 
 amplitude of the Roman church to have so many bishops in 
 it, as it is the credit of the apothecary to have his shop 
 full, though many outside-painted pots be empty within. 
 Secondly, hereby his holiness hath a facile and cheap way 
 both to gratify and engage ambitious spirits, and such 
 chameleons as love to feed on air. Yea, the pope is not 
 only free of spiritual dignities, but also of temporal titular 
 honours ; as when, in the days of Queen Elizabeth, he 
 made Thomas Stukely (a bankrupt in loyalty as well as in 
 his estate) marquis of Leinster, earl of Wexford and Car- 
 low, Viscount Murrough, Baron Rosse and Hydron in 
 Ireland 7 : the best is, these honours were not heavy nor 
 long worn, he being slain soon after in Barbary, else the 
 number of them would have broken his back. Lastly, 
 there is a real use made of these nominal bishops ; for these 
 ciphers, joined with figures, will swell a number, and sway 
 a side in a general council, as his holiness pleaseth ; so 
 that he shall truly cogere concilium, both gather and compel 
 it. Of the four archbishops which were at the first session 
 in the council of Trent, two were merely titular, who never 
 had their feet in those churches whence they took their 
 honour 8 . But enough hereof. Now to matters of the 
 commonwealth. 
 
 5 Adricomius, in Terra Sancta. 
 
 6 History of Trent, lib. 8, p. 7. 
 
 7 Camd. Brit, in his Descript. of Dublin. 
 
 8 History of Trent, lib. 2, p. 140. 
 
A. D, 1188 THE HOLY WAR. 119 
 
 CHAP. III. Frederick Barbarossa's sett ing forth to the Holy 
 Land. Of the tyrannous Grecian Emperors. 
 
 MATTERS going thus wofully in Palestine, the Chris- 
 tians' sighs there were alarms to stir up their brethren 
 in Europe to go to help them, and chiefly Frederick Barba- 
 rossa, the German emperor. Impute it not to the weakness 
 of his judgment, but the strength of his devotion, that at 
 seventy years of age, having one foot in his grave, he would 
 set the other on pilgrimage. We must know that this 
 emperor had been long tied to the stake, and baited with 
 seven fresh successive popes ; till at last, not conquered 
 with the strength, but wearied with the continuance of their 
 malice, he gave himself up to be ordered by them ; and 
 Pope Clement III. sent him on this voyage into the Holy 
 Land. 
 
 Marching through Hungary with a great army of one 
 hundred and fifty thousand valiant soldiers, he was wel- 
 comed by King Bela 1 [June 29]. But changing his host, 
 his entertainment was changed ; being basely used when he 
 entered into the Grecian empire. 
 
 Of the emperors whereof we must speak somewhat. For 
 though being to write the Holy War I will climb no hedges, 
 to trespass on any other story ; yet will I take leave to go 
 the highway, and touch on the succession of those princes 
 which lead to the present discourse. 
 
 When Conrad, emperor of Germany, last passed this 
 way, Emmanuel was emperor in Greece; who, having 
 reigned thirty-eight years, left his place to Alexius, his son : 
 a youth, the depth of whose capacity only reached to 
 understand pleasure ; governed by the factious nobility, 
 till, in his third year, he was strangled by Andronicus, his 
 cousin. 
 
 Andronicus succeeded him ; a diligent reader and a great 
 lover of St. Paul's epistles % but a bad practiser of them : 
 who rather observing the devil's rule, that it is the best way 
 for those who have been bad to be still worse, fencing his 
 former villanies by committing new ones, held by tyranny 
 what he had gotten by usurpation ; till, having lived in the 
 blood of others, he died in his own, tortured to death by 
 the headless multitude ; from whom he received all the 
 
 1 Arnoldus Lubecensis. 
 
 2 Nicetas Choniates, in fine Vitae Andronici. 
 
120 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1190 
 
 cruelties which might be expected from servile natures when 
 they command. 
 
 Then Isaac Angelus, of the imperial blood, was placed 
 in his throne; of whom partly before 3 . Nero-like, he 
 began mildly, but soon fell to the trade of tyranny: no 
 personal, but the hereditary sin of these emperors. He 
 succeeded also to their suspicions against the Latins, as if 
 they came through his country for some sinister ends. This 
 jealous emperor reigned when Frederick, with his army, 
 passed this way ; and many bad offices were done betwixt 
 these two emperors by unfaithful ambassadors 4 , as such 
 false mediums have often deceived the best eyes. But 
 Frederick, finding perfidious dealing in the Greeks, was 
 drawn to draw his sword, taking as he went Philippople 5 , 
 Adrianople [Aug. 25], and many other cities, not so much 
 to get their spoil as his own security. Isaac understanding 
 hereof, and seeing these pilgrims would either find or make 
 their passage, left all terms of enmity, and fell to a fair 
 complying [11 90], accommodating them with all necessaries 
 for their transportation over the Bosporus [March 28], 
 pretending to hasten them away because the Christians* 
 exigencies in Palestine admitted of no delay; doing it 
 indeed for fear, the Grecians loving the Latins best when 
 they are farthest from them. 
 
 CHAP. IV. The great Victories and woful Death of Frede- 
 rick, the worthy Emperor. 
 
 FREDERICK, entering into the territories of the Turkish 
 sultan of Iconium, found great resistance, but van- 
 quished his enemies in four several set battles. Iconium 
 he took by force [May 19], giving the spoil thereof to his 
 soldiers, in revenge of the injuries done to his uncle Conrad 
 the emperor, by the sultan of that place. The city of 
 Philomela he made to sing a doleful tune, razing it to the 
 ground, and executing all the people therein, as rebels 
 against the law of nations, for killing his ambassadors; and 
 so came with much difficulty and honour into Syria. 
 
 Saladin shook for fear, hearing of his coming ; and, fol- 
 lowing the advice of Charatux, his counsellor 1 (counted 
 one of the wisest men in the world, though his person was 
 
 3 la the first chapter of this book. 
 
 4 Xicetas Choniates, in Isaacio, lib. 2, p. 436. 
 
 5 Baronius, Anna). 
 
 1 ^Kmilius, in Phil. Augusto, p. 178, 179. 
 
L.D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 121 
 
 nost contemptible ; so true it is, none can guess the jewel 
 >y the casket), dismantled all his cities in the Holy Land, 
 ;ave some frontier places, razing their walls and forts, that 
 hey were not tenable with an army. For he feared if the 
 Dutch won these places, they would not easily be driven 
 >ut ; whereas now, being naked from shelter, he would 
 ;veary them with set battles, having men numberless, and 
 .hose near at hand ; and so he would tame the Roman eagle by 
 matching him, giving him no rest nor respite from continual 
 ighting. It is therefore no paradox to say, that in some 
 :ase the strength of a kingdom doth consist in the weakness 
 }f it. And hence it is, that our English kings have suffered 
 ;ime, without disturbing her meals, to feed her belly full on 
 ;heir inland castles and city walls; which, whilst they were 
 standing in their strength, were but the nurseries of rebel- 
 ion. And now, as one observeth% because we have no 
 strong cities, war in England waxeth not old (being quickly 
 stabbed with set battles), which in the Low Countries hath 
 already outlived the grand climacterical of threescore and 
 ten years. 
 
 But Frederick the emperor, being now entering into the 
 Holy Land, was, to the great grief of all Christians, sud- 
 denly taken away, being drowned in the river of Saleph ; a 
 river (such is the envy of barbarism, obscuring all places) 
 which cannot accurately be known at this day, because this 
 new name is a stranger to all ancient maps. If he went in 
 to wash himself, as some write, he neither consulted with 
 lis health nor honour : some say his horse foundered under 
 him as he passed the water; others, that he fell from him. 
 But these several relations, as variety of instruments, make 
 a doleful concert in this, that there he lost his life : and no 
 wonder, if the cold water quickly quenched those few sparks 
 of natural heat left in him at seventy years of age. Neubri- 
 gensis 3 conceiveth that this his sudden death was therefore 
 inflicted on him because, in his youth, he fought against the 
 popes and church of Rome : but I wonder that he, seeing 
 the emperor drowned in a ditch, durst adventure into the 
 bottomless depths of God's counsels. Let it content us to 
 know, that oftentimes heaven blasteth those hopes which 
 bud first and fairest ; and the feet of mighty monarchs do 
 slip, when they want but one step to their enemies' throne. 
 
 After his death, Frederick, duke of Suabia, his second 
 
 2 Barklav. Bellum in Anglia non senescit. 
 
 3 Lib. 4,"cap. 13. 
 
122 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1190! 
 
 son, undertook the conduct of the army. Now the Turks, 
 conceiving grief had steeped and moistened these pilgrims' 
 hearts, gave them a sudden charge, in hope to have over- 
 thrown them. But the valiant Dutch, who, though they had 
 scarce wiped their eyes, had scoured their swords, quickly 
 forced them to retire. Then Frederick took the city of 
 Antioch [June 21], which was easily delivered unto him, 
 and his hungry soldiers well refreshed by the citizens, being 
 as yet, for the most part, Christians. Marching from hence 
 in set battle, he overthrew Dodequin, general of Saladin's 
 forces, slew four thousand, and took a thousand prisoners, 
 with little loss of his own men ; and so came to the city of 
 Tyre, where he buried the corpse of his worthy father in the 
 cathedral church, next the tomb of learned Origen ; and 
 Gulielmus Tyrius, the worthy archbishop, preached hisl 
 funeral sermon. We may hear his sorrowful army speaking 
 this his epitaph unto him : 
 
 Earth scarce did yield ground enough for thy sword 
 To conquer, how then could a brook afford 
 Water to drown thee ? Brook, which since doth fear 
 (O guilty conscience) in a map to' appear. 
 Yet blame we not the brook, but rather think 
 The weight of our own sins did make thee sink. 
 Now sith 'tis so, we'll fetch a brackish main 
 Out of our eyes, and drown thee once again. 
 
 From hence, by sea, they were conveyed to the Christians'! 
 army before Ptolemais, where young Frederick died of thej 
 plague: and his great army, which at first consisted of a: 
 hundred and fifty thousand at their setting forth out of 
 Germany, had now no more left than eighteen hundred 
 armed men 4 . 
 
 CHAP. V. The Continuation of the famous Siege of Ptole- 
 mais. The Dutch Knights honoured with a Grand 
 Master. 
 
 WE have now, at our leisure, overtaken the snail-like 
 siege of Ptolemais, still slowly creeping on. Before 
 it the Christians had not only a national but oecumenical 
 army ; the abridgment of the Christian world : scarce a 
 state or populous city in Europe but had here some compe- 
 tent number to represent it. 
 
 4 ^Emilius, in Pbil. 2, p. 175. 
 
D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 123 
 
 How many bloody blows were here lent on both sides, 
 d repaid with interest ; what sallies, what assaults, what 
 counters, whilst the Christians lay betwixt Saladin with 
 
 great army behind them, and the city before them ! 
 
 i memorable battle we must not omit. It was agreed 
 twixt Saladin and the Christians to try their fortunes in a 
 tched field ; and now the Christians were in fair hope of 
 conquest, when an imaginary causeless fear put them to a 
 al flight 1 ; so ticklish are the scales of victory, a very 
 ote will turn them. Thus confusedly they ran away, and 
 ot would have been given to change a strong arm for a 
 ift leg. But behold, Geoffrey Lusignan, King Guy's 
 other (left for the guarding of the camp), marching out 
 th his men, confuted the Christians in this their ground- 
 s mistake, and reinforced them to fight, whereby they 
 >n the day, though with the loss of two thousand men, 
 d Gerard, master of the Templars. 
 It was vainly hoped, that after this victory the city would 
 
 surrendered ; but the Turks still bravely defended it, 
 ough most of their houses were burnt and beaten down, 
 d the city reduced to a bare skeleton of walls and towers, 
 ley fought as well with their wits as weapons, and both 
 des devised strange defensive and offensive engines; so 
 at Mars himself, had he been here present, might have 
 arned to fight, and have taken notes from their practice, 
 eantime famine raged amongst the Christians ; and though 
 me provision was now and then brought in from Italy 
 or so far they fetched it), yet these small showers after 
 eat droughts parched the more, and rather raised than 
 ated their hunger. 
 
 Once more we will take our farewell of this siege for a 
 
 elvemonth : but we must not forget that at this time, 
 
 fore the walls of Ptolemais, the Teutonic order, or Dutch 
 
 nights 21 (which since the days of Baldwin II. lived like 
 
 ivate pilgrims) had now their order honoured with Henry 
 
 ~ Walpot their first grand master, and they were enriched 
 
 the bounty of many German benefactors. These, though 
 
 >w, were sure ; they did hoc agere, ply their work ; more 
 
 rdial to the Christian cause than the Templars, who some- 
 
 mes, to save their own stakes, would play booty with the 
 
 urks. Much good service did the Dutch knights in the 
 
 ly war ; till at last (no wise doctor will lavish physic on 
 
 Fuga imaginario metu orta. Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 377. 
 3 Munster, de Germania, lib. 3, p. 778. 
 
124 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 119( 
 
 him in whom he seeth faciem cadaverosarn, so that deatl 
 hath taken possession in the sick man's countenance), find 
 ing this war to be desperate, and dedecus fortitudinis, thei 
 even fairly left the Holy Land, and came into Europe 
 meaning to lay out their valour on something that vvouh 
 quit cost. But hereof hereafter. 
 
 CHAP. VI. Richard of England and Philip of France se 
 forward to the Holy Land. The Danger of the Inter 
 views of Princes. 
 
 THE miseries of the Christians in Syria being reportec 
 in Europe, made Richard I. king of England, anc 
 Philip II., surnamed Augustus, king of France, to make uj 
 all private dissensions betwixt them, and to unite thei 
 forces against the Turks- 
 
 Richard was well stored with men, the bones, and quickb 
 got money, the sinews of war; by a thousand princeb 
 skills gathering so much coin as if he meant not to return 
 because looking back would unbow his resolution. T( 
 Hugh, bishop of Durham, for his life, he sold the county o 
 Northumberland ; jesting, he had made a new earl of an oh 
 bishop 1 : he sold Berwick and Roxburgh to the Scottisl 
 king for ten thousand pounds : yea, he protested he wouk 
 sell his city of London 2 (if any were able to buy it) rathe 
 than he would be burdensome to his subjects for money 
 But take this, as he spake it, for a flourish : for, pretending 
 he had lost his old, he made a new seal, wherewith h 
 squeezed his subjects, and left a deep impression in thei 
 purses; forcing them to have all their instruments nevi 
 sealed, which any ways concerned the crown 3 . 
 
 Having now provided for himself, he forgot not hi:i 
 younger brother, John earl of Morton, who was to staj 
 behind him ; an active man, who, if he misliked the main 
 tenance was cut for him, would make bold to carve for him- 
 self: lest, therefore, straitened for means, he should swel 
 into discontent, King Richard gave him many earldoms anc 
 honours, to the yearly value of four thousand marks. Thu: 
 he received the golden saddle, but none of the bridle of th< 
 commonwealth ; honour and riches were heaped upon him 
 but no place of trust and command. For the king deputec 
 William, bishop of Ely, his viceroy ; choosing him for tha 
 place rather than any lay earl, because a coronet perchanc* 
 
 1 Matthew Paris, Rich. I. p. 207. 
 
 2 Martinus, in Richardo I. 3 Speed, in Richard I. 
 
D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 125 
 
 ly swell into a crown, but never a mitre : for a clergy- 
 *an's calling made him incapable of usurpation in his own 
 rson. 
 
 Thus having settled matters at home, he set forth with 
 my of our nation, which either ushered or followed him. 
 f these the prime were, Baldwin archbishop of Canter- 
 ry, Hubert bishop of Salisbury, Robert earl of Leicester, 
 ilph de Glanville late chief justice of England, Richard 
 
 Clare, Walter de Kime, &c. The bishops of Durham 
 d Norwich, though they had vowed this voyage, were 
 spensed with by the court of Rome (qua. nulli deest pecu- 
 
 n lurgienti*) to stay at home. His navy he sent about 
 
 Spain, and with a competent number took his own 
 urney through France. 
 
 At Tours he took his pilgrim's scrip and staff from the 
 chbishop. His staff at the same time casually brake in 
 eces 5 ; which some (whose dexterity lay in sinister inter- 
 eting all accidents) construed a token of ill success, 
 kewise, when he and the French king, with their trains, 
 issed over the bridge of Lyons, on the fall of the bridge 
 s conceit was built, that there would be a falling out 
 twixt these two kings 6 ; which accordingly came to pass, 
 eir intercourse and familiarity breeding hatred and discon- 
 nt betwixt them. 
 
 Yea, the interviews of equal princes have ever been 
 served dangerous. Now princes measure their equality 
 t by the extent of their dominions, but by the absolute- 
 ss of their power ; so that he that is supreme and inde- 
 ndent in his own country counteth himself equal to any 
 ler prince how great soever. Perchance some youthful 
 ngs may disport and solace themselves one in another's 
 mpany, whilst as yet pleasure is all the elevation of their 
 uls ; but when once they grow sensible of their own great- 
 ss (a lesson they will quickly learn, and shall never want 
 ichers), then emulation will be betwixt them ; because at 
 eir meeting they cannot so go in equipage but one will 
 11 be the foremost : either his person will be more proper, 
 
 carriage more courtlike, or attendance more accom- 
 ished, or attire more fashionable, or something will 
 ther be or conceived to be more majestical in one than 
 e other : and corrivals in honour count themselves eclipsed 
 
 4 Matthew Paris, in Richardo I. p. 207. 
 
 5 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 666. 
 
 6 Idem, ibidem. 
 
126 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 119C 
 
 by every beam of state which shineth from their competitor 
 Wherefore the best way to keep great princes together is tc 
 keep them asunder, accommodating their business by am 
 bassadors, lest the meeting of their own persons part theii 
 affections. 
 
 CHAP. VII. King Richard conquereth Sicily and Cyprus, 
 in his Passage to the Holy Land. 
 
 AT Lyons these two kings parted their trains, and wen 
 several ways into Sicily. King Richard in his passage] 
 though within fifteen miles of Rome, wanting (forsooth] 
 either devotion or manners, vouchsafed not to give hi: 
 holiness a visit ; yea, plainly told Octavian, bishop o 
 Ostia, the pope's confessor, that, having better objects t< 
 bestow his eyes on, he would not stir a step to see tht 
 pope ; because lately, without mercy, he had simonicalh 
 extorted a mass of money from the prelates of England *' 
 At Messina, in Sicily, these two kings meet again ; wherei 
 to complete King Richard's joy, behold his navy then 
 safely arriving, which, with much difficulty and danger, hac 
 fetched a compass about Spain. 
 
 And now King Richard, by his own experience, grevi 
 sensible of the miseries which merchants and mariners ai 
 sea underwent, being always within a few inches, oftei 
 within a hair's breadth, of death. Wherefore, now touchet 
 with remorse of their pitiful case, he resolved to revoke thi 
 law of wrecks, as a law so just that it was even unjust. Fo 
 formerly, both in England and Normandy, the crown wa: 
 entitled to shipwrecked goods, and the king, jure gentium 
 made heir unto them 1 ; which otherwise, jure naturali 
 were conceived to be in bonis nullius, pertaining to m 
 owner. But now our Richard refused to make advantag( 
 of such pitiful accidents, and to strip poor mariners but o 
 those rags of their estates which the mercy and modesty o 
 the waves and winds had left them. And therefore, in tht 
 month of October, at Messina, in the presence of mani 
 archbishops and bishops, he for ever quitted the claim t< 
 wrecks 3 : so that if any man out of the ship cometh alivi 
 to the shore, the property of the shipwrecked goods is stil 
 preserved to the owner. Yea, this grant was so enlarged bj 
 
 1 Hoveden, in Rich. I. p. 668, and Matth. Paris, in eodem 
 p. 213. 2 Bracton, lib. 2, cap. 5. 
 
 3 Quietum clamavit, Wreck, &c. Roger Hoveden, in Rich 
 ardo I. p. 678. 
 
D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 127 
 
 ir succeeding kings, that if a dog or a cat escaped alive to 
 
 nd, the goods still remained the owner's, if he claimed 
 
 tern within a year and a day 4 . 
 
 Tancred at this time was king of Sicily ; a bastard born : 
 
 id no wonder, if climbing up to the throne the wrong wayj 
 
 i shook when he sat down. Besides, he was a tyrant 
 
 )th detaining the dowry and imprisoning the person of 
 [pan, wife to William, late king of Sicily, and sister to 
 
 Jng Richard. But in what a case was he now, having 
 such mighty monarchs come unto him. To keep them 
 kit was above his power, to let them in against his will. 
 (Veil he knew it was woful to lie in the road where great 
 rmies were to pass ; for power knoweth no inferior friend, 
 
 id the landlord commonly loseth his rent, sometimes his 
 1, where the tenant is too potent for him. 
 
 At last he resolved (how wisely or honestly let others 
 idge) openly to poise himself indifferent betwixt these two 
 lings, secretly applying himself to the French ; which King 
 Tichard quickly discovered, as dissembling goeth not along 
 ivisible before a judicious eye. 
 
 Meantime the citizens of Messina did the English much 
 r rong, if not by the command, with the consent of the 
 :ing. For though it be unjust to father the base actions of 
 mruly people on their prince ; yet Tancred not punishing 
 lis people for injuring the English, when he might and was 
 equired thereunto, did in effect justify their insolencies, 
 ind adopt their deeds to be his. Wherefore King Richard, 
 
 avenge himself, took Messina by assault, seized on most 
 
 irts in the island, demanding satisfaction for all wrongs 
 
 lone to him and his sister. Tancred, though dull at first, 
 
 low pricked with the sword, came off roundly with many 
 
 [housand ounces of gold ; and seeing, as the case stood, his 
 
 >est thrift was to be prodigal, gave to our king what rich 
 
 editions soever he demanded. 
 
 Worse discords daily increased betwixt the kings of 
 'ranee and England ; King Richard, slighting the king of 
 'ranee's sister, whom he had promised to marry, and ex- 
 >ressing more affection to Beringaria, daughter to the king 
 f Navarre. Some princes interposing themselves in this 
 (reach, rather assuaged the pain than removed the malady : 
 o dangerous are ruptures betwixt great ones, whose affec- 
 tions, perchance, by the mediation of friends may be brought 
 igain to meet, but never to unite and incorporate. King 
 
 4 Sir Edward Coke, vol. vi. p. 107. 
 
128 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1191 
 
 Philip, thinking to forestall the market of honour, and take 
 up all for himself, hasted presently to Ptolemais : Richard 
 followed at his leisure, and took Cyprus in his way. Isaac 
 (or Cursac) reigned then in Cyprus ; who, under Androni- 
 cus, the Grecian emperor (when every factious nobleman 
 snatched a plank out of that shipwrecked empire), seized 
 on this island, and there tyrannized as a reputed king. 
 Some falsely conceived him a pagan : and his faith is 
 suspected, because his charity was so bad ; killing the Eng- 
 lish that landed there, not having so much man as to pity a 
 woman, and to suffer the seasick Lady Beringaria to come 
 on shore. But King Richard speedily overran the island, 
 honoured Isaac with the magnificent captivity of silver 
 fetters ; yet giving his daughter liberty and princely usage. 
 The island he pawned to the Templars for ready money. 
 And because Cyprus, by antiquity, was celebrated as the 
 seat of Venus, that so it might prove to him, in the joyous 
 month of May he solemnly took to wife his beloved Lady 
 Beringaria. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. The Taking of the City Ptolemais. 
 
 "TT7HILST King Richard stayed in Cyprus, the siege of 
 W Ptolemais went on [1191] : and though the French 
 king thought with a running pull to bear the city away, 
 yet he found it staked down too fast for all his strength to 
 stir. 
 
 Meantime, the plague and famine raged in the Christians' 
 camp ; which the last year swept away fifty princes and 
 prelates of note : who, no doubt, went hence to a happy 
 place ; though it was before Pope Clement VI. commanded 
 the angels (who durst not but obey him) presently to 
 convey all their souls into paradise which should die in 
 their pilgrimage 1 . 
 
 This mortality notwithstanding, the siege still continued. 
 And now the Christians and Turks, like two fencers long 
 playing together, were so well acquainted with the blows 
 and guards each of other, that what advantage was taken 
 betwixt them was merely casual, never for want of skill, 
 care, or valour on either side. It helped the Christians not 
 a little, that a concealed Christian within the city, with 
 letters unsubscribed with any name, gave them constant and 
 
 1 Chemnitius, ex Weselo, Exam. Cone. Trid. tract. De 
 Indulg. 
 
A. D.I 191 THE HOLY WAR. 129 
 
 faithful intelligence of the remarkable passages amongst 
 the Turks. 
 
 No prince in this siege deserved more than Leopold, 
 duke of Austria, who fought so long in assaulting this city, 
 till his armour was all over gore blood, save the place 
 covered with his belt. Whereupon he and his successors, 
 the dukes of Austria, renouncing the six golden larks, their 
 ancient arms, had assigned them by the emperor a fesse 
 argent in a field gules, as the paternal coat of their family*. 
 
 By this time King Richard was arrived [June 8] (taking 
 as he came a dromond, or Saracen ship, wherein were fifteen 
 hundred soldiers, and two hundred and fifty scorpions 3 , 
 which were to be employed in the poisoning of Christians), 
 and now the siege of Ptolemais more fiercely prosecuted. 
 But all their engines made not so wide a breach in that city 
 walls, as envy made betwixt the French and English kings. 
 Yet at last the Turks, despairing of succour, their victuals 
 wholly spent, yielded up the city by Saladin's consent, on 
 condition to be themselves safely guarded out of it [July 
 13] : all Christian prisoners Saladin had were to be set free, 
 and the cross to be again restored. 
 
 The houses which were left, with the spoil and prisoners, 
 were equally divided betwixt Philip and Richard. Whereat 
 many noblemen, partners in the pains, no sharers in the 
 gains, departed in discontent 4 . Some Turks, for fear, em- 
 braced the Christian faith, but quickly returned to their 
 vomit 5 : as religion dyed in fear never long keepeth colour, 
 but this day's converts will be to-morrow's apostates. Here- 
 upon it was commanded that none hereafter should be bap- 
 tized against their wills. 
 
 Here the English cast down the ensigns of Leopold, 
 duke of Austria, which he had advanced in a principal 
 tower in Ptolemais; and, as some say, threw them into the 
 jakes. The duke, though angry at heart, forgot this injury 
 till he could remember it with advantage ; and afterwards 
 made King Richard pay soundly for this affront. It is not 
 good to exasperate any, though far inferior : for, as the fable 
 telleth us, the beetle may annoy the eagle, and the mouse 
 befriend the lion. 
 
 When the city was taken, it grieved the Christians not a 
 
 2 Pantal. De illustribus Germanise, part 2, p. 201. 
 
 3 Matth. Paris, in anno 1191. 
 
 4 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 696. 
 
 5 Fox, Martyrol. p. 24.7. 
 
130 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1191 
 
 little that their faithful correspondent 6 , who advised them 
 by his letters, could no where be found : pity it was that 
 Rahab's red lace was not tied at his window. But indeed 
 it was probable that he was dead before the surrendering of 
 the city. Greater was the grief that the cross did no where 
 appear, either carelessly lost, or enviously concealed by 
 the Turks. Whilst the Christians stormed hereat, Saladin 
 required a longer respite for the performance of the con- 
 ditions. But King Richard would not enlarge him from 
 the strictness of what was concluded ; conceiving that was 
 in effect to forfeit the victory back again. Besides, he knew 
 he did it only to gain time to fetch new breath ; and if he 
 yielded to him, his bounty had not been thanked, but his 
 fear upbraided, as if he durst not deny him. Yea, in anger 
 King Richard commanded all the Turkish captives which 
 were in his hands, seven thousand in number, to be put to 
 death (except some choice persons) on that day whereon 
 the articles should have been, but were not performed 7 . 
 For which fact he suffered much in his repute, branded 
 with rashness and cruelty, as the murderer of many Chris- 
 tians : for Saladin, in revenge, put as many of our captives 
 to death. On the other side, the moderation of the French 
 king was much commended, who, reserving his prisoners 
 alive, exchanged them to ransom so many Christians. 
 
 CHAP. IX. The unseasonable Return of the King of 
 France. 
 
 MEANTIME the Christians were rent asunder with 
 faction : Philip the French king, Odo duke of Bur- 
 gundy, Leopold duke of Austria, most of the Dutch, all the 
 Genoans and Templars siding with King Conrad ; King 
 Richard, Henry count of Champagne, the Hospitallers, 
 Venetians, and Pisans taking part with King Guy. But 
 King Conrad's side was much weakened with the sudden 
 departure of the French king ; who, eighteen days after the 
 taking of Ptolemais, returned home [July 31], pretending 
 want of necessaries, indisposition of body, distemper of the 
 climate, though the greatest distemper was in his own 
 passions. The true cause of his departure was, partly envy, 
 because the sound of King Richard's fame was of so deep 
 a note that it drowned his ; partly covetousness, to seize on 
 
 6 Hoveden, in Rich. I. p. 694. 
 
 7 P. yEmilius, in Philippo Augusto, p. 174. But Matthew 
 Paris saith but two thousand six hundred. 
 
A. D. 1191 THE HOLY WAR. 131 
 
 the dominions of the earl of Flanders lately dead ' ; Flan- 
 ders lying fitly to make a stable for the fair palace of France. 
 If it be true, what some report 7 -, that Saladin bribed him 
 to return, let him for ever forfeit the surname of Augustus, 
 and the style of The most Christian Prince. 
 
 His own soldiers dissuaded him from returning, beseech- 
 ing him not to stop in so glorious a race, wherein he was 
 newly started : Saladin was already on his knees, and would 
 probably be brought on his face, if pursued. If he played 
 the unthrift with this golden occasion, let him not hope for 
 another to play the good husband with. If poverty forced 
 his departure, King Richard proffered him the half of all his 
 provisions 3 . 
 
 All would not do ; Philip persisted in his old plea, how 
 the life of him absent would be more advantageous to the 
 cause, than the death of him present ; and by importunity 
 got leave to depart, solemnly swearing not to molest the 
 king of England's dominions. 
 
 Thus the king of France returned in person, but remained 
 still behind in his instructions, which he left (with his army) 
 to the duke of Burgundy ; to whom he prescribed both his 
 path and his pace, where and how he should go. And that 
 duke moved slowly, having no desire to advance the work 
 where King Richard would carry all the honour. For in 
 those actions wherein several undertakers are compounded 
 together, commonly the first figure for matter of credit 
 maketh ciphers of all the rest. . As for King Philip, being 
 returned home, such was the itch of his ambition, he must 
 be fingering of the king of England's territories, though his 
 hands were bound by oath to the contrary. 
 
 CHAP. X. Conrad King of Jerusalem slain. Guy exchanges 
 his Kingdom for the Island of Cyprus. 
 
 ABOUT the time of the king of France's departure, 
 Conrad king of Jerusalem was murdered in the mar- 
 ket-place of Tyre 4 " [April 27] ; and his death is variously 
 reported. Some charged our King Richard for procuring 
 it : and though the beams of his innocency cleared his own 
 heart, yet could they not dispel the clouds of suspicions 
 
 1 Matthew Paris, p. 220. 
 
 2 Speed, out of Hoveden, in Richard I. 
 
 3 Matthew Paris, in Richardo I. p. 219. 
 
 4 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 716, saithon the calends 
 of May ; but Sabellicus putteth it sooner. 
 
132 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1192 
 
 from other men's eyes. Some say Humphred prince of 
 Thorone killed him, for taking Isabella his wife away from 
 him. But the general voice giveth it out that two assassins 
 stabbed him ; whose quarrel to him was only this, that he 
 was a Christian. These murderers being instantly put to 
 death, gloried in the meritoriousness of their suffering * : 
 and surely were it the punishment, not the cause, made 
 martyrdom, we should be best stored with confessors from 
 gaols, and martyrs from the gallows. 
 
 Conrad reigned five years, and left one daughter, Maria 
 lole, on whom the Knights-templars bestowed princely 
 education. And this may serve for his epitaph : 
 
 The crown I never did enjoy alone; 
 
 Of half a kingdom I was half a king. 
 
 Scarce was I on, when I was off the throne; 
 
 Slain by two slaves me basely murdering. 
 And thus the best man's life at mercy lies 
 Of vilest varlets, that their own despise. 
 
 His faction survived after his death, affronting Guy the 
 ancient king, and striving to depose him. They pleaded 
 that the crown was tied on Guy's head with a woman's 
 fillet, which being broken by the death of his wife, Queen 
 Sibyll (who deceased of the plague, with her children, at 
 the siege of Ptolemais 3 ), he had no longer right to the 
 kingdom ; they objected he was a worthless man, and unfor- 
 tunate. On the other side, it was alleged for him, that to 
 measure a man's worth by his success, is a square often 
 false, always uncertain. Besides, the courtesy of the world 
 would allow him this favour, that a king should be sen/el et 
 semper, once and ever. 
 
 Whilst Guy stood on these ticklish terms, King Richard 
 made a seasonable motion, which well relished to the palate 
 of this hungry prince. To exchange his kingdom of Jeru- 
 salem for the island of Cyprus ; which he had redeemed 
 from the Templars, to whom he had pawned it : and this 
 was done accordingly, to the content of both sides [Sept. 
 1 192 *]. And King Richard, with some of his succeeding 
 English kings, wore the title of Jerusalem in their style for. 
 
 liu*, in Phil. Augusto, p. 179. 
 
 3 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo 1. p. 685. 
 
 4 Calvi-iiis. 
 
A. D. 1192 THE HOLY WAR. 133 
 
 many years after 5 . We then dismiss King Guy, hearing 
 him thus taking his farewell : 
 
 I steer'd a state, war-toss'd, against my will ; 
 Blame then the storm, not the pilot's want of skill, 
 That I the kingdom lost, whose empty style 
 I sold to England's king for Cyprus' isle. 
 I pass'd away the land I could not hold ; 
 Good ground I bought, but only air I sold. 
 Then as a happy merchant may I sing, 
 Though I must sigh as an unhappy king. 
 
 Soon after, Guy made a second change of this world 
 for another. But the family of the Lusignans have enjoyed 
 Cyprus some hundred years : and since, by some transac- 
 tions, is fell to the state of Venice ; and lately, by conquest, 
 to the Turks. 
 
 CHAP. XI. Henry of Champagne chosen King. Tfie noble 
 Achievements and Victories of King Richdrd. 
 
 CONRAD being killed, and Guy gone away, Henry 
 earl of Champagne was chosen king of Jerusalem, by 
 the especial procuring of King Richard his uncle. To 
 corroborate his election by some right of succession, he 
 married Isabella, the widow of King Conrad and daughter 
 to Almerick king of Jerusalem. A prince (as writers 
 report) having a sufficient stock of valour in himself, but 
 little happy in expressing it ; whether for want of oppor- 
 tunity, or shortness of his reign, being most spent in a 
 truce. He more pleased himself in the style of prince of 
 Tyre than king of Jerusalem ; as counting it more honour to 
 be prince of what he had, than king of what he had not. 
 
 And now the Christians began every where to build : 
 the Templars fortified Gaza; King Richard repaired and 
 walled Ptolemais, Porphyria, Joppa, and Askelon. But, 
 alas ! this short prosperity, like an autumn-spring, came 
 too late, and was gone too soon, to bring any fruit to matu- 
 rity. 
 
 It was now determined they should march towards 
 Jerusalem ; for all this while they had but hit the butt ; 
 that holy city was the mark they shot at. Richard led the 
 vanguard of English ; Duke Odo commanded in the main 
 battle over his French ; James of Auvergne brought on the 
 
 5 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 378. 
 
134 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1192 
 
 Flemings and Brabanters in the rear. Saladin, serpent- 
 like biting the heel, assaulted the rear, not far from Bethle- 
 hem ; when the French and English wheeling about, charged 
 the Turks most furiously. Emulation, formerly poison, 
 was here a cordial, each Christian nation striving not only 
 to conquer their enemies, but to overcome their friends in 
 the honour of the conquest. King Richard, seeking to put 
 his courage out of doubt, brought his judgment into ques- 
 tion, being more prodigal of his person than beseemed a 
 general. One wound he received *, but by losing his blood 
 he found his spirits, and laid about him like a madman. 
 The Christians got the victory, without the loss of any of 
 number or note, save James of Auvergne, w r ho here died in 
 the bed of honour ; but more of the Turks were slain than 
 in any battle for forty years before. 
 
 Had the Christians presently gone to Jerusalem, pro- 
 bably they might have surprised it, whilst the Turks' eyes 
 were muffled and blindfolded in the amazement of this great 
 overthrow. But this opportunity was lost by the backward- 
 ness and unwillingness of King Richard and the English, 
 say the French writers z . To cry quits with them, our 
 English authors impute it to the envy of the French 3 ; who 
 would have so glorious an action rather left undone, than 
 done by the English. They complain likewise of the 
 treachery of Odo duke of Burgundy, who, more careful of 
 his credit than his conscience, was choked with the shame 
 of the sin he had swallowed, and died for grief, when his 
 intelligence with the Turks was made known. This cannot 
 be denied, that Saladin sent (term them bribes or presents) 
 both to our king and the French duke, and they received 
 them : no wonder then if neither of them herein had a good 
 name, when they traded with such familiars. But most hold 
 King Richard attempted not Jerusalem, because, as a wise 
 architect, he would build his victories so as they might 
 stand, securing the country as he went ; it being senseless 
 to besiege Jerusalem, a straggling city, whilst the Turks as 
 yet were in possession of all the seaports and strong forts 
 thereabout. 
 
 About this time he intercepted many camels loaded with 
 rich commodity, those eastern wares containing much in 
 a little. And yet of all this, and of all the treasures of 
 
 1 P. ^Emil. in Phil. Augusto, p. 180. 
 
 2 P. JEmil. ibidem. 
 
 3 Matih. Paris, iu Richardo I. p. 216. 
 
A. D. 1192 THE HOLY WAR. 135 
 
 England, Sicily, and Cyprus, which he brought hither, 
 King Richard carried home nothing but one gold ring 4 ; 
 all the rest of his wealth melted away in this liot service. 
 He wintered in Askelon, intending next spring to have at 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 CHAP. XII. The little honourable Peace King Richard 
 made with Saladin. Of the Value of Relics. 
 
 BUT bad news out of Europe shook his steadiest 
 resolutions, hearing how William bishop of Ely, his 
 viceroy in England, used unsufferable insolencies over his 
 subjects ; so hard it is for one of base parentage to personate 
 a king without overacting his part. Also he heard how the 
 king of France, and John earl of Morton his own brother, 
 invaded his dominions ; ambition, the pope in their belly, 
 dispensing with their oath to the contrary. Besides, he 
 saw this war was not a subject capable of valour to any 
 purpose; the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, and Florentines 
 being gone away with their fleets, wisely shrinking them- 
 selves out of the collar, when they found their necks wrung 
 with the hard employment. Hereupon he was forced first 
 to make the motion of (in plain terms, to beg) peace of 
 Salidin. 
 
 Let Saladin now alone to win, having all the game in 
 his own hand. Well knew he how to shoot at his own 
 ends, and to take aim by the exigencies wherein he knew 
 King Richard was plunged. For he had those cunning 
 gipsies about him, who could read in King Richard's face 
 what grieved his heart; and by his intelligencers was 
 certified of every note-worthy passage in the English army. 
 Upon these terms therefore or none (beggars of peace shall 
 never be choosers of their conditions) a truce for three 
 (some say five) years might be concluded, that the Chris- 
 tians should demolish all places they had walled since the 
 taking of Ptolemais ; which was in effect to undo what with 
 much charge they had done. But such was the tyranny 
 of King Richard's occasions, forcing him to return, that 
 he was glad to embrace those conditions he hated at his 
 heart. 
 
 Thus the voyage of these two kings, begun with as great 
 confidence of the undertakers as expectation of the beholders, 
 continued with as much courage as interchangeableness of 
 success, baned with mutual discord and emulation, was 
 
 * P. ^Emil. p. 181. Excepto hoc annulo nudus inopsque. 
 
136 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 192 
 
 ended with some honour to the undertakers, no profit either 
 to them or the Christian cause l . Some far-fetched dear- 
 bought honour they got; especially King Richard, who 
 eternized his memory in Asia; whom if men forget, horses 
 will remember; the Turks using to say to their horses when 
 they started for fear, Dost thou think King Richard is 
 here ? Profit they got none, losing both of them the hair 
 of their heads in an acute disease; which was more, saith 
 one% than both of them got by the voyage. 
 
 They left the Christians in Syria, in worse" case than they 
 found them ; as he doth the benighted traveller a discourtesy 
 rather than a kindness, who lendeth a lantern to take it 
 away, leaving him more masked than he was before. 
 
 And now a little to solace myself and the reader wi:h a 
 merry digression, after much sorrow and sad stories. ing 
 Richard did one thing in Palestine which was worth all 
 the cost and pains of his journey; namely, he redeemed' 
 from the Turks a chest full of holy relics (which they had 
 gotten at the taking of Jerusalem), so great, as four :nen 
 could scarce carry any way 3 . And though some know 
 no more than ^Esop's cock how to prize these pearls, let 
 them learn the true value of them from the Roman jewellers. 
 Tirst, they must carefully distinguish between public and 
 private relics : in private ones some forgery may be sus- 
 pected, lest quid be put for quo ; which made St. Augustine 
 put in that wary parenthesis, Si tamen martyrum, If so be 
 they be the relics of martyrs 4 . But as for public ones 
 approved by the pope, and kept in churches (such no doubt 
 as these of King Richard's were) oh let no Christian be 
 such an infidel as to stagger at the truth thereof! If any 
 object, that the head of the same saint is showed at several 
 places ; the whole answer is by a synecdoche, that a part is 
 put for the whole 5 . As for the common exception against 
 the cross, that so many several pieces thereof are shown, 
 which put together would break the back of Simon of Cyrene 
 to bear them, it is answered, Distrahitur, non diminuitur, 
 and, like the loaves in the gospel, it is miraculously multi- 
 plied in the dividing. If all these fail, Baronius hath a 
 razor shaveth all scruple clear away ; for, saith he 6 , Quicquid 
 sit, Jides purgat facinus ; so that he worshipeth the false 
 
 1 P. ^mil. p. 181. Tanto duorum regum conatu nihil actum. 
 
 2 Daniel, p. 100. 3 Matth. Paris, in Rich. I. p. 222. 
 
 4 In lib. De Oper. MOD cap. 28. 
 
 5 Bellarm. De ileliq. cap. 4. 6 Annal. Eccl. in anno 226. 
 
. D. i.192 THE HOLY WAR. 137 
 
 elics of a true saint, God taketh his good intention in good 
 vorth, though he adore the hand of Esau for the hand of 
 acob. But enough of these fooleries. 
 
 /HAP. XIII. King Richard taken Prisoner in Austria; 
 sold, and sent to the Emperor ; dearly ransomed, return- 
 eth home. 
 
 KING Richard setting sail from Syria, the sea and wind 
 favoured him till he came into the Adriatic [Oct. 8] ; 
 ,nd on the coasts of Istria he suffered shipwreck ; where- 
 ore he intended to pierce through Germany by land, the 
 icarest way home. But the nearness of the way is to be 
 neasured not by the shortness but the safeness of it. 
 
 He disguised himself to be one Hugo a merchant, whose 
 nly commodity was himself, whereof he made but a bad 
 argain. For he was discovered in an inn in Austria, 
 ecause he disguised his person, not his expenses ; so that 
 hk very policy of an hostess, finding his purse so far above 
 is clothes, did detect him [Dec. 20] ; yea, saith mine 
 luthoi . Fades orbi terrarum nota, ignorari non potuit. The 
 ude people, flocking together, used him with insolencies 
 inworthy him, worthy themselves ; and they who would 
 hake at the tail of this loose lion, durst laugh at his face 
 low they saw him in a grate ; yet all the weight of their 
 ruelty did not bow him beneath a princely carriage. 
 
 Leopold duke of Austria hearing hereof, as being lord of 
 he soil, seized on this royal stray [Dec 20] ; meaning now 
 o get his pennyworths out of him, for the affront done 
 into him in Palestine. 
 
 Not long after the duke sold him to Henry the emperor, 
 or his harsh nature surnamed Asper, and it might have 
 >een Stevus, being but one degree from a tyrant. He kept 
 ting Richard in bands, charging him with a thousand 
 aults committed by him in Sicily, Cyprus, and Palestine. 
 Che proofs were as slender as the crimes gross, and Richard 
 laving an eloquent tongue, innocent heart, and bold spirit, 
 icquitted himself in the judgment of all the hearers. At 
 ast he was ransomed for a hundred and forty thousand 
 narks, collen weight 1 . A sum so vast in that age, before 
 he Indies had overflowed all Europe with their gold and 
 ilver, that to raise it in England they were forced to sell 
 .heir church plate, to their very chalices. Whereupon out 
 f most deep divinity it was concluded, that they should 
 
 1 Matth. Paris, in Rich. I. 
 
138 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1192 
 
 not celebrate the sacrament in glass 2 , for the brittleness of 
 it ; nor in wood, for the sponginess of it, which would suck 
 up the blood ; nor in alchymy, because it was subject to 
 rusting; nor in copper, because that would provoke vomit- 
 ing; but in chalices of latten, which belike was a metal 
 without exception. And such were used in England for 
 some hundred years after 3 , until at last John Stafford arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, when the land was more replenished 
 with silver, inknotteth that priest in the greater excommu- 
 nication that should consecrate poculum stanneum. After 
 this money Peter of Blois 4 (who had drunk as deep of 
 Helicon as any of that age) sendeth this good prayer, 
 making an apostrophe to the emperor, or to the duke of 
 Austria, or to both together : 
 
 Bibe nunC) avaritia, 
 Dum puteos argenteos, 
 Larga diffundit Anglia. 
 Tua tecum pecunia, 
 Sit in perditionem. 
 
 And now, thou basest avarice, 
 
 Drink till thy belly burst, 
 Whilst England pours large silver showers, 
 
 To satiate thy thirst. 
 And this we pray, thy money may 
 
 And thou be like accurst. 
 
 The ransom partly paid, the rest secured by hostages, 
 King Richard much befriended by the Dutch prelacy, after 
 eighteen months' imprisonment, returned into England. 
 The archbishop of Cullen, in the presence of King Richard, 
 as he passed by, brought in these words in saying mass, 
 " Now I know that God hath sent his angel, and hath 
 delivered thee out of the hand of Herod, and from the 
 expectation of the people," &c. But his soul was more 
 healthful for this bitter physic, and he amended his man- 
 ners, better loving his queen Beringaria 5 , whom he slighted 
 before ; as soldiers too often love women better than wives. 
 
 Leave we him now in England, where his presence fixed 
 the loyalty of many of his unsettled subjects, whilst in 
 Austria the duke with his money built the walls of Vienna ; 
 so that the best stones and mortar of that bulwark oi 
 
 2 Lindwood, lib. 1, De summa Tri. p. 6. 
 
 3 Eulogium ; a Chronicle cited by Fox, Martyrol. in Rich. I 
 
 4 Epist. 57. 5 Speed, in Rich. I. 
 
D.1193. THE HOLY WAR. 139 
 
 hristendom are beholden to the English coin. We must 
 )t forget how God's judgments overtook this duke, punish- 
 ig his dominions with fire and water, which two elements 
 innot be kings, but they must be tyrants ; by famine, the 
 rs of wheat turned into worms ; by a gangrene, seizing 
 i the duke's body, who cut off his leg with his own hand, 
 id died thereof; who by his testament (if not by his will) 
 used some thousand crowns to be restored again to King 
 ichard. 
 
 HAP. XIV. The Death of Saladin. His Commendation, 
 even with Truth, but almost above Belief. 
 after, Saladin, the terror of the east, ended his 
 life [Feb. 16, 1193], having reigned sixteen years, 
 onsider him as a man, or a prince, he was both ways 
 .mirable. 
 
 Many historians (like some painters, which rather show 
 eir skill in drawing a curious face, than in making it like 
 him whom it should resemble), describe princes rather 
 mt they should be, than what they were; not showing 
 much their goodness as their own wits. But finding 
 s Saladin so generally commended of all writers, we have 
 cause to distrust this his true character. 
 His wisdom was great, in that he was able to advise; 
 d greater, in that he was willing to be advised ; never 
 wedded to his own resolves, but on good ground he 
 3uld be divorced from them. His valour was not over- 
 ee, but would well answer the spur when need required, 
 his victories he was much beholden to the advantage of 
 ason, place, and number ; and seldom wrested the garland 
 honour from an arm as strong as his own. He ever 
 irched in person into the field, remembering that his 
 edecessors, the caliphs of Egypt, brake themselves by 
 ng factors, and employing of souldans. His temperance 
 great, diet sparing, sleep moderate, not to pamper 
 ture, but keep it in repair. His greatest recreation was 
 riety and exchange of work. Pleasures he rather sipped 
 in drank off; sometimes, more to content others than 
 ase himself. Wives he might have kept sans number, 
 t stinted himself to one or two ; using them rather for 
 sterity than wantonness. His justice to his own people 
 s remarkable, his promise with his enemies generally 
 11 kept. Much he did triumph in mercy ; fierce in fight r 
 , mild in conquering ; and having his enemies in his 
 id, pleased himself more in the power than act of revenge. 
 
140 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 119*1 
 
 His liberality would have drained his treasure, had it noi 
 had a great and quick spring, those eastern parts being ver 
 rich. Serviceable men he would purchase on any rate ; am 
 sometimes his gifts bore better proportion to his own great 
 ness than the receiver's deserts. Vast bribes he would givi 
 to have places betrayed unto him, and often effected tha 
 with his gold, which he could not do with his steel. Zealou 
 he was in his own religion, yet not violent against Christian 
 qua Christians. Scholarship cannot be expected in hin 
 who was a Turk by his birth (amongst whom it is a sin t< 
 be learned) and a soldier by breeding. His humility wa 
 admirable ; as being neither ignorant of his greatness, no 
 over-knowing it. He provided to have no solemnities at hi: 
 funeral ; and ordered that before his corpse a black clotl 
 should be carried on the top of a spear, and this proclaimed 
 Saladin, conqueror of the East, had nothing left him but thi 
 black shirt to attend him to the grave l . 
 
 Some entitle him as descended from the royal Turkisl 
 blood ; which flattering heralds he will little thank for thei 
 pains; counting it most honour, that he, being of mean pa- 
 rentage, was the first founder of his own nobility. His status 
 (for one of that nation) was tall. His person rather cut ou 
 to strike fear than win love ; yet could he put on amiablenes 
 when occasion required, and make it beseem him. To con 
 elude : I w r ill not be so bold, to do with him as an easten 
 bishop * doth with Plato and Plutarch, whom he com 
 raendeth in a Greek hymn to Christ, as those that cam< 
 nearest to holiness of all untaught Gentiles : (belike hi 
 would be our Saviour's remembrancer, and put him in mim 
 to take more especial notice of them at the day of judgment. 
 But I will take my farewell of Saladin with that com 
 mendationlfind of him: He wanted nothing to his eterna 
 happiness, but the knowledge of Christ 3 . 
 
 CHAP. XV. Discords amongst the Turks. The miserabl 
 Death of Henry King of Jerusalem. 
 
 SALADIN left nine (some say twelve) sons [1194] 
 making Saphradin his brother overseer of his will 
 who of a tutor turned a traitor, and murdered them all ex 
 ceptingr one, called also Saphradin, sultan of Aleppo; who 
 not by his uncle's pity, but by the favour and support of hi 
 
 1 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. A, p. 378. 
 
 2 Joan. Euchaitensis, jampridem Etoniae Graece editus. 
 
 3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 378. 
 
D. 1197 THE HOLY WAR. 141 
 
 ther's good friends, was preserved. Hence arose much 
 testine discord amongst the Turks ; all which time the 
 hristians enjoyed their truce with much quiet and security. 
 
 1196] Not long after, Henry king of Jerusalem, as he 
 as walking in his palace to solace himself, fell down out 
 
 a window, and brake his neck 1 . He reigned three years, 
 ut as for the particular time he died on, I find it not spe- 
 lled in any author. 
 
 HAP. XVI. Almerick the Second, King of Jerusalem. 
 
 The great Army of the Dutch Adventurers doth little in 
 
 Syria. 
 
 A FTER his death Almerick Lusignan, brother to King 
 1L Guy, was in the right of his wife crowned king of 
 jrusalem : for he married Isabella, the relict of Henry the 
 ist king. This lady was four times married: first to 
 umphred prince of Thorone; then to the three successive 
 ngs of Jerusalem, Conrad, Henry, and this Almerick. 
 
 e was also king of Cyprus ; and the Christians in Syria 
 romised themselves much aid from the vicinity of that 
 sland. But though he was near to them, he was far from 
 elping them, making pleasure all his work ; being an idle, 
 izy, worthless, prince. But I trespass on that politic rule, 
 )f princes we must speak the best, or the least ; if that be 
 ot intended, when the truth is so late that danger is en- 
 liled upon it. 
 
 In his time, Henry emperor of Germany, indicted by his 
 Dnscience for his cruelty against King Richard, seeking to 
 erfume his name in the nostrils of the world, which began 
 be unsavoury, set on foot another voyage to the Holy 
 ,and [1197]. Pope Celestine III. sent his legates about 
 ) promote this service, showing how God himself had 
 Dunded the alarm by the dissension of the Turks: Jerusalem 
 ow might be won with the blows of her enemies ; only an 
 rmy must be sent, not so much to conquer as to receive it. 
 Jeneral of the pilgrims was Henry duke of Saxony; next 
 im, Frederick duke of Austria, Herman landgrave of Thu- 
 ingia, Henry palatine of Rhine, Conrad archbishop of 
 tfentz, Conrad archbishop of Wurtzburg, the bishops of 
 Jreme, Halberstadt, and Regenspurg, with many more 
 relates ; so that here was an episcopal army, which might 
 ave served for a national synod : insomuch that one truly 
 light here have seen the church militant. We have no 
 
 Continuator Ursp. in anno 1196. Et M. Paris, in eodeiu. 
 
142 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 119 
 
 ambition, saith one of their countrymen *, to reckon ther 
 up ; for they were plurimi et nulli, many in number, non 
 in their actions. 
 
 Some of these soldiers were employed by Henry th 
 emperor (who knew well to bake his cake with the church' 
 fuel) to subdue his rebels in Apulia. This done, they passei 
 through Greece, and found there better entertainment tha 
 some of their predecessors. Hence by shipping they wer 
 conveyed into Syria : here they brake the truce made b 
 King Richard 21 (it seemeth by this, it was the last fiv 
 years), the pope dispensing therewith ; who can make 
 peace nets to hold others, but a cobweb for himself to breai 
 through. The city Berytus they quickly won, and as quickl; 
 lost. For Henry the emperor suddenly died, the root whicl 
 nourished this voyage, and then the branches withered 
 Henry also, duke of Saxony, general of this army, wa 
 slain. And Conrad archbishop of Mentz, one of th< 
 electors, would needs return home to the choice of a nev 
 emperor ; knowing he could more profitably use his voic< 
 in Germany than his arms in Syria. Other captains secretl; 
 stole home ; and when their soldiers would have fought 
 their captains ran away 3 . And whereas in other expedition 
 we find vestigia pauca retrorsum, making such clean worl 
 that they left little or no reversions ; of this voyage man^ 
 safely returned home with whole bodies and woundec 
 credits. 
 
 The rest that remained fortified themselves in Joppa, anc 
 now the feast of St. Martin was come, the Dutch thei 
 arch-saint. This man being a German by birth, and bishop 
 of Tours in France, was eminent for his hospitality 4 ; anc 
 the Dutch, badly imitating their countryman, turn his cha 
 rity to the poor into riot on themselves, keeping the eleventl 
 of November (I will not say holy-day, but) feast-day. A 
 this time the springtide of their mirth so drowned thei: 
 souls, that the Turks coming in upon them cut every one o 
 their throats, to the number of twenty thousand 5 : anc 
 quickly they were stabbed with the sword that were cup- 
 shot before. A day which the Dutch may well write ir 
 their calendars in red letters dyed with their own blood 
 when their camp was their shambles, the Turks theii 
 
 1 Ursp. Chron. in anno 1197, p. 304. 2 Ursp. ut priiis. 
 
 3 Baron. Annal. Eccl. in anno 1197. 
 
 4 Pantal. De Vir. illustr. Germ, in Vita S. Martini. 
 
 5 Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 74. 
 
 
D. 1199 THE HOLY WAR. 143 
 
 utchers, and themselves the Martinmas beeves : from 
 hich the beastly drunkards differ but a little. 
 The city of Joppa the Turks razed to the ground ; and of 
 is victory they became so proud, that they^had thought, 
 ithout stop, to have driven the Christians quite out of Syria, 
 ut by the coming of Simon count of Montford 6 [1198] (a 
 iost valiant and expert captain, sent thither by Philip the 
 rench king with a regiment of tall soldiers, at the instance 
 F Innocent III., that succeeded Celestine in the papacy), 
 nd by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks them- 
 elves for sovereignty, their fury was repressed, and a peace 
 jtwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of 
 n years 7 : during which time the Turks promised not to 
 lolest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais. Which peace 
 concluded, the worthy count returned with his soldiers 
 ito France [1199]. 
 
 JHAP. XVII. A Crusado for the Holy Land diverted by 
 the Pope to Constantinople. They conquer the Grecian 
 Empire. 
 
 IP HIS truce notwithstanding, another army of pilgrims 
 
 JL was presently provided for Syria ; the tetrarchs whereof 
 
 ere Baldwin earl of Flanders, Dandalo the Venetian duke, 
 
 heobald earl of Champagne, Boniface marquess of Mont- 
 
 errat, with many other nobles. 
 
 Leave we them awhile, taking the city of Jadera in Istria 
 or the Venetians. Meantime, if we look over into Greece, 
 we shall find Isaac Angelus the emperor deposed, thrust 
 nto prison, his eyes put out (the punishment there in 
 ashion), so that he ended his days before he ended his life, 
 y the cruelty of Alexius Angelus, his brother, who suc- 
 ceeded him. 
 
 But young Alexius, Isaac Angelus's son, with some 
 Grecian noblemen, came to the courts of most western 
 )rinces, to beg assistance to free his father and expel the 
 yrant. He so deported himself, that each gesture was a 
 let to catch men's good will ; not seeking their favour by 
 osing himself, but though he did bow, he would not kneel : 
 so that in his face one might read a pretty combat betwixt 
 the beams of majesty and cloud of adversity. To see a 
 prince in want would move a miser's charily. Our western 
 
 6 Magdeburgenses, Cent. 12, cap. 16, sub finem. 
 i Knolles, ut prius. 
 
144 THE HISTORY OF A.D.12CK: 
 
 princes tendered his case, which they counted might be 
 their own; their best right lying at the mercy of any stronger 
 usurper. Young Alexius so dressed his meat, that he pleased 
 every man's palate; promising for their succours to disen- 
 gage the French from their debts to the Venetian; pro- 
 mising the Venetian satisfaction for the wrongs done them 
 by the Grecians ; and bearing the pope in hand he would 
 reduce the eastern churches into his subjection : things 
 which he was little able to perform 1 . But well may the 
 statute of bankrupt be sued out against him who cannot be 
 rich in promises. These his fair proffers prevailed so far, 
 that the pope commanded, and other princes consented, that 
 this army of pilgrims, levied for the Holy Land, should be 
 employed against the usurping Grecian emperor. Many 
 taxed his holiness for an unjust steward of the Christian 
 forces, to expend them against the Grecians, which were to 
 be laid out against the infidels : especially now, when Pales- 
 tine, through the dissension of the Turks, offered itself into 
 the Christians' arms to be regained. Others thought the 
 pope took the right method ; because he who should win 
 Jerusalem must begin at Constantinople ; and by this war 
 the Grecian empire, which was the bridge to Syria, would 
 be made good, and secured for the passage of pilgrims. 
 The soldiers generally rejoiced at the exchange of their 
 service ; for the barren wars in Syria starved the under- 
 takers ; and a cook himself cannot lick his fingers where no 
 meat is dressed. There nothing but naked honour was to 
 be gotten, here honour clothed with spoil ; the usurper's 
 treasure would make brave scrambling amongst them ; and 
 it was good ploughing up of that ground which had long 
 lain fallow. 
 
 Setting sail from Jadera (which city they had subdued to 
 the Venetian, forcing them to pay three thousand cony- 
 skins yearly for tribute to that state 2 ), like good fencers, 
 they struck at the head, and made for Constantinople ; 
 which they quickly took, after some hot skirmishes [July 
 17, 1203]. Alexius Angelus the usurper, with his wife, 
 whores, and treasure, fled away. Blind Isaac Angelus was 
 fetched out of prison ; he and young Alexius his son saluted 
 joint emperors. Which brittle honour of theirs was quickly 
 broken ; for soon after the father died, being brought into 
 an open place, kept before in a close pent dungeon ; and 
 having long fasted from good air, he now got his death by 
 
 1 Mtetas. 2 Blondus, lib. 6, decad. 2, p. 270. 
 
 
A. D. 1204 THE HOLY WAR. 145 
 
 surfeiting on it. His son was villanously strangled by 
 Alexius Ducas, called, from his beetle brow, Mursiphlus ; 
 one of base parentage, who was tumultuously chosen empe- 
 ror by the people. This Ducas offered some affronts to the 
 Latins which lay before Constantinople in their ships. 
 Wherefore, and also because they were not paid for their 
 former service, they the second time assaulted the city, and 
 took it by main force [April 21, 1204] ; killing none, but 
 robbing all ; ravishing women, and using a thousand inso- 
 lencies. Some fled for their succour to the shrines of 
 saints : but the sanctuaries needed sanctuaries to protect 
 themselves, the soldiers as little respecting place, as for- 
 merly age or sex; not standing on any reverence to the 
 saints, they stood upon them, making footstools of their 
 images and statues. 
 
 Nicetas Choniates, hitherto an historian, now a plaintiff 
 (writing so full of ohs and exclamations as if the while 
 pinched by the arm), rather without measure than cause, 
 bemoaneth the outrages the Latins here committed. Poor 
 man ! all the miseries our Saviour speaketh of in a siege, 
 met in him : his flight from Constantinople was in the 
 winter, on the Sabbath-day, his wife being great with child 3 . 
 But when the object is too near the eye, it seemeth greater 
 than it is ; and perchance he amplifieth and aggravateth 
 the cruelty of these pilgrims, being nearly interested therein 
 himself, especially when the rhetoric of grief is always in 
 the hyperbole. Nor is it any news for soldiers to be so 
 insolent when they take a city by assault; which time is 
 their Saturnalia*, when servants themselves do command, 
 acknowledging no other leader or captain than their own 
 passions. 
 
 Within a twelvemonth all Greece was subdued, save 
 only Adrianople : Baldwin earl of Flanders chosen empe- 
 ror [April 24; crowned May 16]; Thomas Maurocenus 
 elected first Latin patriarch in Constantinople; Boniface 
 marquess of Montferrat made king of Thessaly ; Geoffrey 
 of Troy, a Frenchman, prince of Achaia and duke of 
 Athens : the Venetians got many rich islands in the Egean 
 and Ionian seas ; so that one could not now see the Grecian 
 empire for empires. It was now expected that they should 
 have advanced hence into Palestine : but here, having well 
 feathered their nests, they were loath to fly any further. 
 
 3 In libello cui titulus, Status Const antinopolis, 1, p. 637. 
 
 4 Servorura hie dies est. Lips. lib. 1. Satur. cap. 2. 
 
 L 
 
146 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1206 
 
 And now no wonder if the Christians' affairs in Palestine 
 were weak and lean, the pope diverting the meat that should 
 feed them another way. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. The Pope sendeth an Army of Croiscs 
 against the Albigenses. Three several Opinions concern- 
 ing that Sect. 
 
 POPE Innocent III., having lately learned the trick of 
 employing the army of pilgrims in by-services, began 
 now to set up a trade thereof [1206]. For two years after 
 he levied a great number of them, whom he sent against 
 the Albigenses in France. These were reputed heretics, 
 whom his holiness intended to root out with all cruelty; 
 that good shepherd knowing no other way to bring home a 
 wandering sheep than by worrying him to death. He fully 
 and freely promised the undertakers the selfsame pardons 
 and indulgences as he did to those who went to conquer 
 the Holy Land ; and very conscionably requested their aid 
 only for forty days, hoping to chop up these Albigenses at 
 a bit. Though herein he was deceived, and they stuck in 
 his and his successors' teeth for fifty years together. The 
 place being nearer, the service shorter, the work less, the 
 wages the same with the voyage into Syria, many entered 
 themselves in this employment, and neglected the other. 
 
 We will trace this army by their footsteps, and our pen 
 must wait on their swords. And I hope that his holiness, 
 who absolved many of their vows from Palestine, and com- 
 muted them into a journey into France, will also of his 
 goodness dispense with my venial digression herein, in 
 prosecuting their actions. Yea, indeed, I need not his 
 dispensation, being still resident on my own subject, this 
 also being styled the holy war, the war for the crucifix, the 
 army of the church; the soldiers also bearing the badge of 
 the cross on their coat-armour. 
 
 But first let us thoroughly examine what these Albigenses 
 were, and what they held : a question that will quit the cost 
 in studying it. 
 
 They were a younger house of the Waldenses, and 
 branched from them ; not different in doctrine, but later in 
 time, and distant in place; so called from the country 
 Albigeois, in France, where they lived. 
 
 I find three grand different opinions of authors concern- 
 ing them. 
 
 First, some make them to have been very monsters in life 
 and doctrine; so that the heaviest punishment was too 
 
A. D. 1206 THE HOLY WAR. 147 
 
 ight for them. And this is the general voice of most 
 writers in that age, and all Romanists in our days. 
 
 Secondly, others, clean contrary, hold that these Wal- 
 denses (for I make them and the Albigenses synonyma, as 
 others have done f ) were only the true church of God in 
 that age; whilst all others, being corrupted with abomi- 
 nable superstition, were no true church at all. These alone 
 were God's virgins, his witnesses in sackcloth, his woman 
 in the wilderness, his sealed ones, his seven thousand whose 
 knees were not suppled with the Baalism of that age. This 
 is the express opinion of some strict Protestants ; and of 
 some who speak it not out, yet mutter it to themselves. 
 
 Thirdly, a third sort explode this opinion, as trespassing 
 on Divine providence 1 ; that God, who neither slumbereth 
 nor sleepeth, should be in so long a lethargy as to suffer 
 hell to eat up his heaven on earth for so many years toge- 
 ther, leaving no true church but so small a company of such 
 simple people. They conceive that the maintainers hereof 
 engage themselves in a labyrinth of difficulties, hanging too 
 great a weight on so slender a string, in making such a 
 handful of men the only church for so long continuance. 
 More moderately, therefore, they hold, that these Albi- 
 genses were a purer part of the church; and, though guilty 
 of some errors (as there must be a dawning before the day), 
 and charged with more, yet they maintained the same 
 doctrine in ore, which since Luther's time was refined 3 ; so 
 that the main body of the church visible at this time was 
 much in dilapidations, whilst the Albigenses, as an inner- 
 most chapel thereof, was best in repair. 
 
 Let the reader choose the probablest opinion when he 
 hath perused the evidences of all sides ; which we will now 
 produce, deducing the history of these Albigenses from 
 their first original. 
 
 1 Jo. Paul. Perin. De Alhig. lib. 1, cap. 1. 
 
 2 Dr. Field, Of the Church, lib. 3, cap. 8. We acknowledge 
 them (viz. Wickliffe, Huss, Hierome of Prague, &c.) to have 
 been the worthy servants of God, and holy martyrs and confes- 
 sors, suffering in the cause of Christ against antichrist ; yet do 
 we not think that the church of God was found only in them. 
 
 a Dr. White, in his Reply to Fisher, p. 104, 105. The 
 Waldeuses maintained the same doctrine in substance with the 
 modern protestants. 
 
148 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. XIX. The Beginning of the Albigenses. Their 
 Dispersion, Persecution, Increase^ Names, and Nick- 
 names. 
 
 ABOUT the year 1160, Peter Waldo, a merchant of 
 Lyons, rich in substance and learning (for a layman), 
 was walking and talking with his friends, when one of them 
 suddenly fell down dead. Which lively spectacle of man's 
 mortality so impressed the soul of this Waldo, that instantly 
 he resolved on a strict reformation of his life, which to his 
 power he performed ; translating some books of the Bible ; 
 instructing such as resorted to him in godliness of life ; 
 teaching withal, that purgatory, masses, dedication of tem- 
 ples, worshiping of saints, prayers for the dead, were inven- 
 tions of the devil, and snares of avarice ; that monkery was 
 a stinking carrion, the church of Rome the whore of Babylon, 
 the pope that antichrist paramount : he sharply lanced the 
 vicious ulcers of clergymen's lives, reproving their pride and 
 luxury. Soon got he many followers, both because novelty 
 is a forcible loadstone, and because he plentifully relieved 
 his poor disciples ; and those that use that trade shall never 
 want custom. 
 
 The archbishop of Lyons, hearing such doctrines broached 
 as were high treason against the triple crown, ferreted 
 Waldo and his sectaries out of Lyons and the country 
 thereabouts. But persecution is the bellows of their gospel, 
 to blow every spark into a flame. This their division proved 
 their multiplication. Some fled into the Alps, living there 
 on so steep hills, and in so deep holes, that their enemies 
 were afraid to climb or dive after them. Here they had 
 the constant company of the snow : and as it, by the height 
 of the hills, was protected from the sunbeams, so they from 
 the scorching of persecution, even to Luther's time. Others 
 fled into Picardy, Flanders, England, Alsace, Bohemia, 
 Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungaria, and whither not 1 ? the per- 
 fume of the pope's presence not keeping this supposed 
 vermin out of Italy itself. Many of them were cruelly 
 massacred; five and thirty burgesses of Mayence burned at 
 Bingen in one fire, eighteen at Mayence, fourscore at Stras- 
 burg, at the instance of the bishop thereof. But martyrs' 
 ashes are the best compost to manure the church ; for others 
 were won to their opinion by beholding their constancy and 
 patience. Strange that any should fall in love with that 
 
 1 Matth. Paris, in Heii. III. in anno 1213. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 149 
 
 profession, whose professors were so miserable ! But truth 
 hath always a good face, though often but bad clothes. 
 
 They were called by sundry names ; sometimes from the 
 places where they lived : as from Albigeois, Toulouse, 
 Lyons, Picardy, Bohemia ; Albigenses, Toulousians, Lyon- 
 ists, Picards, Bohemians. Sometimes from their principal 
 pastor : as from Waldo, Joseph, Henry, Esperon, Arnold ; 
 Waldenses, Josephists, Henricians, Esperonites, Arnoldists. 
 In England they were termed Lollards, from Lollard 1 
 their teacher ; not as some friar descanteth, quasi Lolium in 
 area Domini. It appeareth not whether they were thus 
 called of others, or called themselves. But grant the latter : 
 and if any object, that they seemed ashamed of Christ, their 
 first godfather, who gave them the name of Christians, thus 
 to denominate themselves from their teachers ; I answer, it 
 is the same the papists do, calling themselves Benedictines, 
 Dominicans, Franciscans, &c. from the founders of their 
 order. 
 
 They had also nicknames ; called, first, Poor men of 
 Lyons; not because they chose to be poor, but could not 
 choose but be poor, being stripped out of all their goods : 
 and why should the friars' glory be this people's shame? 
 they mocking at poverty in others, which they count meri- 
 torious in themselves. Secondly, Patarenians ; that is, 
 sufferers, whose backs were anvils for others to beat on. 
 Thirdly, Turlupins ; that is, dwellers with wolves (and yet 
 might they be God's sheep), being forced to flee into woods. 
 Fourthly, likewise they were called Sicars ; that is, cut- 
 purses. Fifthly, Fraterculi ; that is, shifters. Sixthly, 
 Insabbatha ; that is, observers of no sabbath. Seventhly, 
 Pasagenes; that is, wanderers. As also Arians, Mani- 
 cheans, Adamites (how justly will appear afterwards). Yea, 
 scarce was there an arrow in all the quiver of malice which 
 was not shot at them. 
 
 CHAP. XX. The Albigenses their Answer, confessing some, 
 denying most Crimes laid to their Charge. Commenda- 
 tions their Adversaries give them. 
 COME we now to the full and foul indictment wherewith 
 these Albigenses are charged : that they gave no rever- 
 ence to holy places 1 ; rejected the baptism of infants; held 
 that temporal power was grounded in grace ; that it was a 
 
 2 Jo. Paul. Perin. Hist. Waldens. lib. 1, cap. 3. 
 1 Reinerius, p. 22, art. 32. 
 
150 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1206 
 
 meritorious work to persecute the priests of Rome and their 
 subjects : with the Adamites they went naked (an affront to 
 nature) ; with the Manicheans they made two first causes, 
 God of good, the devil of evil ; held community of all things, 
 even of wives, amongst them ; were sorcerers and conjurers z 
 (pretending to command the devil, when they most obeyed 
 him), guilty of incest, buggery, and more unnatural sins, 
 whereby men (as it were) run backward to hell. 
 
 No whit affrighted with this terrible accusation, many 
 late writers dare be their advocates to defend them, though 
 confessing them guilty of some of these, but not in so high 
 and heinous a manner as they are accused. 
 
 True it is, because most in that age ran riot in adoring 
 of churches (as if some inherent sanctity was ceiled to their 
 roof, or plastered to their walls ; yea, such as might more 
 ingratiate with God the persons and prayers of people there 
 assembled), the Waldenses (out of that old error not yet 
 worn out, that the best way to straighten what is crooked 
 is to over-bow it) denied churches that relative holiness 
 and fit reverence due unto them. Baptism of infants they 
 refused not (though St. Bernard 3 , taking it rather from the 
 rebound than first rise, chargeth them therewith), but only 
 deferred it till it might be administered by one of their own 
 ministers ; their tender consciences not digesting the popish 
 baptism, where clear water by God's ordinance, was by 
 man's additions made a salve or plaster. That dominion 
 was founded in grace, seemeth to be their very opinion ; 
 yea, it hangeth as yet in the schools on the file, and is not 
 taken off, as a thing disputable, finding many favourers. 
 But grant it a great error (for wicked men shall be arraigned 
 before God, not as usurpers, but as tyrants; not for not 
 having right, but not right using the creatures), yet herein 
 they proceeded not so far as the papists nowadays, to un- 
 throne and depose excommunicated princes ; so that they 
 who do most have least cause to accuse them. That they 
 spoke too homely and coarsely of the Romish priests, 
 inveighing too bitterly and uncharitably against them, con- 
 demning all for some, may perchance be proved ; and no 
 wonder if they spake ill of those from whom they felt ill. 
 But take their speeches herein as the words of men upon 
 the rack, forced from them by the extremity of cruel usage. 
 
 In these errors the Albigenses hope to find favour, if men 
 
 2 Claudius Rubis, Hist, of Lyons, p. 269. 
 
 3 lu Lis 66 Homily on the Canticles. 
 
A. D; 1206 THE HOLY WAR. 151 
 
 consider, First, the ignorance of the age they lived in : it is 
 no news to stumble in the dark. Secondly, the frailty (that 
 squire of the body) attending on man's nature ; yea, he shall 
 be immortal who liveth till he be stoned by one without 
 fault. Thirdly, the errors themselves, which are rather in 
 the out-limbs than vitals of religion. And it may be con-, 
 ceived they might have been reclaimed, if used with gentle 
 means, not catechised with fire and faggot ; it being a true 
 rule, that men's consciences are more moved with leading 
 than dragging or drawing. 
 
 But the sting of the indictment is still behind in the tail 
 or end thereof; charging them with such heinous errors 
 in doctrine, and vices in life : all which the patrons for the 
 defendants deny and defy, as coined out of the mint of their 
 enemies' malice 4 . 
 
 It will be objected, if denying the fact might serve the 
 turn, we should have no malefactors : this therefore is but 
 a poor plea, barely to deny, when that such clouds of 
 witnesses are against them. And grant they have a few 
 straggling writers or some sleeping records which may seem 
 to acquit them, what are one or two men (though suppose 
 them giants) against a whole army ? 
 
 To this I find it answered for the Albigenses, that it 
 hath been the constant practice of the Romish writers, 
 always to defame those that differ from them, especially if 
 they handle too roughly the Noli me tangere of the pope's 
 supremacy. In later times what aspersions, as false as 
 foul, have Cochleus 5 and Bolsecus 6 laid on Luther and 
 Calvin! Now how fearless will they be to steal at mid- 
 night, who dare thus rob men of their good name at noon- 
 day ? When such authors as these lie with a witness, yea, 
 with many witnesses 7 , who could disprove them ; no wonder 
 if they take liberty falsely to accuse the Albigenses, con- 
 ceiving themselves out of the reach of confutation ; writing 
 in such an age when all the counsel is on their own side, 
 being plaintiffs, and none assigned for the defendants. 
 
 4 Bishop Jewel, Apol. part l.chap. 2. divis. 1. Waldo and 
 the rest, for aught we know, and I believe (setting malice aside), 
 for aught you know, were godly men. Their greatest error was 
 that they complained of the dissolute and vicious lives of the 
 
 5 In Vita Lutheri. 6 In Vita Calvini. 
 
 7 Solidly confuted by Dr. Whitaker, Ue Notis Ecclesiae, cap. 
 15. Out of Melancthon, Sleidan, Gryneus, Beza, eyewiu 
 nesses. . 
 
152 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1206 
 
 Secondly, I find they produce the authentical copies 
 (such as are above their enemies' calumnies) of the cate- 
 chisms, apologies, remonstrances of these Albigenses ; 
 wherein the distilled doctrine of the protestants is delivered 
 free from Manicheism, or any other heresy fathered upon 
 them. 
 
 Thirdly, their enemies' slanders plainly appear in some 
 particulars, which justly shaketh the credit of the whole 
 accusation. For whereas they are charged with the Adam- 
 ites willingly to have gone naked, we find them rather 
 nudati than nudi, forced thereunto by the pope's legate ; 
 who being about to take the city of Carcassone in France, 
 where these people most swarmed, he would not grant 
 them their lives but on this condition, that both males and 
 females should go forth and pass by his army stark naked 8 . 
 Argued it not a very foul stomach in him, who could feed 
 his eyes with contentment on such a sight, which otherwise" 
 would more deeply have wounded the modesty of the 
 beholder than of the doers, who did it by compulsion ? 
 See now how justly these innocents are charged ! As well 
 may the Israelites be blamed for cruelty to themselves, in 
 putting out their own eyes, when they were commanded to 
 do it by the merciless Ammonite. 
 
 Lastly, they are cleared by the testimonies of their very 
 enemies ; and who knoweth not, but such a witness is 
 equivalent to a general consent? For those, who, when 
 bemadded with anger, most rave and rage against them, 
 yet per luctda intervalla, in their cold blood, when their 
 words are indicted from their judgments not passions, do 
 most sufficiently acquit them from these accusations. 
 
 Reinerius, a Jacobine monk, and a cruel inquisitor of the 
 Waldenses, testified *>, that they lived justly before men, 
 and believed all things well of God, and held all the articles 
 contained in the Creed; only they blasphemed the Romish 
 church, and hated it. 
 
 Claudius de Seissell archbishop of Turin confesseth, as 
 touching their life and manners they were sound and unre- 
 proveable, without scandal amongst men, giving themselves 
 (to their power) to the observation of the commandments of 
 God. 
 
 8 So witnesseth Peter De Valle Sarnensi, being himself a 
 monk, and lately printed (anno 161.5) in Paris. See Rivet ou 
 Genesis, p. 138. 
 
 9 Cited by Fox in his Martyrol. p. 232. 
 
JA.D. .1206 THE HOLY WAR. 153 
 
 King Louis XII. of France, being thoroughly informed 
 of the faith and life of the Waldenses in his time, bound it 
 with an oath, that they were better men than he or his 
 people. The same king having killed many of those poor 
 Deople, and having called the place where they lived, Vallis 
 neretricia, for their painted and dissembled piety, upon 
 setter instructions changed the name, calling it from him- 
 self, The Vale of Louis I0 . 
 
 William de Belai, lieutenant of Piedmont, gave this com- 
 mendation of the Merindelites (a sprig which some hundred 
 years after sprouted from the Waldenses), that they were a 
 aborious people, averse from suits, bountiful to the poor, 
 duly paying their princes' tributes and lords' dues, serving 
 God with daily prayers, arid showing forth much innocency 
 n manners 11 . 
 
 Thuanus, one that writeth truth with a steady hand, jogged 
 leither by Romanists nor Huguenots, thus charactereth the 
 ^on- waldenses I2r , a stem of that stock we speak of: They 
 used raw pelts clapped about them for their clothes, the 
 four feet whereof served instead of buttons; all equal in 
 >overty, having no beggars amongst them; their diet on 
 deer and milk ; yet was there scarce any amongst them 
 )ut could read and write handsomely, understand the 
 Bible, and sing psalms ; scarce a boy but could presently 
 and by heart give an account of his faith. Tribute they 
 paid very religiously, &c. 
 
 More might be added; but I end all with Gamaliel's 
 words, " If this work be of men, it will come to nought ; 
 )ut if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it l3 ." It argueth 
 he goodness of their cause, in that all their enemies' cruelty 
 unwise to think to spoil the growth of chamomile by tram- 
 >ling on it) could never suppress them ; but they continued 
 ill the days of Luther, when this morning star willingly 
 urrendered his place to him, a brighter sun. But enough 
 )f their life and manners. And if any condemn me for 
 uperfluity herein, I guard myself with St. Augustine's 
 hield, Non est multiloquium, quando necessaria dicuntur, 
 uantalibet sermonum multitudine ac prolixitate dicantur u . 
 
 10 Thuanus, torn. 2, lib. 27, p. 15. 
 
 11 Idem, torn. 10, lib. 6, p. 188. 
 
 12 Tom. 2, lib. 27, p. 16. 13 Acts, v. 38, 39. 
 14 In his preface to his Retractat. 
 
 OF 
 
154 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1206 
 
 CHAP. XXI. The holt/ Army advance against the Albigen- 
 ses. The Cities of Besier and Carcassone taken. 
 
 POPE Innocent III., having now gathered together an 
 army of one hundred thousand pilgrims, set for- 
 wards for the final extirpation of the poor Albigenses. The 
 .best champions for his holiness herein were the duke of 
 Burgundy, the earls of Nevers, St. Paul, Auxerre, Geneva, 
 Poitiers, with Simon earl of Montfort ; of the clergy, Milo 
 the pope's legate, the archbishop of Sens, Rovan; the 
 bishops of Clermont, Nevers, Lisieux, Bayeux, Chartres, 
 with divers others ; every bishop with the pilgrims of his 
 jurisdiction ; to whom the pope promised paradise in hea- 
 ven, but not one penny on earth. Their work was to 
 destroy the Albigenses, which were in great numbers in 
 Dauphine, Provence, Narbonne, Toulouse, and other parts, 
 of France. Their commission also extended to the rooting 
 out of all their friends and favourers, whether detected, or 
 only suspected ; such as were Reimund earl of Toulouse, 
 Reimund earl of Foix, the viscount of Besiers, Gaston lord 
 of Berne, the earl of Bigorre, the Lady of la Vaur, with 
 divers others. See here a new gate to heaven never opened 
 before, for men to cut their way thither through the throats 
 of their innocent brethren ! Behold the Holy Ghost, who 
 once came down in the form of a dove, now counterfeited 
 in the shape of a vulture ! 
 
 But we must not forget, how, just before the war began, 
 the pope pretending to reclaim them by reasons to the 
 church of Rome ; to which end he gave order for a dispu- 
 tation with them. The parties, place, and time were agreed 
 on ; who, where, when they should dispute ; but in fine 
 nothing was effected. Yea, who ever knew conferences in 
 so great oppositions to ripen kindly, and bring any fruit to 
 perfection ? for many come rather for faction than satisfac- 
 tion, resolving to carry home the same opinions they brought 
 with them : an upright moderator will scarce be found, 
 who hangeth not to one side ; the place will be subject to 
 suspicion, and hinder liberty ; boldness and readiness of 
 speech, with most (though not most judicious) auditors, will 
 bear away the bell from solidity of arguments ; the passages 
 in the disputing will be partially reported, and both sides 
 will brag of the conquest ; so that the rent will be made 
 worse, and more spirits conjured up than allayed. 
 
 But now words ended in blows ; the pope only entertain- 
 
.D. 1210 THE HOLY WAR. 155 
 
 ng them in conferences 1 , that in the mean time he might 
 
 prepare his great armies more suddenly to suppress them. 
 
 The first piece of service his soldiers performed was in 
 lacking the city of Besiers, and borough of Carcassone, 
 n which many catholics, steadfast in the Romish faith, did 
 
 dwell, and promiscuously were slain with the Albigenses ; 
 
 yea, priests themselves were cut in pieces in their priestly 
 irnaments, and under the banner of the cross ; so that the 
 wallowing of their foes made their friends also go down 
 
 glib through their throats, without danger of choking. As 
 or the city of Carcassone, which was not far from the 
 
 borough, to the inhabitants thereof those immodest condi- 
 ,ions were propounded, whereof formerly : which they 
 efused, and God better provided for them ; for whilst the 
 
 city was besieged, they escaped out by the benefit of a vault 
 
 under ground, and so shifted abroad for themselves. 
 
 !HAP. XXII. Simon Earl of Montfort chosen Captain of 
 the Holy War. He conquereth the King of Aragon, 
 prevaileth against the Albigenses, and at last is killed by 
 a Woman. 
 
 HITHERTO this war was managed by the pope's 
 legate ; but now it was concluded that a secular 
 captain should be adjoined to him, in whose person the 
 chief command should reside over martial affairs; and for 
 lis pains, by the pope's donation, he was to enjoy all 
 countries that should be conquered from the Albigenses or 
 heir favourers 2 -. The place was offered to the duke of 
 Burgundy, who refused it, saying, " he had lands and lord- 
 ships enough of his own, without spoiling others of their 
 roods." It was waved also by the earls of St. Paul and 
 Vevers, whether out of conscience or policy ; because 
 though the pope gave them the bear's skin, they must first 
 kill and flay him themselves. At last Simon of Montfort, 
 nigh Paris, accepted of it, swearing to vex the Lord's 
 enemies [1210]. And for a breakfast to begin with, he 
 was seized of the vicecounty of Besiers, proceeding from 
 lence to take many castles and cities. 
 
 One grand inconvenience attended on this army of pil- 
 grims ; for when their quarantine, or forty days' service, was 
 expired (the term the pope set them to merit paradise in), 
 
 1 Jo. Paul Perm. De Alhig. lib. 1, cap. 2. 
 8 See the substance of this following story in Jo. Paul Perin. 
 ib. 1 , cap. 6, et deinceps. 
 
156 THE HISTORY OF A.o.1212 
 
 they would not stay one whit longer,; like posthorses they 
 would run to their set stage, but could not be spurred one 
 foot further; contenting themselves they had already pur- 
 chased heaven, and fearing they should be put in possession 
 thereof too soon, by losing their lives in that service. And 
 though the bishops persuaded some few to stay, that so the 
 surplusage of their merits might make up the arrearages of 
 their friends which wanted them, yet could they not prevail 
 to any purpose. Nor could they so cast and contrive their 
 matters, the tide of people's devotion being uncertain, but 
 that betwixt the going out of the old, and coming in of the 
 new store of pilgrims, there would be a low ebb, wherein 
 their army was almost wasted to nothing; whereof the 
 Albigenses made no small advantage* 
 
 However, the earls of Toulouse, Foix, and Comminge,and 
 prince of Berne, the patrons of the Albigenses, finding they 
 were too weak for this holy army, sheltered themselves under 
 Peter king of Aragon; whose homagers they were, receiving 
 investiture from him, though their dominions lay on this 
 side ofthe Pyrenean hills. This king had the greatness of 
 the earl of Montfort in suspicion, fearing lest these several 
 principalities, which now were single arrows, should be 
 bound in one sheaf, conquered and united under Earl 
 Simon. Wherefore he fomented a faction in them against 
 the holy army, publicly protesting against the proceedings 
 of Earl Simon; charging him to have turned the bark 
 of God's church into a pirate's ship, robbing others, and 
 enriching themselves under the pretence of religion, seizing 
 on the lands of good catholics for supposed heretics, using 
 God's cause as hunters do a stand, in it the more covertly 
 to shoot at what game they please ; otherwise why was the 
 viscount of Besiers, who lived and died firm in the Romish 
 faith, lately trained into the legate's hand, and, against oaths 
 and promises of his safe return, kept close prisoner till his 
 death, and his lands seized on by Earl Simon ? 
 
 At last the king of Aragon taking the earl of Montfort 
 on the advantage (shooting him as it were betwixt wind and 
 water, the ending of the old and beginning of new pilgrims), 
 forced him to a b'attle [1 21 2] . The king had thirty thousand 
 foot and seven thousand horse ; but the earl, of both foot 
 and horse not above two thousand two hundred. They 
 closed together near the castle of Moret; and the king, 
 whether out of zeal of conquest and thirst of honour, or 
 distrust of under officers, or desire to animate others, or a 
 mixture of all, ran his curvet so openly, and made his turns 
 
A. D. 1218 THE HOLY WAR. 157 
 
 and returns in the head of the army, that so fair a mark 
 invited his enemies' arrows to hit him, by whom he was 
 wounded to death, and fell from his horse ; to lesson all 
 generals to keep themselves, like the heart, in the body of 
 the army, whence they may have a virtual omnipresence in 
 every part thereof; and not to expose their persons (which, 
 like crystal vials, contain the extracted spirits of their soldiers 
 spilled with their breaking) to places of imminent danger. 
 With his body fell the hearts of his men ; and though the 
 earls of Toulouse, Foix, and Comminge, persuaded, en- 
 treated, threatened them to stay, they used their oratory so 
 long till their audience ran all away, and they were fain to 
 follow them, reserving themselves by flight to redeem their 
 honour some other time. 
 
 Simon, improving this victory, pursued them to the gates 
 of Toulouse, and killed many thousands. The friars im- 
 puted this victory to the bishop's benediction, and adoring a 
 piece of the cross, together with the fervency of the clergy's 
 prayers, which, remaining behind in the castle of Moret, bat- 
 tered heaven with their importunity. On the other side, the 
 Albigenses acknowledged God's justice in punishing the 
 proud king of Aragon ; who, as if his arm had been strong 
 and long enough to pluck down the victory out of heaven 
 without God's reaching it to him, conceived that Earl Simon 
 came rather to cast himself down at his feet than to fight. 
 But such reckonings without the host are ever subject to a 
 rear account. 
 
 Yet within few years the face of this war began to alter 
 (with writers of shorthand we must set a prick for a letter, a 
 letter for a word, marking only the most remarkables). For 
 young Reimund earl of Toulouse, exceeding his father in 
 valour and success, so bestirred himself, that in few months 
 he regained what Earl Simon was many years in getting : 
 and at last Earl Simon besieging Toulouse, with a stone 
 which a woman let fly out of an engine, had his head parted 
 from his body [1218]. 
 
 Men use not to be niggards of their censures on strange 
 accidents: some paralleled his life with Abimelech, that 
 tyrant judge; who with the bramble (fitter to make a fire 
 than a king of) accepted of the wooden monarchy, when the 
 vine, olive, fig-tree, declined it. They paired them also in 
 their ends, death disdaining to send his summons by a mas- 
 culine hand, but arresting them both by a woman. Some 
 persuaded themselves they saw God's finger in the woman's 
 hand ; that, because the greater part of his cruelty lighted on 
 
158 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1218 
 
 the weaker sex (for he had buried the lady ofla Vaur alive, 
 respecting neither her sex nor nobility), a woman was chosen 
 out to be his executioner : though of himself he was not so 
 prone to cruelty, but had those at his elbow who prompted 
 him to it. The time of his death was a large field for the 
 conceits of others to walk in ; because even then, when the 
 pope and three councils, of Vaur, Montpelier, and Lateran, 
 had pronounced him son, servant, favourite of the faith, the 
 invincible defender thereof: and must he not needs break, 
 being swoln with so many windy titles ? Amongst other of 
 his styles he was earl of Leicester in England 1 , and father 
 to Simon Montfort, the Catiline of this kingdom 2 , who, 
 under pretence of curing this land of some grievances, had 
 killed it with his physic, had he not been killed himself in 
 the battle of Eveshold in the reign of Henry III. 
 
 And here ended the storm of open war against the Albi- 
 genses, though some great drops fell afterwards. Yea, novv 
 the pope grew sensible of many mischiefs in prosecuting 
 this people with the holy war : first, the incongruity betwixt 
 the word and the sword ; to confute heretics with armies iu 
 the field opened clamorous mouths. Secondly, three 
 hundred thousand of these croised pilgrims lost their lives 
 in this expedition, within the space of fifteen years 3 ; so 
 that there was neither city nor village in France, but by 
 reason hereof had widows and orphans cursing this expe- 
 dition. And his holiness, after he had made allowance for 
 his loss of time, blood, and credit, found his gain de claro 
 very small. Besides, such was the chance of war, and good 
 catholics were so intermingled with heretics, that in sacking 
 of cities they were slain together. Whereupon the pope 
 resolved of a privater way, which made less noise in the 
 world, attracted less envy, and was more effectual ; to pro- 
 secute them by way of inquisition. Hereby he might single 
 them out by retail, rooting out the tares without hurting the 
 corn, and overthrowing them by piecemeal whom he could 
 never stagger in gross. 
 
 Dominic, a Spaniard, was first author hereof. Well did 
 his mother, being with child of him, dream that she had a 
 dog vomiting fire in her womb 4 . This ignivomous cur 
 (sire of the litter of mendicant friars called Dominicans) 
 did bark at and deeply bite the poor Albigenses. After his 
 
 1 See Camd. in Leicestershire. 2 Also in Worcestershire. 
 3 Perin, Of the Albigenses, lib. 2. cap. 4. 
 * Martyrol. in Vita Dominici. 
 
,0.1206 THE HOLY WAR. 159 
 
 eath, Pope Honorius for his good service bestowed a 
 aintship on him : for he dreamed he saw the church of 
 Rome falling, and Dominic holding it up with his shoul- 
 lers ; wherefore he canonized this Atlas of their religion. 
 The proceedings of this inquisition were the abridgment of 
 11 cruelty, turning the sword of justice into the butcher's 
 xe. But no doubt God, when he maketh inquisition for 
 blood 5 , will one day remember this bloody inquisition. 
 And who can but admire at the continuance of the doctrine 
 f the Albigenses to this day, maugre all their enemies ? Let 
 hose privy councillors of nature, who can tell where swal- 
 ows lie all winter, and how at the spring they have a resur- 
 rection from their seeming deadness, let those, I say, also 
 nform us in what invisible sanctuaries this doctrine did 
 urk in spite of persecution, and how it revived out of its 
 ashes at the coming of Luther. To conclude : it is observed, 
 hat in those parts of France where the Albigenses were most 
 cruelly handled, now the protestants (heirs to most of their 
 ;enets) flourish most; as in the countries of Gascoigne, 
 Dauphine, and Languedoc. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. King Almerick, for his Laziness, deposed 
 
 by the Pope. 
 
 TT7 ELCOME the Holy Land, welcome Ptolemais ! How 
 VV shallow and almost quite dry is the stream of pil- 
 grims grown here, since the pope hath drained it with so 
 large a by-channel into France ! 
 
 As for Almerick, the idle king of Jerusalem, we find him 
 as we left him, crowning his cares constantly in wine : Tiis 
 hands being lazier than those that are printed in the margin 
 of a book, which point what others should read ; whilst he 
 would neither do nor order what should be done : so true 
 was it of him, what is said of another 1 , Titularis non tute- 
 laris rex ; defuit non prafuit reipublica. 
 
 And now the war betwixt Noradin, Saladin's son, and 
 Saphradin his uncle, about the sovereignty, lasting nine 
 years, ended with Saphradin's death; and Noradin con- 
 tented himself with the government of Aleppo, whilst 
 Saphradin's two sons shared his dominions, Coradin com- 
 manding in Damascus and Syria, and Meledin in Egypt. 
 
 The former of these without any resistance built a fort in 
 Mount Tabor, to the great annoyance of the Christians. To 
 prevent further mischief arising from Almerick 's negligence, 
 
 5 Psalm ix. 12. l Of Chilperick king of France. 
 
160 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1209 
 
 the pope (who would have a finger in every crown, and a 
 hand in this) deposed him from the kingdom. This Alme- 
 rick, grieved to lose what he was never careful to keep, soon 
 after died for sorrow. But how doth this agree with Marinus 
 Sanutus, who maketh him to die of a surfeit of giltheads 1 
 five years sooner, and saith there was five years' interregnum 
 in Palestine, wherein the Christians had no king at all ? 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. John Bren made King of Jerusalem. A 
 most promising Voyage into Palestine of new Pilgrims, 
 who remove the Seat of' the War into Egypt. 
 
 IN the place of Almerick the pope appointed John de 
 Bren, a private French gentleman, to be king [1209] ; 
 who, to twist his title with another string, married Maria 
 lole, the sole daughter of Conrad, late king of Jerusalem. 
 This John had behaved himself right valiantly amongst 
 other Latin princes in the voyage against the Greeks, and 
 was a most martial man, as all do witness : only one calleth 
 him imbellem hominen\' i ; why I know not, except he be of 
 that humour to delight to be one of the antipodes, treading 
 opposite to a world of writers besides. In the beginning 
 of his reign this accident (whether monstrous or miraculous) 
 fell out [1213] : in France, a boy (for his years) went about 
 singing in his own tongue, 
 
 Jesus, Lord, repair our loss ; 
 Restore to us thy holy cross. 
 
 Numberless children ran after him, and followed the same 
 tune their captain and chanter did set them. No bolts, no 
 bars, no fear of fathers or love of mothers, could hold them 
 back, but they would to the Holy Land to work wonders 
 there; till their merry music had a sad close, all either 
 perishing on land or drowned by sea. It was done (saith 
 my author 3 ) by the instinct of the devil, who, as it were, 
 desired a cordial of children's blood to comfort his weak 
 stomach long cloyed with murdering of men. 
 
 Soon after began the Lateran council under Innocent 
 III. [1215] ; wherein many things were concluded for the 
 recovery of the Holy Land : as, that the cross should every 
 where be preached with zeal and earnestness to procure 
 
 1 A fish called aurata, or aurella. 
 
 2 Theod. a Niein, De Privileg. Imper. cap, De Expedit. 
 Hierosol. 
 
 3 Matth. Paris, in anno 1213, p. 324. Praestigio diabolico 
 penitus infatuati. 
 
 
A. D. 1217 THE HOLY WAR. 161 
 
 pilgrims ; that all tiltings in Christendom for three years 
 should be forbidden, that so the spears of Christians might 
 only be broken against infidels 4 -; that clergymen that went 
 this voyage might (if need were) mortgage their church 
 livings for three years to provide themselves with present 
 necessaries ; that all debtors, during their pilgrimage (though 
 bound by oath in conscience, the strongest specialty), should 
 be dispensed with to pay no use to their creditors ; who, if 
 Christians, by excommunications; if Jews, were to be forced 
 by the secular power to remit their interest ; that all priests 
 should contribute the twentieth part of their revenues for 
 three years, to advance this design. " And lest (saith his 
 holiness) we should seem to lay heavy burdens on others 
 which we will not touch with our least finger, we assign a 
 ship at our own cost to carry out pilgrims of the city of 
 Rome ; and disburse for the present what can be spared 
 from our necessary expenses, to the sum of thirty thousand 
 pounds, to further the project ; and for three years to come, 
 we and our brethren the cardinals of Rome will fully pay 
 the tenth of our church profits." 
 
 Hereupon next spring a numerous army set forward to 
 Palestine [1216], conducted by Pelagius the pope's legate, 
 Andrew king of Hungary (who having washed himself in 
 the river of Jordan, would stay no longer, but instantly re- 
 turned home), the three electoral archbishops, with those of 
 Liege, Wurtzburg, Bamberg, Strasburg, Paris, &c. Louis 
 duke of Bavaria, Leopold of Austria, a navy of our English, 
 besides Florentines, Genoans, and many other nations. 
 The autumn they spent in the fruitless besieging of the 
 fort of Mount Tabor ; whilst King John Bren won from 
 the Turks the castle of Pilgrims, a place of great conse- 
 quence on the sea-side [Nov.]. 
 
 1217]. Then was it debated on both sides of translating 
 the war into Egypt ; which many advised to be done : for 
 that country afforded the Turks their victuals and munition, 
 and the best way to draw them low was to stop them in the 
 fountain. It was also most honour to rouse the lion in his 
 own den. And Palestine was so foraged, that there was 
 nothing to be gleaned in the stubble ; whereas Egypt was so 
 rich and fruitful, it cared not for the frowns of heaven, so it 
 might have the favour of Nilus ; and there was no fear to 
 want bread in that the granary of the world. That accord- 
 ing to the rule, Plus animi est inferenti periculum, quum 
 
 4 Centuriat. Cent. 13, cap. 9. 
 M 
 
162 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1217 
 
 propulsanti, the Christians would be heartened, but the 
 Egyptians discouraged in the invasion of Egypt. The sad 
 spectacle of their country's vastation would disturb their 
 minds, make them diffident of their own worth, and in- 
 sufficient to maintain their cause. Lastly, the Christians 
 might leave when they list, reserving at all times Ptolemais 
 to entertain them in case fortune should cross their designs. 
 
 But the reasons to" the contrary wanted not weight but 
 weighing. They considered not (what was objected) that 
 to invade a strong entire country without having a party 
 within it to side with them, was to endeavour to cleave a 
 tree with a beetle without a wedge. Besides, Egypt was an 
 exception from the rules of all other countries, and had 
 certain local maxims of leading an army appropriated to it 
 alone. That valour must needs have the fall, when it 
 wrestleth with nature itself, and fighteth against bogs, 
 rivers, and inundations. That it was more agreeable to 
 reason, first to recover and defend what once was their 
 own, before they attempted other men's possessions. That 
 these their forces afforded little hope of victory in another 
 kingdom, which were not able to clear their own country, 
 and the forts in Syria, from so dangerous an enemy. Lastly, 
 that the Egyptians fighting for their fathers, wives, and 
 children, would raise their valour to the highest point of 
 resolution. These arguments notwithstanding, the watch- 
 word was given for Egypt, whither all addressed them- 
 selves. 
 
 And here began the discords betwixt King John and the 
 pope's legate, who challenged not only an influence but a 
 predominancy in every thing, and would dictate to the 
 general what he should do in martial affairs ; he presumed 
 on his book-learning to control the practice of experienced 
 captains by his military speculations. The king stormed 
 hereat, showing there were some mysteries in the captain- 
 craft not communicable to any which had not served the 
 trade, and which the heart of a scholar was too narrow to 
 contain ; that though scholarship was a stock fit to graft 
 any profession on, yet some good time is requisite there- 
 unto, and that they must not think to proceed military 
 masters at their first admission in a camp ; that though the 
 legate might conceive himself to know the latitude of war- 
 like principles, yet he knew not the use of distinctions, ex- 
 ceptions, and cautions of application, and might easily be 
 misled by disproportion and dissimilitude of examples, the 
 variation of circumstances, the infiniteness of punctual 
 
A. D. 1218 THE HOLY WAR. 163 
 
 occurrences : wherefore he forbade him to meddle with 
 martial matters, challenging them to belong to his own dis- 
 posal. But Pelagius the legate, highly opinioned of his own 
 sufficiency, as if his place made him infallible in every thing, 
 and loath to confess himself besides the cushion whilst he 
 sat in the chair, would have an oar in all actions. He held 
 this conclusion, that the general rules of war were easily 
 known ; and as for the qualification of them pro ezigentia 
 hie et nunc, herein reason was the key of the work, which 
 scholars having most perfected by learning, were thereby 
 the most competent judges what should be done on all 
 occasions. How dearly the Christians paid for this his 
 error, and how this discord, smothered for a while, brake 
 out, we shall see hereafter. Meantime, noising up sails, 
 the pilgrims' navy safely arrived at Damietta. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Damietta besieged and taken. The Christians 
 unadvisedly refuse honourable Conditions. 
 
 DAMIETTA is a chief haven of Egypt, anciently Pelu- 
 sium ; seated on the easternmost stream of the Nile. 
 Here the east and west world met together to exchange their 
 wars, she grudging for trade to give the upper hand to 
 Alexandria itself. At their landing the moon was almost 
 totally eclipsed 1 [July 9, 1218]; whence the Christians 
 conceited (guess the frailness of the building by the incon- 
 stancy of the foundation) that the overthrow of the Maho- 
 metans (whose ensign was the half-moon 2 ') was portended. 
 But the calculators of after-chances seldom hit right. In the 
 siege of this city they were to encounter with a fourfold 
 difficulty, besides Damietta itself : 
 
 First, with a great chain crossing the harbour; which 
 with indefatigable pains, and art mingled with labour, they 
 brake asunder ; industry in action being as importunity in 
 speech, by continual inculcation forcing a yielding beyond 
 the strength of reason. 
 
 Secondly, the river Nile did much annoy them. This 
 river (the height of whose flowing is the Egyptian almanack, 
 whereby they prognosticate future plenty or penury) now 
 out of time and beyond measure drowned the country. Bold 
 rishes swam into the Christians' tents, who took them with 
 their hands, though willingly they could have wanted such 
 dainties 3 ; for the sauce was more than the meat. Against 
 
 Matth. Paris, in Joan. p. 401. 2 Munster. 
 
 Illis tamen deliciis carere maluissent. Matth. Par. p. 405. 
 
164 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1219 
 
 this mischief they fenced themselves with prayer, and a 
 public fast enjoined by the legate ; whereby the water soon 
 abated. And lest God's mercy herein, when gotten, should 
 be forgotten, a public thanksgiving was proclaimed, that 
 this favour obtained by prayer might be kept by praises. 
 
 Thirdly, they were to grapple with the fort of Pharia, a 
 seeming impregnable place, betwixt them and Damietta. 
 To check this fort, the Christians built a tower on ships ; 
 which suddenly falling, brained many, bruised more of their 
 own men ; and all who felt not the blow were stricken with 
 the fright. King John comforted his soldiers discouraged 
 hereat, desiring them to apprehend actions by their true 
 causes; and as not to vaunt of blind victories, so not to be 
 dismayed at casual mishaps, so purely accidental, that there 
 was no guard against them in the schools of defence, either 
 of wisdom or valour. By his advice a more substantial 
 lower was built, the rarest piece in that kind the world ever 
 saw ; by the manning whereof, after many bloody assaults, 
 they mastered the fort of Pharia [Aug. 24]. 
 
 Fourthly, they had to do with Meladin king of Egypt, 
 who lay beside them, constantly furnishing the city with 
 men and victuals, and exercising the Christians with con- 
 tinual skirmishes. In one, with his wildfire he did them 
 much harm, and King John was dangerously scorched [Feb. 
 1219]. But seeing that the Christians hewed their way 
 through the rocks of all difficulties, he propounded peace 
 unto them by the mediation of Noradin his brother, king of 
 Damascus ; proffering them, if they would depart, to restore 
 them the true cross, the city of Jerusalem, and all the land 
 of Palestine. 
 
 The English, French, and Italians would have embraced 
 the conditions 4 , pleading, that honourable peace was the 
 centre of war, where it should rest ; that they could not 
 satisfy their conscience to rob these Egyptians of their lands 
 without a special command from God ; that it was good 
 wisdom to take so desperate a debt whensoever the pay- 
 ment was tendered ; otherwise, if they would not be content 
 with their arms full, they might perchance return with their 
 hands empty. 
 
 But the legate would noways consent, alleging this 
 voyage was undertaken not only for the recovery of Pales- 
 tine, but for the extirpation of the Mahometan superstition. 
 And herein no doubt he followed the instructions of his 
 
 4 P. JEmil. p. 201. 
 
A. D..1220 THE HOLY WAR. 165 
 
 master, whose end in this war was, that this war should have 
 no end, but be always in doing though never done. He 
 knew it was dangerous to stop an issue which had been long 
 open, and would in no case close up this vent of people 
 by concluding a final peace. Besides, an old prophecy, 
 that a Spaniard should win Jerusalem, and work wonders 
 in those parts, made Pelagius that countryman more zealous 
 herein 5 . Coradin, angry his proffer was refused, beat down 
 the walls of Jerusalem and all the beautiful buildings 
 therein, save the Tower of David and the Temple of the 
 Sepulchre. Not long after, Damietta, having been besieged 
 one year and seven months, was taken without resistance 
 [Nov. 5] ; plague and famine had made such a vastation 
 therein. The Christians entered with an intent to kill all ; 
 but their anger soon melted into pity, beholding the city all 
 bestrewed with corpses. The sight was bad, and the scent 
 was worse, for the dead killed the living. Yea, God's 
 sword had left their sword no work : of threescore and ten 
 thousand, but three thousand remained 6 ; who had their 
 lives pardoned on condition to cleanse the city, which em- 
 ployed them a quarter of a year. Hence the Christians 
 marched and took the city of Tanis ; and soon after the pope 
 substituted John de Columna, a cardinal, legate in the 
 place of Pelagius 7 . 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. New Discords betwixt the King and the 
 Legate. They march up to besiege Cairo. 
 
 GREAT was the spoil they found in Damietta [1220], 
 wherein, as in strong barred chests, the merchants of 
 Egypt and India had locked up their treasure. A full 
 year the Christians stayed here, contented to make this inn 
 their home. Here arose new discords betwixt the king and 
 the new legate, who by virtue of his legation challenged 
 Damietta for his holiness, which by public agreement was 
 formerly assigned to the king. Bren in anger returned to 
 Ptolemais, both to puff out his discontents in private, and to 
 teach the Christians his worth by wanting him; for pre- 
 sently they found themselves at a loss ; neither could they 
 stand still without disgrace, nor go on without danger. 
 The legate commanded them to march up ; but they had 
 too much spirit to be ruled by a spiritual man, and swore 
 not to stir a step except the king was with them. Messen- 
 
 5 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 692. 
 
 6 P. ^Emil. p. 203. 7 Magdeburg, p. 693. 
 
166 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1220 
 
 gers, therefore, were sent to Ptolemais to fetch him. They 
 found him of a steely nature ; once thorough hot, long in 
 cooling : yet by promising him he should have his own 
 desires, they overpersuaded him not to starve an army by 
 feeding his own humours. 
 
 Scarce, after eight months' absence, was he returned to 
 Damietta, but new divisions were betwixt them. The legate 
 persuaded the army to march up and besiege Cairo; he 
 promised, if they would obey him, they should quickly 
 command all Egypt, by present invading it. Let defend- 
 ants lie at a close guard, and offer no play. Delays are a 
 safe shield to save, but celerity the best sword to win a 
 country. Thus Alexander conquered the world before it 
 could bethink itself to make resistance. And thus God 
 now opened them a door of victory, except they would bar 
 it up by their own idleness. 
 
 But the king advised to return into Syria ; that Cairo 
 was difficult to take, and impossible to keep; that the 
 ground whereon they went was as treacherous as the people 
 against whom they fought; that better now to retire with 
 honour, than hereafter fly with shame ; that none but an 
 empiric in war will deny, but that more true valour is in an 
 orderly well grounded retreat, than in a furious rash in- 
 vasion. 
 
 But the legate used an inartificial argument drawn from 
 the authority of his place, thundering excommunication 
 against those that would not march forward : and now 
 needs must they go when he driveth them. 
 
 The crafty Egyptians (of whom it is true, what is said of 
 the Parthians, their flight is more to be feared than their 
 fight) ran away, counterfeiting cowardliness. The Chris- 
 tians triumphed hereat ; as if the silly fish should rejoice 
 that he had caught the fisherman, when he had swallowed 
 his bait. The legate hugged himself in his own happiness, 
 that he had given so successful advice. And now see how 
 the garland of their victory proved the halter to strangle 
 them. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. The miserable Case of the drowned Chris- 
 tians in Egypt. Damietta surrendered in Ransom of their 
 Lives. 
 
 EGYPT is a low level country, except some few advan- 
 tages which the Egyptians had fortified for themselves. 
 Through the midst of the land ran the river Nile, whose 
 stream they had so bridled with banks and sluices, that they 
 
A.D. 1220 THE HOLY WAR. 167 
 
 could keep it to be their own servant, and make it their 
 enemies' master at pleasure. The Christians confidently 
 marched on ; and the Turks, perceiving the game was come 
 within the toil, pierced their banks, and unmuzzling the 
 river, let it run open mouth upon them ; yet so, that at first 
 they drowned them up but to the middle, reserving their 
 lives for a further purpose, thereby in exchange to recover 
 Damietta and their country's liberty. 
 
 See here the land of Egypt turned in an instant into the 
 Egyptian sea ! See an army of sixty thousand, as the neck 
 of one man, stretched on the block, and waiting the fatal 
 stroke ! Many cursed the legate, and their own rashness, 
 that they should follow the counsel of a gowned man (all 
 whose experience was clasped in a book) rather than the 
 advice of experienced captains. But too late repentance, 
 because it soweth not in season, reapeth nothing but 
 unavoidable misery. 
 
 Meladin king of Egypt, seeing the constancy and patience 
 of the Christians, was moved with compassion towards them. 
 He had of himself strong inclinations to Christianity, weary 
 of Mahometanism, and willing to break that prison, but for 
 watchful jailers about him. He proffered the Christians 
 their lives on condition they would quit the country and 
 restore Damietta. They accepted the conditions, and sent 
 messengers to Damietta to prepare them for the surrender- 
 ing of it. But they within the city, being themselves safe on 
 shore, tyrannized on their poor brethren in shipwreck, 
 pretending that this army of pilgrims deserved no pity, who 
 had invited this misfortune on themselves by their own rash- 
 ness; that if they yielded up this city for nothing, which 
 cost so many lives, they should betray themselves to the 
 derision of the whole world ; that if these perished, more 
 men might be had, but no more Damiettas ; being a place 
 of such importance, it would always be a snaffle in the mouth 
 of the Egyptian king. On the other side, the friends of the 
 distressed Christians confessed that indeed their voyage was 
 unadvised and justly to be blamed; yet worse and more 
 inconsiderate projects have armies oft undertaken, which, if 
 crowned with success, have been above censure ; yea, have 
 passed not only without questioning but with commenda- 
 tions. But this is the misery of misery, that those who are 
 most afflicted of God shall be most condemned of men. 
 Wherefore they requested them to pity their brethren, and 
 not to leave them in this forlorn estate. How clamorous 
 would their innocent blood be in the court of Heaven, to sue 
 
168 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1220 
 
 for revenge on those who forsook them in this distress ! 
 And grant Damietta a city of great consequence, yet cities 
 in themselves were but dead things, and men were the 
 souls to enliven them : so that those soldiers which won 
 Damietta, if preserved alive, might haply recover as strong 
 a city afterwards. 
 
 But finding their arguments not to prevail, they betook 
 themselves to arms, by. force to compel the adverse party 
 to resign the city. King John also threatened, in case they 
 denied to surrender it, to give up to Meladin Ptolemais in 
 Syria in exchange for Damietta. At last, according to thfi 
 agreement, Damietta was restored to the Turks, and the 
 Christian army let out of the trap wherein it was taken. 
 Meladin out of his princely goodness furnished them with 
 victuals, and with horses to carry their feeble persons upon *. 
 And thus the Christians had the greatest blow given them 
 without a blow given them ; the Egyptians obtaining their 
 victory not by blood but by water. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. John Bren resigneth the Kingdom of 
 Jerusalem to Frederick the Second, German Emperor. 
 
 THERE was also concluded a peace with the Turks for 
 eight years. And now matters being settled as well 
 as they might be in Syria, King John took a journey to 
 Rome, where he was bountifully feasted, and honourably 
 entertained by the pope. Here it was agreed (whether at 
 the first by his voluntary offer, or working of others, it 
 appeareth not) that lie should resign the kingdom of Jeru- 
 salem to Frederick II., German emperor, who was to 
 marry lole, the sole daughter of King John by his first 
 wife, though by a second he had another, Martha, married 
 to Robert emperor of Constantinople, so that he was father- 
 in-law both to emperor of east and west. 
 
 Some condemned his resignation as an unadvised act, as 
 if he had first parted from his wits, who would willingly 
 part from a kingdom; whilst others commend his discretion. 
 For, first, his wife was dead, in whose right he held his 
 kingdom, and thereby a door was opened for other litigious 
 pretenders to the crown. Secondly, it was policy, fugere nt 
 fugaretur ; yea, this was no flight, but an honourable de- 
 parture. Well he knew the Turks' power to invade, and 
 his own weakness to defend what was left in Syria ; so that 
 finding the weight too heavy for himself, he did well to lay it 
 
 1 P. ^Einil. p. 205. 
 
.D.1227 THE HOLY WAR. 169 
 
 ;' pn stronger shoulders. Thirdly, before his resignation he 
 5 had little more than a title ; and after it he had nothing less, 
 men having so tuned their tongues to salute him king 
 3 f Jerusalem, that he was so called to the day of his death! 
 /ctstly, what he wanted in the stateliness of his bed, he had 
 in the soundness of his sleep; and though his commons 
 enhance were shorter, yet he battled better on them. 
 He got now more in a twelvemonth than in seven years 
 before, going from country to country ; and yet the farther 
 this stone rolled, the more moss he gathered. In France, 
 besides rich gifts left to himself, he had the managing of 
 sixty thousand crowns; the legacy which Philip Augustus 
 the king on his death-bed bequeathed to the Templars and 
 the holy war 1 . In England he received from Henry III. 
 many great presents, though afterwards he proved but 
 unthankful for them 1 . In Spain he got a rich wife, Berin- 
 garia, the daughter of the king of Castile. In Italy he 
 tasted very largely of the pope's liberality, and lived there 
 in good esteem. But he went off the stage without any 
 applause, because he lost himself in his last act, perfidiously 
 raising rebellions against Frederick, his son-in-law, at the 
 instigation of his holiness. Nor recovered he his credit, 
 though after he went to his son, Robert, to Constantinople, 
 and there did many good offices. He died anno 1237. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. The true Character of Frederick. How 
 the History of his Life is prejudiced by the Partiality of 
 Authors on both Sides. 
 
 THE nuptial solemnities of Frederick with the Lady 
 lole were performed at Rome, in the presence of the 
 pope, with all ceremonies of majesty ; and Frederick pro- 
 mised to prosecute in person his title in Palestine within 
 two years. Little hope have I to content the reader in this 
 king's life, who cannot satisfy myself; writers of that age 
 are so possessed with partiality 3 . The faction of the 
 Guelfes and Gibellines discovereth not itself more plainly 
 in the camp than in the chronicles; yea, historians turn 
 schoolmen in matters of fact, arguing them pro et con. 
 And as it is in the fable of the man that had two wives, 
 whilst his old wife plucked out his black hairs, the evidence 
 
 P. ^Emil. in Phil. 2, p. 205. 2 Matth. Paris, p. 627. 
 
 3 Blondus, Fazellus, &c. for the Pope. Ursperg. Petrus de 
 Vineis (till corrupted with bribes), &c. for the emperor. 
 Matth. Paris, a moderate man, whom we follow most. 
 
170 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1227 
 
 of his youth, his young one un-grayhaired him, that nc 
 standards of antiquity might remain, they made him bald 
 betwixt them : so amongst our late writers ; whilst Protes- 
 tants cut off the authority from all papized writers of that 
 age, and Romanists cast away the witness of all imperialized 
 authors then living (such as Urspergensis is, and generally 
 all Germans), counting them testesdomesticos, and therefore 
 of no validity : betwixt them they draw all history of that 
 time very slender, and make it almost quite nothing. We 
 will not engage ourselves in their quarrels ; but may safely 
 believe that Frederick was neither saint nor devil, but man. 
 Many virtues in him his foes must commend, and some 
 vices his friends must confess. He was very learned 4 , 
 according to the rate of that age, especially for a prince, who 
 only baiteth at learning, and maketh not his profession to 
 lodge in. Wise he was in projecting, nor were his thoughts 
 ever so scattered with any sudden accident, but he could 
 instantly recollect himself. Valiant he was, and very fortu- 
 nate, though this tendeth more to God's praise than his ; 
 wondrous bountiful to scholars and soldiers, whose good 
 will he enjoyed, for he paid for it. 
 
 But this gold had its allay of cruelty, though this was 
 not so much bred in him as he brought to it. Treasons 
 against him were so frequent, he could not be safe but must 
 be severe, nor severe without incurring the aspersion of 
 cruelty. His pride was excessive, and so was his wanton- 
 ness : a nun's veil was but a slender shield against his 
 lust. This sin he was given to 5 , which was besides the 
 custom of the Dutch, saith one, who, though great friends to 
 Bacchus, are no favourites of Venus ; which is strange, that 
 they should heap up so much fuel, and have no more fire. 
 
 In a word, he was a better emperor than a man, his 
 vices being personal, most hurting himself; his virtues of a 
 public nature, and accomplishing him for government. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. Mines and Countermines betwixt the Em- 
 peror and the Pope, seeking to blow up, or at leastwise to 
 stay, the Projects each of other. 
 
 IT is verily conceived that the pope provided this match 
 for Frederick to employ him in Palestine, whilst he at 
 home might play his game at pleasure. For as provident 
 Nature, in marshaling the elements, assigned fire a place 
 in the verge and border of this lower world far from the 
 
 4 Pantal. De Viris illustr. Germ, part 2, p. 121. 
 
 5 Piaster gentis morem. Ignatius. 
 
A.D. 1227 THE HOLY WAR. 171 
 
 rest, lest otherwise the activity thereof might set the others 
 in combustion; so the pope disposed this hot violent- 
 spirited emperor far off, and engaged him in a distant and 
 dangerous war out of the borders of Europe. 
 
 Frederick smelled the project of his holiness, being also 
 master in the art of dissembling, though he must acknow- 
 ledge the pope his senior in that faculty ; wherefore he 
 deferred the performance of his promise and his voyage 
 into Palestine from month to month, and year to year, wisely 
 gaining time by losing it. 
 
 The truth was, he was not yet ripe for such an expedi- 
 tion. 
 
 The pope was afraid of his valour, he of the pope's 
 treachery, and more feared him behind his back than the 
 Turk before his face. He was loath to let go the eagle he 
 had in hand, to catch the little bird that was in the bush. 
 Wherefore as yet he refused to go, pleading that the eight 
 years' truce which King Bren had made with the Turks was 
 not yet expired ; before which time to fight against them was 
 to fight against God and conscience ; and that it was no way 
 to propagate the faith by breach of faith. 
 
 Pope Honorius continued still to put him in mind of his 
 promise ; yea, he rubbed his memory so roughly, he fetched 
 off the skin with his threats and menaces. But before Fre- 
 derick's journey began, Honorius's life ended [March 19], 
 and Gregory IX. succeeded him, who at the first dash ex- 
 communicated the emperor for his delay. 
 
 Know by the way, that his namesake Gregory VII. (other- 
 wise Hildebrand) first handseled his excommunication on 
 Henry IV. Before his time the imperial majesty (what is 
 observed of the seal, that it is never hit with thunder) was 
 never fulminated against with excommunication ; afterward 
 nothing more usual, till the commonness of those thunder- 
 bolts caused their contempt, and the emperors' natures were 
 so used to this physic it would not work with them. Of 
 late his holiness is grown more advised, very sparingly 
 using them, especially against protestant princes, counting 
 it policy to hold that weapon within the scabbard which 
 hath no other edge but what is given it by the opinion of 
 those against whom it is used. 
 
 Frederick at last cometh forth of Germany with his army, 
 marcheth through Italy, cometh to Brindisi, where the 
 plague seizeth on his men, whereof died the landgrave of 
 Thuringia [September 13], and others. Soon after he fell 
 very desperately sick himself, which stayed his journey 
 many months. 
 
172 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1228 
 
 It went near to the pope that the emperor was so near 
 to him ; his case now was worse than formerly, for he had 
 roused the lion out of his den, but could not get him into 
 the net. His sickness must either be more or less to do 
 good. And the pope having no variety of weapons, excom- 
 municated him afresh, pretending Frederick's disease was 
 only the cramp of laziness, and that he was sick to do good, 
 but sound to do mischief, as appeared by his unjust seizing 
 on the goods of Louis landgrave of Thuringia, late de- 
 ceased. 
 
 The emperor protested his innocency, accused the pope's 
 injustice, putting himself on the trial of all Christian 
 princes, to whom he wrote letters. At last health came, 
 and Frederick departed [Aug. 1J, 1228], bearing up with 
 his navy for Palestine. The pope hearing thereof, belibelled 
 him more foully than ever before, because like an undutiful 
 son he departed without his father's blessing, being not 
 absolved and reconciled to his mother the church. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Frederick recovereth all Palestine and 
 Jerusalem without Expense of Time or Blood. 
 
 SEE how God's blessing goeth along with the pope's 
 curses ! The fame of Frederick's valour and maiden 
 fortune, never as yet spoted with ill success, like a har- 
 binger hastening before, had provided victory to entertain 
 him at his arrival ; yea, this emperor, swifter than Caesar 
 himself, overcame before he came over into Palestine. 
 
 At this time the state of the Turks in Syria was very 
 aguish, and Frederick's coming put them into a shaking fit. 
 Coradin was dead, his children in minority, the Turkish 
 souldans factious, boiling in enmity one against another 1 . 
 Whereupon the sultan of Babylon, who was of chiefest 
 authority, and governed Syria, proffered Frederick so' ho- 
 nourable conditions as he might desire, but could never 
 hope for : namely, to restore unto him Jerusalem and all 
 Palestine, in as full and ample a manner as it was possessed 
 by Baldwin IV., before Saladin subdued it ; to set all 
 Christian captives at liberty, provided that the Turks might 
 have access to the sepulchre (though not lodging in the city 
 but suburbs, and that in small numbers at a time), there to 
 do their devotions, they also having a knowledge of, and 
 giving an honour to Christ, though no better than ignorance 
 and dishonour of him. 
 
 Frederick, before he ratified any thing by oath, sent to 
 
 1 Centuriat. 
 
A. D. 1229 THE HOLY WAR. 173 
 
 have the pope's approbation, who ill entreated and im- 
 prisoned his messengers, denied them audience, and con- 
 temptuously tore the emperor's letters 2 . Wherefore Frede- 
 rick without, yea, against his holiness's consent, concluded 
 a ten years' truce with the sultan ; and on Easter day 
 triumphantly entering Jerusalem, crowned himself king with 
 his own hands 3 [1229]. For Gerard patriarch of Jeru- 
 salem, and Oliver master of the Templars, with all the 
 clergy, absented themselves; neither was there any mass 
 sung in the city as long as the emperor being excommuni- 
 cated remained there 4 . 
 
 See that produced as it were in an instant, which the 
 succession of many years could not perform, all the Holy 
 Land recovered ! Some gallants perchance (whose curious 
 palates count all conquests dry meat which are not juiced 
 with blood) will dispraise this emperor's victory for the 
 best praise thereof, because it was so easily gotten without 
 drawing his sword for it. But they deserve to go naked, 
 who scorn to wear good clothes if they cost not dear. 
 
 The Templars were vexed at heart that they had no 
 partnership in the glory of this action ; yea, this touched 
 their copyhold. Had they lived lazy thus long in Pales- 
 tine, sucking the sweet of Christendom to no purpose 5 ? 
 See Frederick, with few men, little money, less time, as 
 master of his craft, had finished that which these bunglers 
 had so long in vain been fumbling about ! 
 
 Wherefore they, wanting true merit to raise themselves to 
 the pitch of Frederick's honour, sought by false detraction 
 to depress him to the depth of their own baseness ; defaming 
 him, as if he conspired with the sultan to the ruin of all 
 Christianity. In the mean time the Christians every where 
 built and repaired the cities of Palestine, being now resigned 
 into their hands. Joppa and Nazareth they strongly forti- 
 fied : the walls of Jerusalem were repaired, the churches 
 therein adorned, and all public edifices either wholly cast 
 their skin with the snake, or at leastwise renewed their bill 
 with the eagle, having their fronts either built or beautified. 
 But new tackling to an old rotten keel will never make 
 serviceable ship. Short were the smiles of this city, which, 
 groaning under God's old curse, little joyed herself in this 
 her new bravery. 
 
 2 Centuriat. 3 Matth. Paris, in anno 1229, p. 480. 
 4 Matth. Paris, in anno 1229, p. 479. 6 Idem, ibidem. 
 
BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAP. I. Frederick battered with the Pope's Force, and 
 undermined with his Fraud, leaveth Palestine, and re- 
 turneth into Italy. 
 
 THUS the Christians' affairs in Palestine were in good 
 case and possibility of improvement [1229]. But the 
 pope knew he should catch no fish if the waters were thus 
 clear; wherefore he stirred up John Bren, Frederick's 
 father-in-law (guess whether his plots ran not low when he 
 used such dregs) to raise a rebellion in Italy against him. 
 
 His holiness spread a false report of purpose, that Frede- 
 rick was dead. Who would think there were so much 
 substance in a shadow? This vain rumour wrought real 
 effects, strengthening Frederick's foes with hopes, and 
 staggering his friends with fear and uncertainties. Bren, 
 striking the iron whilst it was hot, won many places from 
 the emperor. And though Time soon after was delivered 
 of her daughter Truth, yet the confutation came too late, to 
 shut the door when the steed was stolen ; the pope having 
 attained his ends, and served his turn already. 
 
 A jubilee of liberty was proclaimed to all the emperor's 
 subjects, and they dispensed with from the pope for their 
 allegiance to him. Milan, and many other cities in Italy, 
 formerly imperial, danced at this music, made a foot-cloth 
 of their master's livery, and from this time dated themselves 
 free states. Here was brave gleaning, where all ran away 
 with whole sheaves ; where robbery was privileged for lawful 
 purchase. And the pope, wise enough not so to give away 
 the pie but to keep the best corner for himself, carved all 
 Apulia for his own part. 
 
 Whilst hostility in Italy, treason beset Frederick in Syria : 
 the Templars intimated to the sultan his privy project to 
 wash himself in Jordan, that so he might be surprised. But 
 the sultan (no doubt out of pity to see a lion catched in 
 a fox-trap, there being a consanguinity of all princes, and 
 the royal blood which runneth in their veins causing a 
 sympathy of majesty betwixt them) scorned to advantage 
 himself by treachery, and sent their letters to Frederick, 
 who afterwards used the Templars, and generally all the 
 
D. 1229 THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 175 
 
 ergy in Palestine (counting them accomplices with the 
 3pe) coarsely, not to say cruelly. 
 
 At last having confirmed his ten years' truce, and having 
 ^pointed Reinold duke of Bavaria his lieutenant in Syria, 
 ithout noise he cometh into Europe ; for to return triumph- 
 itly in state had been but an alarm to awaken envy, and a 
 arning piece for his enemies to prepare against him. He 
 itsailed fame itself, landing in Italy in person before he 
 rived there in report. Then the love of his loyal subjects, 
 therto rather coverted than quenched, appeared ; and 
 ough formerly forced to a contrary motion, returned now 
 aickly to their own prince, their proper centre. 
 Within fifteen days, assisted with the duke of Spoletum, 
 rederick recovered all which was won from him, and 
 travelled the fair web of John Bren's victory, even to the 
 ry hem thereof. 
 
 Then was all Italy (resembled by geographers, for the 
 hion thereof, to a man's leg) troubled with the incurable 
 ut of schism and faction : not a city of note in it which 
 as not dichotomized into the sect of the Guelfes, which 
 voured the pope, and Gibellines, which adhered to the 
 iperor. 
 
 Guelfes for Gibellines for 
 
 Guelfes for Gibellines for 
 
 the Pope. the Emperor. 
 
 the Pope. the Emperor. 
 
 IN ROME. 
 
 IN GENOA. 
 
 Jrsini Columnienses 
 
 Fosci Spinolse 
 
 iabellii Frangepanes 
 
 Grimaldi Adurnii 
 
 Caesarini 
 
 Fregosii Dorii 
 
 IN FLORENCE. 
 
 IN BONONIA. 
 
 ^dimarii Pazii 
 
 Caneduli Bentivoli 
 
 iJondelmontii Uberti 
 
 Pepuli Malvecii 
 
 \midei Donati 
 
 Marescotii 
 
 3erchii Albicii 
 
 
 liccii Strozi 
 
 IN FERRARA. 
 
 VIedicei Salviati 
 
 Estenses Saligureri 
 
 3 actii 
 
 IN MILAN. 
 
 IN LUCCA. 
 
 
 Interminelli Obicii 
 
 Vicecomites Turregiani 
 
 IN PADUA. 
 
 IN MANTUA. 
 
 Carrarii 
 
 Gonzagae Bonacursii * 
 
 These are collected out of Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3, 
 303. 
 
176 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 123 
 
 I will not quarrel with the tradition, that elves and goblin 
 in our English tongue, had their first original from the d< 
 pravation of the names of Guelfes and Gibellines 2 . If s< 
 sure I am, what now we make terriculamcnta infantun 
 scarecrows to affright children, were then true harpies t 
 devour men. 
 
 I would farther prosecute these discords ; and also sho 1 
 how Frederick was forced to ask pardon of him who ha 
 most wronged him, and dearly to purchase his absolutio 
 from the pope (for though this emperor's heart was as har 
 as stone, yet was it furrowed, dinted, and hollowed at la: 
 with the pope's constant dropping and incessant raining < 
 curses upon him); but I dare wander no farther in th; 
 subject, lest any should question my pass ; but return bac 
 to the Holy Land. 
 
 CHAP. II. The Tartars jirst appearing in the World affrig} 
 both Christians and Turks. Of their Name and J\dtur 
 Whether Turks or Tartars be easier convertible to the in 
 Religion. 
 
 REINOLD duke of Bavaria, being left Frederick 
 lieutenant in Syria, wisely discharged his office, an 
 preserved the peace entire which was concluded with th 
 sultan of Babylon. But the Templars sought by all mear 
 to bring this ten years' truce to an untimely end; which WE 
 as bad as a Lent to them, wherein they must fast froi 
 fighting, the meat and drink of turbulent spirits. Thesi 
 counting all lukewarm which were not scalding hot, cor 
 demned Reinold for want of zeal in the holy war, and gav 
 him many a lift to heave him from his place; but still h 
 sat sure, poised with his own gravity. Nor did the enmit 
 of Henry king of Cyprus much trouble him, who challenge 
 the principality of Antibch, as next of kin to the' prim 
 deceased: for Reinold met and defeated him in battle, an 
 bestowed Antioch on Frederick, base son to Frederick tr 
 emperor 1 [1232J. 
 
 But that which kept both Christians and Turks in aw. 
 and made them willing mutually to observe the truce, was tr 
 fear of the Tartars, a fierce nation, which now had their fir 
 flight out of their own nest into the neighbouring countrie 
 
 These Tartarians, anciently called Scythians, inhabit tl 
 northern part of Asia, a country never conquered by any 
 the monarchs, privileged from their victorious arms chief 
 
 2 Sir John Harrington. ' Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 1( 
 
A.D. 1232 THE HOLY WAR. 177 
 
 by its own barrenness : for except soldiers were ambitious 
 of hunger and cold, here is nothing to countervail their 
 pains of an invasion ; yea, no meat to maintain them. It is 
 true, rhubarb the best of drugs groweth in this the worst 
 of countries : but soldiers seek rather for food than physic 
 when they invade a country. A greater part of their land 
 is undiscovered, though map-makers, rather than they will 
 have their maps naked and bald, do periwig them with 
 false hair, and fill up the vacuum (especially towards the 
 north) with imaginary places of l/wg, and Gog, and the 
 plains of Bargu* : so true it is what one saith wittily in the 
 comedy, " that Phantasies, the servant of Geographus, tra- 
 velled farther beyond the arctic circle than ever his master 
 durst." 
 
 If it be surest to follow the most, the stream of writers 
 make it called Tartaria from the river Tartar; but Europe 
 and Asia will by woful experience justify the etymology, if 
 deduced from Tartarus, Hell. For when the spring-tides 
 of this nation overflowed the banks, hell might seem to have 
 broken loose, and to have sent so many devils abroad. 
 
 As for those that count them the offspring of the ten 
 tribes of Israel, which Salmanaser led away captive, because 
 Tatari or Totari signifieth in the Hebrew and Syriac 
 tongue, a residue or remnant, learned men have sufficiently 
 confuted it 3 . And surely it seemeth a forced and over- 
 strained deduction, to farfetch the name of Tartars from a 
 Hebrew word, a language so far distant from them. But 
 no more hereof: because perchance herein the woman's 
 reason hath a masculine truth ; and the Tartarians are called 
 so, because they are called so. It may be, curious etymo- 
 logists (let them lose their wages who work in difficult 
 trifles) seek to reap what was never sown, whilst they study 
 to make those words speak reason, which are only voces ad 
 placitum, imposed at pleasure. 
 
 Under their new name Tartarians, they keep their old 
 nature of Scythians, fierce, cruel ; yea, sometimes, instead 
 of other meat, making man their meat. One humour they 
 have, much affecting the owl 4 , a bird which other nations 
 scorn and hate, as the usher of ill hick. The occasion was 
 this : A king of Tartary, sought for by his enemies, hid him- 
 self in a bush, whither his foes came to seek him; when 
 
 2 See Mercator's maps. 
 
 3 See Brierwood's Inquiries, chap. 13. 
 '* Sabell. Eim. 9, lib. 6, p. 391. 
 
 N 
 
178 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1232 
 
 presently an owl flew out of the place : whereupon they 
 desisted from further search, conceiving that that anchorite 
 bird proclaimed nothing was there but solitude and deso- 
 lation. Hence in gratitude they never count themselves 
 more gay than when their helmets are hung with owls' fea- 
 thers. Whereat I should strange more, but that I find this 
 fowl dedicated to Minerva, the goddess of wit 5 , and that 
 Athens (schoolmistress of the world) counted it a token of 
 victory. The king of these Tartarians styleth himself the 
 great cham, and is monarch of a great part of the world in 
 possession, of the rest in imagination. He taketh and his 
 subjects give him little less than divine honour; who in 
 other things at this time were pure pagans and idolaters. 
 Now their country, which is like a poor man whose common 
 is overstocked with children, swarming with more bees than 
 hives, sent their superfluous numbers to seek their fortunes 
 amongst the Christians. They needed no steel armour who 
 had iron bodies. Only with bows, cruelty, and multitude 
 they overran Lithuania, Podolia, Polonia, and those coun- 
 tries which are the east boundaries of Europe. Others took 
 their way southward into Asia, committing outrages as they 
 went; and, sensible how incomparably their own country 
 was surpassed for pleasure and profit by these new lands 
 (blame not their judgment if they preferred a palace before 
 a prison), they little cared to return home. 
 
 Their incursions into Europe were so far and frequent, that 
 Pope Innocent IV., about the year 1245, began to fear them 
 in Italy. Wherefore he sent Askelin, a friar much admired 
 in that age, with three others, into Tartary, to convert that 
 nation to Christianity. Where Askelin, instead of teaching 
 them the elements of our religion, laid this foundation, to 
 amplify to them the power of the pope, setting him out in 
 his full dimensions, how he was above all men in the Chris- 
 tian world. A good nurse, to feed infants, instead of milk, 
 with such dry bones : enough almost to affright them from 
 entering into our church, seeing such a giant as they painted 
 the pope to stand before the door. 
 
 But Baiothnoi, chief captain of the Tartarian army (for 
 they were not admitted to speak with the great cham him- 
 self), cried quits with this friar, outvying him with the great- 
 ness and divinity of their cham ; and sent back by them a 
 blunt letter : 
 
 " Pope, know this : thy messengers came and brought 
 
 5 Vide Erasm. Adag. in Xoctua volat. 
 
A. D. 1232 THE HOLY WAR. 179 
 
 letters to us ; thy messengers spake great words; we know 
 not whether thou enjoinedst them, or whether they spake of 
 themselves : and in thy letters thou writest thus, Many men 
 you kill, slay, and destroy." At last he thus concluded : 
 " If thou wilt set upon our land, water, and patrimony, it 
 behoveth that thou, pope, in thy proper person come unto 
 us ; and that thou come to him who containeth the face of 
 the whole earth ;" meaning their great cham 6 . 
 
 Never did his holiness so meet with his match before* 
 He durst not meet the great cham of the east, his competitor 
 in the imaginary monarchy of the world, to try whose title 
 was truest. Let others tear their skins, he would sleep in 
 a whole one. And indeed that shepherd loved his flock of 
 Christians better, than by his absence in a long journey 
 into Tartary to expose them to the wolves. And so the 
 conversion of Tartary at that time was disappointed. 
 
 It is a pretty quare, whether Turks or Tartars be easier 
 convertible to the Christian religion : I mean ex parts 
 objecti ; for otherwise all things are equally easy to an infi- 
 nite agent. Now it seemeth the Tartars are reducible with 
 most facility to our religion ; for pure Paganism and native 
 infidelity, like white cloth, will take the tincture of Chris- 
 tianity ; whereas the Turks are soiled and stained with the 
 irreligious religion of Mahometanism, which first with much 
 pains must be scoured out of them. And though they may 
 seem to be in some forwardness to conversion, because they 
 have a kind of knowledge and reverence of Christ, yet the 
 best joint of their belief must be broken before it can be 
 Well set, and every drop of their present religion pumped 
 out before true faith be infused into them. And experience, 
 the most competent witness herein, hath proved, that after- 
 wards more Tartars, both private men and princes, than 
 Turks of either condition, have embraced Christianity. 
 Enough at this time ; we shall have occasion too soon to 
 speak more of the Tartars. 
 
 CHAP. III. The Greeks recover their Empire from the 
 Latins. The Holy War thereby much endamaged. 
 
 IT was conceived that it would be much beneficial to the 
 pilgrims in their voyages to Palestine, that the Latins 
 were lately possessed of the Grecian empire ; for what is 
 saved is gained : and grant that the Latins in Greece should 
 
 6 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 2. Sed ex Vincent, lib. 31, 
 cap. 51. 
 
180 THE HISTORY OF A.o.1232 
 
 not actually assist in the holy war, yet it was a considerable 
 advantage what all justly expected, that pilgrims should 
 now have safe and secure passage through Greece, the pit- 
 fall which formerly had devoured so many. 
 
 But these fair hopes soon miscarried. For what through 
 the celerity of Theodorus Lascaris, and the gravity of John 
 Ducas his son-in-law, who reigned as Grecian emperors in 
 Nice, the Greeks recovered every foot of ground that the 
 Latins had won from them : only the Venetians, being good 
 at holdfast, kept their portion when all others had spent 
 theirs, and enjoy Candia to this day. This is imputed to 
 their discretion in their choice, who, in the sharing of this 
 empire amongst the western princes, refused the continent 
 countries (though greater in extent and richer in cities), 
 and chose rather the islands, which, being as little worlds 
 in themselves, were most capable of entire fortifications, 
 especially in their way, who were most powerful at sea. 
 
 Sixty years almost did the Latins make a hard shift to 
 hold Constantinople, under five succeeding emperors : 
 '1. Baldwin I. earl of Flanders [1203] ; 2. Henry his bro- 
 ther [1205] ; 3. Peter, count of Auxerre in France, Henry's 
 son-in-law [1216]; 4. Robert [1221] ; 5. Baldwin II. and 
 last [1238]. An example which the observers of the ominous 
 circulation or return of names allege, that as a Baldwin 
 was the first, so a Baldwin was the last Latin emperor in 
 Greece. 
 
 Of these, the first Baldwin had his hands and feet cut off, 
 and died in a ditch ; Peter, invited to a feast, paid the 
 shot with his life ; the other three died without any violence, 
 but with much misery. And thus their conquest of Greece, 
 like a little sprig stuck into the ground, did sprout at the 
 first whilst it had any sap in it, but then withered for want 
 of a root. 
 
 Indeed it was impossible long to continue ; for when the 
 generation of the primitive adventurers in this action were 
 dead, there wanted another to succeed them ; and the 
 countries whence they came were so far off, that supplies of 
 Latin people came thither very slowly : only Venice well 
 peopled her parts from the vicinity of her dominions. And 
 that number of soldiers which is sufficient by sudden con- 
 quest to overrun a country, is incompetent, without a second 
 edition of new supplies, to make good, manage, and main- 
 tain it; especially being to meddle with the Greeks, far 
 exceeding them in number, subject only out of fear, longing 
 -daily for their liberty, and opportunity to recover it. 
 
A.D. 1237 THE HOLY WAR. 181 
 
 Let never any pilgrims hereafter make Greece their inn in 
 their journey to Palestine. Yea, also at this time the fur- 
 nace of the Grecian jealousy was made seven times hotter; 
 for besides this civil, an ecclesiastical and spiritual breach 
 happened betwixt them and the Latins, which we come 
 now to describe. 
 
 CHAP. IV. The incurable Breach betwixt the Eastern and 
 Western Churches, with the Occasion thereof. 
 
 HITHERTO Grecians and Latins lived together in 
 Palestine in some tolerable correspondency ; differ- 
 ing in judgment, but complying in affections ; as counting 
 themselves two several sides, yet both making up the body 
 of Christians. But now, by an unhappy discord they were 
 irreconcilably parted asunder, to the great advantage of the 
 Turks and prejudice of the holy war. We will fetch this 
 flame from the first spark ; and, though we go far about, the 
 length of the journey will be recompensed by the goodness 
 of the way. 
 
 Anciently in the primitive time the church of Rome was 
 esteemed the first and chiefest of all others, but without any 
 jurisdiction above them. Because that was the imperial 
 city and queen of the world, therefore the church therein 
 was highest in account ; as the candle which is in the fairest 
 candlestick is always set above the rest (though otherwise 
 equal unto it in light) at the upper end of the table. 
 
 It happened afterward that the emperor removed his seat 
 from Rome to Constantinople; whereupon orphan Rome 
 suddenly decayed (for the emperor's court carried day with 
 it, and left night behind it), was chief mourner at the fune- 
 rals of her own greatness, and from a pleasant garden turned 
 a wilderness overgrown with Goths, Vandals, and other 
 barbarous weeds ; whilst Constantinople, tricked and tired 
 herself, started up in an instant great, rich, and stately; 
 insomuch that John her patriarch claimed to be universal 
 bishop over all other. Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome, 
 stoutly withstood him, protesting that he was the usher of 
 Antichrist who assumed that swelling title; wherein he 
 heated the brand to mark his successor with : for Boniface 
 (save one, the next), pope of Rome, so dealt with Phocas 
 the emperor of Constantinople, that he got himself confirmed 
 universal bishop over the whole world. A chaplain and a 
 patron well met, both usurpers, supporting one another 
 (like stones in an arch) with their reciprocal aid ; Phocas 
 held Boniface in his chair, and Boniface kept Phocas in his 
 
182 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1237 
 
 throne. And thus was the pope of Rome first possessed of 
 his primacy both of dignity and authority, both of pre- 
 cedency and of power and jurisdiction over all other 
 churches. As for his pretence, to challenge it by com- 
 mission from Christ and succession from Peter, this string 
 to his bow is so full of galls, frets, and knots, it cannot 
 hold, and is broken by many learned divines. 
 
 However, Constantinople rather overborne than overcome, 
 for want rather of strength than stomach, ever rebelled, or 
 rather resisted (for no rebellion against usurpation) Rome's 
 supremacy (especially when she found herself befriended 
 with any advantage) for many hundred years after. 
 
 It happened (to come to the matter in hand) that a Gre- 
 cian archbishop went to Rome, there to have his confirma- 
 tion 1 ; where the court demanded of him such unreason- 
 able fees (toll more than the grist) that the prelate perceived 
 it would weaken him to be confirmed, and shake his estate 
 to settle him in his bishopric. Home therefore he cometh 
 with a loud alarm against the extortions of Rome, and mus- 
 tereth together many of his countrymen ; who hereupon 
 for ever withdrew their obedience from Rome, and threw 
 off that heavy yoke they could not bear, hereafter owning 
 her for their sister, not mother. 
 
 It may seem strange that the Roman court, being here 
 justly taxed for extortion, would not amend it. But how 
 often soever she be told of her dirty face, she will never- 
 wash it: for reforming would argue a former fault; and 
 they feared, if they yielded themselves guilty in one point, 
 it would shake the whole fabric of their credit. Besides, if 
 the Grecians had received satisfaction and redress in this 
 grievance, it would have given them pretence to prepare 
 more requests, and to think that they also were due. Lastly, 
 no strength of persuasion will draw men from those sins 
 which are glued unto them by their profit. Thus the avarice 
 of the Romish officers (as of late the shameful shameless 
 covetousness of their indulgencemongers occasioned Luther's 
 falling from them) caused the Grecians wholly to renounce 
 their subjection to that see ; and Germanus patriarch of 
 Constantinople now grew absolute of himself, without any 
 dependency on the pope. 
 
 His holiness, despairing to reduce them by fair means, 
 proclaimed war against them. And as formerly against the 
 Albigenses, so now against the Grecians, resolved to send an 
 
 1 Matth. Paris, in anno 1237, p. 622. 
 
A. D. 1237 THE HOLY WAR. 183 
 
 army of croised soldiers 1 : it being his custom to make the 
 secular power little better than a hangman to execute those 
 he should please to condemn ; yea, he hath turned the back 
 of the sword towards infidels, and the edge against Chris- 
 tians dissenting from him in small matters. But few volun- 
 taries were found for this service, because of a pious horror 
 and religious reluctancy against so odious an employment: 
 only in Cyprus 3 (I believe in a private persecution rather 
 than open war) some Grecians were put to death ; the pope 
 using the same severity against wolves and wandering 
 sheep, foes and prodigal children. 
 
 CHAP. V. Wherein the Greeks dissent from the Latins. 
 What must charitably be conceived of them. 
 
 BESIDES their rejecting of the pope's both ecclesias- 
 tical and temporal tyranny, the Greeks differ from the 
 Latins in other matters of moment : for they maintain the 
 procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father alone. As 
 for their other tenets, they stand in some middle terms of 
 opinion betwixt papists and protestants ; yet so, that they 
 approach nearer the papists in more, to us in more weighty 
 and dominative points. With Rome they concur in tran- 
 substantiation, in the whole sacrifice of the mass, in praying 
 to saints and for the dead, in auricular confession, in wor- 
 shiping of pictures (only of Christ and our Lady), but all 
 images they detest ; a kind of purgatory they hold, but not 
 in hell or the skirts thereof, nor by any outward torment 1 . 
 With us they consent in the sufficiency of the Scriptures to 
 salvation, in denying the infallibility of the church (much 
 more of the pope), the overplus of merits, service un- 
 understood, indulgences, liberaties out of purgatory, and the 
 like. 
 
 Hereupon the Romanists condemn them all for heretics 
 and castaways, killing more than a third of all Christians 
 (as Cain did a quarter of mankind with a blow) with this 
 their uncharitable censure. But heaven-gate was not so 
 easily shut against multitudes when St. Peter himself wore 
 the keys at his girdle. And let us not with rash judging 
 thrust all into the pit of hell whom we see walking near the 
 brink thereof. We shall think better of them if we consider 
 that, 
 
 First, their tenets wherein they dissent from the Ro- 
 
 2 Matth. Paris, in anno 1237, p. 622. 3 Idem, p. 614. 
 1 Sir Edw. Sand, Relig. of the West, p. 233, 234. 
 
184 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1237 
 
 manists are sound enough, save that of the Holy Ghost. 
 Concerning which it is a useful quare, whether, granting 
 the first authors and ringleaders of that error in a bad con- 
 dition, there be not some favour to be allowed to those who 
 in simplicity succeed to hereditary errors received from 
 their ancestors, if they do not wilfully bar nor bolt their 
 eyes against the beams of the truth, but be willing (as we 
 charitably conceive of the Greeks) to receive and embrace 
 better instruction. 
 
 Secondly, the master of the sentences (waited on herein 
 with other learned men 2 ) is of opinion, that in the sense of 
 the Greek church cL Filio and per Filium is no real dif- 
 ference, but a question in modo loquendi. Sure it would 
 have grated the foundation, if they had so denied the pro- 
 cession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as thereby to make 
 an inequality betwixt the two persons ; but since their form 
 of speech is, that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the' 
 Father by the Son, and is the Spirit of the Son, without 
 making any difference in the consubstantiality of the per- 
 sons, their doctrine may pass with a favourable inter- 
 pretation. 
 
 Thirdly, our quickest sight in the matters of the Trinity 
 is but one degree above blindness. Wherefore, as concerning 
 it, let our piety lodge there where in other disputes the 
 deceit of sophisters used to nestle itself, namely, in univer- 
 salibus, in large and general expressions, and not descend 
 to curious particulars. To search into the manner of the 
 Spirit's procession is neither manners nor religion; and 
 rather falleth under an awful adoration and belief than an 
 exact and curious inquiry. 
 
 Lastly, this their tenet doth not infect any other point in 
 divinity with its poisonous inferences. Some errors are 
 worse in their train than in themselves, which (as the dra'gon 
 in the Revelation drew down a third part of the stars with 
 his tail), by their bad consequences, pervert other points of 
 religion ; but this Grecian opinion (as learned men pro- 
 pound it) concerning the Holy Ghost, hath this happiness, 
 that it is barren, and begetteth no other bad tenets from it, 
 being entire in itself. 
 
 More may be alleged for the lessening of this error; 
 but grant it in its full extent, yet surely the moderate judg- 
 
 2 Bonavent. 1. Sent. dist. 11, art. 1, quaest. 1. Scotus, 1. 
 Sent. dist. 1, quaest. 1. Th. Aquin. part 1, qufest. 36, 
 
.D. 1237 THE HOLY WAR. 185 
 
 ent of that learned divine 3 , whose memory smelleth like a 
 eld the Lord hath blessed, will abide trial ; who in effect 
 ms concludeth, Their schisms are sinful, wicked, and in- 
 xcusable; their doctrine dangerous, but not so damnable as 
 xcluding from all possibility of salvation. 
 
 As for the observation of a schoolman 4 , that afterwards 
 
 e Turks won Constantinople on Whitsunday, the day 
 edicated to the memorial of the Holy Spirit, as if God 
 
 srein pointed at the sin of the Grecians in dishonouring the 
 'oly Ghost ; we leave it to the reader's discretion, desiring 
 
 ther to be sceptical than definitive in the causes of God's 
 
 dgments. 
 
 HAP. VI. A comparative Estimate of the Extent of the 
 Greek and Latin Church. What Hope of Reconcilement 
 betwixt them. The Influence this Breach had on the Holu 
 War. 
 
 F that religion were surely the best which is of the greatest 
 L latitude and extent, surveyors of land were fitter than 
 vines to judge of the best religion. Neither is it any 
 alter of great moment to measure the greatness of either 
 urch; but because Rome maketh her universality such a 
 asterpiece to boast of, let us see if the Greek church may 
 >t outshoot her in her own bow. 
 
 If we begin with the Grecian church in Africa under the 
 
 triarch of Alexandria, thence proceeding into Asia, and 
 
 tch a compass about Syria, Armenia, Asia the Less, with 
 
 yrus, Candia, and other islands in the Midland Sea, and 
 
 come into Greece; if hence we go into Russia and 
 
 uscovy (who, though differing in ceremonies, dissent not 
 
 doctrine, as a sundry dialect maketh not a several 
 
 nguage) to take only entire kingdoms, and omit parcels : 
 
 is a larger quantity of ground than that the Romish 
 
 ligion doth stretch to, since Luther cut so large a collop 
 
 t of it, and withdrew North Europe from obedience to 
 
 s holiness. 
 
 Perchance the Romanists may plead they have lately 
 proved the patrimony of their religion by new purchases 
 both Indies; but who knoweth not that those people, 
 ather watered than baptized, affrighted with cruelty into 
 Christianity, deserve not to be accounted, settled, and well- 
 rounded professors of their religion ? 
 
 3 In his third book Of the Church, chap. 5. 
 
 4 Estius, dist. 11, $ 2. 
 
186 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 123 
 
 As for reconciliation betwixt the Grecians and Latins, 
 is utterly improbable, except the Greeks submit to th 
 pope's primacy, which they will never do. No hope the 
 of their meeting together, when neither party will stir ste 
 towards other. 
 
 True it is, some forty years since (anno 1594), the bishop 
 of Little Russia (a country following the eastern church 
 but under the king of Poland), on condition they woul 
 accept the pope's supremacy ', were dispensed with, an 
 permitted in other matters to adhere to the Greek church 
 and keep union with it; the pope manifesting herein, the 
 he aimeth not so much at the reduction of the Greeks to th 
 truth as to his own obedience. 
 
 Besides the hatred they have against the pope's prid< 
 another great hinderance of the union is the small intercom's 
 the eastern Christians have or desire to have with thi 
 western. They live amongst the Turks, and are grown to b| 
 contented slaves; and, having long since parted with the 
 hopes, now almost have lost their desire of liberty. 
 
 We must not forget how some fifty years ago solem 
 news was reported in Rome, that the patriarch of Alexandri; 
 with all the Greek church in Africa, by their ambassador 
 had submitted and reconciled themselves to the pope, an 
 from him received absolution and benediction*. All whic 
 was a politic lie, perchance therefore reported, that it migl 
 make impression in the minds, and raise and confirm tn 
 spirits of the vulgar, who easily believe all that their bettei 
 tell them. And though afterwards this report was coi! 
 trolled to be false, yet men's spirits, then being cold, we | 
 not so sensible of it as before ; and the former news came 
 many men's ears who never heard afterwards of the che< 
 and confutation thereof. Nor is there any state in tl 
 world that maketh such use and advantage, as the pap 
 doth, of false news. To conclude: as it is a maxim 
 philosophy, ex quibus constamuSj ex iisdew nutrimur ; 
 a great part of their religion consisting of errors and fals 
 hoods, it is suitable that accordingly it should be kept \ 
 and maintained with forgeries and deceits. 
 
 To return to Palestine : this rent (not in the seam b 
 whole cloth) betwixt these churches was no mean hinderan 
 to the holy war. Formerly the Greeks in Syria were not 
 clearly cut asunder from the Latins, but that they hui 
 
 1 Possevin in Apparatu sacro, in Rutheni. See Brierwoo< 
 Inquiries, chap. 18. 2 Sir Edw. Sand. West. Relig. p. 101 
 
L.D, 1238 
 
 THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 187 
 
 together by one great sinew in the common cause, agreeing 
 igainst the Turk the enemy to both; but since this last 
 >reach, the Greeks did in their desires propend and incline 
 the Turks, being better contented they should conquer, 
 rom whom they should have fair quarter, free exercise of 
 
 iir religion, and secure dwelling in any city, paying a 
 let tribute ; than the Latins, who they feared would force 
 jheir consciences, and bring their souls in subjection to the 
 
 ope's supremacy. Expect we then never hereafter, that 
 tither their hearts or hands should afford any assistance to 
 jmr pilgrims in their designs. 
 
 Some conceive 3 , that at this day if the western Christians 
 
 lould stoutly invade Turkey with any likelihood to prevail, 
 Greeks therein would run to aid them. But others are 
 |>f a contrary judgment ; considering, first, the inveterate 
 Lnd inlaid hatred (not to be washed off) they bear the 
 tins; secondly, the jealousy they have that they will 
 
 jver keep promise with them, who have always a warrant 
 lormant from the pope to break all contracts prejudicial to 
 "ie Romish church ; thirdly, that custom and long conti- 
 luance in slavery have so hardened and brawned their 
 [boulders, the yoke doth not wring them so much ; yea, 
 Ihey had rather suffer the Turks, being old full flies, to suck 
 jhem, than to hazard their galled backs to new hungry 
 nes ; finding by experience, that they themselves live on 
 
 mer terms of servitude under the Turk, less grated and 
 'rinded with exactions than some of their countrymen do 
 mderthe Latins; for instance, in Zante and Candia under 
 Ihe Venetians. 
 
 lHAP. k VII. Theobald King of Navarre ?naketh an unsuc- 
 cessful Voyage into Palestine. 
 
 'HE ten years' truce by this time [1238] was expired, 
 which Frederick made with the Turks ; and Reinold 
 riceroy of Palestine, by instructions from him, concluded 
 mother truce of the same term with them 1 . He saw that 
 mis young Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, like an infant, 
 ld thrive best with sleeping with peace and quietness, 
 or was it any policy for him to move at all, where there 
 is more danger to hurt than hope to help their present 
 ite. 
 
 3 Sir Edw. Sand. West. Relig. p. 242. 
 1 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16. Decennales inducias nuper 
 ienuo confirmarat. 
 
188 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1239 
 
 But though this peace was honourable and profitable, 
 having no fault but that Frederick made it; yet the Templars, 
 who did not relish the father, must needs distaste the child. 
 They complained that this peace was not used as a slumber 
 to refresh the soldiers' spirits, but as a lethargy to benumb 
 their valour; and chiefly snarled at this indignity, that the 
 Turks had access to the Temple of the Sepulchre, and that 
 goats had free commonage in the sheep's pasture. Where- 
 fore Pope Gregory, to despite the Emperor Frederick, caused 
 the Dominicans and Franciscans, his trumpeters, to incite 
 people to the holy war*. These were two twin orders, but 
 the Dominican the eldest, which now were no sooner 
 hatched in the world, but presently chirped in the pulpits. 
 In that age sermons were news, and meat for princes, not 
 common men ; yea, the Albigenses with their preaching had 
 drowned the voices of secular priests, if these two orders had 
 not helped to out-noise those supposed heretics. These 
 amplified with their rhetoric the calamity of the Christians, 
 tyranny of the Turks, merit of the cause, probability ol 
 success ; performing their parts with such gravity, show ol 
 devotion, accents of passion, not glued on for the presenl 
 purpose but so natural as from true affection, that many were 
 wooed to undertake the voyage [1239]; principally, Theo- 
 bald king of Navarre, Almerick earl of Montfort, Henry oi 
 Champagne, Peter earl of Bretagne, with many others ol 
 inferior rank. 
 
 Ships they had none ; wherefore they were fain to shape 
 their passage by land through Greece ; where they were 
 entertained with treachery, famine, and all the miseries 
 which wait on distressed armies. These came last that way, 
 and (I may say) shut the door ; for no Christian army evei 
 after went that tedious journey by land. 
 
 Having passed the Bosporus, they marched into Bithy- 
 nia ; thence through Galatia they came unto the mountair 
 Taurus, where they were much damnified by the Turks, wh( 
 fell on and off upon them, as they were advised by theii 
 own advantages. The Christians desired no other gift bu 
 that a set battle might be given them, which the Turk: 
 would not grant, but played at distance and would neve 
 close. But with much ado the Christians recovered t< 
 Antioch, having scarce a third part of them left; their horse: 
 all dead, and themselves scarce mounted on their legs 
 miserably weak ; as what the mercy of sword, plague, anc 
 famine, had pleased to spare. 
 
 2 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16. 
 
*.D. 1239 THE HOLY WAR. 189 
 
 Hence the Templars conducted them to Gaza, where 
 hey fell on foraging the country of the sultan, assaulting no 
 laces which were of strength, or honour to subdue, but 
 >nly spoiled poor villages, which counted themselves walled 
 
 ith the truce as yet in force. Abundance of wealth they 
 ot, and were now late returning home, when after their 
 lentiful supper a dear and sharp reckoning was called for. 
 Behold, the Turks in great numbers fell upon them near 
 into Gaza, and the Christians down with their bundles of 
 poil, and out with their swords, bravely defending them- 
 selves till such time as the night parted the fray. Here they 
 ommitted a great error, and (as one may say) a neglect in 
 ver-diligence ; for, instead of reposing themselves to rest, 
 nd appointing a set watch, they all lay in a manner perdues, 
 10 one slumbering all night, but attending their enemies; 
 :ontrary to the rules of an army, which with Argus should 
 lever have all its eyes wake or sleep together. Next 
 norning when the Turks, whose numbers were much in- 
 reased, set upon them, alas ! they being but few to many, 
 aint to fresh, were not able to make any forcible resistance ; 
 ret, what they could not pay in present, they pawned their 
 ives for; that their arms being too weak for their hearts, 
 :hey were rather killed than conquered. Earl Henry was 
 lain, Almerick taken prisoner, the king of Navarre escaped 
 >y the swiftness of his Spanish gennet ; which race, for their 
 ringed speed, the poets feigned to be begot of the wind. 
 
 Meantime the other Christians looked on, and saw their 
 Drethren slaughtered before their eyes ; and yet though they 
 were able to help them, were not able to help them, their 
 lands being tied with the truce, and Reinold charging them 
 10 way to infringe the peace concluded with the sultan. 
 Hereupon many cursed him as the Christians' cut-throat; 
 ie as fast condemned the king of Navarre and his army for 
 >reaking the truce. And though the papal faction pleaded 
 hat the former peace concluded not these late adventurers, 
 ind that it was only made with Frederick the emperor, yet 
 ie representing the whole body of Christianity, all the 
 bundle of their shifts could not piece out a satisfactory 
 mswer, but that they were guilty of faith-breaking. 
 
 Home hastened the king of Navarre with a small retinue, 
 clouding himself in privateness ; as that actor who cometh 
 off with the dislike of the spectators stealeth as invisibly as 
 he may into the tiring-house. Expectation, that friendly 
 foe, did him much wrong; and his performance fell the 
 lower, because men heightened their looking for great 
 matters from him. 
 
190 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1240 
 
 CHAP. V III. Richard Earl of Cornwall saileth to the 
 
 Holy Land. His Performance there, and the Censure 
 
 thereof. 
 
 T^IFTEEN days after the departure of Theobald 1 
 J7 [October llth, 1240], Richard earl of Cornwall, 
 brother to Henry III. then king of England, landed 
 at Ptolemais. This prince was our English Crassus 01 
 Crcesus; Cornwall was his Indies, where he turned tin intc 
 gold and silver. So well monied he was, that for ten years 
 together he might for every day expend a hundred marks 1 
 So that England never since had together a poorer king anc 
 a richer subject. 
 
 Before he began his voyage, he craved a subsidy o: 
 prayers from the monks of St. Albans; yea, scarce was there 
 any convent appearing for piety, to whose devotions h< 
 recommended not himself, counting that ship to sail th< 
 surest which is driven with the breath of goodly men'; 
 prayers. Theodoricus lord prior of the English Hospitallers 
 with many other barons and brave soldiers attending him 
 passed through France, and was there honourably enter 
 tained by King Louis. 
 
 Being come to the Mediterranean Sea, the pope's le:at< 
 brought him a flat countermand, that he must go no further 
 but instantly return. Richard at first was astonishec 
 hereat ; but quickly his anger got the mastery of his amaze 
 ment, and he fell on fuming. Was this Christ's vicar ' 
 Unlike was he to him, who was thus unlike to himself, wh( 
 would say and unsay, solemnly summon, then suddenly 
 cashier his holy soldiers. This was deluding of people': 
 devotions with false alarms, to make them put their armou 
 on to put it off again. As for his own self,, he had vowec 
 this voyage, his honour and treasure was engaged therein 
 and the pope should not blast his settled resolutions with ; 
 breath: his ships were manned, victualled, and sailing 
 forward ; and in such great actions the setting forth is mon 
 than half the journey 3 . 
 
 All know his holiness to be too wary an archer to shoo 
 away his arrows at nothing. He had a mark herein, a plo 
 in this restraint, but that too deep for others to fathom. I 
 could not be this, to make this rich earl (a fish wortl 
 angling for) to commute his voyage into money, and to bu; 
 
 1 Matth. Paris, p 670. 2 Caniden, in Cornwall. 
 
 3 -Matth. Pans, in Hen. III. p. 7 19. 
 
. D. 1240 THE HOLY WAR. 191 
 
 dispensation of his holiness to stay at home, as formerly he 
 ad served many meaner pilgrims. Surely, though the 
 )ope's covetousness might have prompted, his wisdom 
 YOU Id have dissuaded him from a project spun with so 
 oarse a thread. 
 
 On saileth Earl Richard, and safely arriveth at Ptolemais ; 
 vhere he is well welcomed, especially by the clergy, solemnly 
 inging, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of' the Lord*. 
 He proclaimed, no Christian should depart for want of 
 iay ; for he would entertain any, and give them good wages 
 lat would do work in this war. But he found the Christians 
 here shivered into several factions, and the two great orders, 
 Hospitallers and Templars, two great confusions of the 
 oly cause. Of these the Hospitallers were the seniors in 
 landing, their original being dated eighteen years before 
 tie Templars, and therefore challenged superiority. But 
 hat which made the younger brother so brisk was, that he 
 vas his father's darling. The Templars in all their broils 
 ad support from the pope, because the others were sus- 
 ected to have a smack of the imperial faction. This made 
 lem active, daring, offering of affronts ; and what country- 
 nen soever the Templars were, they were always Italians, 
 hat is, true to the triple crown. These, being madded with 
 mbition, were the more outrageous for their high fare (their 
 reat revenues), and deserved to be dieted with a poorer 
 >ittance, except they would have used their strength better. 
 )ur earl knew, to please one side would certainly displease 
 le other, and to please both would probably please 
 either. 
 
 Wherefore he managed his matters entirely to himself, 
 without relating to either of the parties, taking no ground of 
 leir giving, but bowling at the public good by the aim of 
 is own eye. 
 
 The sultans in Syria (for the Turkish power there was 
 ivided into several sultanies, as those of Damascus, Cracci 5 , 
 leisser, but Babylon the chiefest), hearing of Richard's 
 reparations, proffered peace unto him. But whilst as yet 
 ie conditions were in suspense, Richard fortified Askelon 
 in all the bunch there was not a better key, or harbour of 
 nore importance), not only to strength but state, with marble 
 illars and statues ; though the silent ruins thereof at this 
 [ay confess not to the beholders that any such cost was ever 
 estowed there. He also caused the corpses of the Christians 
 
 4 Matth. Paris, in Hen. III. p. 729. 
 
 5 Called anciently Arabia Petraea, Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 5. 
 
, 
 
 192 THE HISTORY OF A.o.124 
 
 killed at the late battle of Gaza, and hitherto unburied, 
 decently to be interred ; and appointed an annual salary to a 
 priest to pray for their souls. Hereby he had the happiness 
 with little cost to purchase much credit; and the living 
 being much taken with kindness to the dead, this burying oi 
 those Christians with pious persons won him as much 
 repute as if he killed so many Turks. 
 
 At last the truce for ten years was concluded with the 
 sultan [1241]; all Christian captives were discharged and 
 set free, many sorts of them restored, and matters for the 
 main reduced to the same estate they were at the first peace 
 with Frederick the emperor; and Richard returning through 
 Sicily and by Rome, where he visited his holiness, safely 
 came home to England, where he \vas welcomed with bad 
 news, that a discontented Cornish man, banished for his 
 misdemeanours, had found out tin mines in Bohemia 6 ; 
 which afterwards more assuaged the swelling of this earl's 
 bags than all his voyage to Palestine; for till that time that 
 metal was only fetched from England, which afforded meat 
 to some foreign countries, and dishes to all. 
 
 His voyage was variously censured ; the Templars whiclj 
 consented not to the peace, flouted thereat, as if all this 
 while he had laboured about a difficult nothing, and as 
 good never a whit as never the better, for the agreemenl 
 would never hold long. Others thought he had abundantl) 
 satisfied any rational expectation ; for he compelled, saith 
 one, the Saracens to truce 7 (a strange compulsion without 
 violence, except the showing of a scabbard), he restored man) 
 to the life of their life, their liberty ; which alone was 
 worth all his pains : the peace he concluded was honourable 
 and a cheap olive-branch is better than dear bays. 
 
 Two of our English Richards were at Palestine ; on 
 famous for drawing his sword, the other his purse. He wai 
 also remarkable herein, that he brought all his men anc 
 ships safe home (next of kin to a miracle), and none wil 
 deny but that in such dangerous adventures a saver is : 
 gainer. One good he got hereby : this journey brought hin 
 into play amongst foreign princes; henceforward the beyond, 
 sea world took notice of him, and he of it. Never would h' 
 have had the face to have courted the crown imperial, if thes 
 his travels had not put boldness and audacity into hire 
 which made him afterwards a stiff rival to bid for th 
 empire of Germany. 
 
 6 Matth. Paris, p. 765. 7 Camden, in Cornwall. 
 
A. D. 1244 THE HOLY WAR. 193 
 
 CHAP. IX. The Corasines cruelly sack the City of Jeru- 
 salem, and kill the Christians therein. 
 
 \ BOUT this time (though we find not the punctual date 
 -/JL thereof), happened the death of Remold, Frederick's 
 lieutenant in Syria, who by his moderation had been a good 
 benefactor to the holy war. But the Templars counted him 
 to want metal, because he would not be mad, and cause- 
 lessly break the truce with the sultan. In his grave was 
 buried the happiness of the Christians in Palestine: for now 
 the lawless Templars observe no other rule but their own 
 will. 
 
 And now the inundation of the Tartarians, in spite of all 
 dams and banks, overran the north of Asia, and many 
 nations fled from their own countries for fear of them. 
 Amongst other the Corasines (called by some Choermines, 
 and Groissoms), a fierce and warlike people, were notwith- 
 standing by the Tartarians forced to forsake their land. 
 
 Being thus unkennelled, they had their recourse to the 
 sultan of Babylon, and petitioned him to bestow some 
 habitation upon them. Their suit he could neither safely 
 grant nor deny : a< denial would egg their discontents into 
 desperateness, and such sturdy dangerous vagabonds might 
 do much harm ; to admit them to be joint tenants in the 
 same country with the Turks, was a present inconvenience, 
 and would be a future mischief 1 . Instead therefore of 
 giving them a house, he sent them to a workhouse ; yet so, 
 that they apprehended it a great courtesy done unto them : 
 for he bestowed on them all the lands which the Christians 
 held in Palestine : liberal to give away what was none of 
 his, and what the others must purchase before they could 
 enjoy. The sultan encouraged them to invade that country ; 
 whose people he pretended were weak and few, the land 
 wealthy and fruitful, so that the conquest would be easy, 
 especially they having his assistance in the present service, 
 and perpetual patronage hereafter. 
 
 Animated herewith, in come the Corasines with their 
 wives and children (bringing their households with them to 
 win houses and lands for them,) into Syria, and march 
 directly to Jerusalem; which being a weak and unfortified 
 place, was taken without resistance [1244]. Weak and 
 unfortified ! strange ! It is confessed on all sides, that Fred- 
 erick the emperor, and Reinold his lieutenant, spared no 
 
 1 Matth. Paris, p. 851. 
 o 
 
194 THE HISTORY OF A D. 1244 
 
 expense in strengthening this city ; since which time we 
 find no solemn taking it by the Turks ; who then can ex- 
 pect less than an impregnable place, where so much cost 
 was sown ? Which driveth us to conceive one of these three 
 things ; either that the weakness of this city was chiefly in 
 the defenders' hearts ; or else that formerly there happened 
 some blind and silent despoiling of this place, not mentioned 
 by authors ; or lastly, that Jerusalem was a Jericho, I mean, 
 a place cursed in building, like Pharaoh's lean kine, never 
 a whit the fatter for devouring much meat ; and which still 
 went in rags, though her friends bestowed change of raiment 
 upon her. 
 
 Thus this city, after that it had been possessed fifteen 
 years by the Christians, was won by this barbarous people, 
 never since regained to our religion. Sleep, Jerusalem, sleep 
 in thy ruins, at this day of little beauty and less strength, 
 famous only for what thou hast been. 
 
 The Christians, flying out of Jerusalem with their families, 
 took their course towards Joppa; but looking back, beheld 
 their own ensigns advanced on the city walls, so done in 
 policy by their enemies. Whereupon their credulity thus 
 commented, that their fellows had beaten the Corasines in 
 Jerusalem, and by these banners invited them to return 2 : 
 but going back, they found but cold (or rather too hot) en- 
 tertainment, being slain every mother's child of them. Dull 
 nostrils ! not to scent so stale and rank a stratagem of their 
 foes, so often used, so easily defeated ; not to send some 
 spies to taste the bait before all swallowed it. But men 
 marked out for destruction will run their own heads into 
 the halter. 
 
 CHAP. X. Robert Patriarch of Jerusalem, with tfie inhale 
 Strength of the Christians, conquered by the Corasines. 
 
 THE desperateness of the disease privilegeth the taking 
 of any physic. The Christians being now in deep 
 distress, resolved on a dangerous course, but (as their case 
 stood) thought necessary : for they made peace with the 
 sultan of Damascus and Seisser, and with the sultan of 
 Cracci ; (these were dynasties in Syria of some good strength, 
 and were at discord with the sultan of Babylon,) and 
 swearing them to be faithful, borrowed an army of their 
 forces, with them jointly to resist the Corasines; seeking, 
 
 Matth. Paris, p. 8.35. 
 
A. D. 1244 THE HOLY WAR. 195 
 
 saith Frederick the emperor 1 , to findjldem in perfidia, trust 
 in treachery. Many suspected these auxiliary forces ; 
 thinking, though the forest wolves fell out with the moun- 
 tain ones, they would both agree against the sheep. 
 
 Robert patriarch of Jerusalem was a most active com- 
 mander over all. St. Luke's day was the time agreed upon 
 for the fatal battle ; near Tiberias was the place. As 
 the Christians were ordering themselves in array, it was 
 questioned in what part of their army their new Turkish 
 assistants should be disposed, and concluded that they 
 should be placed in the front, where, if they did no other 
 good, they would dull the appetite of their enemy's sword. 
 This is thought to have been a notorious error, and cause 
 of their overthrow. For though those soldiers who mean to 
 be false will never be made faithful in what place soever they 
 be bestowed, yet may they be made less dangerous if cast 
 into the body or main battle of the army, whence they have no 
 such scope to fling out, and to take advantage of place to do 
 mischief, as they have either in the front or wings thereof. 
 Thus in Caesar's time Crassus an experienced general under 
 him being to bid the Gauls battle, auxillares copias, quibus 
 adpugnam non multum confidebat, in medium aciem cottocavit z ; 
 that so being hemmed in before and behind, they might be 
 engaged to fight manfully without starting away. And to 
 instance in later times; our Richard III. (who though he 
 usurped the crown, had, as none will deny, a true title both 
 to prowess and martial policy) marching toBosworth, placed 
 suspected persons (whose bodies were with him and hearts 
 with Earl Henry) in the midst ; and those whom he most 
 trusted, before, behind, and on every side 3 . 
 
 The battle being joined, the Turks ran over to the other 
 side 4 , though some braved them only with cowardliness, not 
 treachery, and that they fled from the battle, but not fell to 
 the enemie^. The Christians manfully stood to it, and 
 though overpowered in number, made a great slaughter of 
 their enemies, till at last they were quite overthrown. Of the 
 Teutonic order escaped but three ; of three hundred Tem- 
 plars, but eighteen ; of two hundred Hospitallers, but nine- 
 teen : the patriarch, (to use his own words) whom God re- 
 puted unworthy of martyrdom, saved himself by flight, with 
 a few others. And this great overthrow, to omit less partner 
 
 1 In his letter to Richard of Cornwall. 
 
 2 Cses. lib. 3. De Bello Gallico. 
 
 3 Graft, in Rich. III. p. 102. 4 Matth. Paris, p. 884. 
 
196 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1245 
 
 causes, is chiefly imputed to the Templars former so often 
 breaking the truce with the sultan of Babylon. 
 
 Thus were the Christians conquered by the Corasines, 
 and beaten by a beaten nation ; Palestine being won by 
 those who could not keep their own country. Improving 
 this victory they left nothing to the Christians but Tyre, 
 Ptolemais, and Antioch, with some few forts. Soon after, 
 these Corasines elevated herewith fell out with the sultan 
 himself; who in anger rooted out their nation, so that none 
 of their name remained 5 : yea, all writers are silent of them 
 both before this time and ever after 6 : as if God at this very 
 instant had created this people to punish Christians ; which 
 service performed, they were annihilated again. 
 
 CHAP. XI. Louis the Ninth setteth forward against the 
 Turks. The Occasion of his Journey, and his Attendants. 
 
 SOME two years after, Louis the ninth of that name, king 
 of France, came to assist the Christians. The occasion 
 of his voyage this : he had been visited with a desperate 
 sickness, insomuch that all art cried craven, as unable to 
 help him ; and the physicians resigned him to divines, to 
 begin with him where they ended; they also gave him 
 over ; and for a while he lay in a trance, not the least 
 breath brought news of any life left in him [1245], Then 
 Blanche the queen mother (and queen of mothers for her 
 care of her son and his kingdom) applied a piece of the 
 cross unto him *. Thereat (whether thereby, let others dis- 
 pute) he revived and recovered ; and thereupon was croised, 
 and in thankfulness bound himself with a vow to sail to the 
 Holy Land. But his nobility dissuaded him from that 
 design ; the dangers were certain, the success would be 
 doubtful of so long a journey ; his own kingdom would be 
 left desolate, and many mischiefs, unseen as yet, would 
 appear in his absence ; besides, his vow was made in his 
 sickness, whilst reason was scarce as yet in the peaceable 
 possession of his mind, because of the remnant dregs of his 
 disease ; it might also be dispensed with by the pope ; yea, 
 his deserts did challenge so much from his holiness. King 
 Louis, as persuaded hereat, laid down the cross, to the 
 great comfort and contentment of all the beholders ; but 
 
 5 Matth. Paris, p. 475. 
 
 6 Except any make them to be Chorasmii a people placed by 
 Athenaeus in the east of Parthia. 
 
 Matth. Paris, p. 880. Et P. yEmil. in D. Ludov. p. 214. 
 
A. D. 1246 THE HOLY WAR. 197 
 
 then altering his countenance, he required the cross should 
 be restored to him again, and vowed to eat no bread until 
 he was recognised with the pilgrim's badge 1 . And because 
 his vow should suffer no diminution or abatement from his 
 disease, now no longer Louis the sick, but Louis the sound 
 undertook the holy war. His nobles seeing him too stiff to 
 be unbent, and counting it a kind of sacrilegious counsel to 
 dissuade him from so pious a work, left him to his own 
 resolutions. There went along with him his two brothers, 
 Charles earl of Anjou, Robert earl of Artois, his own queen, 
 and their ladies, Odo the pope's legate, Hugh duke of 
 Burgundy, William earl of Flanders, Hugh earl of St. Paul, 
 and William Longspath earl of Salisbury, with a band of 
 valiant Englishmen, who went without license from Henry 
 king of England; for in those days this doctrine went 
 current, that their princes' leave was rather of compliment 
 than essential to their voyage, as if the band of this holy 
 war was an acquittance from all others. Our Henry, dis- 
 pleased at this earl's departure, for his disobedience de- 
 prived him of his earldom and castle of Salisbury, not 
 suffering that sheep to graze in his pasture which would not 
 own him for a shepherd. William also son to this earl, 
 smarting for his father's fault, never enjoyed that honour 3 . 
 And though King Henry himself, being a prince of more 
 devotion than policy, did most affectionately tender this 
 holy cause, yet he used this necessary severity towards this 
 earl at this time ; first, because it would weaken his land 
 thus to be dispeopled of martial men ; secondly, his sub- 
 jects' forwardness might be interpreted a secret check of his 
 own backwardness in that war ; thirdly, the sucking in of 
 foreign air did wean people from their natural prince, and 
 did insensibly usher into their hearts an alienation from their 
 own sovereign, and a dependence on the king of France ; 
 lastly, he had some thoughts on that voyage himself, and 
 reserved such prime peers to attend on his own person 
 thither. 
 
 1246.] The pope gave to this Ring Louis his charges, 
 the tenth of the clergy's revenues through France for three 
 years; and the king employed the pope's collectors to 
 gather it, knowing those leeches were the best suckers. 
 Hereupon the states of the clergy were shaved as bare as 
 their crowns, and a poor priest who had but twenty shillings 
 annual pension, was forced to pay two yearly to the king ; 
 
 2 Fox, Martyrolog. p. 293. 3 Camden in Wiltshire. 
 
198 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1248 
 
 and this by my author 4 is made the cause of his following 
 ill success, there being much extortion used by his under 
 officers. No wonder then if the wings of that army did 
 quickly flag, having so heavy a weight of curses hanging 
 upon them. And though money be the sinews of war, yet 
 ill-gotten money, like gouty sinews, rather paineth than 
 strength eneth. True it is, that this pious king was no way 
 guilty thereof, but such as were under him, and oftentimes 
 the head doth ache for the ill vapours of the stomach. He 
 himself most princely caused to be proclaimed through his 
 realm, If any merchant or other had been at any time 
 injured by the king's exactors, either by oppression or 
 borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, showing 
 how, and wherein, and he should be recompensed 5 . How 
 this was performed we find not; but it was a good lenitive 
 plaster to assuage the people's pain for the present. 
 
 Having at Lyons took his leave of the pope, and a bless- 
 ing from him, he marched towards Avignon ; where some 
 of the city wronged his soldiers, especially with foul language. 
 Wherefore his nobles desired him that he would besiege the 
 city, the rather because it was suspected that therein his 
 father was poisoned. To whom Louis most Christianly, ] 
 come not out of France to revenge my own quarrels, or 
 those of my father or mother, but injuries offered to Jesus 
 Christ 6 . Hence he went without delay to his navy, and 
 committed himself to the sea [Aug. 25, 1248]. 
 
 CHAP. XII. Louis arriveth in Cyprus; the Conversion oj 
 the Tartarians hindered ; the Treachery of the Templars. 
 
 SAILING forward with a prosperous wind, he safely 
 arrived in Cyprus [Sept. 20] ; where Alexius Lusignan 
 king of the island entertained him according to the stateliest 
 hospitality. Here the pestilence (one of the ready attend- 
 ants on great armies) began to rage ; and though a French 
 writer 1 saith it was minax magis quam funesta, yet we find 
 in others, that two hundred and forty gentlemen of note 
 died by force of the infection. 
 
 Hither came the ambassadors from a great Tartarian 
 prince (but surely not from Cham himself), invited by the 
 fame of King Louis's piety, professing to him, that he had 
 renounced his Paganism, and embraced Christianity ; and 
 
 4 Matth. Paris, in anno 1246, p. 943. 
 
 5 Fox, Martyrolog. p. 292. 6 Matth. Paris, p. 995. 
 ' P. ^Emil. in Ludov. IX. p. 215. 
 
A. D. 1249 THE HOLY WAR. 199 
 
 that he intended to send messengers to Pope Innocent to 
 be further instructed in his religion. But some Christians 
 which were in Tartary dissuaded him from so doing, lest 
 the Tartarians, coming to Rome, should behold the disso- 
 luteness of men's lives there, and so refuse to suck the milk 
 of sweet doctrine from so sour and bitter nipples, besmeared 
 about with bad and scandalous conversation. Yea, never 
 could the Christian religion be showed to Pagans at any 
 time on more disadvantages 2 ; Grecians and Latins were 
 . at deadly feud ; amongst the Latins, Guelfes and Gibellines 
 sought to ruin each other ; humility was every where 
 preached, and pride practised ; they persuaded others 
 to labour for heaven, and fell out about earth themselves ; 
 their lives were contrary to their doctrines, and their doc- 
 trines one to another. 
 
 1249.] But as for these ambassadors, King Louis re- 
 ceived them very courteously, dismissing them with bounte- 
 ous gifts. And by them he sent to their master a tent, 
 wherein the history of the Bible was as richly as curiously 
 depicted in needle work ; hoping thus to catch his soul in 
 his eyes, and both in that glorious present : pictures being 
 then accounted laymen's books, though since of many 
 condemned as full of erratas, and never set forth by au- 
 thority from the king of heaven to be means or workers of 
 faith. 
 
 Whilst Louis stayed in Cyprus, the Templars in the 
 Holy Land began to have his greatness in suspicion. This 
 order (as both the other, of Hospitallers and Teutonics) 
 though mown down to the bare roots at the last unfortunate 
 battle, yet now in three years space sprung up as populous 
 as ever before; their other brethren, which lived in their 
 several convents and commanderies over all Europe, having 
 now refurnished the houses in Palestine. 
 
 Now these Templars were loath King Louis should come 
 to Ptolemais, though they counterfeited he should be very 
 welcome there. They formerly there had commanded in 
 chief without control, and were unwilling, having long sat 
 in the saddle, now to dismount and hold the stirrup to 
 another. Besides, they would not have so neat and cleanly 
 a guest see their sluttish houses, fearing Louis's piety would 
 shame their dissoluteness (being one so godly in his conver- 
 sation, that by the preaching in his life he had converted 
 many Saracens 3 ), yea, perchance he being a strict discipli- 
 
 2 P. JEmil. ut prius. 3 P. vEmil. p. 216. 
 
200 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1249 
 
 narian would punish their vicious manners. Wherefore 
 they wrote to him out of Syria, to accept of a peace which 
 the sultan of Egypt now offered, and to proceed no further 
 in war against him. 
 
 The French king, whose heart was ever open to any fair 
 agreement, and shut against any dishonourable suspicions, 
 had entertained the motion, had not the king of Cyprus, 
 being more studied in the Templars' treacheries, better 
 instructed him ; for he told him this was but a trick of their 
 great master, who underhand had sent to the sultan, and 
 procured him to proffer this peace only for their own private 
 ends, for to divert the king from coming amongst them 4 . 
 Louis, though the mildest and most patient of princes, yet 
 not a drone which wanted the sting of anger, commanded 
 the master of the Templars upon the price of his head 
 thenceforward to receive no embassage, nor keep any intelli- 
 gence with their enemy, and resolved with himself to invade 
 Egypt. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. The wise Preparations of the Egyptians. 
 The Valour of the French at their Landing. Damietta 
 won. 
 
 BUT he stood so long in aiming, that the bird saw him, 
 and had leisure to fly away, and Meladin the Egyptian 
 king to provide himself to make resistance. Last time 
 (some thirty years before) when the Christians under John 
 Bren invaded Egypt, they were not impeached in their 
 arrival, but suffered to land without any opposition. But 
 Meladin now was sensible of the discommodity in permit- 
 ting his foes safely to come on shore ; for first, they wasted 
 and spoiled the country and the provision about them; 
 secondly, opportunity was given to mal-contents and ill- 
 disposed persons to fly to the enemy ; lastly, he found it 
 most policy to keep the enemy off at arm's end, and to close 
 at the last, and not to adventure his kingdom on the single 
 die of a battle, but rather set it on a chance, that so he 
 might have the more play for it. Wherefore he resolved to 
 strengthen his maritime places, and not suffer them to land, 
 though also herein he met with many difficulties. For as 
 nothing was more certain than that Louis would set on 
 Egypt, so nothing more uncertain; and because it was 
 unknown at what time or place he would come, all times 
 and places were provided for. This exhausted a mass of 
 
 4 Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 102. 
 
. 
 
 A.D. 1249 THE HOLY WAR. 201 
 
 treasure to keep in pay so many soldiers for many months 
 together. But it is no time to dispute about unnecessary 
 thrift, when a whole kingdom is brought into question to be 
 subdued. 
 
 And because the landing places in Egypt are of great 
 disadvantage to the defendants, yielding them no shelter 
 from the fury of their enemies' artillery, being' all open 
 places and plain (the shores there being not shod against the 
 sea with huge high rocks, as they are in some other coun- 
 tries, because the land is low and level), Meladin was 
 forced to fortify well nigh a hundred and eighty miles along 
 the seaside ; and what nature had left bare, art put the more 
 clothes on ; and by using of great industry (such as by Tully 
 is fitly termed horribilis industria), in short space all that 
 part of Egypt was fenced which respecteth the sea. 
 
 Winter being past, Robert duke of Burgundy and Al- 
 phonse, King Louis's brother, arrived in Cyprus with a new 
 army; and hereupon they concluded to set forward for 
 Egypt, and attempted to land near Damietta [June 4], 
 But the governor thereof, with a band of valiant soldiers, 
 stoutly resisted them. Here was a doubtful fight; the 
 Egyptians standing on the firm ground, were thereby enabled 
 to improve and enforce their darts to the utmost 1 , whilst 
 the French in their ticklish boats durst not make the best of 
 their own strength. Besides, those on land threw their 
 weapons downwards from the forts they had erected, so that 
 the declivity and downfal did naturally second the violent 
 impression of their darts. However, the infidels at last 
 were here beaten with what commonly was their own 
 weapon, I mean, multitude; so that they fled into the 
 town, leaving behind them their governor and five hundred 
 of their best soldiers dead on the shore [June 5], 
 
 Damietta was a strong city, the taking whereof was 
 accounted the good task of an army for a year. But now 
 the Egyptians within were presented afresh with the memory 
 of the miseries they endured in the last long siege by the 
 Christians ; and fearing lest that tragedy should be acted 
 over again, set fire on their houses, and in the night saved 
 themselves by flight. The French, issuing in, quenched 
 the fire, and rescued much corn and other rich spoil from 
 the teeth of the flame [June 9]. 
 
 Meladin, much troubled with this loss, to purchase peace 
 offered the Christians all Jerusalem, in as ample a manner 
 
 1 P. ^Emil. p. 216. 
 
202 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1249 
 
 as ever formerly they had enjoyed it 2 ; all prisoners to be 
 restored, with a great sum of money to defray their charges, 
 and many other good conditions : so that we may much 
 wonder at his profuseness in these proffers, and more at the 
 Christians' indiscretion in their refusal. For though some 
 advised to make much of so frank a chapman, and not 
 through covetousness to outstand their market 3 ; yet the 
 pope's legate and Robert earl of Artois, heightened with 
 pride that they could not see their profit, and measuring 
 their future victories by the largeness of their first footing in 
 Egypt, would make no bargain except Alexandria, the best 
 port in Egypt, were also cast in for vantage, to make the 
 conditions downweight ; and King Louis, whose nature was 
 only bad because it was so good, would in no wise cross his 
 brother in what he desired. Whereupon the Turks, seeing 
 themselves in so desperate condition, their swords being 
 sharpened on extremity, provided to defend their country to 
 the utmost. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. Discords betwixt the French and English. 
 The Death and Disposition of Meladin King of Egypt. 
 
 ABOUT this time brake out the dissensions betwixt the 
 French and English. The cause whereof (as some 
 say) was, for that the earl of Salisbury in sacking a fort gol 
 more spoil than the French. But surely the foundation of 
 their discontents lay much lower, being an old enmity 
 betwixt the two nations ; and Robert earl of Artois used 
 Earl William and his men with much discourtesy. 
 
 This Robert stood much on the royalty of his descent, 
 being brother to King Louis, though nothing of kin in 
 conditions, being as bountiful to deal injuries and affronts 
 as the other alms and charitable deeds. The English earl 
 though he stood on the lower ground in point of birth, yet 
 conceived himself to even him in valour and martial know- 
 ledge. And though godly King Louis used all his holyj 
 water to quench these heart-burnings, his success answered 
 not his pains, much less his desires ; only his cooling per- 
 suasions laid their enmities for the present fairly asleep. 
 
 Amidst these broils died Meladin the Egyptian king. A 
 worthy prince he was ; though some write very coarsely of 
 him ; as he must rise early, yea, not at all go to bed, who 
 will have every one's good word. Let Christians speak of 
 him as they found ; whose courtesies to them when they^ 
 
 2 Matth. Paris, p. 1047. 3 Knolles, Turk. Hist. 
 
A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 203 
 
 were half drowned in Egypt, if they will not confess, they 
 deserve to be wholly drowned for their ingratitude. In the 
 latter end of his age he quite lost the good will of his subjects, 
 and lived unloved, and died unlamented, though a deserving 
 and fortunate man, which oftentimes covereth a multitude 
 of faults. The chief reason whereof was, because they 
 suspected him to be unsound in his religion, and offering to 
 Christianity ; besides, having reigned above thirty years, his 
 government became stale; and good things, if of long con- 
 tinuance, grow tedious, they being rather affected for their 
 variety than true worth : lastly, the rising sun stole the 
 adorers from the sun setting ; and Melechsala, his son, being 
 an active and promising prince, reigned before in men's 
 desires over the kingdom. To him now they all applied 
 themselves ; and having more wisdom in their generation 
 than the Christians, instantly ceased their private dissen- 
 sions. And now the sultans of Damascus, Aleppo, and 
 Babylon twisted themselves in a joint agreement with 
 Melechsala to defend their Mahometan religion. 
 
 CHAP. XV 7 . Robert Earl of Artoisfghting with the Egyp- 
 tians, contrary to the Counsel of the Master of the Tem- 
 plars, is overthrown and drowned. 
 FROM Damietta the French marched up towards Cairo 
 [1250] ; the governor whereof, offended with Melech- 
 sala, promised to deliver that regal city to the French. 
 With some danger and more difficulty, they passed an arm 
 of the Nile, being conducted by a fugitive Saracen to a 
 place where it was fordable. Hence Earl Robert marched 
 forward with a third part of the army, and suddenly assault- 
 ing the Turks in their tents (whilst Melechsala was absent 
 in solemnizing a feast), put them to flight. Hereupon this 
 earl proclaimed himself, in his hopes, monarch of the world : 
 this blow made his enemies reel, the next would fell them. 
 Now speed was more needful than strength ; this late 
 victory, though gotten, was lost if not used. What though 
 they were not many ? the fewer the adventurers, the greater 
 the gain. Let them therefore forwards, and set on the whole 
 power of the Turks, which was encamped not far off. 
 
 But the master of the Templars, in whom the sap of 
 youth was well dried up, advised the earl to stay and digest 
 the honour he had gotten, expecting the arrival of the rest 
 of their army ; for the work was weighty they undertook, 
 
 1 Matth. Paris, p. 1049. 
 
204 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250 
 
 and needed two shoulders, the united strength of the Chris- 
 tians, effectually to manage it : his soldiers were weary, and 
 must be refreshed ; and it was madness to starve them to-day 
 in hope of a feast to-morrow; that they were to march 
 through a strange country, and their best instructors were 
 behind ; let them stay for their lantern, and not go in the 
 dark. He minded him that he overvalued his victory, not 
 considering the enemies' strength, whose harvest was not 
 spoiled by losing a handful of men. 
 
 But the earl, full of the emptiness of self-conceit, allowed 
 no counsel for current but that of his own stamp. He 
 scorned to wait the leisure of another opportunity, and 
 opprobriously objected to the Templars the common fame, 
 that the Holy Land long since had been won, but for 
 the collusion of the false Templars and Hospitallers with 
 the infidels z . 
 
 Here the earl of Salisbury interposed himself to make 
 peace, and to persuade Robert to listen to the wholesome 
 counsel that was given him. But his good will was rewarded 
 with " Coward, dastard, English-tail," and such like contu- 
 melious terms. Wherefore said our earl, " Well, general, 
 on, in God's name ; I believe this day you shall not dare to 
 come nigh my horse's tail 3 ." And now the touchstone 
 must tell what is gold, what is brass. 
 
 Marching on, they assaulted the castle of Mauzar, and 
 were notably repulsed ; and Melechsala, coming in with his 
 whole strength, hemmed them in on every side. The 
 Christians were but the third part of the army ; and, at the 
 present, they themselves were scarce the half of themselves, 
 being faint for want of refreshing. Yet never shall one 
 read more valour in so little a volume ; they played their 
 parts most stoutly. As for the French earl, who went on 
 like thunder, he went out like smoke, crying to the earl of 
 Salisbury, " Flee, flee, for God fighteth against us." To 
 whom our earl, " God forbid my father's son should flee 
 from the face of a Saracen." The other, seeking to save 
 himself by the swiftness of his horse, and crossing the river, 
 had there water enough to drown him, but too little to wash 
 from him the stain of rashness and cowardice. Thus died 
 the earl of Artois ; who had in him the parts of a good 
 general, but inverted and in transposition, bold in counsel, 
 , 
 
 2 Matth. Paris, p. 1050. 
 
 3 Eriraus (credo) hodie, ubi non audebis caudam equi mei 
 attingere. Idem ibid. 
 
A. D. 1250 2*HE HOLY WAR. 205 
 
 fearful in execution. He was one of that princely quater- 
 nion of brothers which came hither at this voyage, arid 
 exceeded each other in some quality ; Louis the Holiest, 
 Alphonse the Subtlest, Charles the Stoutest, and this Robert 
 the Proudest, 
 
 As for the earl of Salisbury, he resolved to sell his life at 
 such a rate that the buyer should little boast of his penny- 
 worth, slaying many a Turk; and though unhorsed and 
 wounded in his legs, stood on his honour when he could not 
 stand on his feet ; and, refusing all quarter, upon his knees 
 laid about him like a desperate man. The longer he fought, 
 the fewer wounds he had ; and there at last he breathed forth 
 his soul in the midst of his enemies. Of all the Christians 
 there escaped no more than two Templars, one Hospitaller, 
 and one common soldier, the messengers of this heavy news. 
 
 The French writers, because they can say little good, say 
 little of this battle, and lessen the overthrow as much as 
 may be ; which authors of other nations have more fully 
 reported. Thus sometimes unfortunate gamesters flatter 
 themselves, belie their own purses, and dissemble their 
 losses, whereof the standers by take more accurate notice. 
 P. ./Emilius (an Italian, born at Verona ; but by long 
 writing the French history, his pen is made free denison of 
 France), though with his hand he doth hide the orifice of 
 the wound, yet it is too narrow to cover the whole sore 
 round about; so that it plainly appeareth, that a great 
 and grievous and most mortal blow was here given to the 
 Christians. 
 
 CHAP. XVI. King Louis, almost in the same Place, hath the 
 same woful Success; conquered and taken captive by Me- 
 lechsala. 
 
 IT is easier to be conceived than expressed, what general 
 grief this doleful news brought to the French ; who 
 followed not far off, and who before had cause enough to 
 sorrow for themselves ; for the plague began to rage furiously 
 amongst them, and daily swept away thousands. Meantime 
 good King Louis sent many of the weakest and impotentest 
 people down the river to Damietta, there to enjoy the benefit 
 of privacy, good attendance, and physic. Melechsala, having 
 intelligence hereof, met them by the way, and setting upon 
 them (having neither arm to fight, nor legs to run away), 
 either burned or drowned them all, save one Englishman, 
 Alexander Giffard (whose ancient and famous family flou- 
 risheth to this day at Chellington, in Staffordshire), who, 
 
206 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1250 
 
 wounded in five places of his body, escaped to the French, 
 and reported what had happened to the rest. 
 
 And by this time Melechsala understood of the corres- 
 pondence betwixt King Louis and the governor of Cairo for 
 the betraying of the city ; whereupon he caused him sud- 
 denly to be apprehended, whereby the French king lost all 
 hopes to obtain that place of importance. Yea, now full 
 willingly would the Christians have accepted the terms 
 formerly offered them; and now their hungry stomachs 
 would make dainties of those conditions which before, when 
 full of pride, they threw away as fragments. But the Turks 
 now slighted them, as not worth the treating with ; and as 
 knowing that these Frenchmen, who at their first landing 
 were more than men, would at last be less than women. 
 
 Then began the French lords to persuade King Louis to 
 provide for the safety of his own person, and to return to 
 Damietta. They told him, that if he stayed with them 
 there was no hope grounded on probability (and what was 
 any other but a wilful self-delusion ?) of his escaping. If 
 he were killed, his death would be a living shame to their 
 religion ; if taken prisoner, how would Mahomet insult 
 over Christ ! The captivity of the most Christian of the 
 most Christian kings would be foundation enough for the 
 Turks thereon to build trophies of eternal triumph. But 
 Louis would not leave them, that they might not leave him, 
 but resolved to be a commoner with them in weal and woe ; 
 disdaining to be such a niggard of his life as not to spend it 
 in a good cause in so good company. 
 
 Forward they march, and come to the fatal place where 
 the last battle was fought. There behold the mangled, 
 headless, handless, feetless corpses of their fellow country- 
 men. They knew in general they were all their friends; 
 none knew his particular friend. The cause of this un- 
 wonted cruelty to the dead was a proclamation which 
 Melechsala made, assigning a great sum of money to every 
 one who would bring the head, hand, or foot of a Chris- 
 tian : and this -made many of his covetous cowards (who 
 carried their valour in their purses) to be courageous. Whilst 
 the French were here bemoaning their fellows, Melechsala 
 came upon them with an infinite multitude [April 5], and 
 put them all (being few and feeble) to the sword ; taking 
 King Louis, with his two brethren, Alphonse and Charles, 
 prisoners. 
 
 Instantly the Turks went up with French ensigns to 
 Damietta, hoping so suddenly to surprise it; which project 
 
.D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 207 
 
 ad it took effect, then farewell King Louis for ever. He 
 nust be sent a present to the caliph of Babylon, from 
 vhom never any returned alive ; Melechsala being but pur- 
 atory, whence there was redemption ; but the Babylonian 
 aliph hell itself, from whence no hope of release. But God 
 efeated their design ; for the Turks could not French it so 
 andsomely, but that they were discovered. The very 
 anguage of their hands made them suspected afar off, be- 
 ,ause they could not counterfeit the French idiotisms in 
 nanaging their bucklers, that nation being most punctual 
 nd critical in their military postures ; but being come near, 
 was plain for any to read Turk in their beards and 
 omplexions; so that they departed without having what 
 hey desired. 
 
 !?HAP. XVII. The woful Impression which the ill Success 
 
 of the French wrought on the Christians in Europe. 
 ^OME made more haste than good speed (bad news 
 being the worst ware a ship can be fraught with) to 
 ail into France with the sad tidings of this overthrow, 
 'hese intelligencers Blanche, the queen-mother and regent 
 f France, rewarded with the gallows ; and my author 
 oubteth not to pronounce them all martyrs 1 . But let 
 hem be contented with the coronet of their own innocence, 
 lough without the crown of martyrdom; that honour alone 
 Belonging to such as suffer death for fundamental points of 
 eligion. But so great an eclipse could not long be kept 
 Tom the eyes of the world ; and this doleful and dismal 
 lews was sounded and seconded from every side. Then 
 ,vas there a general lamentation over all Christendom, 
 hiefly in France, where all were so sorrowful, that any 
 tilth was counted profaneness. Many bounded not them- 
 ielves within the banks of grief, but brake out into blas- 
 )hemy, both in France and elsewhere, taxing Justice itself 
 )f being unjust; and, not content to admire what they could 
 lot conceive, condemned God's proceedings herein to be 
 igainst right, because above their reason. Fools, because 
 hey could not conquer on earth, did quarrel with heaven. 
 This bad breath, though it came but from the teeth of some, 
 pet proceeded from the corrupted lungs of others; some 
 pake but out of present passion, but others even out of 
 nbred atheism. Many who before were but lukewarm in 
 
 1 Quos martyres credimus esse manifestos. Matth. Paris, 
 ). 1059. . 
 
208 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250 
 
 religion, now turned stark cold. In Venice and some other 
 cities of Italy, the inhabitants whereof Matthew Paris 1 
 calleth semi-christumos, but half Christians (though this his 
 harsh appellation wanteth three parts of charity) began 
 wholly to tend to apostasy. And now for a crutch to stay 
 their reeling faith, it was high time for the clergy to ply the 
 pulpits. They persuaded those Rachels who in this voyage 
 had lost any children and would not be comforted, that 
 their children were in a most blessed condition ; they 
 emptied all their boxes of their colours of rhetoric, therewith 
 to paint out the happiness of their estate which they en- 
 joyed in heaven ; they pieced out their sermons with report- 
 ing of miracles : how William earl of Salisbury appeared 
 to his mother, and assured her that he reigned most glo- 
 rious in heaven 3 . She presently forgot her grief for losing 
 her son, for joy that she had found a saint, yea, a martyr.' 
 This was their constant custom ; when any in Europe wept 
 for the loss of their friends in this war, their tears were 
 instantly dried up with some hot miracle that was reported 
 them : wherewith the silly people were well pleased; as babes 
 of clouts are good enough to keep children from crying. 
 
 About this time many thousands of the English were 
 resolved for the holy war, and would needs have been gone, 
 had not the king strictly guarded his ports, and kept his 
 kingdom from running away out of doors. The king pro- 
 mised he would go with them, and hereupon got a mass 01 
 money from them for this journey. Some say that he never 
 intended it, and that this only was a trick to stroke the 
 skittish cow to get down her milk. His stubborn subjects 
 said, that they would tarry for his company till midsummer, 
 and no longer. Thus they weighed out their obedience with 
 their own scales, and the king stood to their allowance. But 
 hearing of this sorrowful accident, both prince and people 
 altered their resolution; who had come too late to help the 
 French in their distress, and too soon to bring themselves 
 into the same misery. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. King Louis, exchanged for Damietta, 
 stayeth some years at Ptolemais. 
 
 BUT to return to Egypt, where King Louis was kept 
 prisoner by Melechsala, who often felt his disposition 
 about the resigning: of Damietta, but found that to hear ol 
 death was more welcome music unto him. 
 
 2 Ut prius. 3 Matth. Paris, p. 1051. 
 
A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 209 
 
 But see here a sudden alteration. One Tafquemine, a 
 sturdy mamaluke, with another of that society, killed 
 Melechsala in the very height of his victorious happiness, 
 and succeeded him in the Egyptian kingdom. This Tar- 
 quemine came in with an intent to send Louis the same 
 way ; which poor prince was only armed with innocence 
 and majesty, and yet his bare person defended his person 
 from that cruel attempt: such an awful impression did his 
 very presence, saith my author, strike into him who would 
 have stricken him. But we may rather think that the city 
 of Damietta was King Louis's corslet, and that all the 
 towers and walls of that place fenced him ; Tarquemine 
 reserving his person as an equivalent ransom, thereby to 
 redeem that royal city. 
 
 Now Louis had changed his lord, but not his lamentable 
 condition, continuing still a prisoner. At last he was re- 
 stored to his liberty, on condition that the Christians should 
 surrender Damietta, and he also pay back to the Turks 
 many thousand pounds, both for ransom of Christian cap- 
 tives, and in satisfaction of the vastations they had com* 
 mitted in Egypt. Louis, for security of this money, pawned 
 to the Turk the pyx and host (that is, the body of Christ 
 transubstantiated in the eucharist), as his chiefest jewel 
 which he should be most careful to redeem. Hence, in per- 
 petual memory of this conquest, we may see a wafer cake 
 and a box always wrought in the borders of that tapestry 
 which is brought out of Egypt 1 . 
 
 Note by the way, that the Turks were most unreasonable 
 in their rates of ransoming soldiers, and in all other their 
 pecuniary demands. For their own country being near to 
 the fountain of gold and silver, they made as if it flowed as 
 plentifully in other places, measuring the wealth of other 
 lands by their own, and asking as much for a private man's 
 ransom as would drain a prince's purse in these western 
 parts. 
 
 Thus was Damietta restored again to the Turks, and the 
 Christians punctually performed their promises ; though the 
 false miscreant on the other side set not half the captives 
 free, killed all the sick persons whom by promise he should 
 relieve, and (contrary to the agreement) suffered not any 
 Christian to transport any of his goods out of Egypt. 
 
 Hence Louis sailed to Ptolemais ; where he lived in a 
 miserable case, being forsaken of his brothers, subjects, 
 
 1 Du Series, in the Life of Louis IX. 
 p 
 
210 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250 
 
 friends, and the pope himself. His brothers, Alphonse and 
 Charles, though sent into France to solicit his suit, and to 
 advance his ransom with speed, yet being arrived, forgot 
 the affliction of Joseph, and the king was as far from their 
 mind as their sight ; wherefore God justly visited Alphonse 
 with an incurable disease. His subjects, though furious at 
 first in bemoaning him, yet the fit past, complained not so 
 much for him as on him ; charging him for ill managing the 
 matters in Egypt by his cowardliness and indiscretion. His 
 friends, the Pisans and Genoans, reviled him as the marrer 
 of their mart, Damietta being formerly their most gainful 
 port; but now their honey was spoiled by destroying the 
 hive ; for the sultan, seeing the city taken twice of the 
 Christians in a short time, to prevent further dispute about 
 it, took away the subject of the question, and razed it to the 
 ground. The pope forsook him; and, though many en- 
 treated his holiness not to prosecute the Emperor Frederick' 
 any further, from whom Louis expected all the beams of 
 his comfort, yet he would hear of no submission from him, 
 but sought finally to ruin him. Only Blanche, King Louis's 
 mother, was careful for her son, and laboured his cause day 
 and night. But alas ! her arms were too short to bring all 
 ends together. And having gathered a considerable sum 
 of money, and shipped it for Palestine, a tempest in a mo- 
 ment cast that away which her care and thrift was many 
 months in getting 2 ". All this he bore with a soul not be- 
 numbed with Stoical senselessness, but becalmed with 
 Christian patience : a second Job, so that what pleased 
 God pleased him 3 . It somewhat mitigated his misery, that 
 he had the company of his consort Margaret, a woman 
 worthy so good a husband. Here she bore him a child, 
 which, because another Benoni, or son of sorrow, was called 
 Tristram. But that name is more ancient 4 , nor had it its 
 birth from the christening of this child. 
 
 Four years King Louis lived (not to say loitered) in 
 Syria, daily expecting in vain that some prince of Europe 
 should fetch him off with honour, being loath to return till 
 he could carry home his credit with him. And though he 
 was out of his kingdom, yet was he in his kingdom, whilst 
 surveying there the sacred monuments wherewith he was so 
 highly affected. 
 
 2 Matth. Paris, p. 1091. 3 Ibid. 
 
 4 Sir Tristram, a knight long before. See Carew, in Corn- 
 wall, fol. 61. 
 
A.D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 211 
 
 CHAP. XIX. The Commonwealth of the Mumalukes de- 
 scribed, presenting us with many unexampled Remark- 
 ables. 
 
 NOW more largely of Tarquemine, and his killing 
 Melechsala, and of the commonwealth of the mama- 
 lukes begun by him. And because great is the merit of 
 this story, as very memorable, we will fetch it from its first 
 original. 
 
 Saladin (as is touched before *) was the first of the Turkish 
 kings who began the gainful trade of the mamalukes. These 
 were Christian captives, brought out of Taurica Cherso- 
 nesus, and instructed as in Mahometanism so in all military 
 discipline; Saladin disposing them in martial nurseries, 
 and continuing a constant succession of them one under 
 another. It is above belief how much and speedily they 
 were improved in warlike exercises : art doubled their 
 strength by teaching them to use it. And though they came 
 rough out of their own country, they were quickly hewn 
 and polished by education ; yea, their apprehensions pre- 
 vented the precepts, and their practice surpassed the pre- 
 cedents of those that instructed them. And k is observed 
 in fruits and flowers, that they are much bettered by change 
 to a fitter soil; so were these people by altering their cli- 
 mate : the cold country wherein they were bred gave them 
 big and robustious bodies ; and the hot climate whereinto 
 they were transplanted ripened their wits, and bestowed 
 upon them craft and activity, the dowry of the southern 
 countries. They attained to be expert in any service, 
 especially were they excellent horsemen ; and at last they 
 began to ride on the backs and necks of the Turkish kings 
 themselves. 
 
 True it is, Saladin kept his distance over them, used them 
 kindly, yet made them not wantons; and so poised these 
 mamalukes with his native Egyptians, that in all actions he 
 still reserved the casting voice for himself. But Meladin 
 and Melechsala, his successors, entertained them without 
 number, and instructed them beyond reason, so that under 
 them in a manner they monopolized all places of strength 
 and command ; till at last, the stem of these mercenary 
 soldiers being too great for the stock of the natives, the 
 Turkish kingdom into Egypt, like a top-heavy tree, became 
 a windfall. Indeed, the dastardness of the Egyptians made 
 
 1 Book 2, chap. 40. 
 
212 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250 
 
 these mamalukes more daring and insolent. For the Egyp- 
 tians more loved profit than honour, and wealth than great- 
 ness ; and though contented to abide labour, would in 
 nowise undergo danger. Merchandise they were wholly 
 employed in ; and it seemed they used trading so long, till 
 at last they made sale of their own spirits. Yea, one could 
 not now know Egypt to be Egypt, but only by the over- 
 flowing of the Nile, not by any remaining ancient marks of 
 valour in the people's disposition. Thus the genius of old 
 kingdoms in time groweth weaker, and doteth at the last. 
 
 But to come to Tarquemine : he being one of these 
 mamalukes, and perceiving how easy it was for those that 
 did support, to supplant the Turkish kings, with another of 
 his associates slew Melechsala, as it was said. And because 
 it was unfitting so great a prince should go to the grave 
 alone, he also sent his children and intimate friends thither, 
 to attend him. Tarquemine afterwards procured of his 
 society to be chosen king of Egypt. He was the Solon or 
 Lycurgus of this slavish commonwealth, and by the consent 
 of the rest of his company he enacted many laws ; whereof 
 these were those of the grand charter, which admitted of no 
 revocation : 
 
 First, that the sultan, or chief of this servile empire, 
 should be chosen always out of the mamalukes 2r . 
 
 Secondly, that none should be admitted to the order of 
 the mamalukes which were either Jews or Turks by birth, 
 but only such as, being born Christians, were afterwards 
 taken captives, and then from the time of their slavery had 
 been instructed in the Mahometan religion. 
 
 Thirdly, that though the sons of the mamalukes might 
 enjoy their father's lands and wealth, yet they might not 
 take upon them the name or honour of a mamaluke. 
 
 Fourthly, that the native Egyptians should be permitted 
 no use of weapons, but only such as with which they fought 
 against weeds, to till and manure the land. 
 
 In surveying this state, we can turn no way but must 
 meet with wonders : 
 
 First, one would think that there was such an indelible 
 character of slavery in these captives, and such a lasum 
 principiwn in them, that none of them ever should make 
 a good prince, as Knowing no more how to sway a sceptre 
 than a pure clown to manage a sword ; or else that they 
 should overstate it, turn tyrants, and only exchange their 
 
 a Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 107. 
 
A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 213 
 
 slavery by becoming vassals to their own passions. Yet 
 many of them in their kinds were worthy princes for govern- 
 ment, no whit inferior to those which are advantaged with 
 royal birth and breeding. 
 
 Secondly, it is a wonder they should be so neglective of 
 their own children. How many make an idol of their 
 posterity, and sacrifice themselves unto it, stripping them- 
 selves out of necessaries to provide their heirs a wardrobe ! 
 Yea, it is a principle in most moderate minds to advance 
 their posterity, thinking hereby in a manner they overcome 
 death, and immortalize their memories in leaving their 
 names and honours to their children ; whereas the contrary 
 appeared in these mamalukes. 
 
 Thirdly, it is admirable that they fell not out in the elec- 
 tion of their prince, being in a manner all equal amongst 
 themselves. We see elective states in Christendom, though 
 bound with the straitest laws, often sag aside into schisms 
 and factions ; whereas this strange empire in their choice 
 had no dangerous discords, but such as were quenched in 
 the kindling. 
 
 Lastly, whoever knew a wall that had no better cement, to 
 stand so sure and so long? Two hundred sixty and seven 
 years this state endured : and yet had it to do with strong 
 and puissant enemies. Some kingdoms owe their greatness 
 not so much to their own valour and wisdom as to the weak- 
 ness of their neighbours, but it fared not thus with the 
 mamalukes. To omit Prester John, who neighboured them 
 on the south, on all other sides they were encompassed with 
 potent opposers, from whom right valiantly they defended 
 themselves, till in the year 1517 they were overcome by 
 Selimus, the great Turkish emperor. 
 
 To conclude : as for the Amazons and their brave 
 achievements, with much valour and no manhood, they 
 and their state had only being in the brains of fabulous 
 writers. As for the Assassins, or regiment of rogues, it never 
 spread to the breadth of any great country, nor grew to the 
 height of a kingdom ; but, being the Jakes of the world, was 
 cast out in a place betwixt barren hills. But this empire of 
 vassals was every way wonderful, stretching so far over all 
 Egypt and most of Syria, and lasting so long. A strange 
 state, wherein slavery was the first step to their throne, and 
 apostasy the first article in their religion ! 
 
214 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1250 
 
 CHAP. XX. The Manner of the Death of Frederick King 
 of Jerusalem ; his Will and Posterity after him. An 
 Interregnum both in Germany and the Kingdom of Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 IN this same year [1250] Frederick king of Jerusalem and 
 emperor of Germany, ended his troublesome days. A 
 prince, who in the race of his life met with many rubs, some 
 stumbles, no dangerous fall. Besides the Turk, he had to 
 do with the pope (the pope immortal in his succession). 
 And though his holiness was unfit for war (as being always 
 old, and never ripe for that place till almost rotten), yet he 
 used his own head, and commanded the hands of others; 
 whereby he kept Frederick in a continual war. Yet never 
 could he have beaten him with fair play, had he not used a 
 weapon, if not against the law of arms, against the law of 
 God, and against which no guard ; arming his subjects 
 against him, and dispensing with the oath of allegiance. 
 
 But he gave Frederick the mortal wound, in setting him- 
 self against himself; I mean, Henry his eldest son. And 
 though Frederick easily conquered that rebellious youth, 
 and made him fast enough, keeping him in prison in Apulia, 
 where he died, yet he carried the grief hereof to his grave. 
 For now he knew not where or in whom to place any con- 
 fidence, as suspecting the single cord of loyalty would not 
 hold in others, which brake in his own son though twisted 
 with natural affection. 
 
 The greatness of his spirit was a great hastening of his 
 death ; and being of a keen, eager, and active nature, the 
 sharpness of the sword cut the scabbard the sooner asunder. 
 Bow he could not, break he must. Whatever is reported, 
 he died of no other poison than sorrow (which ushered him 
 into a wasting ague), grief being a burden whereof the 
 strongest shoulders can bear the least. As for the fame, that 
 Manfred his base son should stifle him with a pillow * ; 
 though I must confess he might be taken on suspicion, as 
 likely enough to play such a devilish prank ; yet it is un- 
 reasonable, that he who is acquitted by the authors of the 
 same time, should be condemned on the evidence of the 
 writers of after ages 1 . 
 
 He died at Florence in an obscure castle on St. Lucy's 
 
 1 Bzovius, anno 1250, $ 14. 
 
 2 Falsum ex ejus temporis hominum testimonio esse convin- 
 citur. Pantal. in Fred. II. 
 
A. D. 1250 
 
 THE HOLY WA R. 
 
 215 
 
 day [Dec. 13; as others, 26], having reigned king of Jeru- 
 salem three and twenty years. By his will he bequeathed 
 many ounces of gold to the Knights Templars and Hos- 
 pitallers, in recompense of the wrongs they had received by 
 him. He left a great sum of money for the recovery of the 
 Holy Land, to be disposed at the discretion of the aforesaid 
 knights. He forbade any stately funeral for himself, though 
 in his life immoderately excessive in pomp; as if he would 
 do penance for his pride after death. A prince, who, had 
 he not been hindered with domestical discords, would have 
 equalized Caesar himself: for if thus bravely he laid about 
 him, his hands being tied at home with continual dissen- 
 sions, what would he have done if at liberty ? A scandal 
 is raised since his death, that he was but a miller's son 3 ; 
 but he would have ground them to powder who in his life- 
 time durst have averred it. Indeed he was very happy in 
 mechanical matters, such as we may term liberal handi- 
 crafts ; as casting, founding, carving in iron and brass : 
 neither did this argue a low soul, to dabble in such mean 
 employments, but rather proved the amplitude and large- 
 ness thereof; of so general acquaintance, that no art was a 
 stranger to him. But the suspicion of his birth rose from 
 the almost miraculous manner of it; Constantia, his mother, 
 bearing him when well nigh sixty years of age. But, both 
 in Scripture and other writers, we may see the sons of long- 
 barren mothers to have been fruitful in famous achieve- 
 ments. 
 
 Pity it was that he had some faults; yea, pity it had been 
 if he had not had some. But his vices indeed were noto- 
 rious and inexcusable. Many wives and concubines he had, 
 and by them many children. 
 
 His legitimate __ . ,, 
 
 Children. Their Preferment. 
 
 Henry, who re- King of the Re- 
 belled against mans, 
 him. 
 
 Conrad. Duke of Suabia. 
 
 His Wives. 
 
 1. Constantia, queen of 
 Aragon. 
 
 2. lole, daughter to John 
 Bren. 
 
 3 Agnes, daughter to 
 the Marquess of Mo- 
 ravia, childless 'di- 
 vorced. 
 
 3 Others say, a falconer's, or a physician's. See Minister, 
 De Italia, lib. 2, p. 235. 
 
216 
 
 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250 
 
 His Wives. 
 
 4. Rutina. 
 
 5. Isabella of Bavaria. 
 
 His legitimate 
 Children. 
 
 Agnes. 
 
 6. Maud, daughter to Constance. 
 John king of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 Their Preferment. 
 
 Married to Con- 
 rad, landgrave 
 of Hesse. 
 
 Wife to Lewis, 
 landgrave of 
 Hesse. 
 
 His Concubi 
 Blanch. 
 
 His base Sons. 
 
 1. Henzius. King of Sardinia. 
 
 2. Maufred. Usurper of Sicily. 
 
 3. Frederick. Prince of Antioch. 4 
 It is much, that succession adventured in so many several 
 
 bottoms should miscarry : yet these four sons dying, left no 
 lasting issue; and in the third generation Frederick's stock,- 
 and that whole race of Suabian princes, was extinct : which 
 in the judgment of some men was a judgment of God on him 
 for his lasciviousness. 
 
 We must not forget a memorable passage which hap- 
 pened more than twenty years after Frederick's death : 
 One Tylo Colupp, a notable juggler, some time brought up 
 at the court, cunningly sewing together all the old shreds of 
 his courtship, and stretching them out with impudency, 
 pretended to be Frederick die emperor, long detained in 
 captivity in Palestine 5 . The difference betwixt their aspects 
 was easily reconciled ; for few physiognomy marks are so 
 deeply fixd in any face, but that age and misery will alter 
 them. The credulity of the vulgar sort presently betrayed 
 them to be cozened by him ; yea, some princes took this 
 brass for gold without touching it. But the best engine 
 which gave this puppet his motion was a bruit constantly 
 buzzed, that Frederick was not dead; for princes, the 
 manner of whose deaths hath been private and obscure, 
 fame commonly conjureth again out of their graves, and 
 they walk abroad in the tongues and brains of many, who 
 affirm and believe them to be still alive. But the world 
 soon surfeited of this cheater's forgery ; and this glowworm, 
 when brought into the light, shined no more, but at Nanse 
 was burnt to ashes by Rodulph the emperor. 
 
 After Frederick's death there was an interregnum for 
 
 4 Gathered out of Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3, p. 3()6. 
 
 5 Calvisius, anno 1285, ex Spang. Et Pantal. in Rodulpho 
 Ca-sare. 
 
A. D. 1251 THE HOLY WAR. 217 
 
 three and twenty years in the empire of Germany. True 
 it is, that of some, William earl of Holland (one without a 
 beard, not valour) was nominated emperor. The spiritual 
 electors chose Richard, brother to our King Henry III. 
 And as in Cornwall he got much coin, so Germany gave 
 him a bottomless bag to put it in. A third party named 
 Alphonse, king of Castile, an admirable mathematician; 
 but the ointment of his name is marred with the dead fly of 
 his atheistical speech, that if he had been in God's stead, 
 he could have framed the world better than now it is* 
 Notwithstanding, the best Dutch writers make an interreg- 
 num, as counting the empire still a widow, and all these 
 rather her suitors than any her husband. 
 
 In like manner also in Palestine there was not any king 
 for fourteen years after Frederick's death. The right 
 indeed lay io Conrad duke of Suabia, Frederick's son by 
 lole daughter to John Bren king of Jerusalem ; but he 
 was so employed in defending himself in Sicily against 
 Maufred his base brother (who soon after dispatched him 
 out of the way), that he had no leisure to prosecute his 
 title to the fragments of the kingdom of Jerusalem. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. The Pastorells killed in France. King Louk 
 returned home. 
 
 GO we back to King Louis, who all this while stayed 
 in Palestine, busying himself partly in building and 
 fencing of Sidon and Caesarea, partly in composing discords 
 betwixt the Pisans and Genoans, even proceeding to 
 threaten them into agreement ; but these armed men little 
 cared for his naked menacing. He being also an excellent 
 religious antiquary and critic on holy monuments, much 
 employed himself in redeeming of old sacred places from 
 the tyranny of time and oblivion. 
 
 Meantime, in his kingdom of France happened this 
 strange accident [1251]; an Hungarian peasant, who is 
 said to have been an apostate to Mahomet and well learned, 
 gathered together many thousands of people, pretending 
 they had intelligence from heaven to march to the Holy 
 Land*. These took on them the name and habit of Pus- 
 torelli, poor shepherds; in imitation belike (as the devil is 
 God's ape) of those in the gospel, who were warned by 
 angels in a vision to go to Bethlehem. 
 
 Being to shape their course into Palestine, they went 
 
 . Matth. Paris, p. 1094, 
 
218 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1253 
 
 into France; showing they had a vertigo in their heads, 
 mistaking the west for the east ; or else, that like vagabonds 
 they were never out of their way. 
 
 The holy Lamb was their ensign, but their actions neither 
 holy nor lamb-like. They pillaged and killed the poor 
 Jews as they went (an unhappy nation, whose heads lie pat 
 for every one's hands to hit, and their legs so stand in men's 
 way that few can go by them without spurning at them) ; 
 where they wanted Jews, they made Jews of Christians, 
 especially if they were rich, using them with all cruelty. 
 But at last near Bourdeaux threescore thousand of them 
 were slain, and the rest dispersed. A rhymer of that age 
 (or in courtesy call him a poet) made this epitaph on 
 them. 
 
 M semel, et bis C, L I, conjungere disce , 
 Uuxit pastorum sava Megtera chorum 1 , 
 
 Learn to put together well, 
 What M, C, C, L, I, do spell ; 
 When some devilish fiend in France 
 Did teach the shepherds how to dance. 
 
 By this time [1253] Louis in Syria had stayed out the 
 death and burial of all his hopes to receive succour from 
 his own country. Long expecting in vain that France 
 should come to him, he at last returned to it. The great- 
 ness of the burthen he bore made him go the faster ; and 
 being laden with debts to his Italian creditors, he secretly 
 hasted home; where safely arriving [April 25,] besides 
 loyalty to their prince, love to a stranger was enough to 
 make him welcome. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. The Conversion of the Tartarian^. Haalon 
 conquereth Persia, and extinguisheth the Caliphs of -Baby- 
 lon. 
 
 LOUIS is gone, and left the Christians in Syria in a 
 woful condition, without hope of amendment. Now 
 can any good come out of Tartary ? can the northern wind 
 blow a comfortable warmth ? Yea, see a strange vicissitude 
 of things ! Haito, the Christian king of Armenia, had 
 travelled to Mango the cham of Tartary, to communicate 
 to him the present danger of the Turks, and to consult of 
 a remedy 1 . He showed, how if order were not taken with 
 
 2 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 698. 
 1 Marinus Sanutus. Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col, 
 699. 
 
A. D. 1255 THE HOLY WAR. 219 
 
 hem in time, they would overrun all Asia : let him not 
 count that he lay out of their road, because of his remote 
 ituation ; for what is the way wanderers will not trace ? 
 tie might expect only this courtesy, to be last devoured. 
 [n conclusion, Haito prevailed so far with this pagan, that 
 
 not only promised his assistance, but also was baptized, 
 and took the Christian religion on him : so also did his 
 whole country by his exam pie [1254]; and Christianity being 
 he court fashion, none would be out of it. Never since 
 he time of Constantine the Great, did the devil at once 
 ose a greater morsel, or was there made a more hopeful 
 accession to the faith. 
 
 Understand we this conversion of Tartary (though authors 
 predicate it universally of that whole country) only of 
 Jathaia, the eastern and most refined part of that empire ; 
 for cannibals were still in the north, who needed first to be 
 converted to reason and to be made men, before they could 
 become Christians. Also at this same time we find a swarm 
 of western Tartarian heathens foraging Poland*. So it 
 seemeth, so vast was the empire, that it was still night in 
 the west, though it was day in the eastern part thereof. 
 
 Now, whether the conversion of these Tartarians was 
 solemnly, deliberately, and methodically wrought by preach- 
 ing, first, those things wherein the light of nature concurreth 
 with faith ; then, those wherein human reason is no foe but 
 standeth neuter ; lastly, such as are merely of faith, leaving 
 the issue of all to God, whose oratory alone can persuade 
 souls 3 ; or whether (which is more probable) it was but 
 tumultuously done, many on a sudden rather snatching than 
 embracing religion, we will not dispute. Sure it is that 
 Mango sent Haalonhis brother [1255] (who is said to have 
 married a wife an excellent Christian, and descended from 
 the wise men who came to see our Saviour 4 ) with a great 
 army to suppress the Turks and assist the Christians. It 
 seemeth his army rode post, for, falling into Persia, he con- 
 quered it sooner than one can well travel it, in half a year 5 . 
 It facilitated his victory, because that country had much 
 unfurnished herself to furnish her foreign colonies and 
 garrisons in Syria; and generally active nations are strong- 
 
 2 Calvisius, ex Hist. Pol. in anno 1259 
 
 3 Qtlov ian KfiQiv rdf ^v\aQ Athanasius. 
 
 4 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 2, p. 5. 
 
 5 So Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 112. The Magdeburgenses say 
 less, Semestri spatio, Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 699. 
 
220 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1256 
 
 est abroad, and weakest at home ; where they are only 
 strong with a conceit of their strength believed in other 
 countries. The city Samarcand only resisted him [1256]. 
 Haalon, seeing it would not come at the first, let it stay; 
 counting it beneath a conqueror to tempt his fortune with 
 a long siege, which perchance might alter the whole course 
 of the cards, and make him rise a loser. Wherefore he 
 himself only skimmed the cream of the conquest, and went 
 away with what was easy and smooth, deputing an inferior 
 captain to hew this knotty service ; who after a long siege 
 subdued it. For in respect of the age of this siege, that ol 
 Troy was but a child, it lasting seven and twenty years 6 ; 
 and at last not taken but yielded up, the defendants then 
 wanting clothes to cover their nakedness. 
 
 From Persia Haalon marched to Babylon [1258]; the 
 caliph whereof, called Musteazem, was so superstitious ar 
 idolater to his wealth, that he would not provide necessaries 
 for the defence of the city, and therefore it was quickl) 
 subdued. The covetous caliph he famished to death, anc 
 then filled his mouth with melted gold 7 . Every when 
 mosques went down and churches up. 
 
 Hence into Mesopotamia, which he instantly conquered 
 .with the cities of Aleppo and Edessa [1260]. He wor 
 and restored many places to Conrad the Christian prince o 
 Antioch, which the Turks formerly detained from him 
 Yea, this Tartarian army so awed Melechem the mamaluk< 
 prince of Egypt, who succeeded Tarquemine, that hi 
 durst not budge. And many other good offices this Haaloi 
 did to the Christians in Syria. 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. The Discord bctwlvt the Genoans ant 
 Venetians, who burn the Genoan Ships in Ptolemais. 
 
 BUT they were unworthy of this happiness, who-woul( 
 not be at leisure to make use of it, but busied them 
 selves in private dissensions, the Genoans against the Pisan 
 and Venetians. These states (as many others in Italy) a 
 this time were so proud in their master's old clothes, the; 
 scarce knew themselves, grown brave with the feathers th< 
 eagle had moulted, and set up by the breaking of th< 
 emperor in Italy. The Venetians and Genoans were hardl; 
 matched ; the Pisans were not so strong, but as stomachfu 
 as either of them, and then in this point of policy superio 
 
 6 Magdeburg, et Knolles, ut prius. 
 
 7 Calvisius, in nuno 1158, ex Bizaro. 
 
. D. 1260 THE HOLY WAR. 221 
 
 o both : that first siding with the Genoans, they whipped 
 he Venetians ; then when they were sufficiently humbled, 
 aking part with the Venetians, they stripped and lashed 
 be Genoans : and the scales being even before, Pisa made 
 chat weigh down by course wherein she cast her grains. 
 
 Now not content to fall out at home, within the doors of 
 taly, they must fight in Syria in the open street, where the 
 \irks looked on and laughed at them; counting it in their 
 apprehension as good sport as to see a spider poison a toad. 
 Besides their old grudges transported hither out of Italy, 
 his green wound was the cause of their dissension here ; 
 n Ptolemais these three states had their several streets, 
 several markets for trading, and courts for causes both civil 
 nd criminal; but all three had one church (that of St. 
 sabbas) common unto them, by the ordering of the pope 
 limself, who counted the same church might serve the 
 worshippers of the same God. But the Venetians, by the 
 virtue of an ancient agreement betwixt them and King 
 Baldwin for their service in winning this city, challenged a 
 peculiar interest therein 1 . Hereabout was there old bust- 
 ing, and in a tumult, the Genoans, at that time surpassing 
 or number, drave the Venetians out of the church ; yea, 
 :> hilip of Montfort, a French governor of Ptolemais in the 
 ime of the interregnum, wanting not only policy for a 
 nagistrate, but wit for a man (Blondus saith he was half 
 nad 2 , and his actions speak him no less), compelled the 
 Venetians generally to forsake the city. 
 
 Implacably incensed hereat, the Venetians arm thirteen 
 galleys which they had at Tyre, and coming to Ptolemais 
 breed asunder the chain which crossed the haven, and 
 urned five and twenty ships of the Genoans which lay 
 here. For alas ! being straitened in the haven, they had 
 10 room (being entangled) to turn and free themselves one 
 rom another. And though united force be most forcible, 
 fet not when so stifled and smothered that it cannot express 
 ind exercise itself. Many brave soldiers in these ships lost 
 heir lives in a bundle, without selling them, or ever 
 >pening their wares. 
 
 To avenge this loss, the state of Genoa sent from home a 
 lavy of fifty ships of all sorts, which came to Tyre. There 
 neet they with Reinerius Zenus duke of Venice, with the 
 
 So saith Blondus, Decad. 2, lib. 8, p. 308. But if we 
 jonsult Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 28, the Genoans and not the 
 Venetians won Ptolemais. 2 Loco prius citato. 
 
222 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1260 
 
 united power of the Venetians and Pisans, counting no 
 fewer than seventy-four vessels well provided. They would 
 have fought in the very haven of Tyre, but the governor ol 
 the city forbade it : it would be more scandalous to Chris- 
 tianity; the roving fireballs might hurt the city, and 
 sinking ships hinder the harbour; besides, the conquered 
 party would probably complain of the partiality of the 
 place, that it more favoured one side ; they should not fighi 
 under his nose ; if they had a mind to it, let them out, and 
 try their fortunes in the open sea. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. The Genoan Navy beaten by the Venetian 
 Sea and Land-service compared, both in Danger am 
 Honour. 
 
 \ CCORDINGLY it was performed ; out they go anc 
 J^\~ fall to their work. Their galleys, like ostriches, us.ec 
 their legs more than their wings, more running with oar: 
 than flying with sails. At that time, before ordnance wa 
 found out, ships were both guns and bullets themselves 
 and furiously ran one against another. 
 
 They began with this arietation : herein strength wa 
 much but not all ; nimbleness was also very advantageou 
 to break and slent the downright rushings of a stronge 
 vessel. Then fell they to grappling : here the steady shi 
 had the better of it ; and those soldiers who best kept thei 
 legs could best use their arms, the surest slander bein 
 always the soundest striker. Much valour was showed o 
 both sides, and at last the victory fell to the Venetian. Th 
 Genoans, losing five and twenty of their ships, fled, am 
 saved the rest in the haven of Tyre, after a most cruel an. 
 desperate battle. 
 
 And surely, generally sea-fights are more bloody tha 
 those on the land, especially since guns came up, whos 
 shot betwixt wind and water (like those wounds so ofte 
 mentioned in the scripture under the fifth rib), is commonl 
 observed mortal. Yea, far harder it is for a ship, whe 
 arrested and engaged in a battle, to clear itself, than fc 
 soldiers by land to save themselves by flight. Here neithe 
 his own two nor his horse's four legs can bestead any ; bt 
 like accidents they must perish with their subjects, and sin 
 with their ship. 
 
 And then why is a sea victory less honour, being moi 
 danger, than one achieved by land? Is it because seaservic 
 is not so general, nor so full of varieties, and the mysterie 
 thereof sooner learned? Or because in seafights fortune ma 
 seem to be a deeper sharer, and valour not so much in 
 
A. D. 1265 THE HOLY WAR. 223 
 
 terested? Whatsoever it is, the laurel purchased on land 
 lath a more lively verdure than that which is got at sea. 
 
 We return to the Venetians: who, using or rather abusing 
 this conquest, enter Ptolemais, cast out all Genoans thence r 
 throw down their buildings both public and private, de- 
 molish the fort which they had builded at St. Saba, rifle and 
 spoil their shops, warehouses, and storehouses : only the 
 pope prevailed so far with them, that they set at liberty the 
 prisoners they had taken. 
 
 Ten years did this war last betwixt these two states in 
 Syria, composed at last (saith my author) by the authority 
 of Pope Clement IV., and by famine (the bad cause 
 of a good effect) which in Palestine starved them into 
 agreement. Longer these wars lasted betwixt them in 
 Italy : their success like the sea they fought on, ebbing and 
 flowing. In this costly war Pisa was first beggared ; and 
 for all her politic partaking, Genoa at last strode so heavy 
 upon her, that ever since she hath drooped and hung the 
 wing, and at this day is maid to Florence, who formerly 
 was mistress of a good part of Italy. But I have no calling 
 and less comfort to prosecute these bloody dissensions : for 
 wars of Christians against Infidels are like the heat of ex- 
 ercise which serveth to keep the body of Christianity in 
 health; but these civil wars amongst themselves, like the 
 heat of a fever, dangerous, and destructive of religion. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Charles made King of Sicily and Jerusalem 
 by the Pope ; Hugh King of Cyprus pretendeth also to go 
 to Jerusalem. 
 
 WE have now gotten Pantaleon, a Frenchman, who 
 succeeded Robert in the titular patriarchship of 
 Jerusalem, to be pope, by the name of Urban IV. 1 To 
 advance the holy cause, after fourteen years interregnum 
 in Syria, he appointed Charles duke of Anjou, younger 
 brother to King Louis of France, king of Sicily and Jeru- 
 salem, and it was ratified by Clement IV. his successor. 
 
 This honour was first offered to Louis himself; but piety 
 had dried up in him all ambitious humours : then to our 
 Henry of England ; but his war-wasted purse could not 
 stretch to the pope's price: at last, this Charles accepted 
 it [1265]. But it is not for any special favour to the bush, 
 if a man run under it in a storm : it was no love to Charles, 
 but to himself, to be sheltered from Maufred, that the pope 
 conferred this honour upon him. And the wife of Charles, 
 
 Platina, in Urban IV. 
 
224 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 120 
 
 that she might go in equipage with her three sisters, beinc 
 queens, sold all her jewels to furnish her husband with 
 money to purchase these kingdoms 2 ; that sex lovinp- 
 bravery well, but greatness better. 
 
 Now the pope (whose well-grounded and bounder' 
 bounty will never undo him ; for where he giveth away th 
 meat he selleth the sauce), conditioned with Charles 01 
 these terms 3 : first, that he should conquer Maufred then 
 king of Sicily, who molested the pope ; and that he should 
 finally subdue all the remaining race of Frederick II., 
 emperor, who claimed that kingdom. Secondly, in ac- 
 knowledgment that he held these kingdoms from the pope, 
 he should pay him an annual pension of four (some saj 
 forty) thousand pounds. Provided, if this Charles should 
 chance to be chosen emperor of Germany, that then he 
 should either resign Sicily back again into the hands of his 
 holiness, or not accept the empire 4 . For he knew that all 
 emperors would be possessed with an antipapal spirit; and 
 that they would hold Sicily, not in homage from the church, 
 but as a member of fhe empire ; besides, the pope would 
 not dispense that princes should hold plurality of temporal 
 dominions in Italy ; especially, he was so ticklish he could 
 not endure the same prince should embrace him on both 
 sides. 
 
 Ever since, the twin titles of Sicily and Jerusalem havt 
 gone together; and fit it is that the shadow should follow 
 the substance. Charles subdued Maufred and Conradin 
 his nephew (the last of the Suabian race, and grandchild to 
 Emperor Frederick), and was possessed of Sicily, and lived 
 there; but as for the gaining of Jerusalem, he little regarded 
 it, nor came thither at all: a watchful king, who never slept 
 in his kingdom. 
 
 His absence gave occasion to Hugh king of Cyprus tc 
 furbish up new his old title to the kingdom, as lineally 
 descended from Almerick II 5 . And coming to Ptolemais 
 he there was crowned king of Jerusalem [Sept. 27, 1269] 
 but the extremity of the famine (all things being excessive 
 dear) much abated the solemnity and state of his coronation 
 
 2 Besoldus, De Reg. Sicil. p. 645, 649. 
 
 3 See these conditions at large (five and twenty in number 
 Out of Jo. Anton. Summont. cited in Besoldus, p. 647. 
 
 * Platina, in Clem. IV. Neve imperium Romanum, etian 
 ultro oblatum, acciperet. 
 
 5 Calvisius, in anno 1269, ex Marino Sanuto. 
 
A.D. 1262 THE HOLY WAR. 225 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. The Tartarians alienated from the Chris- 
 tians. Bendocdar tyrannizeth over them, and Louis King 
 of France setteth forth again for to succour them. 
 
 BUT betwixt two kings the kingdom went to the ground 
 [1261] : for Haalon the Tartarian prince *, and late 
 Christian convert, was returned home to succeed his 
 brother Mango in the empire, leaving Abaga his son with 
 competent forces in the city of Damascus, which he had 
 won from the Turks. Soon after, Abaga followed his father, 
 and substituted Guirboca his lieutenant in Damascus. 
 
 This Guirboca, upon the the occasion of his nephew 
 rashly slain by the Christians in a broil, fell off wholly from 
 Christianity, with all the Tartarians his countrymen [1262]. 
 The occasion this : the Dutch Christians return with great 
 booty they had taken from the Turks ; Guirboca's nephew 
 meeteth them, demandeth it for himself 2 ; the Christians 
 deny him (as soldiers are very tender-conscienced in that 
 point, counting it a great sin to part with the spoil they 
 are possessed of) : hence brawls, then blows ; Guirboca's 
 nephew is slain : hereat the Tartarians (who were very 
 humorous in their friendship ; if not observed to an inch, 
 lost for ever), in discontent, all either reel aside to Mahomet, 
 or fall back to paganism. 
 
 Herein the Christians cannot be excused : infant-converts 
 must be well tended. It had been discretion in them, even 
 against discretion to have yielded a little to these Tartarians, 
 and so to continue their amity, which was so advantageous 
 to the holy war. However, one may question the truth of 
 their conversion, whether real at first: this spring was too 
 forward to hold ; and the speedy withering of their religion 
 argueth it wanted root. Arid as tame foxes, if they break 
 loose and return wild, do ten times more mischief than those 
 which were wild from the beginning; so these renegadoes 
 raged more furiously than any pagans against religion. 
 Guirboca sacrificed many Christians to the ghost of his 
 nephew, destroyed Ceesarea and burnt it, using all cruelty 
 against the inhabitants. 
 
 Nor less were the Christians plagued at the same time 
 with Bendocdar the mamaluke prince in Egypt ; who suc- 
 ceeded Melechem, and every where raging against them, 
 either killed or forced them to forswear their religion. The 
 
 1 Calvisius, ex Marino Sanuto, in anno 1260. 
 
 2 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 699. 
 
 Q 
 
226 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1268 
 
 city of Joppa he took and burned [l 268J ; and then won 
 Antioch, slaying therein twenty thousand, and carrying 
 away captive a hundred thousand Christians. But it may 
 justly be suspected that these numbers were written first in 
 figures, and therefore at too much length, when the adding 
 of nothing may increase many thousands. 
 
 These woful tidings brought into Europe, so wrought on 
 the good disposition of Louis king of France, that he re- 
 solved to make a second voyage into Palestine to succour 
 the Christians. 
 
 He so fixed his mind on the journey's end, that he saw 
 not the dangers in the way. His counsel could not dissuade, 
 though they did dissuade him. First, they urged, that he 
 was old ; let younger men take their turns : they recounted 
 to him his former ill success; how lately had that hot 
 country scorched the lilies of France, not only to the blasting 
 of the leaves, but almost withering of the root ! Besides, the 
 sinews of the Christians in Syria were so shrunk, that 
 though lifted up they could not stand ; that nature decayed, 
 but not thus wholly destroyed, was the subject of physic ; 
 that the Turks had got a habit of conquering, and riveted 
 themselves into the possession of the country ; so that this 
 voyage would but fleet the cream of the kingdom to cast it 
 into the fire. 
 
 But as a vehement flame maketh fuel of whatsoever it 
 meeteth; so this king's earnest resolution turned bridles 
 into spurs, and hinderances into motives to his journey 
 Was he old? let him make the more speed, lest envious 
 death should prevent him of this occasion of honour. Hac 
 he sped ill formerly ? he would seek his credit where he 
 lost it : surely, Fortune's lottery had not all blanks, but that 
 after long drawing he should light on a prize at last. Were 
 the Christians in so low a case ? the greater need they had 
 of speedy help. 
 
 Thus was this good king's judgment over-zealed. Anc 
 surely, though devotion be the natural heat, discretion (which 
 wanted in him) is the radical moisture of an action, keeping 
 it healthful, prosperous, and long-lived. 
 
 Well, King Louis will go, and to this end provideth hi? 
 navy; and is accompanied with Philip and Tristram hi; 
 sons, Theobald king of Navarre his son-in-law, Alphons* 
 his brother, and Guido earl of Flanders. There went als( 
 Edward eldest son to Henry king of England. It was : 
 wonder he w r ould now adventure his head when he was t 
 receive a crown, his father being full ripe to drop dow? 
 without gathering, having reigned longer than most me 
 
A. D. 1270 THE HOLY WAR. 227 
 
 live, fifty and five years. But thirsty was this Edward of 
 honour : Longshanks was he called ; and as his strides were 
 large, so vast and wide was the extent of his desire. As 
 for his good father, he was content to let go the staff of his 
 age for to be a prop to the church. And though King 
 Louis was indiscreet in going this journey, he was wise in 
 choosing this his companion, to have this active prince 
 along with him ; it being good to eye a suspicious person, 
 and not to leave him behind. 
 
 With Edward went his brother Edmund earl of Lancaster, 
 surnamed Crouchback ; not that he was crookshouldered, or 
 camelbacked : (from which our English poet most zealously 
 doth vindicate him ; 
 
 Edmund like him the comeliest prince alive, 
 Not crookback'd, ne in no wise disfigured, 
 As some men write, the right line to deprive, 
 Though great falsehood made it to be scriptured 3 .) 
 but from the cross, anciently called a crouch (whence 
 crouched friars) which now he wore in his voyage to Jeru- 
 salem. And yet it maketh it somewhat suspicious, that in 
 Latin records he is never read with any other epithet than 
 Gibbosus*. But be he crooked or not, let us on straight 
 with our story. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. King Louis besiegeth the City of Tunis. 
 His Death and Commendation. 
 
 LOUIS now having hoised up sail [1270], it was con- 
 cluded, by the general consent of his council, that to 
 secure and clear the Christians' passage to Palestine from 
 pirates, they should first take the city of Carthage in Africa 
 by the way. 
 
 This Carthage long wrestled with Rome for the sove- 
 reignty, and gave as many foils as she took, till Scipio at 
 last crushed out her bowels with one deadly fall. Yet long 
 after the city stood before wholly demolished, to be a spur 
 to put mettle into the Romans, and to be a foreign mark for 
 their arrows, lest otherwise they should shoot against them- 
 selves. At last by the counsel of Cato it was quite de- 
 stroyed : who alleged, that it was not safe to have a knife 
 so near their throat; and though good use might be made 
 of an enemy at arm's end, yet it was dangerous to have him 
 too close to one's side ; as Carthage was within a day's sail 
 from Rome. 
 
 3 Harding, chap. 147. 
 
 4 Vincent's Discoveries of Brook's Errours, Tit. Lancaster. 
 
228 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1270 
 
 Out of the ruins of this famous city Tunis arose ; as often 
 a stinking elder groweth out of the place where an oak 
 hath been felled. Thieving was their trading; but then as 
 yet they were apprentices to piracy, whereof at this day 
 they are grown masters. Yea, not considerable was Tunis 
 then in bigness, great only in mischief. But as a small 
 scratch just upon the turning of a joint is more troublesome 
 than a bigger sore in another place, so this paltry town 
 (the refuge of rogues, and wanderers home), seated in the 
 passage betwixt Europe, Asia, and Africa, was a worse 
 annoyance to Christian traffic, than a whole country of 
 Saracens elsewhere. Wherefore both to revenge the blood 
 of many Christians, who passing this way to Palestine were 
 either killed or taken captive, as also to secure the way for 
 the time to come, Louis with his whole fleet (augmented 
 with the navy of Charles king of Sicily and Jerusalem, his 
 brother) bent his course to besiege it. 
 
 It was concluded both unnecessary and unfitting, first in 
 a fair way to summon the city; because like pernicious 
 vermin they were to be rooted out of the world by any 
 means ; nor was it meet to lavish the solemn ceremonies of 
 war on a company of thieves and murderers. 
 
 The siege was no sooner begun but the plague seized on 
 the Christian army, whereof thousands died ; amongst 
 others, Tristram King Louis's son : and he himself of a 
 flux followed after. This Louis was the French Josiah, 
 both for the piety of his life, and wofulness of his death, 
 engaging himself in a needless war. Many good laws he 
 made for his kingdom : that not the worst, he first retrenched 
 his barons' power to suffer parties to try their intricate titles 
 to land by duels 1 . He severely punished blasphemers, 
 searing their lips with a hot iron 2 '. And because by his 
 command it was executed upon a great rich citizen of Paris, 
 some said he was a tyrant : he, hearing it, said before many, 
 I would to God that with searing my own lips I could 
 banish out of my realm all abuse of oaths. He loved more 
 to hear sermons than to be present at mass ; whereas on 
 the contrary our Henry III. said, he had rather see his God 
 than hear another speak of him though never so well 3 . His 
 body was carried into France, there to be buried, and was 
 most miserably tossed ; it being observed, that the sea 
 
 1 Sir Walter Raleigh, Hist, part 1, lib. .5, cap. 3. 
 
 2 Alfonso Villeg. in the Life of St. Louis. 
 
 3 Continual. Matth. Paris, in anno 1273. 
 
A. D. 1271 THE HOLY WAR. 229 
 
 cannot digest the crudity of a dead corpse, being a due 
 debt to be interred where it dieth ; and a ship cannot 
 abide to be made a bier of. He was sainted after his 
 death by Boniface VIII., and the five and twentieth day of 
 August (on which day in his first voyage to Palestine he 
 went on shipboard) is consecrated to his memory. Herein 
 he had better luck than as good a man, I mean our Henry 
 VI., who could not be canonized without a mighty sum of 
 money ; belike angels making saints at Rome. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. Tunis taken. The French return home, 
 whilst our Edward valiantly setteth forward for Palestine. 
 
 BY this time Tunis was brought to great distress, and at 
 last on these conditions surrendered [1271]; that it 
 should pay yearly to Charles king of Sicily and Jerusalem 
 forty thousand crowns ; that it should receive Christian 
 ministers, freely to exercise their religion ; if any Saracen 
 would be baptized, he should be suffered ; that all Christian 
 captives should be set free; that they should pay back so 
 much money as should defray the Christians' charges in this 
 voyage. Our Edward would needs have had the town 
 beaten down, and all put to the sword, thinking the foulest 
 quarter too fair for them. Their goods (because got by 
 robbery) he would have sacrificed as an anathema to God, 
 and burnt to ashes : his own share he execrated, and 
 caused it to be burnt, forbidding the English to save any 
 thing of it ; because that coals stolen out of that fire would 
 sooner burn their houses than warm their hands. It 
 troubled not the consciences of other princes to enrich 
 themselves herewith, but they glutted themselves with the 
 stolen honey which they found in this hive of drones ; and 
 which was worse, now their bellies were full they would go 
 to bed, return home, and go no further. Yea, the young 
 king of France, called Philip the Bold, was fearful to 
 prosecute his journey to Palestine; whereas Prince Edward 
 struck his breast, and swore, that though all his friends 
 forsook him, yet he would enter Ptolemais, though but 
 only with Fowin his horsekeeper. By which speech he 
 incensed the English to go on with him. 
 
 The rest, pleading the distemperature of the weather, 
 went to Sicily, in hope with change of air to recover their 
 health ; where many of them found what they sought to 
 avoid, death : amongst other, Theobald king of Navarre, 
 and Isabel his wife, and William earl of Flanders, who 
 ended their days at Drepanum. Besides, their navy was 
 
230 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1271 
 
 pursuivanted after with a horrible tempest, and a curse 
 (entailed either on their ill-gotten goods, or deserting God's 
 cause, or both) arrested them in their return, so that of this 
 great wealth little was landed in Europe, their ships being 
 wrecked, and the goods therein cast into the sea, with 
 which the waves played a little, and then chopped them up 
 at a morsel. Whilst the weather, frowning on them, smiled 
 on the English, Prince Edward no whit damnified either 
 in his men or ships, with Eleanor his tender consort then 
 young with child, safely arrived at Ptolemais, to the great 
 solace and comfort of the Christians there being in great 
 distress. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Prince Edward's Performance in Palestine. 
 He is dangerously wounded, yet recovereth, and returneth 
 home safe. 
 
 AT his arrival the last stake of the Christians was oh 
 losing ; for Bendocdar, the mamaluke prince of Egypt 
 and Syria, had brought Ptolemais to so low an ebb, that 
 they therein resolved (if some unexpected succour reversed 
 not their intentions) within three days to resign the city 
 unto him. Edward landing stayed this precipitation, who 
 arrived with his army there in the very interim, in opportu- 
 nity itself, which is the very quintessence of time; so that 
 all concluded his coming (thus hitting the mark) was 
 guided by the hand of an especial providence. 
 
 And now those who before in despair would have thrown 
 up their cards, hope at least to make a saving game ; and 
 the Christians, taking comfort and courage, both defy their 
 enemies, and their own thoughts of surrendering the city. 
 Prince Edward having sufficiently manned and victualled 
 Ptolemais, taking six or seven thousand soldiers, marched 
 to Nazareth, which he took, and slew those he found there. 
 After this, about midsummer, understanding the Turks 
 were gathered together at Cakhow forty miles off, very 
 early in the morning he set upon them, slew a thousand, 
 and put the rest to flight. 
 
 In these skirmishes he gave evident testimonies of his 
 personal valour ; yea, in cold blood he would boldly 
 challenge any infidel to a duel. To speak truth, this his 
 conceived perfection was his greatest imperfection ; for the 
 world was abundantly satisfied in the point of his valour, 
 yet such was his confidence of his strength, and eagerness 
 of honour, that having merited the esteem of a most stout 
 man, he would still supererogate ; yea, he would proffer to 
 
A. D. 1272 THE HOLY WAR. 231 
 
 fight with any mean person, if cried up by the volge for a 
 tall man; this daring being a general fault in great spirits, 
 and a great fault in a general, who staketh a pearl against 
 a piece of glass. The best was, in that age a man fighting 
 with sword and buckler had in a manner many lives to 
 lose ; and duels were not dangerous. 
 
 Whilst he stayed at Ptolemais, Eleanor his lady was 
 delivered of a fair daughter, called from her birthplace 
 Joan of Acre ; but fear of her husband's death abated her 
 joy at her daughter's birth. The Turks, not matching him 
 in valour, thought to master him with treachery, which was 
 thus contrived : The admiral of Joppa, a Turk, pretended 
 he would turn Christian, and employed one Anzazim, an 
 Assassin, in the business betwixt him and Prince Edward ; 
 who carried himself so cunningly, that by often repairing 
 to our prince he got much credit and esteem with him. 
 
 Some write 1 , this Anzazim was before always bred under 
 ground (as men keep hawks and war-horses in the dark, to 
 make them more fierce), that so coming abroad, he should 
 fear to venture on no man. But sure so cunning a compa- 
 nion had long conversed with light, and been acquainted 
 with men, yea, Christians and princes, as appeareth by his 
 complying carriage ; else, if he had not been well read in 
 their company, he could not have been so perfect in his 
 lesson. But let him be bred any where, or in hell itself; 
 for this was his religion, to kill any he was commanded, or 
 on the nonperformance willingly to forfeit his life. 
 
 1272.] The fifth time of his coming he brought Prince 
 Edward letters from his master, which whilst he was read- 
 ing alone and lying on his bed, he struck him into the arm 
 with an envenomed knife. Being about to fetch another 
 stroke, the prince with his foot gave him such a blow that 
 he felled him to the ground, and wresting the knife from 
 him, ran the Turk into the belly, and slew him ; yet so, 
 that in struggling he hurt himself therewith in the forehead. 
 At this noise in sprang his servants, and one of them with 
 a stool beat the brains out of the dead Turk's head, show- 
 ing little wit in his own ; and the prince was highly dis- 
 pleased, that the monument of his valour should be stained 
 with another's cruelty. 
 
 It is storied, how Eleanor his lady sucked all the poison 
 out of his wounds 71 , without doing any harm to herself; so 
 
 1 Continual. Matth. Paris, in anno 1272, p. 1345. 
 
 2 Speed, in Edward I. 
 
232 THE HISTORY OF A.o.1272 
 
 sovereign a medicine is a woman's tongue, anointed with 
 the virtue of loving affection. Pity it is so pretty a story 
 should not be true (with all the miracles in Lovers' Legends), 
 and sure he shall get himself no credit, who undertaketh to 
 confute a passage so sounding to the honour of the sex ; 
 yet can it not stand with what others have written 3 , how 
 the physician who was to dress his wounds spake to the 
 Lord Edmund and the Lord John Voysey to take away 
 Lady Eleanor out of the prince's presence, lest her pity 
 should be cruel towards him, in not suffering his sores to 
 be searched to the quick. And though she cried out and 
 wrung her hands, " Madam," said they, " be contented ; it 
 is better that one woman should weep a little while, than 
 that all the realm of England should lament a great season :" 
 and so they conducted her out of the place. And the 
 prince, by the benefit of physic, good attendance, and an 
 antidote the master of the Templars gave him, showed 
 himself on horseback whole and well within fifteen days 
 after. 
 
 The admiral of Joppa, hearing of his recovery, utterly 
 disavowed that he had any hand in the treachery, as none 
 will willingly father unsucceeding villany. True it is, he 
 was truly sorrowful, whether because Edward was so bad, 
 or no worse wounded, he knoweth that knoweth hearts. 
 Some wholly acquit him herein 4 , and conceive this mischief 
 proceeded from Simon earl of Montfort's hatred to our 
 prince, who bearing him and all his kindred an old grudge 
 for doing some conceived wrong to his father (in very deed, 
 nothing but justice to a rebel), hired, as they think, this 
 Assassin to murder him; as a little before, for the same 
 quarrel, he had served Henry son to Richard king of the 
 Romans, and our Edward's cousin german, at Viterbo in 
 Italy. It is much this Simon living in France should 
 contrive this prince's death in Palestine ; but malice hath 
 long arms, and can take men off at great distance. Yea, 
 this addeth to the cunning of the engineer, to work unseen ; 
 and the further from him the blow is given, the less is he 
 himself suspected. 
 
 Whosoever plotted, God prevented it, and the Christians 
 there would have revenged it, but Edward would not suffer 
 them. In all haste they would have marched and fallen 
 on the Turks, had not he dissuaded them 5 , because then 
 
 3 See Fox, Martyrol. p. 337. 4 P. yEmil. D. Ludov. p. 227. 
 5 Continual. Matth. Paris, in anno 1272, p. 1347. 
 
A. D. 1272 THE HOLY WAR. 233 
 
 many Christians unarmed, and in small companies, were 
 gone to visit the sepulchre, all whose throats had then pro- 
 bably been cut before their return. 
 
 Eighteen months he stayed at Ptolemais, and then came 
 back through Italy, without doing any extraordinary matter 
 in Palestine. What music can one string make when all 
 the rest are broken ? what could Edward do alone, when 
 those princes fell back on whom the project most relied? 
 Louis and Charles were the main undertakers ; Edward 
 entertained but as an adventurer and sharer : and so he 
 furnished himself, accordingly, with competent forces to 
 succour others, but not to subsist of themselves. But as 
 too often, where the principal miscarrieth, the second and 
 sureties must lie at the stake to make the debt good ; so in 
 their default he valiantly went forward, though having in 
 all but thirteen ships and some thousands of men (too 
 many for a plain prince to visit with, and too few for a 
 great one to war with), and performed what lay within the 
 compass of his power. In a word, his coming to Ptolemais, 
 and assisting them there, was like a cordial given to a 
 dying man, which doth piece out his life (or death rather), 
 a few groans and as many gasps the longer. 
 
 By this time Henry his aged father being dead (his lamp 
 not quenched but going out for want of oil), the English 
 nobility came as far as the Alps in Savoy to wait on Edward 
 in his return. Leave we him then to be attended home by 
 them to receive the crown, to which no less his virtues than 
 birth entitled him. Since the Conquest he was the first 
 king of his name, and the first that settled the law and state 
 (deserving the style of England's Justinian 6 ) and that freed 
 this kingdom from the wardship of the peers, showing himself, 
 in all his actions after, capable to command not the realm 
 only but the whole world. 
 
 CHAP. XXX. Rodolph the Emperor's Voyage to Palestine 
 hindered. The Duke of Mecklenburg's Captivity and 
 Enlargement. 
 
 BEFORE Edward's departure, Hugh king of Jerusalem 
 and Cyprus concluded a peace (to our prince's small 
 liking ') with the mamaluke sultan of Egypt, to hold only 
 in and near Ptolemais ; whereby the Christians had some 
 breathing time. But that which now possessed all men's 
 
 6 Sir Robert Cotton, in his Henry III. 
 1 Marinus Sanutus. 
 
234 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1273 
 
 thoughts and talk in Syria, was the expectation of Rodolph 
 to come thither with a great army ; who (after two and 
 twenty years' interregnum) was chosen emperor of Ger- 
 many. 
 
 1273.] This Rodolph was a mean earl of Hapspurg 
 (Frederick the last emperor was his godfather * ; who little 
 thought, that having so many sons of his own, his godson 
 should next succeed him), and lived in a private way. But 
 now the empire refusing her rich suitors, married this earl 
 without any portion, only for pure love. A preferment 
 beyond his expectation, not above his deserts ; for Germany 
 had many bigger lights, none brighter. Pope Gregory X. 
 would not ratify his election but on this condition, that he 
 should in person march with an army to Palestine. And 
 though this was but an old policy, to send the emperors far 
 away, that so he might command in chief in their absence ; 
 yet his holiness did so turn and dress this threadbare plot 
 with specious pretences of piety, that it passed for new and 
 fresh, especially to those that beheld it at a distance. But 
 Rodolph could not be spared out of Germany, being there 
 employed in civil discords ; the knees of the Dutch princes 
 were too stiff to do him homage, till he softened them by 
 degrees. And indeed he was not provided for the holy 
 war, and wanted a stock of his own to drive so costly a 
 trade, having no paternal lands considerable, no bottom to 
 begin on ; though through his thrift and providence he first 
 laid the foundation of the Austrian family. 
 
 1275.] Yet somewhat to answer expectation, he sent 
 Henry duke of Mecklenburg with competent forces into 
 Palestine; who, coming to Ptolemais, made many notable 
 incursions into the country about Damascus, with fire and 
 sword destroying all as he went, and carrying thence many 
 rich booties; till at last he was circumvented and taken 
 prisoner by the mamalukes. Twenty-six years he lived in 
 captivity, keeping his conscience free all the while ; at last 
 the sultan of Egypt (a renegade German, who formerly had 
 been engineer to this duke's father) set him at liberty, 
 together with Martin his servant ; that he who so long had 
 shared of his misery, might also partake of his happiness. 
 No sooner had this duke put to sea, but he was again taken 
 by pirates, and the sultan, out of pity to this distressed 
 prince, and out of scorn that fortune should, frustrate and 
 defeat his real courtesy, set him free again. At last he 
 
 2 Pantal. De illustr. Germ, part 2, in Vita Rodulphi. 
 
A. D. 1282 THE HOLY WAR. 235 
 
 came safely home, and was there welcomed with as much 
 wonder as joy ; his subjects conceiving his return a resur- 
 rection, having buried him in their thoughts long before. 
 
 Here he found two counterfeits, who pretended themselves 
 to be this duke, and on that title challenged lodging with 
 Anastasia his lady 3 . But the one of them had a softer 
 bedfellow provided him, a pool of water, wherein he was 
 drowned ; the other was made a bonfire of, to solemnize 
 the joy of the duke's return. 
 
 CHAP. XXXI. Charles King of Jerusalem. His Intentions 
 in Syria stopped by the Sicilian Vespers. His Death t 
 and Son's Succession. 
 
 BY this time Charles king of Jerusalem and Sicily had 
 made great preparations for the holy war. And to 
 make his claim to the kingdom of Jerusalem the stronger, 
 he bought also the title of Maria Domicella princess of 
 Antioch, who pretended a right to the same. He sent 
 also Roger the count of St. Severine as his viceroy to 
 Ptolemais ; where he was honourably received in despite of 
 Hugh king of Cyprus, by the especial favour of Albertine 
 Morisine the Venetian consul there. And now his navy 
 was reported to be ready, and that by the way he had a 
 project upon Michael Paleologus the emperor of Greece : 
 when all his intentions were suddenly blasted ; it so hap- 
 pening, that on Easter day [1282], as the bell tolled to 
 even-song, all the throats of the Frenchmen in Sicily were 
 cut in a moment by the natives thereof, and that island won 
 by Peter king of Aragon. The grand contriver of this 
 massacre was one Jacobus Prochyta a physician, and I dare 
 say he killed more in an hour than he cured all his lifetime. 
 Those that condemn the Sicilians herein, cannot excuse 
 the French ; such formerly had been their pride, lust, covet- 
 ousness, and cruelty to the people of that island, putting 
 them causelessly to exquisite torture, so that an ordinary 
 hanging was counted an extraordinary favour. But the 
 secrecy of contriving this slaughter of the French was little 
 less than miraculous ; that so many knowing it none should 
 discover it ; like cunning dogs, barking in triumph after 
 they had bitten, not before, to give any warning. Hence 
 grew the proverb of the Sicilian Vespers; though their 
 even-song was nothing to the Errglish matins intended in 
 the gunpowder-treason. Meantime King Charles was at 
 
 3 Pantal. De. illustr. Germ, part 2, p. 245. 
 
236 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1284 
 
 Rome, beholding the making of cardinals, when this dole- 
 ful news was brought unto him, and struck him to the 
 heart. He survived a year or two longer, but dull and 
 melancholic, living as it were without life, and died at last, 
 having reigned king of Jerusalem twenty years: a prince 
 who had tasted of various success ; fortune for a while 
 smiling on him, and at last laughing at him. 
 
 1284.] His son Charles succeeded him in the kingdom of 
 Naples and in the title of Jerusalem. He was surnamed 
 Cunctator, delayer; not in the same sense as Fabius the 
 shield of Rome was so called : he only stayed till oppor- 
 tunity was come; our Charles till it was passed. I find 
 nothing memorable of him except this, that offended with 
 the Templars in Palestine for taking part against him with 
 the king of Cyprus, he seized on their lands, and confiscated 
 all their goods they had in Naples or any other part of his 
 dominions. However, let him have room in the catalogue 
 of our kings of Jerusalem. For as high hills near the sea- 
 side, though otherwise never so base and barren ground, yet 
 will serve to be sea-marks for the direction of mariners; so 
 this Charles, together with Hugh, John, and Henry, kings 
 of Cyprus, pretending also to Jerusalem, though we read 
 nothing remarkable of them, will become the front of a 
 page, and serve to divide and distinguish times, and to 
 parcel the history the better to our apprehension. As for 
 the bare anatomy of their reign (for we find it not fleshed 
 with any history), with the dates of their beginnings and 
 endings, we shall present it to the reader hereafter in our 
 chronology. 
 
 CHAP. XXXII. The Succession of the Mamduke Princes 
 in Egypt. Alphir taketh Tripoli and Tyre. The woful 
 Estate of Ptolemais. 
 
 BUT whilst these titular kings slept, the mamaluke 
 princes were vigilant to infest the relics of the 
 Christians in Palestine : which prince's succession we will 
 adventure to set down ; nor are we discouraged with the 
 difficulties which encounter us herein. The hardness in the 
 story of the mamalukes proceedeth (as we conceive) from, 
 one of these causes : First, the state is not written directly, 
 but by reflection; not storied by any constant writer of 
 their own, but in snaps and parcels, as the chroniclers of 
 neighbouring Christian countries have catched at them. 
 Secondly, out of a popular error, their chief captains by 
 reason of their large authority pass for absolute kings. 
 
A. D. 1289 THE HOLY WAR. 237 
 
 Thirdly, the same king hath many names, and the same 
 name by translation in sundry languages is strangely dis- 
 guised. However, we will use our best conjectures in 
 these uncertainties : and a dim candle is better than no 
 light. 
 
 Bendocdar or Bandodacar, otherwise Melechdaer, was 
 the last Egyptian prince we mentioned : a dangerous man 
 to the Christians, but that Abaga the Tartarian took him to 
 task, and kept him in continual employment. This Abaga 
 had a pretty trick to make cowards valiant, causing them 
 that ran away from the battle, ever after to wear women's 
 clothes. Bendocdar died at Damascus of a wound he re- 
 ceived in Armenia J ; or, as some say, by cold, in swimming 
 over Euphrates. 
 
 Elpis succeeded him, his son* (say some); but the mam- 
 alukes' laws forbid that, except his extraordinary worth was 
 his faculty, and dispensed with him ad succedendum patri. 
 But who knoweth not that the eastern tongue speaketh 
 nephews and kinsmen to be sons ? Some wholly omit him ; 
 enough to make us suspect that he was only some deputy 
 clapped in to stop up the vacancy till Melechsaites was 
 chosen. 
 
 Melechsaites (called by Marinus, Melechmessor) won the 
 strong castle of Mergath from the Hospitallers. He much 
 loved and was very bountiful to the Carmelites, who lived 
 dispersed in Syria : but afterwards he banished them out of 
 his country [1285], because they altered their habit, and 
 wore white coats at the appointment of Pope Honorius ; the 
 Turks being generally enemies to innovations, and loving 
 constancy [in old customs. Nor was this any mishap but 
 an advantage to the Carmelites, to lose their dwellings in 
 Syria, and gain better in Europe, where they planted them- 
 selves in the fattest places : so that he who knoweth not to 
 choose good ground, let him find out a house of the Car- 
 melites (a mark that faileth not) for his direction. 
 
 1289.] Alphir was next to Melechsaites, otherwise called 
 Elsi. He, perceiving that now or never was the time finally 
 to expel the Christians out of Palestine, whilst the princes 
 in Europe were in civil wars, besieged and won Tripoli, 
 Sidon, Berytus, and Tyre, beating them down to the 
 ground, but suffering the inhabitants on some conditions to 
 depart. Nothing now was left but Ptolemais: which 
 
 1 Vide Calvisium in anno 1277, et Magdeburg. Cent. 13. 
 a Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. l6,col. 701. 
 
238 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1289 
 
 Alphir would not presently besiege, lest he should draw the 
 Christians in Europe upon him ; but concluded a peace for 
 five years with the Venetians, as not willing wholly to exas- 
 perate them, by winning all from them at once, and thinking 
 this bitter potion would be better swallowed by them at two 
 several draughts. 
 
 Meantime Ptolemais was in a woful condition. In it 
 were some of all countries ; so that he who had lost his na- 
 tion might find it here. Most of them had several courts to 
 decide their causes in ; and the plenty of judges caused the 
 scarcity of justice, malefactors appealing to a trial in the 
 courts of their own country. It was sufficient innocency 
 for any offender in the Venetian court, that he was a Ve- 
 netian. Personal acts were intituled national, and made 
 the cause of the country. Outrages were every where prac- 
 tised, no where punished ; as if to spare divine revenge the 
 pains of overtaking them, they would go forth and meet it. 
 At the same time, there were in fitters about prosecuting 
 their titles to this city, no fewer than the Venetians, Genoans, 
 Pisans, Florentines, the 'kings of Cyprus and Sicily, the 
 agents for the kings of France and England, the princes oi 
 Tripoli and Antioch, the patriarch of Jerusalem, the masters 
 of the Templars and Hospitallers, and (whom I should 
 have named first) the legate of his holiness, all at once with 
 much violence contending about the right of right nothing, 
 the title to the kingdom of Jerusalem, and command of this 
 city ; like bees, making the greatest humming and buzzing 
 in the hive, when now ready to leave it. 
 
 CHAP. XXXIII. Ptolemais besieged, and taken by 
 
 Sultan Serapha. 
 TT/'ITHIN the city were many voluntaries lately come 
 W over, five hundred whereof were of the pope's 
 furnishing. But belike he failed afterwards in his payment 
 to them, the golden tide flowing not so fast out as into his 
 holiness's coffers. The soldiers being not paid, according 
 to their blunt manners, would pay themselves; and, 
 marching out, pillaged the country contrary to the truce : 
 Sultan Serapha (who succeeded Alphir) demanding resti- 
 tution, is denied, and his ambassadors ill entreated. 
 
 1290.] Hereupon he sitteth down before the city with six 
 hundred thousand men. But we are not bound to believe 
 that Alexander's soldiers were so big as their shields speak 
 them, which they left in India, nor Asian armies so nu- 
 merous as they are reported. Allow the Turks' dominions 
 
A.D. 1290 THE HOLY WAR. 239 
 
 spacious and populous, and that they rather drained than 
 chose soldiers ; yet we had best credit the most niggardly 
 writers, which make them a hundred and fifty thousand. 
 Serapha resolveth to take it, conceiving so convenient a 
 purchase could not be over-bought : the place, though not 
 great, yet was a mote in the eye of the Turkish empire, and 
 therefore pained them. 
 
 Peter Belvise master of the Templars, a valiant captain, 
 had the command of the city assigned him by general con- 
 sent. He encouraged the Christians to be valiant, not like 
 prodigal heirs to lose this city for nothing which cost their 
 grandfathers so much blood; at least let them give one 
 blaze of valour ere their candle went out. How should 
 they show their friends their faces, if they showed their foes 
 their backs ! Let them fight it out manfully ; that so, if 
 forced at last to surrender it, they might rather be pitied 
 for want of fortune, than justly blamed for lack of valour. 
 
 And now Ptolemais,being to wrestle her last fall, stripped 
 herself of all cumbersome clothes : women, children, aged 
 persons, weak folks (all such hindering help, and mouths 
 without arms), were sent away; and twelve thousand re- 
 mained, conceived competent to make good the place. 
 
 Serapha marcheth up furiously ; his men assault the city, 
 with open jaws ready to devour it, had not their mouths 
 been stopped with the artillery the Christians shot at them. 
 Back they were beaten, and many a Turk slain. But 
 Serapha was no whit sensible thereof: who willingly would 
 lose a thousand men in a morning for a breakfast, double 
 so many at a dinner, and continue this costly ordinary for 
 some days together; yea, in spite, he would spend an ounce 
 of Turkish blood, to draw a drop of Christian. 
 
 In this conflict Peter Belvise was slain with a poisoned 
 arrow : a loss above grieving for. Many were strong in 
 desiring the honour, who were weak to discharge the office. 
 But the worst mischief was, the Christians were divided 
 amongst themselves, and neglected to defend the city, con- 
 ceiving that though that was taken, yet every particular 
 nation could defend itself, having their buildings severally 
 fortified : and this dangerous fancy took off their thoughts 
 from the public good, and fixed them on their private ends. 
 Meantime, the patriarch of Jerusalem, and others (some 
 name with them Henry king of Jerusalem and Cyprus), 
 more seeking their safety than honour, secretly fled (with 
 their bodies after their hearts) out of the city ; and some of 
 them, shunning a noble death, fell on a base end, being 
 
240 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1291 
 
 drowned in the sea. Their cowardliness is imputed by some 
 authors to all the rest ; whereas it appeareth on the contrary, 
 they most valiantly behaved themselves. 
 
 1291.] At last, the Turks entered the city by undermining 
 the walls, and conceived their work now done, when it 
 was new begun. For they found Ptolemais not a city 
 but a heap of cities thrown together; wherein the people of 
 every country so fenced themselves in their several forts, 
 that they powdered the Turks with their shot when they 
 entered the streets. It is hardly to be paralleled in any 
 siege, that a taken city was so long before it was taken ; for 
 it held out fifty days; and the Knights-hospitallers made 
 good their castle for two whole months together 1 . But, 
 alas ! as the several parts of Insecta being cut asunder may 
 wriggle and stir for a while, not live long ; so these divided 
 limbs could not long subsist, and at last most of them were 
 slain. 
 
 Yet was it a bloody victory to the Turks; most of them 
 that entered the city being either burned with fire, or killed 
 with arrows, or smothered with the fall of towers, the very 
 ruins (as thirsty of revenge) killing those that ruined them. 
 
 Serapha evened all to the ground, and (lest the Christians 
 should ever after land here) demolished all buildings ; the 
 Turks holding this position, that the best way to be rid of 
 such vermin is to shave the hair clean off, and to destroy 
 all places wherein they may nestle themselves. 
 
 Some say, he ploughed the ground whereon the city stood, 
 and sowed it with corn : but an eyewitness affirmeth% that 
 still there remain magnificent ruins, seeming rather wholly 
 to consist of divers conjoined castles, than any way inter- 
 mingled with private dwellings. 
 
 No fewer than a hundred thousand Latin Christians (all 
 that were left in Syria) fled at this time into Cyprus. It is 
 strange what is reported, that above five hundred matrons 
 and virgins of noble blood, standing upon the shore of 
 Ptolemais, and having all their richest jewels with them, 
 cried out with lamentable voice, and proffered to any 
 mariner that would undertake safely to land them any where, 
 all their wealth for his hire, and also that he should choose 
 any one of them for his wife. Then a certain mariner came, 
 and transporting them all freely, safely landed them in 
 Cyprus; nor by any inquiry could it after be known (when 
 
 1 Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3, p. 313. 
 
 2 Sand. Trav. p. 204. 
 
A. D. 1291 THE HOLY WAR. 241 
 
 he was sought for to receive his hire) who this mariner was, 
 nor whither he went 3 . 
 
 The Hospitallers for haste were fain to leave their treasure 
 behind them, and hide it in a vault ; which, being made 
 known from time to time to their successors, was fetched 
 from thence by the galleys of Malta, about three hundred 
 years afterwards 4 . 
 
 Henry king of Cyprus, to his great cost and greater com- 
 mendation, gave free entertainment to all pilgrims that fled 
 hither, till such time as they could be transported to their 
 own countries ; and thanks was all the shot expected of 
 these guests at their departure. 
 
 Thus after a hundred ninety and four years ended the 
 Holy War ; for continuance the longest, for money spent the 
 costliest, for bloodshed the cruelest, for pretences the most 
 pious, for the true intent the most politic the world ever 
 saw. And at this day, the Turks, to spare the Christians 
 their pains of coming so long a journey to Palestine, have 
 done them the unwelcome courtesy to come more than half 
 the way to give them a meeting. 
 
 3 Lampad. p. 312. 4 Sand. Trav. p. 204. 
 
BOOK V. (SUPPLEMENT). 
 
 CHAP. I. The Executing of the Templars in France. 
 
 MY task is done. Whatsoever remaineth is voluntary 
 and over-measure, only to hem the end of our his- 
 tory that it ravel not out : as to show what became of the 
 Templars, the Teutonic order, and the Hospitallers ; what 
 were the hinderances of this war ; what nation best deserved 
 in it ; what offers were afterwards made to recover Jeru- 
 salem ; by how many challengers that title at this day is 
 claimed ; what is the present strength of Jerusalem ; what 
 hope to regain it; with some other passages which offer 
 attendance on these principal heads. 
 
 Know then, some nineteen years after the Christians had 
 lost all in Palestine, the Templars, by the cruel deed of Pope 
 Clement V., and foul fact of Philip the Fair king of France, 
 were finally extirpated out of all Christendom [1310J 1 . 
 The history thereof is but in twilight, not clearly delivered, 
 but darkened with many doubts and difficulties : we must 
 pick out letters and syllables here and there as well as we 
 may ; all which put together spell thus much. 
 
 Pope Clement, having long sojourned in France, had 
 received many real courtesies from Philip the king ; yea, 
 he owed little less than himself to him. At last, Philip 
 requested of him a boon, great enough for a king to ask 
 and a pope to grant : namely, all the lands of the Knights 
 Templars through France, forfeited by reason of their 
 horrible heresies and licentious living. The pope was 
 willing to gratify him in some good proportion for his 
 favours received (as thankfulness is always the badge of a 
 good nature), and therefore being thus long the king's guest, 
 he gave him the Templars' lands and goods to pay for his 
 entertainment. 
 
 On a sudden all the Templars in France they clapped into 
 prison, wisely catching those lions in a net, which, had 
 
 1 Sabellicus, Enn. 9, lib. 7. Platina, in Vita Clem. V. 
 
A. D. 1310 THE HOLY WAR. 243 
 
 they been fairly hunted to death, would have made their 
 part good with all the dogs in France. Damnable sins 
 were laid to their charge ; as, sacrificing of men to an idol 
 they worshiped, roasting of a Templar's bastard and 
 drinking his blood, spitting upon the cross of Christ, 
 conspiring with Turks and Saracens against Christianity, 
 sodomy, bestiality, with many other villanies out of the 
 road of human corruption, and as far from man's nature as 
 God's law. 
 
 Well, the Templars thus shut in prison, their crimes 
 were half proved. The sole witness against them was one 
 of their own order, a notorious malefactor ; who at the same 
 time being in prison and to suffer for his own offences, 
 condemned by the master of their order, sought to prove 
 his own innocency by charging all his own order to be 
 guilty. And his case standing thus, he must either kill or 
 be killed, die or put others to death, he would be sure to 
 provide water enough to drive the mill, and swore most 
 heartily to whatsoever was objected against the order. 
 Besides, the Templars, being brought upon the rack, con- 
 fessed the accusations to be true wherewith they were 
 charged. Hereupon all the Templars through France 
 were most cruelly burned to death at a stake, with James 
 the grand master of their order. 
 
 CHAP. II. Arguments produced on either Side, both for 
 the Innocency and Guiltiness of the Templars. 
 
 THERE is scarce a harder question in later history than 
 this : whether the Templars justly or unjustly were 
 condemned to suffer. On the one side it is dangerous to 
 affirm they were innocent, because condemned by the pope, 
 infallible in matters of such consequence. This bugbear 
 affrighteth many, and maketh their hands shake when they 
 write hereof. If they should say the Templars were burned 
 wrongfully, they may be fetched over the coals themselves 
 for charging his holiness so deeply ; yea, hereby they bring 
 so much innocent blood on the pope's head as is enough 
 to drown him ; some therefore in this matter know little, 
 and dare speak less, for fear of afterclaps. Secondly, some 
 who suspect that one eye of the church may be dim, yet 
 hold that both the eyes, the pope and general council 
 together, cannot be deceived. 
 
 Now the council of Vienne countenanced the extirpation 
 of the Templars, determined the dissolution of their order, 
 
244 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1310 
 
 and adjudged their lands to be conferred to the Knights- 
 hospitallers. Men ought then to be well advised how they 
 condemn a general council to be accessory post factum to 
 the murder of so many men. 
 
 For all this, those who dare not hollow do whisper on 
 the other side, accounting the Templars not malefactors but 
 martyrs : first, because the witness was insufficient, a 
 malefactor against his judge; and secondly, they bring 
 tortured men against themselves. Yea, there want not 
 those that maintain that a confession extorted on the rack 
 is of no validity. If they be weak men and unable to 
 endure torment, they will speak any thing ; and in this 
 case their words are endited not from their heart but out- 
 ward limbs that are in pain ; and a poor conquest it is, to 
 make either the hand of a child to beat or the tongue of 
 the tortured man to accuse himself. If they be sturdy and 
 stubborn, whose backs are paved against torments, such as 
 bring brazen sides against steely whips, they will confess 
 nothing. And though these Templars were stout and 
 valiant men, yet it is to be commended to one's considera- 
 tion, whether slavish and servile souls will not better bear 
 torment, than generous spirits, who are for the enduring of 
 honourable danger and speedy death, but not provided for 
 torment, which they are not acquainted with, neither is it 
 the proper object of valour. 
 
 Again, it is produced in their behalf, that being burned 
 at the stake, they denied it at their death, though formerly 
 they had confessed it ; and whose charity, if not stark-blind, 
 will not be so tender-eyed as to believe that they would not 
 breathe out their soul with a lie, and wilfully contract a 
 new guilt in that very instant wherein they were to be 
 arraigned before the Judge of heaven. A Templar being 
 to be burned at Bourdeaux, and seeing the pope and King 
 Philip looking out at a window, cried unto them, " Clement 
 thou cruel tyrant, seeing there is no higher amongst mortal 
 men to whom I should appeal for my unjust death, I cite 
 thee together with King Philip to the tribunal of Christ, 
 the just Judge who redeemed me, there both to appear 
 within one year and a day, w T here I will lay open my cause, 
 and justice shall be done without any by-respect 1 ." In like 
 manner, James grand master of the Templars, though by 
 piecemeal he was tortured to death, craved pardon of God, 
 and those of his order, that forced by extremity of pain on 
 
 1 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 18, p. 193. 
 
A. D. 1310 THE HOLY WAR. 245 
 
 the rack, and allured with hope of life, he had accused 
 them of such damnable sins, whereof they were innocent*. 
 
 Moreover, the people with their suffrage acquitted them : 
 happy was he that could get a handful of their ashes into 
 his bosom, as the relic of pious martyrs, to preserve. In- 
 deed little heed is to be given to people's humours ; whose 
 judgment is nothing but prejudice and passion, and com- 
 monly envy all in prosperity, pity all in adversity, though 
 often both undeservedly: and we may believe that the 
 beholding of the Templars' torments when they were burned, 
 wrought in the people first a commiserating of their per- 
 sons, and so by degrees a justifying of their cause. How- 
 ever vulgus non semper errat, aliquando eligit : and though 
 it matters little for the gales of a private man's fancy, yet 
 it is something when the wind bloweth from all corners : 
 and true it is, they were generally cried up for innocents. 
 
 Lastly, Pope Clement and King Philip were within the 
 time prefixed summoned by death to answer to God for 
 what they had done. And though it is bad to be busy 
 with God's secrets, yet an argument drawn from the event, 
 especially when it goeth in company with others, as it is 
 not much to be depended on, so it is not wholly to be 
 neglected. Besides, King Philip missed of his expectation, 
 and the morsel fell beside his mouth ; for the lands of the 
 Templars, which were first granted to him as a portion for 
 his youngest son, were afterwards, by the council of Vienne, 
 bestowed on the Knights-hospitallers. 
 
 CHAP. III. A moderate Way what is to be conceived of 
 the Suppression of the Templars. 
 
 BETWIXT the two extremities of those that count these 
 Templars either malefactors or martyrs, some find a 
 middle way ; whose verdict we will parcel into these 
 several particulars. 
 
 1. No doubt there were many novices and punies 
 amongst them, newly admitted into their order; which, if 
 at all, were little guilty ; for none can be fledged in wicked- 
 ness at their first hatching : to these much mercy belonged : 
 the punishing of others might have been an admonition to 
 them ; and cruelty it was, where there were degrees of 
 offences, to inflict the same punishment, and to put all of 
 them to death. 
 
 2. Surely many of them were most heinous offenders. 
 
 2 P. ^Emil. in Philippe Pulchro. 
 
246 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1310 
 
 Not to speak what they deserved from God (who needeth not 
 pick a quarrel with man, but always hath a just controversy 
 with him), they are accounted notorious transgressors of 
 human laws; yet perchance if the same candle had been 
 lighted to search, as much dust and dirt might have been 
 found in other orders. 
 
 3. They are conceived in general to be guiltless and 
 innocent from those damnable sins wherewith they were 
 charged * ; which heinous offences were laid against them, 
 either because men out of modesty and holy horror should 
 be ashamed and afraid to dive deep in searching the ground- 
 work and bottom of these accusations, but rather take them 
 to be true on the credit of the accusers ; or that the world 
 might the more easily be induced to believe the crimes 
 objected to be true, as conceiving otherwise none would be 
 so devilish as to lay such devilish oifences to their charge ; . 
 or lastly, if the crimes were not believed in the total sum, 
 yet if credited in some competent portion, the least parti- 
 cular should be enough to do the deed, and to make them 
 odious in the world. 
 
 4. The chief cause of their ruin was their extraordinary 
 wealth : they were feared of many, envied of more, loved 
 of none. As Naboth's vineyard was the chiefest ground 
 for his blasphemy, and as, in England, Sir John Cornwall 
 Lord Fanhop said merrily, that not he, but his stately 
 house at Ampthill in Bedfordshire, was guilty of high 
 treason 2 ; so certainly their wealth was the principal evi- 
 dence against them, and cause of their overthrow. It is 
 quarrel and cause enough, to bring a sheep that is fat to the 
 shambles. We may believe King Philip would never have 
 took away their lives if he might have took their lands 
 without putting them to death ; but the mischief was,, he 
 could not get the honey unless he burned the bees. 
 
 Some will say, the Hospitallers had great, yea, greater 
 revenues, nineteen thousand manors to the Templars' nine 
 thousand; yet none envied their wealth. It is true: but 
 then they busied themselves in defending of Christendom, 
 maintaining the island of Rhodes against the Turks, as the 
 Teutonic order defended Prussia against the Tartarian ; the 
 world therefore never grudged them great wages who did 
 good work. These were accounted necessary members of 
 Christendom, the Templars esteemed but a superfluous 
 
 1 Urspergens. Paralip. p. 368. Antoninus, tit. 21, cap. 1, $ 3. 
 
 2 Canulen's Brit, in Bedfordshire. 
 
A. D. 1311 THE HOLY WAR. 247 
 
 wen; they lay at rack and manger, and did nothing : who 
 had they betook themselves to any honourable employment, 
 to take the Turks to task either in Europe or Asia, their 
 happiness had been less repined at, and their overthrow 
 more lamented. And certain it is, that this their idleness 
 disposed them for other vices ; as standing waters are most 
 subject to putrefy. 
 
 I hear one bird 3 sing a different note from all the rest in 
 the wood ; namely, that what specious shows soever were 
 pretended, the true cause of their ruin was, that they began 
 to desert the pope and adhere to the emperor. If this was 
 true, no doubt, they were deeply guilty, and deserved the 
 hard measure they suffered. Sure I am, however at this 
 time they might turn edge, they had formerly been true 
 blades for his holiness. 
 
 All Europe followed the copy that France had set them. 
 Here in England King Edward, the second of that name, 
 suppressed the order, and put them to death ; so by virtue 
 of a writ sent from him to Sir John Wogan, lord chief 
 justice in Ireland, were they served there ; and such was 
 the secrecy of the contrivance of the business, that the 
 storm fell upon them before they saw it, and all crannies 
 were so closely stopped that none could steal a glimpse of 
 the mischief intended against them. 
 
 1311.] In Germany they found some mercy and milder 
 dealing ; for Hugh Wildgrave coming with twenty of his 
 order all in armour into a council of Dutch bishops, who 
 intended to execute the sentence of the pope upon them, 
 there protested his innocency, and appealed to the next 
 pope who should succeed Clement, as to his competent 
 judge 4 . Hereupon their lives were spared ; only they 
 were forced to renounce the name of Templars, and to 
 enter themselves into other orders, chiefly of Hospitallers 
 and Teutonics, on whom their lands were bestowed. We 
 will conclude all with that resolution of a brace of Spanish 
 writers 5 , who make this epilogue to this woful tragedy: 
 Concerning these Templars, whether they were guilty or 
 not, let us suspend our censure till the day of judgment; 
 and then, and no sooner, shall we certainly be informed 
 therein. 
 
 3 Joach. Stephanus, De Jurisdictione, lib. 4, cap. 10, 18. 
 
 4 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 18, p. 193. 
 
 * Hieronimo Romano, De la Republica Christ, lib. 7, cap. 
 6 ; et Pero Mexya, De la Silva de varia licion, lib. 2, cap. 5. 
 
248 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. IV. Of the Teutonic Order; when they left Pales- 
 tine, and on what Conditions they were entertained in 
 Prussia. Their Order at last dissolved. 
 
 FREQUENT mention hath been formerly made of the 
 Teutonic order, or that of Dutch knights, who behaved 
 themselves right valiantly clean through the holy war ; and, 
 which soundeth much to their honour, they cannot be 
 touched either for treason or faction, but were both loyal 
 and peaceable in the whole service. 
 
 But at last they perceived, that by the course of the 
 cards they must needs rise losers if they continued the war 
 in the Holy Land, and even resolved to abandon it. It 
 happened at the same time that Conrad duke of Masovia 
 offered them most honourable conditions ; namely, the 
 enjoying of Prussia, on condition they would defend it 
 against the infidels who annoyed it. Indeed the fratres 
 gladiferi, or sword-bearing brothers, brave slashing lads, 
 undertook the task ; but, finding either their arms too weak 
 or swords too blunt to strike through their enemies, they 
 employed the aid of and conjoined themselves to this 
 Teutonic order. Hereupon, in the year of our Lord 1239, 
 Hermannus de Saltza, fourth master of these Dutch knights, 
 came with most of his order into Prussia ; yet so that he 
 left a competent number of them still in Palestine, which 
 continued and did good service there even to the taking of 
 Ptolemais. 
 
 But the greater number of the Dutch knights, in Prussia, 
 did knight-service against the Tartarians, and were Christen- 
 dom's best bank against the inundations of those barbarous 
 people. By their endeavours the Prussians, who before 
 were but heathen Christians, were wholly converted ; many 
 a brave city builded, specially Marienburg, where formerly 
 a great oak stood (who would think so many beautiful 
 buildings would spring out of the root of one tree ?) and 
 those countries of Prussia and Livonia, which formerly 
 were the coarse list, are now become the rich fringe of 
 Europe. 
 
 At last the Prussians grew weary of the tyrannous op- 
 pression of those Dutch knights (as appeareth by the 
 grievances they presented), and applied themselves to 
 Casimire king of Poland. He took to task Louis Erlinfuse 
 the master of their order ; and so ordered him, that whereas 
 before he pleaded himself to be a free prince of the empire, 
 hereafter he should acknowledge the king of Poland for his 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 249 
 
 lord and master. The successors to this Louis fretted 
 against this agreement, as prejudicial to them ; they could 
 do no less than complain, and could do little more ; for 
 the king of Poland, in spite of their resistance, held them to 
 their agreements. 
 
 Albert of the house of Brandenburg was the last grand 
 master of this order, and first duke of Prussia. He brake 
 the vow of their order, losing his virginity to keep his 
 chastity, and married Dorothy daughter to the king of 
 Denmark. The other Teutonics protested against him, 
 and chose Gualther Croneberg in his room : yea, Albert 
 was proscribed in a diet in Germany, and his goods confis- 
 cated, but the proscription never executed, the emperor of 
 Germany being the same time employed in matters of 
 greater moment which more nearly concerned himself. 
 And thus in this Albert, for aught we can find to the 
 contrary, the Teutonic order had its end, and was quite 
 dissolved. 
 
 CHAP. V. The several Flitting* of the Knights-hospitallers, 
 from Cyprus, by Rhodes, Nice, Syracuse, to Malta. 
 
 WE must now wait on the Hospitallers to their lodg- 
 ings, and we have done. We left them driven 
 from Ptolemais, and landed at Cyprus ; where King Henry 
 courteously entertained them. But a friend's house is no 
 home ; hence therefore they were conveyed to their several 
 alberges in Europe. 
 
 But such active spirits could not long be idle ; such 
 running streams would not end in a standing pond. Where- 
 fore they used all their own strength, and improved their 
 interest with all their benefactors, to furnish out a fleet; 
 which done, under Fulk de Vilderet their grand master 
 they won the island of Rhodes from the Turks eighteen 
 years after Ptolemais was lost, and there seated them- 
 selves. 
 
 Besides Rhodes, they also enjoyed these five adjacent 
 islands, saith my author, Nicoria, Episcopia, lolli, Limonia, 
 and Sirana; places so small, that consulting with maps 
 will not find them out: enough almost to make us think 
 with Tertullian of Delos, that once there were such islands, 
 which at this day are quite vanished away. 
 
 Two hundred and fourteen years, to the terror of the 
 Turks, comfort of the Christians, and their own immortal 
 fame, they maintained this island, and secured the seas for 
 the passage of pilgrims to Jerusalem; till at last in the 
 
250 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 year 1523, after six months' siege, they surrendered the 
 city, to their own honour, and shame of other Christians 
 who sent them no succour in season. 
 
 Yet changing their place they kept their resolution to be 
 honourably employed. Hence they sailed to Nice in 
 Piedmont, a city lying opposite to Africa, from whence the 
 Moors and Saracens much infested Christendom. Where- 
 fore Charles duke of Savoy bestowed that city upon them 
 to defend it; counting the courtesy rather done to him 
 than by him, that they would accept it. 
 
 Afterwards, they perceived it was more needful to stop 
 the Turks' invasions than their pillagings : they had lately 
 won Buda, and (as it was thought) would quickly stride 
 over the Adriatic Sea, and have at Italy. Wherefore the 
 Hospitallers left Nice, and planted themselves at Syracuse 
 in Sicily ; where they right valiantly behaved themselves 
 in defending that country. 
 
 But Charles V., a politic prince, though he saw their 
 help was useful, yet desired not much to have them live in 
 his own country. He liked their neighbourhood better 
 than their presence, to have them rather near than in his 
 kingdom. Wherefore he appointed them the island oi 
 Malta to keep for themselves, their grand master only 
 paying yearly to the king of Spain a falcon in acknowledg- 
 ment they held it from him '. Loath were the Hospitallers 
 to leave Sicily, that paradise of pleasure, and went very 
 unwillingly from it. 
 
 Malta is an island in the Midland Sea, seated betwixl 
 Europe and Africa, as if it meant to escape out of both a? 
 being in neither. Here St. Paul suffered shipwreck, wher 
 the viper stung him not, but the men did, condemning hiir 
 for a murderer z . And here the Hospitallers seated. them- 
 selves, and are the bulwark of Christendom to this day. 
 giving daily evident proof of their courage. But thei: 
 masterpiece was in the year 1565, when they courageously 
 defended the city of Malta besieged by Solyman ; when h< 
 discharged seventy-eight thousand bullets (some of then 
 seven spans in compass) against it, big enough not only t< 
 overthrow walls but overturn mountains ; yet notwithstand 
 ing they held out valiantly five months, and at last forcec 
 the Turk to depart. 
 
 These knights of Malta are at this day a good bridle t< 
 
 1 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 17, p. 190. 
 3 Acts xxviii. 4. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 251 
 
 Tunis and Algiers. I am informed by a good friend 3 
 (who hath spent much yet lost no time in those parts) that 
 these knights are bound by vow not to fly from the Turks, 
 though one man or one galley to four (half which odds 
 Hercules himself durst not venture on) j but if there be five 
 to one, it is interpreted wisdom, not cowardliness, to make 
 away from them : also if a Christian ship wherein there is 
 a knight of Malta take a Turkish ship, that knight is bound 
 by his order first to go aboard to enter it. The grand 
 master of this order hath a great command, and is highly 
 esteemed of; insomuch that the author of the Catalogue of 
 the Glory of the World 4 believeth he is to take place next 
 to absolute kings, above all other temporal princes, even 
 above kings subject to the empire. Sure he meaneth, if 
 they will give it him ; otherwise it seemeth improper that 
 the almsman should take place of his benefactors. Yet 
 the lord prior of the Hospitallers in England was chief 
 baron of the realm, and had precedency of all other lords : 
 and here his order flourished with great pomp till their 
 final period ; which I now come to relate. 
 
 CHAP. VI. The Hospitallers in England stoutly withstand 
 three several Assaults, which overthrew all other religious 
 Foundations. 
 
 THE suppression of the Hospitallers in England de- 
 serveth especial notice, because the manner thereof 
 was different from the dissolving of other religious houses ; 
 for manfully they stood it out to the last, in despite of 
 several assaults. 
 
 1. Cardinal Wolsey, by leave from the pope, suppressed 
 certain small houses of little value, therewithal to endow 
 his colleges in Oxford and Ipswich. He first showed 
 religious places were mortal, which hitherto had flourished 
 in a seeming eternity. This leading case of Wolsey's did 
 pick the mortar out of all the abbey-walls in England, and 
 made a breach in their strongest gate-houses, teaching 
 covelousness (an apt scholar) a ready way to assault them 
 (for it is the dedication, not the value of the thing dedicated, 
 stampeth a character of sacredness upon it). And King 
 Henry VIII. concluded, if the cardinal might eat up the lean 
 convents he himself might feed on the fat ones, without 
 danger of a sacrilegious surfeit. True it is, Wolsey not 
 
 3 Mr. Gr. Gibs, of St. Perrot, Dorset. 
 
 4 Cassanseus, part 9, considerat. 4. 
 
252 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 wholly but in part alienated the lands of these petty houses 
 reserving them still to the general end of pious uses : bu 
 the king followed this pattern so far as it was for his purpose 
 and neglected the rest. 
 
 2. For not long-after, the parliament granted him al 
 religious houses of and under the value of two hundrec 
 pounds yearly 1 : and it was thought, that above ter 
 thousand persons, masters and servants, lost their liveli- 
 hoods by the demolishing of them. And for an introductior 
 to the suppression of all the residue, he had a strai 
 watch set upon them, and the regulars therein tied to 
 strict and punctual observation of their orders without an) 
 relaxation of the least liberty; insomuch that many did 
 quickly unnun and disfriar themselves, whose sides, for 
 merly used to go loose, were soon galled with strait lacing 
 
 3. Then followed the grand dissolution or judgment-da} 
 on the world of abbeys remaining; which, of what valu 
 soever, were seized into the king's hands. The Lord Crom 
 well, one of excellent parts but mean parentage, came from 
 the forge to be the hammer to maul all abbeys. Whose 
 magnificent ruins may lesson the beholders, that it is nol 
 the firmness of the stone nor fastness of the mortar maketh 
 strong walls, but the integrity of the inhabitants. For in- 
 deed foul matters were proved against some of them, as 
 sodomy and much uncleanness: whereupon, unwillingly 
 willing, they resigned their goods and persons to the king's 
 mercy. But the Knights-hospitallers (whose chief mansior 
 was at St. John's, nigh London), being gentlemen and soldiers 
 of ancient families and high spirits, would not be brought 
 to present the king such puling petitions and public recog- 
 nitions of their errors as other orders had done. The) 
 complained it was a false consequence, as far from oharit) 
 as logic, from the induction of some particular delinquent: 
 to infer the guiltiness of all religious persons. Wherefor* 
 like stout fellows they opposed any that thought to enricl 
 themselves with their ample revenues, and stood on thei 
 own defence and justification. 
 
 CHAP. VII. The Hospitallers at last got on an Advantag 
 and suppressed. 
 
 BUT Barnabas' day itself hath a night; and this long 
 lived order, which in England went over the graves 
 of all others, came at last to its own. 
 
 They were suffered to have rope enough, till they liai 
 
 1 Statut. in 27 Henry V11I. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 253 
 
 laltered themselves in apramunire : for they still continued 
 heir obedience to the pope, contrary to their allegiance, 
 vhose usurped authority was banished out of the land * ; 
 ind so (though their lives otherwise could not be impeached 
 or any viciousness) they were brought within the compass 
 )f the law. The case thus standing, their dear friends per- 
 uaded them to submit to the king's mercy, and not to 
 apitulate with him on conditions, nor to stop his favour by 
 heir own obstinacy, but yield whilst as yet terms honest 
 md honourable would be freely given them : that such was 
 he irresistibleness of the king's spirit, that like a torrent it 
 nvould bear down any thing which stood betwixt him and 
 lis desires; if his anger were once inflamed, nothing but 
 heir blood could quench it: let them not flatter themselves 
 nto their own ruin, by relying on the aid of their friends at 
 lome, who would not substitute their own necks to save 
 heirs from the axe ; nor by hoping for help from foreign 
 parts, who could send them no seasonable succour. 
 
 This counsel, harsh at first, grew tunable in the ears of the 
 Hospitallers; so that, contented rather to exchange their 
 clothes for worse than to be quite stripped, they resigned 
 all into the king's hands. He allowed to Sir William 
 Weston, lord prior of the order, an annual pension of one 
 ihousand pounds : but he received never a penny thereof, 
 but died instantly 2 - [May 7, 1540], struck to the heart 
 when he first heard of the dissolution of his priory : and 
 lieth buried in the chancel of Clerkenwell, with the por- 
 traiture of a dead man lying on his shroud, the most arti- 
 ficially cut in stone (saith my author 3 ) that ever man beheld. 
 Others had rent assigned them of two hundred, one hundred, 
 eighty, sixty, fifty, twenty, ten pounds, according to their 
 several qualities and deserts. 
 
 At the same time justs and tournaments were held at 
 Westminster; wherein the challengers against all comers 
 were Sir John Dudley, Sir Thomas Seymour, Sir Thomas 
 Poinings, Sir George Carew, knights ; Antony Kingstone, 
 and Richard Cromwell, esquires; to each of whom, for re- 
 ward of their valour, the king gave a hundred marks of yearly 
 revenues, and a house to dwell in, to them and their heirs, 
 out of the lands belonging to these Hospitallers. And at 
 this time many had Danae's happiness, to have golden 
 showers rained into their bosoms. 
 
 These abbey-lands, though skittish mares to some, have 
 
 1 Parlam. anno 32 Hen. VIII. 3 Weaver, Mon. p. 114. 
 3 Idem, p. 430 
 
254 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 given good milk to others : which is produced as an argu- 
 ment, that if they prove unsuccessful to any, it is the user's 
 default, no inherency of a curse in the things themselves. 
 But let one keep an exact register of lands, and mark their 
 motions, how they ebb and flow betwixt buyers and sellers, 
 and surely he will say with the poet, 'Ou^svo? aXXa TU^?. 
 And this is most sure ; let land be held in ever so good a 
 tenure, it will never be held by an unthrift. 
 
 The Hospitallers' priory church was preserved from 
 downpulling all the days of King Henry VIII. : but in the 
 third year of King Edward VI., with the bell-tower (a 
 piece of curious workmanship, graven, gilt, and enamelled) 
 it was undermined and blown up with gunpowder, and the 
 stone employed in building the lord protector's house in the 
 Strand*. 
 
 Thus as chirurgeons, in cutting off a gangrened leg, 
 always cut it off above the joint, even where the flesh is 
 whole and sound ; so (belike for fear of further infection) to 
 banish monkery for ever, they razed the structures and harm- 
 less buildings of priories, which otherwise in themselves 
 were void of any offence. They feared if abbeys were only 
 left in a swoon, the pope would soon get hot water to recover 
 them : to prevent which, they killed them and killed them 
 again, overturning the very foundation of the houses, in- 
 fringing, altering, and transferring the lands, that they might 
 never be reduced to their old property. Some outrages 
 were committed in the manner of these dissolutions: many 
 manuscripts, guilty of no other superstition than red letters 
 in the front, were condemned to the fire : and here a prin- 
 cipal key of antiquity was lost, to the great prejudice of 
 posterity. But in sudden alterations it is not to be ex- 
 pected that all things be done by the square and com- 
 pass. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Queen Mary setteth up the Hospitalkrs 
 again ; they are again deposed by Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 QUEEN Mary (a princess more zealous than politic)! 
 attempted to restore abbeys to their pristine estate and 
 former glory ; and though certain of her counsellors ob- 
 jected, that the state of her kingdom, and dignity thereof, 
 and her crown imperial, could not honourably be furnished 
 and maintained without the possession of abbey-land ; yet 
 she frankly restored, resigned, and confirmed by parliament 
 
 4 Stow. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 255 
 
 ill ecclesiastical revenues which, by the authority of that 
 high court in the days of her father, were annexed to the 
 crown, protesting, she set more by her salvation than by 
 ten kingdoms 1 . 
 
 But the nobility followed not her example: they had 
 eaten up the abbey-lands, and now after twenty years' pos- 
 session digested and turned them into good blood in their 
 estates : they were loath therefore to empty their veins again ; 
 and the forwardest Romanist was backward enough in this 
 costly piece of devotion. 
 
 However, out of her own liberality, she set up two or 
 three bankrupt convents, as Sion and Westminster, and 
 jave them stock to trade with. The knights also of St. John 
 )f Jerusalem she reseated in their place ; and Sir Thomas 
 Tresham, of Rushton in Northamptonshire, was the first and 
 ast lord prior after their restitution : for their nests were 
 )lucked down before they were warm in them, by the 
 coming in of Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 To conclude : in the founders of religious houses were 
 some good intents mixed with superstitious ends; amongst 
 the religious persons themselves, some piety, more looseness 
 and laziness ; in the confounders of those houses, some de- 
 .estation of the vices of friars, more desire of the wealth of 
 riaries; in God, all just, all righteous, in permitting the 
 >adness and causing the destruction of these numerous 
 raternities. 
 
 CHAP. IX. Observations on the Holy War. The horrible 
 Superstition therein. 
 
 WE have finished the story of the holy war: and now 
 I conceive my indentures are cancelled, and I dis- 
 :harged from the strict service and ties of an historian ; so 
 hat it may be lawful for me to take more liberty, and to 
 nake some observations on what hath been passed. 
 
 Before I go further, I must deplore the world's loss of 
 hat worthy work which the Lord Verulam left unfinished, 
 joncerning the holy war ; an excellent piece, and, alas ! it 
 s but a piece : so that in a pardonable discontent we may 
 ilmost wish that either it had been more, wholly to have 
 atisfied our hunger, or less, not at all to have raised our 
 ippetite. It was begun not in an historical but in a politic 
 vay, not reporting the holy war passed with the Turks, but 
 idvising how to manage it in the future. And no doubt if 
 
 1 Parlam. anno 2 et 3 Phil, et Mariae. 
 
256 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 he had perfected the work, it would have proved worthy the 
 author; but since, any have been deterred from finishing 
 the same; as ashamed to add mud walls and a thatched 
 roof to so fair a foundation of hewn and polished stone. 
 
 From that author we may borrow this distinction, that 
 three things are necessary to make an invasive war lawful ; 
 the lawfulness of the jurisdiction, the merit of the cause, and 
 the orderly and lawful prosecution of the cause. Let us 
 apply to our present purpose in this holy war : for the first 
 two, whether the jurisdiction the Christians pretended over 
 the Turks' dominions was lawful or not ; and, whether this 
 war was not only opera but vita pretium, worth the losing 
 so many lives ; we refer the reader to what hath been said 
 in the first book 1 . Only it will not be amiss, to add a 
 story or two out of an author of good account 2 . When 
 Charles VI. was king of France, the duke of Brabant 
 sailed over into Africa with a great army, there to fight 
 against the Saracens. The Saracen prince sent a herald 
 to know of him the cause of his coming : the duke answered, 
 it was to revenge the death of Christ the son of God, and 
 true prophet, whom they had unjustly crucified. The 
 Saracens sent back their messenger again to demonstrate 
 their innocency, how they were not Saracens but Jews 
 who put Christ to death, and therefore that the Christians 
 (if posterity should be punished for their predecessors' 
 fault), should rather revenge themselves on the Jews who 
 lived amongst them. 
 
 Another relateth 3 , that in the year of our Lord 1453, the 
 great Turk sent a letter to the pope, advertising him how 
 he and his Turkish nation were not descended from the 
 Jews, but from the Trojans, from whom also the Italians 
 derive their pedigree, and so would prove himself akin to 
 his holiness. Moreover he added, that it was both his and 
 their duty to repair the ruins of Troy, and to revenge the 
 death of their great grandfather Hector upon the Grecians; 
 to which end the Turk said he had already conquered a 
 great part of Greece. As for Christ, he acknowledged him 
 to have been a noble prophet, and to have been crucified 
 of the Jews, against whom the Christians might seek their 
 remedy. These two stories I thought good to insert, 
 because though of later date, and since the holy war in 
 
 1 Chap. 9 and 10. 
 
 2 Froissard, lib. 4, cap. 18, 19. 
 
 3 Monstrell. lib. 3, cap. 68. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 257 
 
 Palestine was ended, yet they have some reference there- 
 unto, because some make that our quarrel to the Turks. 
 
 But grant the Christians' right to the Turks' lands to be 
 lawful, and the cause in itself enough deserving to ground 
 a war upon ; yet, in the prosecuting and managing thereof, 
 many not only venial errors but inexcusable faults were 
 committed, no doubt the cause of the ill success. 
 
 To omit the book called the Office of our Lady, made 
 at the beginning of this war, to procure her favourable 
 assistance in it (a little manual, but full of blasphemies in 
 folio, thrusting her with importunate superstitions into 
 God's throne, and forcing on her the glory of her Maker), 
 superstition not only tainted the rind, but rotted the core of 
 this whole action. Indeed most of the pottage of that age 
 tasted of that wild gourd. Yet far be it from us to condemn 
 all their works to be dross, because debased and allayed 
 with superstitious intents : no doubt there was a mixture of 
 much good metal in them, which God the good retiner 
 knoweth how to sever, and then will crown and reward. 
 But here we must distinguish betwixt those deeds which 
 have some superstition in them, and those which in their 
 nature are wholly superstitious, such as this voyage of 
 people to Palestine was. For what opinion had they of 
 themselves herein, who thought that by dying in this war 
 they did make Christ amends for his death ? as one saith : 
 which if but a rhetorical flourish, yet doth hyperbolize into 
 blasphemy. Yea, it was their very judgment, that hereby 
 they did both merit and supererogate ; and by dying for 
 the cross, cross the score of their own sins and score up 
 God for their debtor. Bur this flieth high, and therefore 
 we leave it for others to follow. Let us look upon pilgrim- 
 ages in general, and we shall find pilgrims wandering not 
 so far from their own country as from the judgment of the 
 ancient fathers. 
 
 We will leave our army at home, and only bring forth 
 our champion : hear what Gregory Nyssen saith 4 , who 
 lived in the fourth century, in which time voluntary pilgrim- 
 ages first began ; though before there were necessary pil- 
 grims, forced to wander from their country by persecution. 
 Where, saith he, our Lord pronounceth men blessed, he 
 reckoneth not going to Jerusalem to be amongst those good 
 deeds which direct to happiness. And afterwards, speaking 
 
 * Epist. seu Orat. de iis qui adeunt Hierosol. Edit. Gr. Lat. 
 Parisiis, 1615. 
 
258 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 of the going of single women in those long travels : A 
 woman, saith he, cannot go such long journeys without a 
 man to conduct her ; and then whatsoever we may suppose, 
 whether she hireth a stranger or hath a friend to wait on 
 her, on neither side can she escape reproof, and keep the 
 law of continency. Moreover, if there were more divine 
 grace in the places of Jerusalem, sin would not be so 
 frequent and customary amongst those that live there : now 
 there is no kind of uncleanness which there they dare not 
 commit ; malice, adultery, thefts, idolatry, poisonings, 
 envies, and slaughters. But you will say unto me, If it be 
 not worth the pains, why then did you go to Jerusalem? 
 Let them hear therefore how I defend myself: I was ap- 
 pointed to go into Arabia to a holy council, held for the 
 reforming of that church ; and, Arabia being near to Jeru- 
 salem, I promised those that went with me, that I would 
 go to Jerusalem to discourse with them who were presi- 
 dents of the churches there; where matters were in a very 
 troubled state, and they wanted one to be a mediator in 
 their discords. We knew that Christ was a man born of 
 a virgin, before we saw Bethlehem ; we believed his 
 resurrection from death, before we saw his sepulchre ; we 
 confessed his ascension into heaven, before we saw Mount 
 Olivet; but we got so much profit by our journey, that by 
 comparing them we found our own more holy than those 
 outward things 5 . Wherefore you that fear God, praise 
 him in what place you are. Change of place maketh not 
 God nearer unto us : wheresoever thou art, God will come 
 to thee, if the inn of thy soul be found such as the Lord 
 may dwell and walk in thee, &c. 
 
 A patron of pilgrimages, not able to void the blow yet 
 willing to break the stroke of so pregnant and plain a 
 testimony, thus seeketh to ward it ; that indeed pilgrimages 
 are unfitting for women, yet fitting for men. But sure God 
 never appointed such means to heighten devotion necessary 
 thereunto, whereof the half of mankind (all women) are by 
 their very creation made incapable. 
 
 Secondly, he pleadeth, that it is lawful for secular and 
 laymen to go on pilgrimages, but not for friars, who lived 
 recluse in their cells, out of which they were not to come ; 
 and against such (saith he) is Nyssen's speech directed. 
 But then, I pray, what was Peter, the leader of this long 
 dance, but a hermit ? and (if I mistake not) his profession 
 
 5 Td //juertpa TU>V t%w iroXii ayiwrtpa. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 259 
 
 was the very dungeon of the monastical prison, the strictest 
 and severest of all other orders. And though there were 
 not so many cowls as helmets in this war, yet always was 
 the holy army well stocked with such cattle ; so that on all 
 sides it is confessed that the pilgrimages of such persons 
 were utterly unlawful. 
 
 CHAP. X. Of Superstition in Miracles in the Holy War, 
 ranked into four Sorts. 
 
 BESIDES superstition inherent in this holy war, there 
 was also superstition appendant or annexed thereunto, 
 in that it was the fruitful mother of many feigned miracles. 
 Hitherto we have refrained to scatter over our story with 
 them ; it will not be amiss now to shovel up some of them 
 in a heap. 
 
 One Peter (not the Hermit), found out the lance where- 
 with Christ was pierced * ; and to approve the truth thereof 
 against some one who questioned him herein, on Palm 
 Sunday, taking the lance in his hand, he walked through a 
 mighty fire without any harm ; but it seemeth he was not 
 his craft's master, for he died soon after. 
 
 An image of our Lady brought from Jerusalem, but set 
 up near Damascus, began by degrees to be clothed with 
 flesh % and to put forth breasts of flesh, out of which a 
 liquor did constantly flow; which liquor the Templars 
 carried home to their houses, and distributed it to the 
 pilgrims which came to them, that they might report the 
 honour thereof through the whole world. 
 
 A sultan of Damascus who had but one eye, chanced to 
 lose the other, and so became stark blind ; when coming 
 devoutly to this image, though he was a pagan, having 
 faith in God, and confidence therein, he perfectly was 
 restored to his sight 3 . 
 
 Infinite are the shoals of miracles done by Christ's cross 
 in Jerusalem; insomuch that my author 4 blamed the 
 bishop of Aeon, who carried the cross in that battle wherein 
 it was lost to the Turks, for wearing a corslet ; and there- 
 fore (saith he) he was justly slain, because his weak faith 
 relied on means, not on the miraculous protection thereof. 
 
 When Conrad landgrave of Thuringia was enrolled in 
 the Teutonic order to go to the holy war, and received his 
 benediction (as the fashion was), the Holy Ghost visibly 
 
 1 M. Paris, in anno 1099. 2 Jdem. 
 
 3 Idem. * Roger Hoveden, in anno 1187. 
 
260 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 descended upon him in the shape of fire 5 . The said 
 Conrad received of God as a boon for his valour in this 
 service, the rare faculty, that by looking on any man he 
 could tell whether or no he had committed a mortal sin, 
 yea, at first sight descry their secret sins 6 . 
 
 But the last miracle of our Lady in Palestine is the lady 
 of all miracles, which was this: In the year 1291, when 
 the Holy Land was finally subdued by the Turks, the 
 chamber at Nazareth, wherein the angel Gabriel saluted her 
 with joyful tidings, was wonderfully transported into Scla- 
 vonia 7 . That country being unworthy of her divine pre- 
 sence, it was by the angels carried over into Italy, anno 1 294. 
 That place also being infested with thieves and pirates, the 
 angels removed it to the little village of Loretto ; where 
 this pilgrim chapel resteth itself at this day, and liketh her 
 entertainment so well, it will travel no further. 
 
 But enough ; for fools' meat is unsavoury to the taste of 
 the wise. I have transgressed already : two instances had 
 been sufficient (as Noah preserved but two of all unclean 
 creatures), the rest might be lost without loss, and safely be 
 drowned in oblivion. However, we may observe these mil- 
 lions of miracles are reducible to one of these four ranks : 
 
 1. Falsely reported, never so much as seemingly done. 
 Asia, the theatre whereon they were acted, is at a great 
 distance, and the miracles as far from truth, as the place 
 from us. And who knoweth not, when a lie is once set on 
 foot, besides the first founders, it meeteth with many 
 benefactors, who contribute their charity thereunto? 
 
 2. Falsely done, insomuch as at this day they are 
 sented amongst the Romanists 8 . Who would not laugh 
 to see the picture of a saint weep? Where one devout 
 catholic lifteth up his eyes, ten of their wiser sort wag their 
 head. 
 
 3. Truly done, but by the strength of nature. Suppose 
 one desperately sick, a piece of the cross is applied to him, 
 he recovereth ; is this a miracle ? Nothing less ; how many 
 thousands have made an escape after death in a manner 
 hath arrested them ? As therefore it is sacrilege to father 
 God's immediate works on natural causes; so it is super- 
 stition, to entitle natural events to be miraculous. 
 
 5 Xauclerus, Gen. 42. 6 Chron. Pruten. 
 
 7 Spondanus, in anno 1291. 
 
 8 Miracula, si pia utilitate aut necessitate careant, de facto 
 siispecta sunt et rejicienda. Gerson. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 26 l 
 
 4. Many miracles were ascribed to saints which were 
 done by Satan. I know it will nonplus his power to work 
 a true miracle, but I take the word at large ; and indeed 
 vulgar (not to say human) eyes are too dim to discern 
 betwixt things wonderful and truly miraculous. Now 
 Satan, the master juggler, needeth no wires or gins to work 
 with, being all gins himself; so transcendent is the activity 
 of a spirit. Nay, may not God give the devil leave to go 
 beyond himself? it being just with him, that those who 
 will not have truth their king, and willingly obey it, should 
 have falsehood their tyrant, to whom their judgment should 
 be captivated and enslaved. 
 
 CHAP. XL The second grand Error in prosecuting the 
 Holy War, being the Christians notorious breaking their 
 Faith with Infidels. 
 
 NEXT unto superstition, which was deeply inlaid in the 
 holy war, we may make the Christians' truce-breaking 
 with the infidels the second cause of their ill success. Yet 
 never but once did they break promise with the Turks; 
 which was (as I may say) a constant and continued faith- 
 breaking, never keeping their word. To omit several 
 straining of the sinews and unjointing the bones of many a 
 solemn peace, we will only instance where the neck thereof 
 was clearly broken asunder. 
 
 1. When Godfrey first won Jerusalem, pardon was 
 proclaimed to all the Turks who yielded themselves; yet 
 three days after, in cold blood, they were all, without differ- 
 ence of age or sex, put to the sword. 
 
 2. Almerick I. swore, effectually to assist the Saracens 
 in driving the Turks out of Egypt ; and soon after invaded 
 Egypt, and warred upon the Turks against his promise. 
 I know something he pretended herein to defend himself, 
 but of no validity; and such plausible and curious witty 
 evasions to avoid perjury, are but the tying of a most 
 artificial knot in the halter, therewith to strangle one's own 
 conscience. 
 
 3. There was a peace concluded for some time betwixt 
 King Guy and Saladin; which non obstante, Reinold of 
 Castile robbed Saladin's own mother ; whereupon followed 
 the miserable overthrow of the Christians, and taking of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 4. Our Richard, at his departure from Palestine, made 
 a firm peace for five years with Saladin, and it stood yet 
 
262 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 in force when Henry duke of Saxony, coming with a great 
 army of new adventurers, invaded the Turkish dominions. 
 
 5. Frederick II., emperor, made a truce of ten years 
 with the sultan of Babylon ; and yet, in despite thereof, 
 Theobald king of Navarre foraged the country of Gaza, to 
 the just overthrow of him and his army. 
 
 6. Reinold viceroy of Palestine, in the name of Frede- 
 rick the emperor, and after him our Richard earl of 
 Cornwall, drew up a firm peace with the said sultan, which 
 was instantly disturbed and interrupted by the turbulent 
 Templars. 
 
 7. Lastly, the Venetians, in the name of all Christian 
 princes, concluded a five years' peace with Alphir the 
 mamaluke prince of Egypt ; yet some voluntaries in Ptole- 
 mais pillaged and robbed many Saracen merchants about 
 the city. But pardon them this last fault, we will promise 
 they shall never do so any more in Palestine, hereupon 
 losing all they had left there. 
 
 And how could safety itself save this people, and bless 
 this project so blackly blasted with perjury ? As it is 
 observed of tyrants, where one goeth, ten are sent to the 
 grave ; so where one truce concluded with the Turks did 
 naturally expire and determine, many were violently broken 
 off. A sin so repugnant to all moral honesty, so injurious 
 to the quiet and peace of the world, so odious in itself, so 
 scandalous to all men, to dissolve a league when confirmed 
 by oath (the strongest bond of conscience, the end of 
 particular strife, the soldier of public peace, the sole 
 assurance of amity betwixt divers nations, made here 
 below, but enrolled in his high court whose glorious name 
 doth sign it) ; a sin, I say, so heinous that God cannot 
 but must severely punish it. David asketh, " Who shall 
 rest upon thy holy hill ?" and answereth himself, " He that 
 sweareth to his neighbour and disappointeth him not, 
 though it were to his own hinderance "." No wonder then, 
 though the Christians had no longer abidance in the holy 
 hill of Palestine (though this, I confess, is but the bark of 
 the text), driving that trade wherewith none ever thrived, 
 the breaking of promises ; wherewith one may for a while 
 fairly spread his train, but he will moult his feathers soon 
 after. 
 
 1 Psalm xv. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 263 
 
 CHAP. XII. Of the tlinderances of the good Success in the 
 Holy War; whereof the Popes, and Emperors of Greece, 
 were the two principal. 
 
 SO much concerning those l<ssa principia in this holy 
 war, superstition and perjury, which struck at the root 
 of it. Come we now to consider many other hinderances, 
 which abated the good success thereof. Amongst these we 
 will not be so heretical as to deny the pope's primacy ; but 
 account him the first cause of their ill success. Such 
 wounds as we find in his credit, we will neither widen nor 
 close up ; but even present them to the reader as we found 
 them. In four respects he baned the Christians' good 
 speed in this war. 
 
 1. He caused most of their truce-breaking with the 
 Turks, urging men thereunto. Thus Pope Celestine drove 
 on the Christians against the Turks, whilst as yet the peace 
 our Richard concluded with them was not expired; and 
 so many other times also. For, alas ! this was nothing with 
 his holiness, who, sitting in the temple of God, so far 
 advanceth himself above God as to dispense with oaths 
 made sacred by the most holy and high name of God ; and, 
 professing himself the sole umpire and peacemaker of the 
 world, doth cut asunder those only sinews which hold peace 
 together. 
 
 2. In that twice the kingdom of Jerusalem was offered 
 to the Christians, and the pope's legates would not suffer 
 them to accept it (no doubt, by instructions from their 
 master, this being to be presumed on, that those his abso- 
 lute creatures altered not a tittle, but went according to the 
 copy that was set them) ; once, anno 1219, when Pelagius 
 the legate refused the free offer of Melechsala ; and the 
 second time, some thirty years after, when the same boun- 
 tiful proffer was refused by Odo the pope's legate : for 
 when the same Melechsala again offered the free resignation 
 of the whole kingdom of Jerusalem, whereby the same day 
 great quietness had entered into all Christendom, with the 
 end of much bloodshed and misery ; the legate, frontose 
 contradicens, would in no wise receive the conditions 
 offered 1 . 
 
 3. Frederick II., emperor, was possessed of it; when 
 the pope molested him, and stirred up the Templars against 
 
 1 M. Paris, p. 1047. Huic pacis formae ex papae mandate 
 rebellis erat legatus, et frontose contradhens, &c. 
 
264 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 him, as so many needles to prick him when he was to sit 
 down on the throne. 
 
 4. By diverting the pilgrims, and over-titling his own 
 quarrels to be God's cause ; nothing being more common 
 with him, than to employ those armies which were levied 
 for the holy war, in subduing the Albigenses and many 
 others of his private enemies. 
 
 By all these it plainly appeareth, that what fair shows 
 soever his holiness made, calling councils, appointing le- 
 gates, providing preachers, proclaiming pardons, to advance 
 this war ; yet, in very deed, he neither intended nor desired 
 that the Christians should make a final conquest of Pales- 
 tine, but be employed in continual conquering it. He 
 would have this war go on cum decente pausa, fair and 
 softly: let the Christians now beat the Turks, and then 
 the Turks beat the Christians; and so let them take their 
 turns, whilst his private profit went on. For (as we touched 
 before) to this war the pope condemned all dangerous 
 persons (especially the emperors of Germany) to be there 
 employed. As little children are often sent to school, not 
 so much to learn, as to keep them out of harm's way at 
 home ; so this careful father sent many of his children to 
 the holy war, not for any good he knew they would either 
 do or get there, but it would keep them from worse doing ; 
 who otherwise would have been paddling in this puddle, 
 raking in that channel, stirring up questions and controver- 
 sies unsavoury in the nostrils of his holiness, and perchance 
 falling into the fire of discord and dissension against their 
 own father. Indeed at last this war ended itself in despite 
 of the pope, who no doubt would have driven this web 
 (weaving and unweaving it, Penelope-like) much longer if 
 he could ; yet he digested more patiently the ending 
 thereof, because the net might be taken away when the fish 
 was already caught, and the war spared now the German 
 emperor's strength thereby was sufficiently abated in Italy. 
 
 Much also this war increased the intracto of the pope's 
 revenues. Some say, purgatory fire heateth his kitchen ; 
 they may add, the holy war filled his pot, if not paid for 
 all his second course. It is land enough, to have the office 
 of collecting the contributions of all Christendom given to 
 this war. So much for his great receipts hereby. And as 
 for what he expended, not too far in the point. If the pope 
 (saith their law 1 ) thrusteth thousands of souls into hell, 
 
 8 Dist. 4O. can. Si papa suae et fraternaj salutis negligeas. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 265 
 
 none may say to him, Why doest thou so? It is presump- 
 tion then to make him answer for money, who is not ac- 
 countable for men. 
 
 With the pope let the emperors of Greece their jealousy 
 go, as the second bane of the Christians' success in this war. 
 These emperors tormented themselves in seeking that they 
 would have been loath to find, the treachery of the Latins ; 
 and therefore, to. begin first, used them with all treachery : 
 whereof largely formerly 3 . And surely, though a cautious 
 circumspection be commendable in princes, yet, in such 
 over-fear, they were no less injurious to themselves than to 
 the western pilgrims. Yea, generally, suspiciousness is as 
 great an enemy to wisdom, as too much credulity ; it doing 
 oftentimes as hurtful wrong to friends, as the other doth 
 receive wrongful hurt from dissemblers. 
 
 CHAP. XIII. The third Hinderance, the Equality of the 
 Undertakers ; the fourth, the Length of the Journey. 
 
 THE next cause of their ill success was the discord 
 arising from the parity of the princes who undertook 
 this voyage. Many of them could abide no equal ; all, no 
 superior: so that they had no chief, or rather were all 
 chiefs; the swarm wanted a master-bee, a supreme com- 
 mander, who should awe them all into obedience. The 
 German emperor (though above all) came but seldom, and 
 was not constant amongst them : the king of Jerusalem 
 (especially in the declining of the state) was rather slighted 
 than feared : the pope's legate usurped a superiority, but 
 was never willingly nor generally obeyed. Surely smaller 
 forces being united under one command would have been 
 more effectual in proof (though not so promising in opinion 
 and fame), than these great armies variously compounded 
 by associations and leagues, and of the confluence of 
 princes otherwise unconcurring in their several courses. 
 
 Livy writing of that great battle (the critical day of the 
 world's empire) betwixt Hannibal and Scipio, It is small, 
 saith he 1 , to speak of, yet of much moment in the matter 
 itself, that when the armies joined, the shouting of the 
 Romans was far more great and terrible, as being all of 
 one voice from the same nation; whilst Hannibal's soldiers' 
 voices were different and disagreeing, as consisting of 
 several languages. If such a toy be considerable, and dif- 
 
 3 See Book 2, chap. 9, 27. Lib. 30. 
 
266 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 fering in tongues lesseneth the terribleness in an army ; 
 how doth dissenting in hearts and affections abate the force 
 thereof; and what advantage had the united Turks against 
 divided Christian princes who managed this war? Had 
 the emulation betwixt those equal princes only been such 
 as is the spur of virtue, far from enmity and hateful con- 
 tention, striving with good deserts to outstrip those who by 
 the same means sought to attain to the like end ; had it 
 been mixed with love in regard of the affinity of their affec- 
 tions and sympathy of their desires, not seeking the ruin of 
 their competitor, but succouring him in danger; then such 
 simultates had been both honourable and useful to the ad- 
 vancing of the holy cause: but, on the other side, their 
 affections were so violent, and dispositions so crooked, that 
 emulation in them boiled to hatred, that to malice, which 
 rested better satisfied with the miserable end of their oppo-. 
 site partner, than with any trophies deservedly erected to 
 their own honour. And herein the wars betwixt the 
 Venetians and Genoans in Syria are too pregnant an in- 
 stance. 
 
 The length of the journey succeedeth as the fourth im- 
 pediment. There needed no other hinderance to this voyage 
 than the voyage ; the way was so long. In sensation, the 
 object must not be over-distant from the sense ; otherwise 
 Lynceus' eyes may see nothing : so it is requisite in 
 warlike adventures, that the work be not too far from the 
 undertakers. Indeed the Romans conquered countries far 
 from home : but the lands betwixt them were their own, 
 wherein they refreshed themselves ; and well may one lift a 
 great weight at arm's end if he hath a rest to stay his elbow 
 on. So though Spain hath subdued much in the Indies, 
 yet there they met with none or naked resistance. It fared 
 not thus with the Christians in this war : by the tediousness 
 of the journey their strength was exhausted ; they ran dregs 
 when first they were broached in Syria, and as it were 
 scattered their powder in presenting, before they came to 
 discharge. 
 
 Frederick Barbarossa wrote a braving letter to Saladin, 
 reckoning up the several nations in Europe under his com- 
 mand, and boasting what an army of them he would bring 
 into Syria. Saladin answered him, that he also ruled over 
 as many peoples, and told him, that there was no sea which 
 hindered his men from coming quickly together; whereas, 
 saith he, you have a great sea, over which with pains and 
 danger you must pass before you can bring your men 
 
THE HOL Y WAR. 267 
 
 hither 1 . Besides, if the Christians shaped their journey by 
 land, then their miseries in Hungary, Greece, and Asia the 
 Less, made their land-journey more tedious and troublesome 
 than if they had gone by sea. 
 
 CHAP. XIV. The fifth Impediment, Clergymen being 
 Captains. 
 
 THAT prelates and clergymen were often generals in 
 this action (as Peter the Hermit, Pelagius the Cardinal, 
 and many others) was another cause of their ill success ; 
 for allow them able in their own way, for matter of learning, 
 yet were they insufficient to manage martial affairs. Many 
 who in England have learned the French tongue, and 
 afterwards have gone over into France, have found them- 
 selves both deaf and dumb in effect, neither hearing to 
 understand, nor speaking to be understood : they, in like 
 manner, who frame to themselves in their studies a model 
 of leading an army, find it as full of errors as rules, when 
 it cometh to be applied ; and a measure of war taken by 
 book falleth out either too long or too short, when brought 
 into the field to be used. 
 
 I have heard a story of a great mapmonger, who under- 
 took to travel over England by help of his maps, without 
 asking the least direction of any he met. Long he had 
 not ridden but he met with a non plus ultra, a deep unpass- 
 able gullet of water, without bridge, ford, or ferry. This 
 water was as unknown to his Camden's or Speed's maps, 
 as to himself; because it was neither body nor branch of 
 any constant river or brook (such as only are visible in 
 maps), but an extempore water, flowing from the snow 
 which melted on hills. Worse unexpected accidents sur- 
 prise those who conceive themselves to have conned all 
 martial maxims out of authors, and warrant their skill in 
 war against all events, out of their great reading; when on 
 the sudden some unwonted occurrent taketh them unpro- 
 vided, standing amazed till destruction seizeth on them. 
 
 Indeed, sometimes such unlooked for chances arrest 
 even the best and most experienced generals, who have 
 long been acquainted with war ; nor are they privileged by 
 all their experience from such casualties, nor are they so 
 omniscient but that their skill may be posed therewith, a 
 minute showing sometimes what an age hath not seen 
 before : but then such aged commanders have this advan- 
 
 2 M. Paris, p. 197. 
 
268 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 tage, that finding themselves at a fault, they can soonest 
 know where to beat about and recover it. 
 
 Add to the inability the incongruity of prelates going to 
 fight. True, in defensive wars necessity is their sufficient 
 dispensation ; but otherwise it is improper. In the battle 
 against Amalek, Joshua fought; Moses prayed ; the Levites 
 bare the ark, no office of command in the camp. And 
 better it had been that Cardinal Columna had been at his 
 beads, or in his bed, or any where else, than in the camp 
 in Egypt; where by his indiscreet counsel he brought all 
 the lives of the Christians into danger. 
 
 CHAP. XV. The sixth Hinderance, the Diversity of the 
 Climate disagreeing with the Bodies of Europe ; and what 
 weakeneth northern Men going southward. 
 
 NOW followeth the diversity of the climate, which 
 caused the death of many thousands of the Christians, 
 sweeping them away with horrible plagues and other diseases. 
 For even as men, when they come into a new corporation, 
 must pay their fees before they can be freemen thereof and 
 set up trading therein ; so it always cost the Christians of 
 Europe a dangerous sickness at least, before they could be 
 well acquainted with the air and climate of Palestine. 
 
 Amongst other diseases, the leprosy was one epidemical 
 infection which tainted the pilgrims coming thither. This 
 (though most rife in our Saviour's time, God so ordering it 
 that Judea was sickest while her physician was nearest) at 
 this time of the holy war was very dangerous. Hence was 
 it brought over into England (never before known in this 
 island), and many lazar-houses erected for the relief of 
 those infected therewith ; their chief houses were at Burton- 
 lazars in Leicestershire. I say not, as this disease began 
 with the holy war in England, so it ended with it : sure 
 such hath been God's goodness, that few at this day are 
 afflicted therewith ; and the leprosy of leprosy, I mean 
 the contagion thereof, in this cold country is much abated. 
 
 Many other sicknesses seized on the pilgrims there, 
 especially in summer. The Turks, like salamanders, could 
 live in that fiery country, whose scorching our northern 
 bodies could not endure. Yea, long before I find it observed 
 by Vitruvius, that they who come cold into hot countries 
 cannot long subsist, but are dissolved ; whilst those that 
 change out of hot into cold find not only no distemper and 
 sickness by the alteration, but also grow more healthful, 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 269 
 
 solid, and compacted ; but this perchance is easilier said 
 than maintained. 
 
 But let us not hereupon be disheartened to set on our 
 southern foes for fear to be impaired, nor they invited to 
 invade us by hope to be improved. Know, it is not so 
 much the climate, as bad and unwholesome diet enraging 
 the climate against us, which unsineweth those northern 
 nations when they come into the south; which bad diet, 
 though sometimes necessary for want of better food, yet is 
 most times voluntary through men's wilful intemperance. 
 In the Portugal action, anno 1589, more English owed their 
 calenture to the heat of wine than weather. Why do our 
 English merchants' bodies fadge well enough in southern 
 air? why cannot our valour thrive as well there as our 
 profit; but chiefly for this, that merchants are careful of 
 themselves, whilst soldiers count it baseness to be thrifty of 
 their own healths? 
 
 Besides, the sins of the south emasculate northern bodies. 
 In hot countries the sirens of pleasure sing the sweetest, 
 which quickly ravish our ears unused to such music. But 
 should we marching southwards observe our health in some 
 proportion of temperance, and by degrees habituate our- 
 selves to the climate ; and should we keep our souls from 
 their sins, no doubt the north might pierce the south as far, 
 and therein erect as high and long-lasting trophies, as ever 
 the south did in the north. 
 
 Nor must it have admittance without examination into a 
 judicious breast, what some have observed ; that northern 
 people never enjoyed any durable settled government in 
 the south. Experience avoweth they are more happy in 
 speedy conquering than in long enjoying of countries. 
 
 But the first monarch the world ever knew (I mean the 
 Assyrian) came from the north ; whence he is so often 
 styled in Scripture, The King of the North ; conquering, 
 and for many years enjoying, those countries which lie 
 betwixt him and the sun ; as Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Baby- 
 lonia, Syria, Egypt ; to speak nothing of the Turks, who 
 in the dichotomizing of the world fall under the northern 
 part, and coming out of Scythia at first subdued most 
 southern countries. 
 
270 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. XVI. The seventh Impediment, the Viciousness of 
 the Undertakers. 
 
 THUS are we fallen on the next hinderance of success 
 in this holy war, the viciousness of the undertakers. 
 But here first we must make an honourable reservation for 
 many adventures herein, whom we confess most pious and 
 religious persons. Let us not raise the opinion of our own 
 piety by trampling on our predecessors, as if this age had 
 monopolized all goodness to itself. Some, no doubt, most 
 religious and truly valiant (as fearing nothing but sin), 
 engaged themselves in this action; of whom I could only 
 wish, that their zeal herein had either had more light or 
 less heat. But with these, I say not how many, but too 
 many, went most wicked people, the causers of the ill 
 success. 
 
 It will be objected, Sanctitas morum hath been made of 
 some a note of the true church, never the sign of a fortunate 
 army : look on all armies generally, we shall find them of 
 the soldier's religion, not troubled with over-much precise- 
 ness. As our King John said (whether wittily or wickedly 
 let others judge), that the buck he opened was fat, yet 
 never heard mass: so many soldiers have been successful 
 without the least smack of piety ; some such desperate 
 villains, that fortune (to erroneous judgments) may seem to 
 have favoured them for fear. 
 
 True; but we must not consider these adventurers as 
 plain and mere soldiers, but as pilgrims and God's army ; 
 in whom was required, and from whom was expected, more 
 piety and purity of life and manners than in ordinary men : 
 whereas, on the contrary, we shall make it appear, that they 
 were more vicious than the common sort of men. Nor do 
 we this out of cruelty or wantonness, to wound and mangle 
 the memory of the dead ; but to anatomize and open their 
 ulcerous insides, that the dead may teach the living, and 
 lesson posterity. 
 
 Besides those that went, many were either driven or fled 
 to the Holy Land. Those were driven, who, having commit- 
 ted some horrible sin in Europe, had this penance imposed 
 on them, to travel to Jerusalem to expiate their faults 1 . 
 
 1 Totura vulgus, tarn casti quam incesti, adulteri, homicidaa, 
 perjuri, praedones. Albertus Aquensis, Chron. Hierosol. lib. 
 
 1, cap. 2. Besoldus, p. 101, ex Brochardo. Malefactor de- 
 
 prehensus, homicida, latro, fur, incestuosus, adulter, foriiicator, 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 271 
 
 Many a whore was sent thither to find her virginity ; many 
 a murderer was enjoined to fight in the holy war* to wash 
 off the guilt of Christian blood by shedding blood of Turks. 
 The like was in all other offences; malefactors were sent 
 hither to satisfy for their former wickedness. Now God 
 forbid we should condemn them, if truly penitents, for 
 impious. May he who speaketh against penitents, never 
 have the honour to be one ; since Repentance is the 
 younger brother to Innocence itself. But we find that 
 many of them reverted to their former wickedness; they 
 lost none of their old faults, and got many new, mending 
 in this hot country as sour ale in summer. Others fled 
 hither, who having supererogated the gallows in their own 
 countries by their several misdemeanours, theft, rapes, 
 incest, murders, to avoid the stroke of justice, protected 
 themselves under this voyage; and, coming to Palestine, 
 so profited in those eastern schools of vices, that they 
 learned to be more artificially wicked. This plainly ap- 
 peareth, as in sundry other authors, so chiefly in Tyrius, 
 a witness beyond exception, who often complaineth hereof 1 . 
 And if we value testimonies rather by the weight than 
 number, we must credit so grave a man, who writeth it 
 with grief, and had no doubt as much water in his eyes as 
 ink in his pen, and surely would be thankful to him that 
 herein would prove him a liar. 
 
 CHAP. XVII. The eighth Hinderance, the Treachery of 
 the Templars. Of Sacrilege alleged by Baronius, the 
 came of the ill Success. 
 
 ROBERT earl of Artois upbraided the master of the 
 Templars, that it was the common speech, that the 
 Holy Land long since had been won, but for the false 
 collusion of the Templars and Hospitallers with the infidels ; 
 which words, though proceeding from passion in him, yet 
 from premeditation in others, not made by him but related, 
 deserve to be observed the rather, because common reports 
 (like smoke, seldom but from some fire, never but from 
 much heat) are generally true. It is not to be denied, but 
 that both these orders were guilty herein, as "appeareth by 
 the whole current of the story. Yea, King Almerick fairly 
 
 timet a judice condignam pcenam, et transfretat in Terram 
 Sanctam. 
 
 2 Especially in the end of King Almerick's Life. 
 
272 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 trussed up twelve Templars at once, hanging them for 
 delivering up an impregnable fort to Syracon 1 . These, 
 like a deceitful chirurgeon, who hath more corruption in 
 himself than the sore he dresseth, prolonged the cure for 
 their private profit ; and this holy war being the trade 
 whereby they got their gains, they lengthened it out to the 
 inmost; so that their treachery may pass for the eighth 
 impediment. 
 
 Baronius concludeth this one principal cause of the 
 Christians' ill success, that the kings of Jerusalem took 
 away that city from the patriarchs thereof, herein commit- 
 ting sacrilege 2 , a sin so heinous that malice itself cannot 
 wish an enemy guilty of a worse. But whether or no this 
 was sacrilege, we refer the reader to what hath been largely 
 discussed before. 
 
 And here I could wish to be an auditor at the learned 
 and impartial arguing of this question, Whether over-great' 
 donations to the church may not afterwards be revoked ? 
 On the one side it would be pleaded, who should be judge 
 of the over-greatness, seeing too many are so narrow-hearted 
 to the church, they count any thing too large for it ; yea, 
 some would cut off the flesh of the church's necessary 
 maintenance, under pretence to cure her of a tympany of 
 superfluities. Besides, it would be alleged, what once 
 hath been bestowed on pious uses must ever remain thereto : 
 to give a thing and take a thing, is a play too childish for 
 children ; much less must God be mocked therewith, in 
 resuming what hath been conferred upon him. It would 
 be argued on the other side, that when kings do perceive 
 the church ready to devour the commonwealth by vast and 
 unlimited donations unto it, and clergymen grown to sus- 
 picious greatness, armed with hurtful and dangerous privi- 
 leges derogatory to the royalty of princes; then, then it is 
 high time for princes to pare their overgrown greatness. 
 But this high pitch we leave to stronger wings : sure I am 
 in another kind, this holy war was guilty of sacrilege, and 
 for which it thrived no whit the better ; in that the pope 
 exempted six and twenty thousand manors in Europe, 
 belonging to the Templars and Hospitallers, from paying 
 any tithes to the priest of the parish ; so that many a 
 minister in England smarteth at this day for the holy war. 
 And if this be not sacrilege, to take away the dowry of the 
 
 ' Tyrius, lib. 19, cap. 11. 
 
 2 Annal. Ecclesiast. in anno 1100 et 1104. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 273 
 
 church without assuring her any jointure in lieu of it, I 
 report myself to any that have not the pearl of prejudice in 
 the eye of their judgment. 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. Three grand Faults in the Kingdom of 
 Jerusalem, hindering the Strength and Puissance thereof. 
 
 COME we now to survey the kingdom of Jerusalem in 
 itself: we will take it in its vertical point, in the be- 
 ginning of Baldwin III., when grown to the best strength 
 and beauty; yet even then had it some faults, whereby it 
 was impossible ever long to subsist. 
 
 1 . It lay far from any true friend. On the west it was 
 bounded with the Midland Sea, but on all other sides it was 
 environed with an ocean of foes, and was a country contin- 
 ually besieged with enemies. One being to sell his house, 
 amongst other commendations thereof, proclaimed, that his 
 house had a very good neighbour; a thing indeed consider- 
 able in the purchase, and might advance the sale thereof a 
 year's value: sure I am, the kingdom of Jerusalem had no 
 such conveniency, having bad neighbours round about: 
 Cyprus indeed their friend lay within a day's sail ; but, alas ! 
 the kings thereof had their hands full to defend themselves, 
 and could scarce spare a finger to help any other. 
 
 2. The kingdom was far extended, but not well com- 
 pacted : all the body thereof ran out in arms and legs. 
 Besides that ground inhabited formerly by the twelve tribes, 
 and properly called the Holy Land, the kingdom of Jeru- 
 salem ranged northward over all Crelosyria, and Cilicia in 
 the Lesser Asia : north-eastward, it roved over the princi- 
 palities of Antioch and Edessa, even unto Carrae beyond 
 Euphrates : eastward, it possessed far beyond Jordan the 
 strong fort of Cracci, with a great part of Arabia Petrea : 
 southward, it stretched to the entrance of Egypt. But as 
 he is a strong man, whose joints are well set and knit 
 together, not whom nature hath spun out all in length and 
 never thickened him, so it is the united and well compacted 
 kingdom entire in itself which is strong, not that which 
 reacheth and strideth the farthest. For in the midst of the 
 kingdom of Jerusalem lay the kingdom of Damascus, like 
 a canker feeding on the breast thereof: and clean through 
 the Holy Land, though the Christians had many cities 
 sprinkled here and there, the Turks in other strong holds 
 continued mingled amongst them. 
 
 3. Lastly (what we have touched once before), some 
 subjects to the kings of Jerusalem, namely, the princes of 
 
 T 
 
274 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Antioch, Edessa, and Tripoli, had too large and absolute 
 power and authority ; they would do whatsoever the king 
 would command them, if they thought good themselves. 
 Now subjects should be adjectives, not able to stand without 
 (much less against) their prince, or they will make but bad 
 construction otherwise. 
 
 These three hinderances in the kingdom of Jerusalem, 
 added to the nine former, will complete a jury. Now if 
 any one chance to censure one or two of them, let him not 
 triumph therein ; for we produce not these impediments 
 severally but jointly, not to fight single duels, but all in an 
 army : non noceant quamvis singula,juncta nocent. 
 
 CHAP. XIX. What is to be conceived of the incredible 
 
 'Nume.ronsness of many Armies mentioned in this Story. 
 T^REQUENT mention hath been made through this holy 
 JL war of many armies, as well Christian as Turkish, 
 whose number of soldiers swell very great; so as it will 
 not be amiss once for all to discuss the point concerning 
 the numerousness of armies anciently. And herein we 
 branch our opinion into these severals. 
 
 1 . Asian armies are generally observed greater than those 
 of Europe : there it is but a sucking and infant company to 
 have ten thousand ; yea, under fifty thousand no number. 
 The reason of their multitude is, not that Asia is more 
 populous, but more spacious, than Europe. Christendom 
 is enclosed into many small kingdoms and free states; 
 which severally can send forth no vast numbers, and seldom 
 agree so well as to make a joint collection of their forces : 
 Asia lieth in common, in large countries, and many of them 
 united under one head. Besides, it is probable (especially 
 in ancient times, as may be proved out of Scripture) that 
 those eastern countries often spend their whole stock of men, 
 and employ all their arms-bearing people in their martial 
 service, not picking or culling them out, as we in Europe 
 use to do. 
 
 2. Modern armies are far less than those in former ages. 
 The war genius of the world is altered nowadays, and 
 supplieth number with policy ; the fox's skin pieceth out 
 the lion's hide. Especially armies have been printed in a 
 smaller letter since guns came up : one well mounted 
 cannon will spare the presence and play the part of a whole 
 band in a battle. 
 
 . 3. Armies both of Europe, and chiefly in Asia (as farther 
 off), are reported far greater than truth. Even as many old 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 275 
 
 men use to set the clock of their age too fast when once 
 past seventy; and, growing ten years in a twelvemonth, are 
 presently fourscore, yea, within a year or two after, climb 
 up to a hundred : so it is in relating the numher of 
 soldiers ; if they exceed threescore and ten thousand, then 
 ad rotundltatem numeri, they are hoised up to a hundred, 
 and then fifty thousand more cast in for advantage. Not to 
 speak of the facile mistake in figures; one telleth, at the first 
 voyage of pilgrims there went forth six hundred thousand 1 ; 
 another counteth three hundred thousand slain at the last 
 taking of Ptolemais 2 ': their glib pens making no more 
 reckoning of men than of pins. We perchance may do 
 justly in imitating the unjust steward, setting down in the 
 bill of our belief but fifty for every hundred. 
 
 Nor is it any paradox, but what will abide the touch, that 
 competent forces of able and well-appointed and well-dis- 
 ciplined soldiers under an experienced general, are far more 
 useful than such an unwieldy multitude. Little loadstones 
 will in proportion attract a greater quantity of steel than 
 those which be far greater, because their poles are nearer 
 together, and so their virtue more united : so shall we find 
 braver achievements by moderate armies, than by such por- 
 tentous and extravagant numbers. I never read of any 
 miracle done by the statue of St. Christopher in Paris, 
 though he be rather of a mountainlike than manlike bigness. 
 Yea, such immoderate great armies are subject to great in- 
 conveniences. 1. They are not so easily manageable; and 
 the commands of their general cool and lose some virtue in 
 passing so long a journey through so many. 2. It is im- 
 probable that so many thousands can be heaped together, 
 but the army will be very heterogeneous, patched up of 
 different people unsuiting in their manners, which must 
 needs occasion much cumbrance. 3. These crowds of sol- 
 diers may hinder one another in their service ; as many at 
 the same time pressing out at a wicket. 4. Victuals for so 
 many mouths will not easily be provided ; the provisions of 
 a country serving them but a meal, they must fast after- 
 wards. 5. Lastly, such great numbers (though this, I must 
 confess, is only per accident, yet often incident) beget care- 
 lessness and confidence in them ; as if they would not thank 
 God for their victories, but conceive it a due debt owed to 
 
 1 Malmesb. lib. 4, p. 133. Sexagies (surely a mistake for 
 sexies) centum millia. 
 
 2 Lamp. MelliHc. Hist. p. 313. 
 
276 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 their multitudes. This hath induced some to the opinion to 
 maintain, that a competent able army of thirty thousand 
 (which number Gonzaga, that brave general, did pitch on as 
 sufficient and complete) need not fear, upon a parity in all 
 other respects, any company whatsoever to come against 
 them : such are enough, being as good as a feast, and far 
 better than a surfeit. 
 
 CHAP. XX. Of the numberkss Christians who lost their 
 Lives in this Service. 
 
 ERXES viewing his army, consisting of more than a 
 million, from a high place all at a sight, is said to 
 weep at the thought, that within a hundred years all those 
 would be mowed down with death : but what man could 
 behold without floods of tears, if presented to him at one 
 view, the infinities of people who lost their lives in this 
 action ! 
 
 In the first voyage [1095] went forth (as the most con- 
 scionable counters report) three hundred thousand: of these 
 we can make the reader but spendthrifts' accounts, All is 
 gone; without showing the particulars. For after the taking 
 of Jerusalem, this army was drawn so low, that Godfrey 
 being to fight with Ammiravissus the Egyptian, and bringing 
 forth his whole strength, had but twelve hundred horse and 
 nine thousand foot left him [1099] 1 . 
 
 At the second setting forth, of two hundred and fifty 
 thousand led hither by Hugh, brother to the king of France, 
 and sundry other bishops, not a thousand came into Pa- 
 lestine 1 . 
 
 In the third voyage, Conrad the emperor led forth no 
 fewer than two hundred thousand foot and fifty thousand 
 horse ; nor was the army of King Louis of France far infe- 
 rior : of whom such as returned make no noise, as not con- 
 siderable in number. 
 
 At the fourth setting forth, Frederick Barbarossa counted 
 a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers in his army : of 
 whom when they came to Ptolemais, no more than eighteen 
 hundred armed men remained 3 . 
 
 Fifthly, what numbers were carried forth by our Richard 
 I. and Philip of France, I find not specified ; no doubt they 
 did bear proportion to the greatness of the undertakers: all 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12. 2 Ursperg. in Chron. p. 239. 
 3 P. ^Einil. in Phil. Aug. p. 175. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 277 
 
 which at their return were consumed to a very small com- 
 pany. 
 
 To omit several other intermediate actions of many 
 princes, who went forth with armies and scarce came home 
 with families, King Louis carried forth two and thirty 
 thousand, of which only six thousand came home, as their 
 own writers report, who tell their tale as it may sound best 
 for the credit of their country ; whilst others count eighty 
 thousand to have lost their lives in that voyage*; yea, 
 some reckon no fewer than a hundred thousand common 
 men, besides seven counts, to have died in Cyprus of the 
 plague 5 . 
 
 At his second voyage to Tunis, of a hundred and 
 twenty ships which lay at anchor at Trape in Sicily, there 
 were no more saved than the mariners of only one French 
 ship, and the thirteen ships of our Prince Edward ; all the 
 rest, with men, armour, and ammunition, did miserably 
 perish 6 . 
 
 But enough of this doleful subject. If young physicians 
 with the first fee for their practice are to purchase a new 
 churchyard, Pope Urban II. might well have bought some 
 ground for graves when he first persuaded this bloody 
 project; whereby he made all Jerusalem Golgotha, a place 
 for skulls; and all the Holy Land, Aceldama, a field of 
 blood. 
 
 CHAP. XXI. The Throne of Deserts : what Nation merited 
 most Praise in this War; and Jirst r of the French and 
 Dutch Service therein. 
 
 AS in the first book we welcomed each several nation 
 when they first entered into this service ; so it is good 
 manners now to take our solemn farewell of them at their 
 going out, and to examine which of them deserved most 
 commendation for their valour in this war. And herein 
 methinketh the distinction usual in some colleges, of 
 founders, by-founders, and benefactors, may properly take 
 place. The founders of this holy war were the French ; 
 the by-founders, the Dutch, English, and Italian; the 
 benefactors (according to the different degrees of bounty), 
 the Spanish, Polish, Danish, Scots, and all other people of 
 Europe. 
 
 4 Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 106. 
 
 4 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, col. 606. 
 
 6 Fox, in Martyrol. in Hen. III. p. 337. 
 
278 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 The French I make the founders for these reasons : First, 
 because they began the action first. Secondly, France in 
 proportion sent most adventurers. Some voyages were all 
 of French, and all voyages were of some French. Yea, 
 Frenchmen were so frequent at Jerusalem, that at this day 
 all western Europeans there are called Franks (as I once 
 conceived, and perchance not without company in my error), 
 because so many Frenchmen came thither in the holy war. 
 Since, I am converted from that false opinion, having found 
 that two hundred years before the holy war was dreamed 
 of, namely, in the time of Constantine Porphyrogenetes 
 emperor of the east 1 , all western Christians were known to 
 the Greeks by the name of Franks ; so that it seemeth the 
 Turks borrowed that appellation from the Grecians. Thirdly, 
 as France sent the most, so many of most eminent note ; 
 she showeth for the game no worse cards than a pair royal 
 of kings : Louis the Young, Philip Augustus, and Saint 
 Louis; besides Philip the Bold his son, who went half 
 way to Tunis. The first and last Christian king of Europe 
 that went to Palestine was a Frenchman ; and all the kings 
 of Jerusalem, Frederick the emperor only excepted, origi- 
 nally were of that nation. Fourthly, even at this day 
 France is most loyal to the cause. Most grand masters of 
 the Hospitallers have been Frenchmen ; and at this day the 
 knights of Malta, who have but four alberges or seminaries 
 in all Christendom, have three of them in France 1 : viz., 
 one of France in general, one of Auvergne, and one of 
 Provence. Yet France carrieth not the upper hand so 
 clearly, but that Germany justleth for it ; especially if we 
 add to it the Low Countries, the best stable of wooden 
 horses, and most potent in shipping in that age of any 
 country in Europe; which though an amphibian betwixt 
 both, yet custom at this day adjudgeth it Dutch. 
 
 Now these are the several accents of honour in the 
 German service : first, that country showeth three emperors 
 in the holy war ; Conrad, Frederick Babarossa, and Frede- 
 rick II. The last of these was solemnly crowned and 
 peaceably possessed king of Jerusalem. Secondly, Ger- 
 many sent more princes to this war than all Europe besides. 
 It would be an infinite task to reckon them all ; it being 
 true of the German nobility, what logicians say of a line, 
 that it is divisibilis in semper divisibilia. Here honours 
 
 1 Vide M. Selden on Polyolbion, p. 150. 
 
 2 Sandys' Travels, p. 229. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 279 
 
 equally descend to sons and daughters ; whereby they have 
 counts without counting in the whole empire : there were 
 seventeen princes of Hainault, and seven and twenty earls 
 of Mansfeld, all living together; so that one of their own 
 countrymen saith, that the Dutch esteem none to be men, 
 but only such as are noblemen. We will not take notice 
 of Germany, as it is minced into petty principalities, but as 
 cut into principal provinces. We find these regnant princes 
 (for as for their younger brethren, herein they are not 
 accounted) to have been personally present in the holy 
 war: 
 
 Prince Palatine of Rhine, 
 
 Henry 1197 
 
 Duke (or as others, King} of 
 Bohemia, 
 
 Jaboslaus, or La- 
 
 dislaus 1147 
 
 Duke of Saxony, 
 
 Henry the younger 1197 
 Marquess of Brandenburg, 
 
 Otho* 1197 
 
 Archbishops of Mentz, 
 
 1 Conrad 
 
 2 Siphred 1197 
 
 Archbishop of Triers, 
 
 Theodoric 1216 
 
 Archbishop of Colen, 
 
 Theodoric 1216 
 
 Dukes of Austria, 
 
 1 Leopold II. ... 1190 
 
 2 Frederick 1197 
 
 3 Leopold III., 
 surnamed the 
 Glorious 1216 
 
 Dukes of Bavaria, 
 
 1 Guelpho 1101 
 
 2 Henry 1147 
 
 3 Louis 1216 
 
 Landgraves of Thuringia, 
 
 1 Herman 1197 
 
 2 Louis 1227 
 
 Marquess of Moravia, 
 
 Conrad 1197 
 
 Duke of Meckknburg, 
 
 Henry 1277 
 
 Earls of Flanders, 
 
 1 Theodoric 1147 
 
 2 Philip .... 1190 
 
 3 Baldwin 1200 
 
 4 William Dam- 
 
 pier 1250 
 
 5 Guido 1270 
 
 Dukes of Brabant, 
 
 1 Godfrey 1195 
 
 2 Henry 1227 
 
 Earl of Holland, 
 
 William... .. 1216 
 
 All these (I say not these were all) went themselves, and 
 led forth other companies, suitable to their greatness. The 
 reader, as he lighteth on more, at his leisure may strike 
 them into this catalogue. Thirdly, Germany maintained 
 the Teutonic order, wholly consisting of her nation, besides 
 Templars and Hospitallers, whereof she had abundance; 
 of whose loyal and valiant service we have spoken largely 
 before. Lastly, she fought another holy war at the same 
 time against the Tartars and other barbarous people, which 
 invaded her on her north-east part. And though som* 
 
280 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 will except, that that war cannot be entitled Holy, because, 
 being on the defensive, it was rather of nature and necessity 
 than piety; yet upon examination it will appear, that this 
 service was less superstitious, more charitable to Christen- 
 dom, and more rational and discreet in itself; it being 
 better husbandry to save a whole cloth in Europe, than to 
 win a rag in Asia. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. The English and Italian Service compared. 
 Of the Spanish, Polish, Xorwegian, Hungarian, Danish, 
 and Swedish Performance in this War. 
 
 NEXT in this race of honour follow England and Italy, 
 being very even and hard matched. England (it is no 
 flattery to affirm what envy cannot deny) spurreth up close 
 for the prize ; and though she had a great disadvantage in 
 the starting (Italy being much nearer to Palestine), yet she. 
 quickly recovered it. Our country sent one king (Rich- 
 ard I.) and three kings' sons (Robert Courthois, Richard of 
 Cornwall, and Prince Edward) to this war. Yea, England 
 ard was a daily friend to this action ; and besides these great 
 and gross sums of visible adventurers, she dropped and 
 cast in privily many a pilgrim of good quality ; so that 
 there was scarce any remarkable battle or memorable siege 
 done through the war wherein there were not some English 
 of eminent desert. 
 
 Yet Italy cometh not any whit behind, if the achieve- 
 ments of her several states, Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, 
 Sicilians, Florentines, were made and moulded up together : 
 yea, for sea-service and engineers in this war, they bear the 
 bell away from all other nations. But these things allay 
 the Italian service: 1. It was not so abstracted from the 
 dregs of mercenariness as that of other countries (whose 
 adventurers counted their very work herein sufficient wages), 
 but before they would yield their assistance they indented 
 and covenanted with the king of Jerusalem to have such 
 and such profits, pensions, and privileges in all places they 
 took, to them and their posterity ; not as an honorary 
 reward freely conferred on them, but in nature of wages 
 ex pacto contracted for aforehand : as the Genoans had in 
 Ptolemais, and the Venetians in Tyre. 2. These Italians 
 stopped two gaps with one bush ; they were merchant 
 pilgrims, and together applied themselves to profit and 
 piety 1 . Here in Tyre they had their banks, and did drive 
 
 1 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 28, el lib. 12, cap. 25. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 281 
 
 a sweet trade of spices and other eastern commodities. 
 3. Lastly, as at first they gave good milk, so they kicked 
 it down with theirheel, and by their mutual discord caused 
 the loss of all they helped to gain in Syria. 
 
 Spain was exercised all the time of this war in defending 
 herself against the Moors and Saracens in her own bowels ; 
 yet such was her charity, that whilst her own house was 
 on burning, she threw some buckets of water to quench 
 her neighbour's ; and as other nations cast their superfluity, 
 she her widow's mite, into the treasury of this action ; and 
 produceth two Theobalds kings of Navarre, and Alphonse 
 king of Castile, that undertook expeditions to Palestine. 
 
 Hungary showeth one king, Andrew ; who washed him- 
 self in Jordan, and then shrinking in the wetting returned 
 presently home again. But this country, though itself did 
 go little, yet was much gone through to the holy war 
 (being the road to Syria for all land armies), and merited 
 well in this action, in giving peaceable passage and courte- 
 ous entertainment to pilgrims; as to Duke Godfrey, and 
 Frederick Barbarossa, with all their soldiers as they travelled 
 through it. Had the kings of Hungary had the same 
 principle of baseness in their souls as the emperors of 
 Greece, they had had the same cause of jealousy against 
 the Christians that passed this way; yet they used them 
 most kindly, and disdained all dishonourable suspicions. 
 True it is, at the first voyage, King Coloman, not out of 
 cruelty but carefulness and necessary security, did use 
 his sword against some unruly and disorderly pilgrims; 
 but none were there abused which first abused not them- 
 selves. But, whatever Hungary was in that age, it is at 
 this day Christendom's best land bulwark against the 
 Turks ; where this pretty custom is used, that the men wear 
 so many feathers as they have killed Turks ; which if 
 observed elsewhere, either feathers would be less, or valour 
 more in fashion. 
 
 Poland could not stir in this war, as lying constant 
 perdue of Christendom against the Tartarian ; yet we find 
 Boleslaus Crispus duke or king thereof (waiting on, shall I 
 say ? or) accompanying Conrad the emperor in his voyage 
 to Palestine 2 -; [1147] and, having defrayed all his and his 
 army's costs and charges towards Constantinople, he returned 
 home, as not to be spared in his own country. But if, by 
 King David's statute 3 , the keepers of the baggage are to 
 
 2 Munst. Cosmog. in Polon. 3 1 Sam. xxx. 24. 
 
282 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 be sharers in the spoil with the fighters of the battle, thei 
 surely Poland and such other countries may entitle them 
 selves to the honour of the war in Palestine ; which in th 
 mean time kept home, had an eye to the main chance, am 
 defended Europe against foreign invaders. 
 
 Norway (in that age the sprucest of the three kingdom: 
 of Scandia, and best tricked up with shipping ; though a 
 this day the case is altered with her, and she turned frorr 
 taking to paying of tribute) sent her fleet of tall soldiers tc 
 Syria ; who, like good fellows, asked nothing for their work 
 but their victuals, and valiantly won the city of Sidon foi 
 the king of Jerusalem. And it is considerable, that Syria 
 (but a step or stride from Italy) was a long race from 
 Norway ; so that their pilgrims went not only into another 
 country, but into another world. 
 
 Denmark was also partner in the foresaid service. Also 
 afterwards, Ericus her king, though he went not quite 
 through to the Holy Land, yet behaved himself bravely in 
 Spain, and there assisted the winning of Lisbon from the 
 infidels 4 . His successor Canute, anno 1189, had provided 
 his navy, but was prevented by death ; his ships neverthe- 
 less came to Syria 5 . 
 
 Of Sweden, in this grand jury of nations, I hear no Vow 
 avez; but her default of appearance hath been excused 
 before 6 . 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. Of the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish, their 
 several Adventures. 
 
 remain behind the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish. 
 JL It may occasion suspicion, that these nations eithei 
 did neglect or are neglected in this holy war, because clean 
 through this history there is no mention of them or theii 
 achievements. True it is, these countries can boast of nc 
 king of their own sent to Syria, nor of any great appearing 
 service by them alone performed. It seemeth then the) 
 did not so much play the game themselves, as bet on the 
 hands of others : and haply the Scottish service is accounted 
 to the French ; the Welsh and Irish, to the English. 
 
 That Scotland was no cipher in this war, plainly appear- 
 eth : 1. In that David earl of Huntington, and youngei 
 brother to William the elder king of Scotland, went along 
 
 * Vide Calvisium in anno 1145, et Jo. Magnum, Hist. Goth, 
 lib. 19, cap. 10. 
 
 5 Barorrius, in anno 1189. 6 Lib. cap. 13. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 283 
 
 with our Richard I. 1 ; no doubt suitably attended with 
 soldiers. This David was by a tempest cast into Egypt, 
 taken captive by the Turks, bought by a Venetian, brought 
 to Constantinople, there known and redeemed by an English 
 merchant, and at last safely arrived at Alectum in Scotland *; 
 which Alectum he, in memory and gratitude of his return, 
 called Dundee, or Dei donum, God's gift. 2. By the 
 )lentiful provision which there was made for the Templars 
 and Hospitallers, who here enjoyed great privileges ; this 
 amongst many others (take the Scottish law in its pure 
 laturals), That the master of the knicts of the Temple and 
 hief priors of the hospitall of Jerusalem (wha were keepers 
 f strangers to the haly grave), sould be receaved themselves 
 Dersonally in any suit without entertaining a procuratour 
 or them 3 . Nor must we here forget a saint, William a 
 Scot, of Perth by birth, by trade a baker, in charity so 
 abundant that he gave his tenth loaf to the poor, in zeal so 
 ervent that he vowed to visit the Holy Land. But in his 
 ourney, as he passed through Kent, he was slain by his 
 ervant, buried at Rochester, afterwards sainted, and showed 
 many miracles 4 . 
 
 Neither may we think, whilst all other nations were at 
 his martial school, that Wales the while truanted at home. 
 The Welsh, saith my author 5 , left their forests; and now 
 with them no sport to the hunting of Turks ; especially 
 fter that Wizo, and Walter his son, had founded the fair 
 ommandery for Hospitallers at Slebach in Pembrokeshire, 
 ind endowed it with rich revenues 6 . 
 
 Ireland also putteth in for her portion of honour in this 
 service. Indeed, for the first fourscore years in the holy 
 war, Ireland did little there or in any other country. It 
 was divided into many petty kingdoms ; so that her people's 
 alour had no progressive motion in length, to make any 
 mpression in foreign parts, but only moved round in a 
 ircle at home, their petty reguli spending themselves 
 gainst themselves, till our Henry II. conquered them all. 
 4.fter which time the Irish began to look abroad into 
 alestine : witness many houses for Templars, and the 
 tately priory of Kilmainham, nigh Dublin, for Hospitallers ; 
 he last lord prior whereof, at the dissolution, was Sir John 
 
 1 Buchan. in Gulielmo Seniore. 2 Hect. Boeth. 
 
 3 Third Book of Majest. cap. i8. 
 
 4 Lambert, Peramb. Kent. 
 
 5 W. Malraes. lib. 4, p. 133. 6 Camden, in Pembr. 
 
284 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Rawson. Yea, we may well think, that all the concert 
 Christendom in this war could have made no music if tt 
 Irish harp had been wanting. 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. Of the honourable Arms in Scutcheons <_' 
 Nobility occasioned by their Service in the Holy War. 
 
 NOW for a corollary to this story, if we survey th 
 scutcheons of the Christian princes and nobility E 
 this day, we shall find the arms of many of them pointin 
 at the achievements of their predecessors in the holy war. 
 
 Thus the dukes of Austria bear gules a fesse argent, i; 
 memory of the valour of Leopold at the siege of Ptolemais ' 
 whereof before. 
 
 The duke of Savoy beareth gules a cross argent, bein; 
 the cross of St. John of Jerusalem ; because his predecesspi 
 were special benefactors to that order, and assisted them ii 
 defending of Rhodes 2 -. 
 
 Queen's College in Cambridge (to which I owe m; 
 education for my first seven years in that university) givet 
 for parcel of her arms, amongst many other rich coats, th 
 cross of Jerusalem; as being founded by Queen Margare' 
 wife to King Henry VI., and daughter of Renate earl c 
 Angiers and titular king of Sicily and Jerusalem. 
 
 The noble and numerous family of the Douglases i 
 Scotland (whereof at this day are one marquess, two earls 
 and a viscount) give in their arms a man's heart, ever sine 
 Robert Bruce king of Scotland bequeathed his heart t 
 James Douglas, to carry it to Jerusalem, which he ac 
 cordingly performed 3 . 
 
 To instance in particulars were endless ; we will onl 
 sum them up in generals. Emblems of honour bor.ne i 
 coats, occasioned by the holy war, are reducible to thes 
 heads : 
 
 1 . Scallop shells, which may fitly, for the workmanshi 
 thereof, be called artificium nature. It seemeth pilgrirr 
 carried them constantly with them, as Diogenes did h 
 dish, to drink. I find an order of knights called equiti 
 cochleares, wearing belike cockle or scallop shells, belong 
 ing to them who had done good sea-service, especially i 
 the holy war; and many Hollanders (saith my author 
 
 1 Pantal. De illustr. Germ, part 2, p. 201. 
 
 2 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 17, p. 190. 
 
 3 Camden, in his Descript. of Cludisdale. 
 
THE HOL Y WAR. 
 
 285 
 
 >r their good service at the siege of Damietta, were admitted 
 ito that order 4 . 
 
 2. Saracens' heads; it being a maxim in heraldry, that 
 is more honourable to bear the head than any other part 
 
 ff the body. They are commonly borne either black or 
 )loody. But if Saracens in their arms should use Chris- 
 ians' heads, I doubt not but they would show ten to one. 
 
 3. Pilgrims' or palmers' scrips or bags; the arms of 
 le worshipful family of the Palmers in Kent 5 . 
 
 4. Pilgrims' staves, and such like other implements and 
 joutrements belonging unto them. 
 
 5. But the chiefest of all is the cross; which though 
 >rne in arms before, yet was most commonly and generally 
 
 jsed since the holy war. The plain cross, or St. George's 
 ross, I take to be the mother of all the rest; as plain song 
 much senior to any running of division. Now as by 
 ansposition of a few letters a world of words are made-; 
 by the varying of this cross in form, colour, and metal 
 inging as it were the changes), are made infinite several 
 >ats : the cross of Jerusalem or five crosses, most frequently 
 |sed in this war; cross patce, because the ends thereof are 
 ; jichie, whose bottom is sharp, to be fixed in the 
 [round ; wavee, which those may justly wear who sailed 
 |iither through the miseries of the sea, or sea of miseries-; 
 )linee, because like to the rind of a mill ; saltyrte, or 
 It. Andrew's cross; floria, or garlanded with flowers; 
 Le cross crossed ; besides the divers tricking or dressing, 
 piercing, voiding, fimbriating, ingrailing, couping ; and 
 fancy and devices there is still a plus ultra, insomuch 
 liat crosses alone, as they are variously disguised, are 
 lough to distinguish all the several families of gentlemen 
 England. 
 
 Exemplary is the coat of George Villiers duke of Buck- 
 
 jgham ; five scallop shells on a plain cross, speaking his 
 
 redecessors' valour in the holy war. For Sir Nicolas de 
 
 | r illiers knight, followed Edward I. in his wars in the Holy 
 
 ind ; and then and there assumed this his new coat ; for 
 
 |>rmerly he bore sable three cinquefoils argent. This 
 
 ficolas was the ancestor of the duke of Buckingham, 
 
 leally descended from the ancient family of Villiers in 
 
 [ormandy 6 ; than which name none more redoubted in 
 
 4 Zuerius Boxhorn's Apology for the Holland Shipping, 
 6 Gwill. in his Heraldry. 
 I 6 Burton, in Leicestershire. 
 
286 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 this service; for we find John de Villiers the one an 
 twentieth master of the Hospitallers 7 ; and another Phili 
 de Villiers master of Rhodes, under whom it was surrer 
 dered to the Turks ; a yielding equal to a conquest. 
 
 Yet should one labour to find a mystery in all arm; 
 relating to the quality or deserts of the owners of ther 
 (like Chrysippus, who troubled himself with great conten 
 tion to find out a stoical assertion of philosophy in ever 
 fiction of the poets), he would light on a labour in vain 
 For I believe (be it spoken with loyalty to all kings o 
 arms, and heralds their lieutenants in that faculty) that a 
 the first, the will of the bearer was the reason of the bear 
 ing 8 ; or if at their original of assuming them there wen 
 some special cause, yet time since hath cancelled it; ant 
 as, in mythology, the moral hath often been made since tb 
 fable ; so a sympathy betwixt the arms and the bearer hat! 
 sometimes been of later invention. I deny not but in som 
 coats some probable reason may be assigned of bearinj 
 them ; but it is in vain to dig for mines in every ground 
 because there is lead in Mendip Hills. 
 
 To conclude : as great is the use of arms, so this espe 
 daily, to preserve the memories of the dead. Many ; 
 dumb monument, which through time or sacrilege hath los 
 its tongue, the epitaph, yet hath made such signs by th 
 scutcheons about it, that antiquaries have understood wh 
 lay there entombed. 
 
 CHAP. XXV. Some Offers of Christian Princes fop Pale* 
 tine since the End of the Holy War, by Henry the Fourt 
 of England, Charles the Eighth of France, and Jame 
 the Fourth of Scotland. 
 
 AS after that the body of the sun is set, some shinin; 
 still surviveth in the west, so after this holy war wa 
 expired, we find some straggling rays and beams of valou 
 offering that way; ever and anon the Christian prince 
 having a bout with that design. To collect the severa 
 essays of princes glancing on that project, were a task c 
 great pains and small profit ; specially, some of them beinj 
 umbrages and state representations rather than realities, t 
 ingratiate princes with their subjects, or with the oratory c 
 so pious a project to woo money out of people's purses 
 or thereby to cloak and cover armies levied to other intents 
 
 7 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. in Joati. 
 
 8 Dr. Ridley, View of the Civil Law, 6, p. 100. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 
 
 287 
 
 >ides, most of these designs were abortive, or aborsive 
 
 ither, like those untimely miscarriages not honoured with 
 
 soul, or the shape and lineaments of an infant. Yet, to 
 
 ive the reader's longing, we will give him a taste or two ; 
 
 rid begin with that of our Henry IV. of England. 
 
 The end of the reign of this our Henry was peaceable 
 
 md prosperous. For though his title was builded on a 
 
 id foundation, yet it had strong buttresses ; most of the 
 
 lobility favoured and fenced it; and as for the house of 
 
 r ork, it appeared not ; its best blood as yet ran in feminine 
 
 reins, and therefore was the less active. Now King Henry, 
 
 In the sunshine evening of his life (after a stormy day), was 
 
 lisposed to walk abroad, and take in some foreign air. He 
 
 pitched his thoughts on the holy war, for to go to Jerusa- 
 
 em, and began to provide for the same 1 . One principal 
 
 lotive which incited him was, that it was told him he 
 
 [hould not die till he had heard mass in Jerusalem. But 
 
 lis proved not like the revelation told to old Simeon 2 ; 
 
 >r King Henry was fain to sing his Nunc dimittis, before 
 
 expected ; and died in the chamber called Jerusalem in 
 
 Westminster. By comparing this prophecy with one of 
 
 .polio's oracles, we may conclude them to be brethren 
 
 they are so alike), and both begotten of the father of lies ; 
 
 >r the devil eartheth himself in an homonymy, as a fox in 
 
 he ground ; if he be stopped at one hole, he will get out 
 
 t another. However, the king's purpose deserveth remem- 
 
 irance and commendation, because really and seriously 
 
 itended. 
 
 Far better, I believe, than that of Charles VIII. king of 
 [ranee ; who, in a braving embassage which he sent to our 
 [enry VII., gave him to understand his resolutions; to 
 lake reconquest of Naples, but as of a bridge to transport 
 is forces into Greece 3 ; and then not to spare blood or 
 [easure (if it were to the impairing of his crown and dis- 
 >pling of France) till either he had overthrown the 
 lupire of the Ottomans, or taken it in his way to Paradise ; 
 nd hence (belike) he would have at Jerusalem, invited (as 
 said) with the former example of our Henry IV. But 
 ir King Henry VII. (being too good a fencer to mistake 
 [flourish for a blow) quickly resented his drift (which was 
 persuade our king to peace, till Charles should perform 
 
 1 Lord Verulam, in bis Henry VII. p. 87. 
 
 2 Luke, ii. 26. 
 
 3 Lord Verulam, in Henry VII. 
 
288 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 his projects in little Britain and elsewhere), and dealt wit! 
 him accordingly. And as for the gradation of Kin^ 
 Charles's purposes, Naples, Greece, Jerusalem, a stateb 
 but difficult ascent (where the stairs are so far asunder, th 
 legs must be long to stride them), the French nation wa: 
 weary of climbing the first, and then came down, vaulting 
 nimbly into Naples and out of it again. 
 
 More cordial was that of James IV. king of Scotland 
 that pious prince 4 ; who, being touched in conscience foi 
 his father's death (though he did not cause it, but seemec 
 to countenance it with his presence), ever after, in token o 
 his contrition, wore an iron chain about his body ; and, tc 
 expiate his fault, intended a journey into Syria. He pre- 
 pared his navy, provided his soldiers, imparted his project 
 to foreign princes, and verily had gone, if at the first othei 
 wars, and afterwards sudden death, had not caused his 
 stay. 
 
 CHAP. XXVI. The fictitious Voyage of William, Land- 
 grave of Hesse, to Palestine confuted. 
 
 THESE are enough to satisfy, more would cloy. Only 
 here I must discover a oheat, and have it pilloried, 
 lest it trouble others as it hath done me : the story I find 
 in Calvisius, anno 1460; take it in his very words: 
 ** William the landgrave appointed a holy voyage to 
 Palestine ; chose his company out of many noblemen and 
 earls, in number ninety-eight : he happily finished his 
 journey ; only one of them died in Cyprus. He brought 
 back with him six ^nd forty ensigns of horse. Seven 
 months were spent in the voyage. Fab." So far Calvisius, 
 avouching this Fab. for his author. Each word a wonder ; 
 not to say an impossibility. What ? in the year 1 460, 
 when the deluge of Mahometans had overrun most of 
 Greece, Asia, and Syria? William a landgrave (of Hesse, 
 no doubt), neither the greatest nor next to the greatest 
 prince in Germany, far from the sea, unfurnished with; 
 shipping;, not within the suspicion of so great a performance ! 
 Six and forty horse ensigns taken ! Where? or from whom ? 
 Was it in war, and but one man killed ? A battle so blood- 
 less seemeth as truthless ; and the losing but of one man 
 savoureth of never a one. But seven months spent ! Such 
 achievements beseem rather an apprenticeship of years 
 than months. Besides, was Fame all the while dead 
 
 4 Buchanan, in the Lite of James IV. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 289 
 
 speechless, or asleep, that she trumpeted not this action 
 abroad? Did only this Fab. take notice of it? be he Faber, 
 Fabius, Fabianus, Fabinianus, or what you please. Why 
 is it not storied in other writers ? the Dutchmen giving no 
 scant measure in such wares, and their chronicles being 
 more guilty of remembering trifles than forgetting matters 
 of moment. 
 
 Yet the gravity of Calvisius recording it, moveth me 
 much on the other side ; a chronologer of such credit, that 
 he may take up more belief on his bare word than some 
 other on their bond. In this perplexity 1 wrote to my 
 oracle in doubts of this nature, Mr. Joseph Mead, fellow of 
 Christ's College in Cambridge, since lately deceased ; hear 
 his answer : 
 
 SIR, 
 
 " I have found your story in Calvisius's posthume 
 Chronology, but can hear of it nowhere else. I sought 
 Reusner's Basilica Genealogica, who is wont with the 
 name of his princes to note briefly any act or accident of 
 theirs memorable, and sometimes scarce worth it ; but no 
 such of this William, landgrave. So in conclusion, I am 
 resolved it is a fable out of some romance; and that your 
 author Fab. is nothing but Fabula defectively written. 
 But you will say, Why did he put it into his book ? I 
 answer, he himself did not, but had noted it into some 
 paper put into his Chronology, preparing for a new and 
 fuller edition ; which, himself dying before he had digested 
 his new edition (as you may see 1 think somewhere in the 
 preface), those who were trusted with it after his death to 
 Iwrite it out for the press, foolishly transferred out of such 
 [paper, or perhaps out of the margin, into the text; thinking 
 Ijthat Fab. had been some historian, which was nothing but 
 ,|that she author Fabula. If this will not satisfy, I know 
 Jnot what to say more unto it. Thus with best affection I 
 Jrest 
 
 "Yours, 
 
 " JOSEPH MEAD." 
 Christ. Coll. June 20, 1638." 
 
 c h| This I thought fit to recite, not for his honour but to 
 uslhonour myself, as conceiving it my credit to be graced with 
 Lijlso learned a man's acquaintance. 
 
 Thus much of offertures. I will conclude with that 
 peech of the Lady Margaret, countess of Richmond and 
 
290 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 Derby, and mother to our King Henry VII. (a most pious 
 woman, as that age went; though I am not of his faith 
 who believed her to be the next woman in goodness to the 
 Virgin Mary) : she used to say, that if the Christian princes 
 would undertake a war against the Turks to recover the 
 Holy Land, she would be their laundress 1 . But I believe 
 she performed a work more acceptable in the eyes of God, 
 in founding a professor's place in either university, and in 
 building Christ's and St. John's colleges in Cambridge 
 (the seminaries of so many great scholars and grave divines), 
 than if she had visited either Christ's sepulchre or St John's 
 church in Jerusalem. 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. The Fortunes of Jerusalem since the 
 Holy War ; and her present Estate. 
 
 SEVEN years after the Latin Christians were finally ex- 
 pelled out of Syria, some hope presented itself of rees- 
 tablishing them again. For Casanus the great Tartar prince, 
 having of late subdued the Persians, and married the 
 daughter of the Armenian king (a lady of great perfection) 
 and of a Mahometan become a Christian, at the request of 
 his wife he besieged the city Jerusalem 2 , and took it with- 
 out resistance [1298]. The temple of our Saviour he gave 
 to the Armenians, Georgians, and other Christians, which 
 flocked thick out of Cyprus there to inhabit. But soon after 
 his departure it fell back again to the mamalukes of Egypt; 
 who enjoyed it till Selimus the great Turk, anno 1517, 
 overthrew the empire of the mamalukes, and seized Jeru- 
 salem into his hand: whose successors keep it at this day. 
 
 Jerusalem better acquitteth itself to the ear than to the 
 eye ; being no whit beautiful at all. The situation thereof 
 is very uneven, rising into hills and sinking into dales; the 
 lively emblem of the fortunes of the place ; sometimes ad- 
 vanced with prosperity, sometimes depressed in misery. 
 Once it was well compacted, and built as a city that is at 
 unity in itself 3 ; but now distracted from itself: the suspi- 
 cious houses (as if afraid to be infected with more misery 
 than they have already, by contiguousness to others) keep 
 off at a distance, having many waste places betwixt them ; 
 not one fair street in the whole city 4 . 
 
 It hath a castle, built (as it is thought) by the Pisans, 
 
 1 Camden's Remains. 
 
 2 Centuriatores, p. totius operis penult. 
 
 3 Psal. cxxii. 3. 4 Bidulph, p. 117. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 291 
 
 tolerably fortified 5 . Good guard is kept about the city, 
 and no Christians with weapons suffered to enter. But 
 the deepest ditch to defend Jerusalem from the western 
 Christians is the remoteness of it; and the strongest wall 
 to fence it is the Turkish empire compassing it round about. 
 Poor it must needs be, having no considerable commodity 
 to vent; except a few beads of holy earth, which they pay 
 too dear for that have them for the fetching. There is in 
 the city a convent of Franciscans, to whom Christians re- 
 pair for protection during their remaining in the city. 
 The padre guardian appointeth these pilgrims a friar, who 
 showeth them all the monuments about the city : scarce a 
 great stone, which beareth the brow of reverend antiquity, 
 that passeth without a peculiar legend upon it : but every 
 vault under ground hath in it a deep mystery indeed. 
 Pilgrims must follow the friar with their bodies and belief; 
 and take heed how they give tradition the lie, though she 
 tell one never so boldly. The survey finished, they must 
 pay the guardian both for their victuals and their welcome, 
 and gratify his good words and looks ; otherwise if they 
 forget it, he will be so bold as to remember them. The 
 guardian farmeth the sepulchre of the Turk at a yearly rent : 
 and the Turks, who reap no benefit by Christ's death, re- 
 ceive much profit by his burial ; and not content with their 
 yearly rent, squeeze the friars here on all occasions, making 
 them pay large sums for little offences. 
 
 The other subsistence which the friars here have, is from 
 the benevolence of the pope and other bountiful benefactors 
 in Europe. Nor getteth the padre guardian a little by his 
 fees of making knights of the Sepulchre : of which order I 
 find, some hundred years since, Sir John diamond of 
 Lancels in Cornwall to have been dubbed knight 6 . But I 
 believe no good English subject at this day will take that 
 honour if offered him; both because at their creation they 
 are to swear loyalty to the pope and king of Spain 7 , and 
 because honours conferred by foreign potentates are not here 
 in England acknowledged, neither in their style nor prece- 
 dency, except given by courtesy : witness that famous case 
 of the Count Arundel of Wardour, and Queen Elizabeth's 
 peremptory resolve, that her sheep should be branded with 
 no stranger's mark, but her own 8 . 
 
 5 Sandys' Travels, p. 158. 
 
 6 Carew, in his Survey of Cornwall, p. 118. 
 
 " Bidulph, p. 119. 8 Camden's Elizabeth, in anno 1596. 
 
292 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 The land about it (as authors generally agree) is barren. 
 Yet Brochard a monk 9 , who lived here some two hundred 
 years since, commendeth it to be very fruitful. Sure he had 
 better eyes, to see more than other men could ; or else by a 
 synecdoche he imputeth the fertility of parcels to the whole 
 country. But it is as false a consequence, as on the other 
 side, to conclude from the baseness of Bagshot-heath the 
 barrenness of all the kingdom of England. We may rather 
 believe, that, since the fall of the Jews from God's favour, 
 the once supernatural fertility of the land is taken away, and 
 the natural strength thereof much abated and impaired. 
 
 CHAP. XXVIII. Whether it be probable that this Holy 
 War will ever hereafter be set on foot again. 
 
 THUS we state the question : Whether this holy war, I 
 mean for the winning of the city of Jerusalem and re-- 
 covering of Palestine, will probably ever hereafter be pro- 
 jected and acted again. We may believe this tragedy came 
 off so ill the last acting, that it will not be brought on the 
 stage the second time. 
 
 1. The pope will never offer to give motion to it, as 
 knowing it unlikely to succeed. Policies of this nature are 
 like sleights of hand, to be showed but once ; lest what is 
 admired at first be derided afterwards. 
 
 2. Princes are grown more cunning, and will not bite at 
 a bait so stale, so often breathed on. The pope's ends in 
 this war are now plainly smelt out ; which though pretty 
 and pleasing at first, yet princes are not now, like the native 
 Indians, to be cozened with glass and gaudy toys: the 
 loadstone to draw their affection (now out of nonage) must 
 present itself necessary, profitable, and probable to be 
 effected. 
 
 3. There is a more needful work nearer hand; to resist 
 the Turks' invasion in Europe. Hark how the Grecians 
 call unto us, as once the man in the vision did to St. Paul, 
 " Come over into Macedonia, and help us 1 ." Yea, look on 
 the pope's projects of the last edition, and we shall find the 
 business of the sepulchre buried in silence, and the holy 
 war running in another channel, against the Turks in Chris- 
 tendom. 
 
 4. Lastly, who is not sensible with sorrow of the dissen- 
 sions (better suiting with my prayers than my pen) where- 
 with Christian princes at this day are rent asunder? wounds 
 
 8 De Terra Saucta, part. 2, cap. 1. l Acts, xvi. 9. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 293 
 
 so wide that only Heaven's chirurgery can heal them : till 
 which time no hope of a holy war against the general and 
 common foe of our religion. 
 
 We may safely conclude, that the regaining of Jerusalem 
 and the Holy Land from the Turks, may better be placed 
 amongst our desires than our hopes ; as improbable ever to 
 come to pass : except the Platonic year, turning the wheel 
 of all actions round about, bring the spoke of this holy war 
 back again. 
 
 CHAP. XXIX. Of the many Pretenders of Titles to the 
 Kingdom of Jerusalem. 
 
 NO kingdom in the world is challenged at this day by 
 such an army of kings as this of Jerusalem : it is 
 sooner told what princes of Europe do not than what do 
 lay claim to it; they be so many. Take their names as I 
 find them in the catalogue of Stephen a Cypriot. 
 
 1. The emperors of the east. 
 
 2. The patriarchs of Jeru- 
 
 salem. 
 
 3. The Lusignans, kings of 
 
 Cyprus. 
 
 4. Hemfred prince of Tho- 
 
 rone. 
 
 5. Conrad de la Rame 
 
 marquess of Mont- 
 ferrat. 
 
 6. The kings of England. 
 
 7. His holiness. 
 
 8. The kings of Naples. 
 
 9. The princes of Antioch. 
 
 10. The counts of Brienne. 
 
 11. The kings of Armenia. 
 
 12. The kings of Hungary 
 
 13. The kings of Aragon. 
 
 14. The dukes of Anjou. 
 
 15. The dukes of Lorraine. 
 
 1 6. Louis the Eleventh, king 
 
 of France. 
 
 17. The dukes of Bourbon. 
 
 18. The dukes of Savoy. 
 
 1 9. James de Lusigna, base 
 
 son to the king of 
 Cyprus. 
 
 20. Charles de Lusigna, son 
 
 to the prince of Ga- 
 lilee. 
 
 21. The state of Genoa. 
 
 22. The marquess of Mont- 
 
 ferrat. 
 
 23. The count of la Val. 
 
 24. The archduke of Nice. 
 
 25. The sultan of Egypt. 
 
 26. The emperor ot the 
 
 Turks. 
 
 It seemeth, by the naming of Louis XI. and James the 
 bastard of Cyprus, that this list was taken about the year 
 1466. And now how would a herald sweat with scouring 
 over these time-rusty titles, to show whence these princes 
 derived their several claims, and in whom the right resteth 
 at this day ! And when his work is done, who should pay 
 him his wages? 
 
 My clew of thread is not strong enough, on the guidance 
 
294 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 thereof for me to venture into this labyrinth of pedigrees ; 
 \ve will content ourselves with these general observations : 
 
 1. It seemeth this catalogue containeth as well those who 
 had jus in regno as those who had jus ad regnum : as 
 namely, the prince of Thorone, and patriarchs of Jerusalem, 
 and state of Genoa ; whose ambition surely soared not so 
 high as to claim the kingdom of Jerusalem, but rather 
 perched itself upon some lands and signories challenged 
 therein. 
 
 2. A small matter will serve to entitle a prince to a 
 titular kingdom : in this case, kings can better digest 
 corrivals where they be many, and all challenge what is 
 worth nothing. In this catalogue it seemeth some only entitle 
 themselves out of good fellowship and love of good com- 
 pany : these like squirrels recover themselves, and climb 
 up to a claim on the least bough, twig, yea leaf, of a right. 
 Thus the counts of Brienne in France (if any still remain of 
 that house) gave away theiu cake and kept it still ; in that 
 John Bren parted with his right to this kingdom, in match 
 with lole his daughter to Frederick the second emperor, 
 and yet the earls of his family pretend still to Jerusalem. 
 
 3. We may believe, that by matches and under-matches 
 some of these titles may reside in private gentlemen ; espe- 
 cially in France : and what wonder? seeing within fourteen 
 
 . generations, the royal blood of the kings of Judah ran in 
 the veins of plain Joseph a painful carpenter 1 . 
 
 4. At this day some of those titles are finally extinct : as 
 that of the emperors of the east, conquered by the Ottoman 
 family : their imperial eagle was so far from beholding the 
 sun, that the half-moon dazzled, yea, quite put out his eyes. 
 Rank in the same form the kings of Armenia and sultans of 
 Egypt. 
 
 5. Some of these titles are translated: that of the Lu- 
 signans, kings of Cyprus, probably passed with that island 
 to the state of Venice; the claim of the Hungarian kings 
 seemeth at this day to remain in the German emperor. 
 
 6. Some united : the claim of the archdukes of Nice (a 
 style I meet not with elsewhere), twisted with that of the 
 duke of Savoy ; the kings of Naples and Aragon, now joined 
 in the king of Spain. 
 
 7. Of those which are extant at this day, England's ap- 
 peareth first ; our Richard receiving it in exchange of King 
 Guy for the island of Cyprus. Guy's resignation was vo- 
 
 1 Matth. i. 16. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 295 
 
 luntary and public; the world was witness to it: he truly 
 received a valuable consideration, which his heirs long 
 peaceably enjoyed; and our English kings styled them- 
 selves kings of Jerusalem % till afterwards they disused it 
 for reasons best known to themselves 3 . Our poet Harding, 
 in a paper he presented to King Henry VI. cleareth another 
 double title of our kings thereunto : and because some 
 palates love the mouldy best, and place the goodness of old 
 verses in the badness of them, take them as they fell from 
 his pen : 
 
 To Jerusalem, I say, ye have great right 
 From Erie Geffray that hight Plantagenet, 
 Of Aungeoy erle, a prince of passing might, 
 The eJdest sonne of Fouke, and first beget, 
 King of Jerusalem by his wife dewly set; 
 Whose sonne GerTray foresaid gat on his wife 
 Henry the Second, that was known full rife. 
 
 Yet have ye more, from Bawldwyne Paralyticus 
 King afterward, to the same King Henry 
 The crown sent and his banner pretious, 
 As very heire of whole auncestrie 
 Descent of bloud by title lineally 
 
 From Godfray Boleyn, and Robert Curthose, 
 That kings were thereof and chose. 
 8. Then cometh forth the pope's title; who claimeth it 
 many ways : either because he was the first and chiefest 
 mover and advancer of this war, lord paramount of this 
 action, and all the pilgrims no better than his servants ; and 
 then according to the rule in civil law, Quodcunque per ser- 
 vum acquiritur, id Domino acguiritur suo 4 : or else he 
 challengeth it from John Bren, who subjected that kingdom 
 to the see of Rome 5 ; and yet the said John used the style 
 of Jerusalem all the days of his life, and also gave it away 
 in match with his daughter : or else he deriveth it as forfeited 
 to him by the Emperor Frederick II. and his sons, for taking 
 arms against the church. But what need these far-abouts? 
 They go the shortest cut, who accounting the pope God's 
 lieutenant on earth (though by a commission of his own 
 penning) give him a temporal power (especially in ordine ad 
 spirituals) over all the kingdoms of the world. 
 
 2 Sabellicus, Ennead. 9, lib. 5, p. 378. 
 
 3 In his Proeme, p. 5. 4 Institut. lib. 1. tit. 8. $. 1. 
 5 Knolles, Hist. Turk, p- 123. 
 
296 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 The original right of Jerusalem he still keepeth in him- 
 self, yet hath successively gratified many princes with a 
 title derived from him : nor shineth his candle the dimmer 
 by lighting of others. First he bestowed his title on Charles 
 of Anjou, king of Sicily (from which root spring the many- 
 branched French competitors) and since hath conferred the 
 same on the house of Aragon, or king of Spain. Which 
 king alone weareth it in his style at this day, and maketh 
 continual war with the Turk, who detaineth Jerusalem 
 from him : yea, all west Christendom oweth her quiet 
 sleep to his constant waking, who with his galleys muzzleth 
 the mouth of Tunis and Algiers. Yea, God in his provi- 
 dence hath so ordered it, that the dominions of Catholic 
 princes (as they term them) are the case and cover on the 
 east and south to keep and fence the protestant countries. 
 
 The quit-rent which the king of Spain payeth yearly to 
 the pope for the kingdoms of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicily, 
 is four thousand crowns, sent to his holiness upon a hack- 
 ney 6 ; who grudgeth his tenant so great a pennyworth ; 
 yet cannot help himself, except he would follow the friar's 
 advice, to send home the Spanish hackney with a great 
 horse after him. What credit there is to be given to that 
 thorough old (if not doting) prophecy, that a Spaniard 
 shall one day recover Jerusalem 7 , we leave to the censure 
 of others ; and meantime we will conclude more serious 
 matters with this pleasant passage : 
 
 When the late wars in the days of Queen Elizabeth 
 were hot between England and Spain 8 , there were com- 
 missioners on both sides appointed to treat of peace; they 
 met at a town of the French king's ; and first it was debated, 
 what tongue the negotiation should be handled in. A 
 Spaniard, thinking to give the English commissioners a 
 shrewd gird, proposed the French tongue as most fit, it 
 being a language which the Spaniards were well skilled 
 in ; " and for these gentlemen of England, I suppose (said 
 he) that they cannot be ignorant of the language of their 
 fellow subjects ; their queen is queen of France as well as 
 England." " Nay, in faith, masters (replied Doctor Dale, 
 the master of requests) the French tongue is too vulgar for 
 a business of this secrecy and importance, especially in a 
 French town ; we will rather treat in Hebrew the language 
 
 e Sir Edwin Sandys' View of the West World, p. 137. 
 
 7 Centuriatores, Cent. 13. cap. 16, col. 692. 
 
 8 Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine. 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 297 
 
 >f Jerusalem, whereof your master is king ; I suppose you 
 ire herein as well skilled as we in French." 
 
 At this day the Turk hath eleven points of the law in 
 Ferusalem, I mean possession; and which is more, pre- 
 cription of a hundred and twenty years, if you date it 
 'rom the time it came into the Ottoman family ; but far 
 nore, if you compute it from such time as the mamaluke 
 Turks have enjoyed it. Yea, likely they are to keep it, 
 ;>eing good at hold fast, and who will as soon lose their 
 eeth as let go their prey. With the description of the 
 greatness of which empire will, we (God willing) now close 
 his history. 
 
 HAP. XXX. Of the Greatness, Strength, Wealth, and 
 Wants, of the Turkish Empire ; what Hopes of the 
 approaching Ruin thereof. 
 
 THE Turkish empire is the greatest and best compacted 
 (not excepting the Roman itself in the height thereof) 
 hat the sun ever saw. Take sea and land together (as 
 )ones and flesh make up one body) and from Buda in the 
 west to Taurus in the east, it stretcheth about three thou- 
 sand miles; little less is the extent thereof north and south. 
 [t lieth in the heart of the world, like a bold champion 
 )idding defiance to all his borderers, commanding the 
 most fruitful countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; only 
 America (not more happy in her rich mines than in her 
 remoteness), lieth free from the reach thereof. 
 
 Populous it is not ; for men will never grow thick where 
 meat groweth thin : it lieth waste, according to the old 
 Droverb, Grass springeth not where the grand signior's 
 lorse setteth his foot. Besides, a third part (I may say 
 lalf) of those in Turkey are not Turks, but either Jews or 
 'hristians. 
 
 The strength of this empire consisteth either in bones or 
 stones, men or munition. Of the first, the best stake in 
 ;he Turk's hedge is his great number of horsemen called 
 imariots, conceived to exceed seven hundred thousand 
 fighting men * : these are dispersed over all his dominions, 
 and have lands allotted unto them in reward of their good 
 service and valour, much in the nature of those soldiers of 
 the Romish empire called benejiciarii. And indeed the 
 Turkish empire resembleth the Roman in many particulars; 
 
 Knolles, in his descrip. of the greatness of the Turkish 
 
 Empire. 
 
298 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 not that they ever studied imitation, and by reading o 
 history conformed their state to Roman precedents (far bt 
 it from us to wrong them with the false imputation of sc 
 much learning), but rather casually they have met in some 
 common principles of policy. Of these timariots, on 
 occasion and competent warning, he can bring into the 
 field a hundred and fifty thousand, all bound by the tenure 
 of their lands to arm, clothe, feed, pay themselves ; so 
 great an army, which would drain the wealth of other 
 princes, doth cost the Great Turk no drop of expense. 
 
 Next follow his best footmen, called janizaries, taken 
 young from their Christian parents (parallel to the Roman 
 pretorian soldiers), being the guard of the grand signior's 
 person. But as they watch about him, so he casteth a 
 watchful eye on them ; seeing of late they are grown from 
 painful to be proud, yea, insolent and intolerable ; it being 
 true of these janizaries in the Turkish empire, as 61 
 elephants in an army; if well ruled, they alone are enough 
 to win the battle ; if unruly, they alone are enough to lose 
 it. As for all other sorts of the Turks, both foot and 
 horse, they are but slugs ; as whom the grand signior 
 little trusteth, and others need less fear. 
 
 His frontier cities, especially those which respect Chris- 
 tendom, are exactly fortified. Rank with these such places 
 of importance and castles as command passages of conse- 
 quence. As for his inland cities, there is no superfluous, 
 scarce competent strength in them. But if we allow those 
 people to be chaste who never were solicited to be other- 
 wise, then may many cities lying in the bowels of his 
 empire pass for strong, which for a long time have not had 
 nor in haste are likely to have the temptation of a siege. 
 . Of ordnance he hath great store, and hath excellent 
 materials to make them of; and is also very powerful in 
 shipping. Indeed ships of great burden would be burden- 
 some in those narrow seas, and experience hath found 
 lesser vessels of greater use, whereof he hath store. And 
 though the Turks either want ingeny or industry, either 
 care not or cannot be good shipwrights themselves ; yet 
 the spite is, as long as there is gold amongst the Turks 
 there will be dross amongst the Christians, I mean some 
 who for base gain will betray the mysteries of our useful 
 arts unto them. As for wood to build with, he hath 
 excellent in Bithynia ; yea, generally in this wild empire, 
 trees grow better than men. To his sea munition may be 
 reduced his multitude of slaves, though not the informing 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 299 
 
 yet (against their wills) the assisting form of his galleys, 
 and in whom consisteth a great part of their strength and 
 swiftness. 
 
 Nor must we forget the pirates of Tunis and Algiers, 
 which are Turks and no Turks; sometimes the grand 
 signior disclaimeth, renounceth, and casteth them off to 
 stand upon their own bottom; as when those Christian 
 princes which are confederate with him complain to him 
 of the wrongs those sea robbers have done them. But 
 though he sendeth them out to seek their own meat, he can 
 cloak them under his wings at pleasure : and we may verily 
 believe, though sometimes in the summer of his own 
 prosperity he throweth them off as an upper garment of no 
 use, yet in cold weather he will buckle them on again ; and, 
 if necessity pincheth him, receive them not as retainers at 
 large, but as his best servants in ordinary. 
 
 Nor is it the last and least part of the strength of this 
 empire, that all her native people are linked together in 
 one religion ; the discords about which in other kingdoms 
 have been the cause, first of the unjointing, and then of the 
 final ruin and desolation of many worthy states ; whereas 
 here, the Mahometan religion (if I wrong it not with so 
 good a name) is so full of unity and agreement, that there 
 is no difference and dissension about it. Yea, well may 
 that coat have no seam which hath no shape. A senseless 
 ignorant profession it is, not able to go to the cost of a con- 
 troversy : and all colours may well agree in the dark. 
 
 Next the strength followeth the wealth ; yea, it is part 
 thereof: for all rich kingdoms may be strong, and purchase 
 artificial fortification. The certain and constant revenues 
 of the Great Turk are not great, if withal we consider the 
 spaciousness of his dominions. Some have mounted his 
 ordinary yearly income to eight millions of gold 1 . But 
 men guess by uncertain aim at princes' revenues, especially 
 if they be so remote : we may believe that in their conjec- 
 ture herein, though they miss the mark, they hit the butt. 
 Far greater might his intrado be, if husbandry, and chiefly 
 merchandise, were plied in his country ; merchants being 
 the vena porta of a kingdom ; without which it may have 
 good limbs, but empty veins, and nourish little. Now 
 although this empire be of a vast extent, having many safe 
 harbours to receive strangers there, and stable commodities 
 (chiefly if industry were used) to allure them thither ; yet 
 
 3 Knolles. 
 
300 THE HISTORY OF 
 
 hath it in effect but four prime places of trading : Constan- 
 tinople, Cairo, Aleppo, and Tauris. As for the extraordi- 
 nary revenues of the grand signior, by his escheats and 
 other courses if he pleaseth to take them, they are a nemo 
 scit ; for in effect he is worth as much as all his subjects 
 (or slaves rather) throughout his whole empire are worth, 
 his sponges to squeeze at pleasure. 
 
 But the lion is not so fierce as he is painted, nor this 
 empire so formidable as fame giveth it out. The Turk's 
 head is less than his turban, and his turban less than it 
 seemeth ; swelling without, hollow within. If more seri- 
 ously it be considered, this state cannot be strong, which is 
 a pure and absolute tyranny. His subjects under him 
 have nothing certain but this, that they have nothing 
 certain; and may thank the grand signior for giving them 
 whatsoever he taketh not away from them. Their goods 
 they hold by permission, not propriety ; not sure that either 
 they or theirs shall reap what they sow, or eat what they 
 reap; and hereupon husbandry is wholly neglected; for 
 the ploughman (as well as the ground he plougheth) will 
 be soon out of heart, if not maintained and (as I may say) 
 composted with hopes to receive benefit by his labours. 
 Here great officers, if they love themselves, must labour 
 not to be beloved ; for popularity is high treason : and 
 generally wealth is a sin to be expiated by death. In a word, 
 it is a cruel tyranny, bathed in the blood of their emperors 
 upon every succession ; a heap of vassals and slaves ; no 
 nobles (except for time being, by office) no gentlemen, no 
 freemen, no inheritance of land, no stirp or ancient families ; 
 a nation without any morality, arts, and sciences, that can 
 measure an acre of land or hour of a day. 
 
 And needeth not that kingdom constant and continued 
 pointing, which is cemented with fear, not love ? May we 
 not justly think, that there be many in this empire who 
 rather wait a time than want desire to overthrow it? For 
 though some think the Grecians in Turkey bear such in- 
 veterate hate to the Latin Christians, that they would rather 
 refuse deliverance than accept them for their deliverers ; yet 
 surely both they, and perchance some native Turks, out of 
 that principle of desiring liberty (the second rule next pre- 
 serving life in the charter of nature), would be made (if this 
 empire were seriously invaded, so that the foundation 
 thereof did totter), sooner to find two hands to pluck it 
 down than one finger to hold it up. 
 
 And we have just cause to hope that the fall of this 
 
THE HOLY WAR. 301 
 
 unwieldy empire doth approach. It was high noon with it 
 fifty years ago; we hope now it draweth near night; the 
 rather, because luxury, though late, yet at last hath found 
 the Turks out, or they it. When first they came out of 
 Turcoman! a, and were in their pure naturals, they were 
 wonderfully abstemious, neglecting all voluptuousness, not 
 so much out of a dislike as ignorance of it ; but now, 
 having tasted the sweetness of the cup, they can drink as 
 great a draught as any others. That paradise of corporeal 
 pleasure which Mahomet promised them in the world to 
 come, they begin to anticipate here, at leastwise to take an 
 earnest of it, and have well soaked themselves in luxury. 
 Yea, now they begin to grow covetous, both prince and 
 people, rather seeking to enjoy their means with quiet 
 than enlarge them with danger. 
 
 Heaven can as easily blast an oak as trample a mush- 
 room. And we may expect the ruin of this great empire 
 will come; for of late it hath little increased its stock, and 
 now beginneth to spend of the principal. It were arrant 
 presumption for flesh to prescribe God his way ; or to 
 teach him, when he meaneth to shoot, which arrow in his 
 quiver to choose. Perchance the western Christians, or 
 the Grecians under him (though these be better for seconds 
 than firsts, fitter to foment than raise a faction), or his own 
 janizaries, or the Persian, or the Tartarian, or some other 
 obscure prince not as yet come into play in the world, 
 shall have the lustre from God to maul this great empire. 
 It is more than enough for any man to set down the fate of 
 a single soul ; much more to resolve the doom of a whole 
 nation when it shall be. These things we leave to Provi- 
 dence to work, and posterity to behold. As for our gene- 
 ration, let us sooner expect the dissolutions of our own 
 microcosms than the confusion of this empire ; for neither are 
 our own sins yet truly repented of, to have this punishment 
 removed from us ; nor the Turks' wickedness yet come to 
 the full ripeness, to have this great judgment laid upon 
 them. 
 
 SOLI DEO GLORIA. 
 
CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 EREIN I present the Reader with a general view and 
 synopsis of the whole story of the age of the Holy 
 
 ar ; that he may see the coherence betwixt the East and 
 West, and in what equipage and correspondency of 
 me the Asian affairs go on with those of Europe : for they 
 ill reflect a mutual lustre and plainness on one another. 
 
 The Chronology is marshalled into ranks and files: the 
 nks, or transverse spaces, contain twenty years on a side ; 
 ie files, or columns directly downward, are appropriated 
 
 those several states whose name they bear. 
 
 In the first six columns I have followed Helvicus with 
 In implicit faith, without any remarkable alteration, both 
 
 ingraffing of years and making them concur, as also 
 
 .ving sometimes empty spaces. In the other columns I 
 ave followed several authors, and left the years unnoted 
 here the time was uncertain ; counting it better to bring 
 
 an ignoramus than to find a verdict where the evidence 
 as doubtful and obscure. 
 
 Such long notes as would not be imprisoned within the 
 rates of this Chronology, we have referred to at the foot 
 f the page. 
 
 Know that every note belongeth to that year wherein it 
 ieginneth, except signed with this mark; which reduceth 
 
 to the year it endeth in. 
 
 Br. standeth for brother, S. son, M. months, D. days. 
 
 Tote, whilst there were caliphs of Egypt, then the sultans 
 were but deputies and lieutenants; but afterwards the 
 mamaluke sultans were absolute princes, acknowledg- 
 ing no superior. 
 
304 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 < 
 
 Popes. 
 
 of the 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 West. 
 
 Kings of 
 England 
 
 Kings of 
 France. 
 
 Holy fl'ar, and Kings of 
 Jerusalein. 
 
 1095 
 
 Urban 8 
 
 Alex- 15 
 
 Hen- 40 
 
 Wil- 8 
 
 Phi-36 
 
 The Council of Clermont 
 
 
 II. 
 
 usCom- 
 
 ry IV. 
 
 iam 
 
 ipl. 
 
 foundeth the Holy War. 
 
 
 
 len 
 
 
 Rufus 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 41 
 
 9 
 
 37 
 
 st Voyage under Godfrey, 
 Duke of Bouillon. 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 42 
 
 10 
 
 38 
 
 Nice, I 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 18 
 
 43 
 
 11 
 
 39 
 
 
 9 
 
 A/.4. D.IS 
 
 19 
 
 44 
 
 12 
 
 40 
 
 Jerusalem, J 
 
 1100 
 
 Paschal 2 
 
 20 
 
 45 
 
 13 
 
 41 
 
 Godfrey, King of Jerusa- 1 
 
 
 11. 
 
 
 
 
 
 lem. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Baldwin, his brother. 
 
 j 
 
 j 
 
 21 
 
 46 
 
 Hen-1 
 
 42 
 
 2nd Voyage under several 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 ry I. 
 
 
 Caesarea, ] fPrincesaud 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 LPrelates. 
 
 2 
 
 t 
 
 22 
 
 47 
 
 2 
 
 43 
 
 Apamia, 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Laodicea, 
 
 
 - 
 
 5 
 
 23 
 
 48 
 
 3 
 
 44 
 
 
 .3 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 49 
 
 4 
 
 45 
 
 Ptolemais, 
 
 4 
 
 
 7 
 
 25 
 
 M. 10 
 
 5 
 
 46 
 
 
 won by the I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ Christians. 
 
 i 
 
 
 26 
 
 Henry 
 
 | 
 
 47 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 48 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 
 8 
 
 49 
 
 
 s 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Louis 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 
 
 the 2 
 Gross 
 
 Tripolis, 
 
 
 111 
 
 1< 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 i 
 
 Btrytus, 1C 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sidon, J 
 
 
 1 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 32 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 33 
 
 8 
 
 ,3 
 
 i 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 if 
 
 34 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 305 
 
 Princes of Antioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patriarchs of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Masters 
 ofKts. 
 Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Caliphs 
 of Sy- 
 ria. 
 
 Caliphs 
 of 
 Egypt. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mnste- 1 
 
 Mus- 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 taher. 
 
 teal. 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 Boemund. 1 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 He is taken cap- 3 
 live. Tancred 
 
 Ber- 1 
 nard. 
 
 [. Arnulphus M. 5. 
 
 I. Ge- 1 
 rard. 
 
 6 
 
 C 
 
 manageth the 
 state in his ab- 4 
 
 2 
 
 II. Dabertus. He 1 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 Ela- 1 
 
 sence. 
 
 
 stickleth for Jeru- 
 
 
 
 mir, S. 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 salem, to get it 
 from the king. 2 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 Boemund ran- 6 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 II.Rei-1 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 somed. 
 
 
 
 mund 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 de Po- 
 
 
 
 Be unfortunately 7 
 
 5 
 
 Flieth to Antioch ; 4 
 
 dio. 2 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 besiegeth Char- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ras ; travelleth 
 
 
 "O E'C 
 
 
 
 
 into France; 8 
 
 6 
 
 1 5T 5- f Thence to 5 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 rc ^ fctj Rome 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 2 ||| 6 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 MW 3 Dieth in 
 
 
 
 
 Returneth and 10 
 wasteth Grecia 
 
 8 
 
 3 o a-S Sicily. 7 
 
 ? ?' 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 with his navy. 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 IV. Gibellinus, 1 
 
 6 
 
 14 
 
 S 
 
 
 
 Archbishop of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aries. 
 
 
 
 
 Boemund II. S. 1 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 yet a child, and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 living in Apulia: 2 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 16 
 
 10 
 
 in whose minority, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 first Tancred, then 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Roger his kins- 3 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 17 
 
 11 
 
 man, were princes 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in trust. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 V. Arnulphus, 1 
 
 10 
 
 18 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 Archdeacon of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 2 
 
 n 
 
 19 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 14 
 
 
306 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 S5 
 ^ 
 
 Popes. 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 East. 
 
 |l 
 
 "= 
 
 Kings of 
 England 
 
 Kings of 
 France. 
 
 Holy War, and Kings of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 
 
 l}15 
 
 17 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 IS 
 
 36 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 M.5. D.Q. 
 
 37 
 
 12 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 Baldwin's voyages into Egypt : 17 
 1st. When he took Pharamia. 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 Gelasius. 1 
 D. 5 
 
 Calo- 1 
 Johan- 
 nes S. 
 2 
 
 13 
 14 
 
 18 
 19 
 
 11 
 12 
 
 2nd. When he got his death. 18 
 Baldwin II. his kinsman. 1 
 
 1120 
 
 Calixtus 2 
 II. 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 21 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 22 
 23 
 
 15 
 16 
 
 He fighteth on disadvantage 4 
 with the Turks, and is taken 
 captive. 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 AT. 10. #.13 
 
 7 
 
 M. 9 
 
 24 
 
 17 
 
 He is dearly ransomed. 6 
 Tyre taken by the Christians. 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 Honorius2 
 II. 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 Lo- 1 
 thari- 
 us the 
 Sax- 2 
 on. 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 18 
 19 
 
 Baldwin getteth so much spoil 7 
 from the conquered Turks as 
 serveth to pay his ransom. 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 20 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 28 
 
 21 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 M. 2. D. 3. 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 
 29 
 
 22 
 
 11 
 
 1130 
 
 Innocen- 1 
 tius II. 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 30 
 
 23 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 7 
 
 31 
 
 24 
 
 (a) 13 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 16 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 32 
 33 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 Fulco, Earl of Anjou, in right 1 
 of Millesent, his wife, eldest 
 daughter to King Baldwin. 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 34 
 
 27 
 
 3 
 
 fa) 1131. Helvicus givelh Baldwin II. sixteen years : but herein he is deceived! 
 as also in allowing King Fulco but eight. We, according the consent of the best 
 authors, have given the former thirteen, the latter ten. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 307 
 
 Princes of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 [ntioch. 
 
 Patriarchs of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Masters 
 of Kts. 
 Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Masters of 
 Kniyhts 
 Templars. 
 
 Caliphs 
 oftiyria. 
 
 Caliphs 
 ofEaypt 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 
 21 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 
 22 
 
 16 
 
 Roger, 
 
 18 
 
 3e is accused 6 
 
 15 
 
 
 23 
 
 17 
 
 fighting 
 
 
 for his wicked 
 
 
 
 
 
 unadvi- 
 
 
 life; (b) 
 
 
 
 
 
 sedly 10 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 
 Muste- 1 
 
 18 
 
 with the 
 
 
 
 
 
 ras- 
 
 
 Turks, is 
 
 
 
 
 
 chad 
 
 
 slain. 11 
 
 20 
 
 VI. Guari- 1 
 
 17 
 
 Hugh de 1 
 
 S. 2 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 mund of 
 
 
 Paganis, 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 21 
 
 Amiens. 2 
 
 18 
 
 and Gan- 2 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 fred of S. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Omars. 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 14 
 
 23 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 These first 4 
 
 5 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 nine years 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 there were 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 21 
 
 but nine 5 
 
 6 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 Templars. 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 25 
 
 6 
 
 22 
 
 6 
 
 Ras- 1 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 chid 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. af- 
 
 
 Boemund, 17 
 
 26 
 
 7 
 
 23 
 
 7 
 
 ter- 2 
 
 25 
 
 now of 
 
 
 
 
 
 wards 
 
 
 age, cometh 
 to Anti- 18 
 
 27 
 
 8 
 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 deposed 
 by the 3 
 
 26 
 
 och, and 
 
 
 
 
 
 Wise- 
 
 
 marrieth 
 
 
 
 
 The Order 
 
 man of 
 
 
 King 19 
 
 28 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 of the 9 
 
 the Is- 
 
 27 
 
 Baldwin's 
 
 
 
 
 Templars 
 
 mael- 
 
 
 daughter. 
 
 
 
 
 confirmed 
 
 ites. 
 
 
 20 
 
 29 
 
 VII. Stephen 1 
 
 26 
 
 by the 10 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 suspected to 
 have been poi- 
 
 
 Pope and a 
 Council. 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 30 
 
 soned by the 2 
 
 27 
 
 Everardus, 1 
 
 
 29 
 
 He is sur- 
 
 
 King. 
 
 
 master of the 
 
 
 
 prised and22 
 slain in 
 
 31 
 
 VIII. William 1 
 Prior of the 
 
 28 
 
 Templars, 2 
 to whom 
 
 
 30 
 
 Cilicia. 
 Alice, the 1 
 
 32 
 
 Sepulchre. 
 
 29 
 
 Peter Clu- 
 niacensis 3 
 
 
 31 
 
 relict of 
 
 
 
 
 writ a 
 
 
 
 Boemund, 
 
 
 
 
 book in 
 
 
 
 Princess 2 
 Regent in 
 
 33 
 
 3 
 
 30 
 
 praise of 4 
 this Order. 
 
 
 32 
 
 the minority 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Con- 3 
 
 34 
 
 4 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 33 
 
 stantiaher 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 daughter. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 35 
 
 5 
 
 32 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 (b) Arnulphus posteth to Rome, and there buyeth to be innocent. 
 
 t 
 
308 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 cS 
 
 r 
 
 Popes. 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 East. 
 
 y? 
 
 4* 
 
 vs 
 
 Ji 
 
 ^ 
 
 Kings of 
 France. 
 
 Holy ff'ar, and Kings of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 1135 
 
 6 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 35 
 
 28 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 19 
 
 12 
 
 Ste- 1 
 
 29 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 phen 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the U- 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 20 
 
 13 
 
 snr- 2 
 
 30 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 per. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 21 
 
 Con-1 
 
 3 
 
 Louis 1 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 rad 
 
 
 VII. 
 
 
 
 
 
 III. 
 
 
 or the 
 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 Youn- 2 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ger. 
 
 
 1140 
 
 11 
 
 23 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 12 
 
 24 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 M. 7. 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 Baldwin III. S. Edessa 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 won by Sanguinfrom the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Christians. 
 
 3 
 
 M.7.D.8. 
 
 Eman-1 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 nelCom- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 neous,S. 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Celestine 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 
 II. M. 5. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Lucius II. 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 
 M. 11. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Eugenius 1 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 
 III. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 10 
 
 3 Voyage under Conrad, the 6 
 Emperor, and Louis, 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 11 
 
 King of France. 
 Damascus besieged in vain. 7 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 Discords between Baldwin 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 and his mother Millesent. 
 
 1150 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 Fre- 1 
 
 17 
 
 15 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 deri- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 CDS 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 31.4. D.12. 
 
 11 
 
 Bar- 2 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 
 Anastasius 
 
 
 baros- 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 IV. 
 
 37.4. D.1\. 
 
 12 
 
 sa. 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 17 
 
 Baldwin taketh the city of 
 Ascalon. 13 
 
 ( 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 309 
 
 Princes of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patriarchs 
 of Jerusa- 
 lem: 
 
 Masters 
 ofKts. 
 Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Masters of 
 Knights 
 Templars. 
 
 Caliphs 
 of ^Sy- 
 ria. 
 
 Caliphs 
 of Egypt. 
 
 5 
 
 36 
 
 6 
 
 33 
 
 
 Mucta- 1 
 
 35 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 phil S. 
 
 
 Reiiruiml 1 
 Earl of 
 Poictou, in 
 
 Rodol- 1 
 phus 
 chosen 
 
 7 
 
 34 
 
 
 to Mus- 
 teta- 2 
 her. 
 
 EJha- 1 
 fhit, S. 
 ,1 [|, ( . 
 
 right of 2 
 Constantia 
 his wife. 
 He ac- 3 
 knowledg- 
 eth himself 
 vassal to 4 
 the Grecian 
 
 Patri- 2 
 arch by 
 the lai- 
 ty. 3 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 9 
 10 
 
 35 
 36 
 37 
 
 Robert of 
 Burgundy. 
 Tyr. lib. 
 15. c. 6. 
 
 4 
 
 20th 2 
 year of 
 his reign 
 he was 3 
 killed 
 by one 
 Nosra- 4 
 dine. 
 
 Emperor; 5 
 and resign- 
 eth Cilicia 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 38 
 
 
 ( 
 
 Vide 5 
 Tyr. lib. 
 
 1ft /a n 
 
 to him. 6 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 39 
 
 
 7 
 
 .to. cap. 
 49, et 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Calvis. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in 1156. 
 
 7 
 
 Alme- 1 
 
 13 
 
 40 
 
 
 j 
 
 '7 
 
 
 ricus. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 41 
 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 42 
 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 
 9 Fulcher 1 
 
 43 
 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Archbishop 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Tyre. 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 44 
 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 fte honour- 12 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 45 
 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 ably enter- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 taineth the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 King of 13 
 France.(a) 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 46 
 
 
 14 
 
 13 
 
 Constantia 1 
 
 8 
 
 5 
 
 47 
 
 Gaza given 
 
 15 
 
 14 
 
 his wid. 
 
 
 
 
 to the Tem- 
 
 
 
 Princess. 2 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 48 
 
 plars to de- 
 
 16 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 fend Ber- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 nard deTre- 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 49 
 
 nellape. 
 The Tem- 
 
 17 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 plars with 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 50 
 
 Bernard 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 
 Reinold of 
 
 
 The Hospi- 
 
 
 their Mas- 
 
 
 
 Castile 5 
 
 
 allers re- 9 
 
 
 ter, through 
 
 
 
 marrieth 
 
 12 
 
 >el against 
 
 51 
 
 their own 
 
 19 
 
 18 
 
 Constantia, 
 
 
 the Patriarch 
 
 
 covetous- 
 
 
 
 and is prince 1 
 in her right. 
 
 13 
 
 and deny 10 
 to pay tithes. 
 
 52 
 
 ness, slain at 
 Ascalon. 
 
 20 
 
 19 
 
 (a) Reimund is slain in battle by Noradin. Tyr. lib. 17. c. 9. 
 
310 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 Q 
 ^ 
 
 Popes. 
 
 Emppr. 
 of the 
 East. 
 
 i^ 
 n~ 
 
 11 
 
 !l 
 
 Kinysof 
 France. 
 
 Holy War, and Kings of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 1155 
 
 Adrian 2 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 Hen-l 
 
 18 
 
 14 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 
 
 ryll. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 19 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 U 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 20 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 ytf.S. Z2.2S 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 u 
 
 9 
 
 Alexan- 1 
 
 17 
 
 8 
 
 , 
 
 22 
 
 18 
 
 
 der III. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1160 
 
 2 
 
 Irt 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 23 
 
 Order of the Carmelites first 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 begun in Syria. 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1!, 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 24 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 25 
 
 21 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 21 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 26 
 
 Almerick, his brother. 1 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 22 
 
 13 
 
 10 
 
 27 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 23 
 
 14 
 
 11 
 
 28 
 
 3 
 
 G 
 
 8 
 
 24 
 
 15 
 
 12 
 
 29 
 
 At the instance of Saltan Sanar 4 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 16 
 
 13 
 
 30 
 
 he goeth into Egypt, and 
 driveth out Syracon. 
 Cassarea-Philippi lost. 5 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 
 31 
 
 Almerick, contrary to his pro- 6 
 mise, invadeth Egypt. 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 27 
 
 18 
 
 15 
 
 32 
 
 7 
 
 1170 
 
 12 
 
 28 
 
 19 
 
 16 
 
 33 
 
 He taketh a voyage into Grecia, 8 
 to visit the Emperor his 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 kinsman. 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 29 
 
 20 
 
 17 
 
 34 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 14 
 
 30 
 
 21 
 
 18 
 
 35 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 31 
 
 22 
 
 19 
 
 36 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 32 
 
 23 
 
 20 
 
 37 
 
 Baldwin IV. 1 
 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 311 
 
 Princes 
 of Anti- 
 och. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Antiock. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Jerusa- 
 lem. 
 
 Masters of 
 Knights 
 Hospitallers. 
 
 Masters of 
 Knights 
 Templars. 
 
 Cnliphs 
 of Syria. 
 
 Caliphs of 
 Egypt. 
 
 He, to 2 
 
 Alme- 14 
 
 In 11 
 
 53 
 
 Bertrand de 1 
 
 21 
 
 20 
 
 tespite 
 
 ricu?cru- 
 
 vain he 
 
 
 Blanchfort. 
 
 
 
 the Gre- 
 
 elly tor- 
 
 crawl- 
 
 
 
 
 
 cian 3 
 
 men- 15 
 
 eth to 12 
 
 (a) 54 
 
 2 
 
 22 
 
 Elhadach. 1 
 
 Empe- 
 
 ed for 
 
 Rome 
 
 
 
 
 
 ror, was- 
 teth 4 
 the is- 
 land Cy- 
 
 speak- 
 ng a- 16 
 ;ainst 
 Prince 
 
 to com- 
 plain 13 
 of them. 
 
 III. Augeri- 
 usde Bal- 
 ben. 
 
 He is taken 3 
 prisoner. 
 Tyr.l. lS.c.15. 
 
 23 
 
 These Caliphs 
 of Egypt are 2 
 very difficult 
 to regulate by 
 
 prus. 5 
 
 Rei- 17 
 
 14 
 
 
 Philip of 1 
 
 24 
 
 chronology ; 3 
 
 
 nold's 
 
 
 
 Naples. 
 
 
 and are ever 
 
 
 marri- 
 
 
 
 
 
 heteroclites, 
 
 6 
 
 age. 18 
 
 X. A- 1 
 
 
 Afterward 2 
 
 25 
 
 either defici- 4 
 
 
 
 malri- 
 
 
 he renounceth 
 
 
 ent or redun- 
 
 7 
 
 19 
 
 cus, 2 
 
 III. Arnold- 
 
 his place 
 
 26 
 
 dant in the 5 
 
 Reinold 
 
 
 Prior of 
 
 us de Cam- 
 
 Tyr. lib. 20. c. 
 
 
 proportion of 
 
 carried 
 
 
 the Se- 
 
 pis. 
 
 24. 
 
 
 time consent- 
 
 captives 
 
 20 
 
 pul- 3 
 
 
 
 Mus-1 
 
 ing with other 6 
 
 to Alep- 
 
 
 chre. 
 
 
 
 tene- 
 
 princes. Hi- 
 
 po. 
 
 
 
 
 
 ged. 
 
 therto we have 
 
 3oe- 1 
 
 He 21 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 followed Hel- 7 
 
 mund 
 
 jrescri- 
 
 
 
 
 
 vicus ; now 
 
 III. S. 
 
 )eth 
 
 
 
 
 
 adhere to Ty- 
 
 to Rei-2 
 
 rules 22 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 rius, lib. 19. 8 
 
 mund. 
 
 to the 
 
 
 
 
 
 cap. 19. and 
 
 
 Carme- 
 
 
 
 
 
 lib. 20. cap. 12. 
 
 3 
 
 lites. 23 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 24 
 
 7 
 
 V. Gilbertus 
 
 12 Templars 
 
 5 
 
 Sanarand 10 
 
 
 
 
 Assalit : who, 
 
 hanged for 
 
 
 Dargon fight 
 
 
 
 
 to get Pelu- 
 
 traitors. 
 
 
 for the Sul- 
 
 3e is 5 
 
 25 
 
 8 
 
 sium for his 
 
 Otto de Sancto 
 
 6 
 
 tany of E- 11 
 
 conquer- 
 
 
 
 own Order, 
 
 Amando, one 
 
 
 gyp 1 - 
 
 ed, and 
 
 
 
 instigated 
 
 that feared 
 
 
 
 taken 6 
 
 26 
 
 9 
 
 King Alme- 
 
 neither God 
 
 7 
 
 12 
 
 )risoner; 
 
 
 
 rick (con- 
 
 nor man. 
 
 
 
 ranso- 
 
 
 
 trary to his 
 
 Tyr. lib. 21. c. 
 
 
 
 meth 7 
 
 27 
 
 10 
 
 oath) to in- 
 
 29. 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 limself. 
 
 
 
 vade Egypt. 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 28 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 Mus-1 
 tezi, 
 
 15 
 
 Turkish Kings 
 
 
 
 1Q 
 
 VI Castus. 
 
 
 S. 
 2 
 
 of Egypt. 
 
 10 
 
 3C 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 
 Saladin with his 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 horse-mace 
 
 11 
 
 31 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 knocketh out 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the brains of 
 
 12 
 
 32 
 
 15 
 
 VII. Jober- 
 
 The Templars 
 basely kill the 
 
 4 
 
 Elhadach, the 
 last Turkish Ca- 
 
 
 
 
 tus. 
 
 Embassador 
 
 
 liph in Egypt. 
 
 
 
 
 
 of the Assas- 
 
 
 7fyr.lib.20. cap. 
 
 13 
 
 33 
 
 16 
 
 
 sins. 5 
 
 12. 
 
 (a) 1156. This catalogue of the Masters of the Hospitallers I find in Hospinian, 
 De Origine. Monachatus. It seemeth strange this Nestor Rodulphus should govern 
 his Order 54 years; yet it appeareth to be so, if we compare Tyrius, lib. 14. 
 
 cap. 6. 
 
312 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 cj 
 ^ 
 
 Popes. 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 East. 
 
 in 
 
 :: 
 
 Kings 
 of En- 
 gland. 
 
 Kl 
 
 * $ 
 
 Holy War, and Kings 
 of Jerusalem. 
 
 1175 
 
 17 
 
 33 
 
 24 
 
 21 
 
 38 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 18 
 
 34 
 
 25 
 
 22 
 
 39 
 
 William Marquis of Mont- 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ferrat marrieth Sibyl, the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 King's sister. 
 
 1 
 
 19 
 
 35 
 
 26 
 
 23 
 
 40 
 
 Saladin shamefully con- 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 quered at Ascalon. 
 
 8 
 
 20 
 
 36 
 
 27 
 
 24 
 
 41 
 
 5 
 
 & 
 
 21 
 
 37 
 
 28 
 
 25 
 
 42 
 
 Fatal jealousies between 6 
 
 
 
 M.S. 
 
 
 
 
 the King and Reimund, 
 
 1180 
 
 M. 11. .0.29. 
 
 AJexiusl 
 
 29 
 
 26 
 
 Phi- 1 
 
 Prince of Tripoli, for 7 
 
 
 
 Comne- 
 
 
 
 lipAu- 
 
 many years. 
 
 
 
 nns. 
 
 
 
 gust- 
 
 
 1 
 
 Lucius III. 1 
 
 2 
 
 30 
 
 27 
 
 us, 2 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 Andro- 1 
 
 31 
 
 28 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 nicus, S. 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 32 
 
 29 
 
 4 
 
 Baldwin disabled with le- 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 prosy, retireth himself 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 from managing the state. 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 M. 11. 
 
 33 
 
 30 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 
 If. 3. D. 28. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Urban III. 
 
 Isaac- 1 
 
 34 
 
 31 
 
 6 
 
 Baldwin V. after eight 
 
 
 
 Angelas. 
 
 
 
 
 months, poisoned. 
 
 6 
 
 M. 10. D. 25. 
 
 2 
 
 35 
 
 32 
 
 7 
 
 Guy de Lnsignan, in right 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Sibyl, his wife. 
 
 7 
 
 G^ojy 
 
 3 
 
 36 
 
 33 
 
 8 
 
 Conrad, Mar- Guy taken pri- 
 1 nuisofMont- soner : Jeru- 2 
 
 
 M. 1. D. 27. 
 
 
 
 
 
 rerrat. defen- salem won by 
 deth Tvre, Saladin. 
 
 8 
 
 Clement 1 
 III. 
 
 4 
 
 37 
 
 34 
 M. 7. 
 Rich- 
 
 9 
 
 and is cho- Guy having got 
 2 sen King. Ifbertv, fe- 3 
 Biegeth Ptole- 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 38 
 
 ard 1 
 
 10 
 
 3 4th Voyage under Frederic, 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 
 surnamed Barbarossa. 
 
 1190 
 
 3 
 
 .6 
 
 Hen-1 
 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 4 5th Voyage under Richard 5 
 
 
 
 
 ry VI. 
 
 
 
 of England, and Philip 
 
 
 
 
 S. 
 
 
 
 of France. 
 
 1 
 
 M. 2. D. 10. 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 5 Conrad murdered in the 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 market-place of Tyre. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Ptolemais taken. 
 
 2 
 
 ^elestine 2 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 Guy exchangeth his king- 7 
 
 
 III. 
 
 
 
 
 
 dom of Jerusalem for Cy- 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 M. r. 9 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 prus. 
 Henry, Earl of Cham- 1 
 
 
 
 Alexius 
 
 
 
 
 pagne. 
 
 
 
 Comne- 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 nus 1 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Angelus. 
 
 
 
 
 
 (a) 1188. That Antioch was betrayed by a Patriarch, is plain by Sabellicus : but 
 whether Almericus was this traitor Patriarch, or whether it was done by the 
 
 Grecian Antipatriarch, is uncertain. Here we cease that column, as despairing to 
 continue their succession any longer. 
 
 (b) 1192. Here is a subject for industry to deserve well, in filling up the %a.<rtjut 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 313 
 
 Princes of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Jerusa- 
 lem. 
 
 Masters 
 ofKts. 
 Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Masters of 
 Knights 
 Templars. 
 
 Mas- 
 ters of 
 Dutch 
 Kts. 
 
 Ca- 
 liphs 
 
 Syria 
 
 Turkish 
 Kings of 
 Egypt. 
 
 14 
 
 34 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 15 
 
 35 
 
 18 
 
 VIII. 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 He get- 
 :eth I 
 
 
 
 
 Roger 
 
 
 
 
 Damas- 1 
 
 
 
 
 de Mo- 
 
 
 
 
 cusand 
 
 Keinold of 16 
 
 36 
 
 19 
 
 ris. 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 whole 
 
 Castile, once 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Turk- (y 
 
 Prince of An- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 sh ^j 
 
 cioch, ran- 17 
 
 37 
 
 20 
 
 
 Arnoldus 
 
 
 9 
 
 lorn in 
 
 somed from 
 
 
 
 
 de Troge. 
 
 
 
 Syria. 
 
 captivity. 
 
 
 
 
 Tyr.lib. 
 
 
 
 "(Jyr. Q 
 .ib. Jil. ") 
 
 18 
 
 38 
 
 21 
 
 
 22. c. 7. 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 'n de- 
 
 iBoemuntl, 19 
 
 39 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 Nar-1 
 
 spite of A 
 Norad- 4 
 
 by putting 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 zai, S. 
 
 m's 
 
 away Theo- 
 dora, his 20 
 
 40 
 
 XI. He- 1 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 son. 
 S * 
 
 'lawful wife. 
 
 
 radius, 
 
 
 
 
 
 rreat U 
 
 causeth much 
 
 
 Archbi- 
 
 
 
 
 
 reckon 
 
 trouble in 21 
 
 41 
 
 shop of 2 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Sala- f 
 
 this state. 
 
 
 Cesarea. 
 
 
 
 
 
 din's U 
 feign of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 years 
 
 22 
 
 42 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 (for so 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 He dieth 
 
 
 
 many / 
 
 
 
 
 
 in an em- 
 
 
 
 authors 
 five 
 
 23 
 
 43 
 
 4 
 
 
 bassy to 
 the Prin- 
 
 
 . 5 
 
 b i 
 
 
 
 
 He went 
 
 ces in Eu- 
 
 
 
 tiis sci- 
 zinir of 
 
 24 
 
 44 
 
 Antioch 
 by the 45 
 
 He tra- 5 
 velleth into 
 the West, 
 
 with He- 
 raclius 
 into the 
 West; 
 
 rope. 
 Gerardus 
 Ridford. 
 
 
 6 
 
 S,/ Q 
 
 king- ^ 
 lorn of 
 
 25 
 
 Patri- 
 
 cometh 6 
 
 return- 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 "in 
 
 
 archs 46 
 
 to Eng- 
 
 eth; 
 
 
 
 
 But if 
 
 
 betrayed 
 
 land, con- 
 
 
 
 
 
 we 
 
 26 
 
 to Sala- 
 din. (a) 
 
 secrateth 7 
 the Tern- 
 
 Is slain in 
 a battle 
 near Pto- 
 
 He is taken 
 prisoner. 
 
 
 8 
 
 his* U 
 reign 
 
 27 
 
 
 Church 8 
 
 temais. 
 
 IX. Gar- 
 
 Tericus, 
 Master of the 
 
 
 9 
 
 from 
 the kil- -I o 
 ling of 1 A 
 
 
 
 in London, 
 
 nerius 
 
 Templars 
 
 
 
 theE- 
 
 
 
 and retur- 
 
 de Nea- 
 
 during Ge- 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 neth 9 
 
 poli Sy- 
 
 rard's du- 
 
 
 10 
 
 he be- ' J. 
 
 
 
 without 
 
 riae. 
 
 Gerard is set 
 
 
 
 
 Antioch won a- 
 prain from the 
 
 
 any aid. 10 
 
 
 at liberty, 
 and slain in 
 
 Hen-1 
 
 11 
 
 gan far 1 A 
 sooner. 1 
 
 Turks, bv Frede- 
 rick, UuieofSu- 
 
 
 
 
 the siege of 
 Ptolemais. 
 
 ry a 
 Wal- 
 
 
 
 abia. 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 pot. 2 
 
 12 
 
 15 
 
 The time of Bo- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 emund's death is 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 as uncertain as 
 who was his suc- 
 cessor : only we 
 
 
 He lived 
 viciously, 
 
 
 (*) 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 16 
 
 find from this 
 
 
 and died 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 time forward, the 
 same princes (but 
 without name or 
 certain date) sty- 
 led both of An- 
 
 
 obscurely. 
 (c) 
 
 X. Er- 
 
 megar- 
 dus 
 Daps. 
 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 14 
 15 
 
 Saphra- 1 
 din, bro- 
 ther to Sa- 
 ladin. 3 
 
 tioch and Tripoli 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of the Masters of the Templars, from the death of Gerard till the year 1215, whose 
 
 names we cannot find. 
 
 (c) 1193. Hitherto the succession of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem is accurately 
 collected out of Tyrius. The order of those which follow is not so authentic, beinj 
 catched as we might out of several authors. 
 
314 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 ^." 
 
 ^?5 
 
 
 5 
 
 Popes. 
 
 of the' |- . 
 East. -^ >-r 
 
 IJ 
 
 II 
 
 Holy War, and Kings of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 1195 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 17 
 
 Almerick II. King also of 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cyprus. 
 
 7 
 
 3f.9. D.ll 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 18 
 
 6th Voyage, under Henry 2 
 Duke ot Saxony. (a) 
 
 8 
 
 Innocent 1 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 19 
 
 The Dutchmen miserably 3 
 
 
 III. 
 
 
 
 
 
 killed of St. Martin's day. 
 
 
 
 
 Othol 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 6 IV. 
 
 11 
 
 20 
 
 Simon Earl of Montfort co- 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 meih into Palestine, and 
 
 1200 
 
 3 
 
 7 2 
 
 John 1 
 
 21 
 
 maketh a profitable peace. 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 his 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 br. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 22 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 Isaac 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 again 
 with 9 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 23 
 
 7th Voyage, under Baldwin, 7 
 Earl of Flanders ; but by 
 
 
 
 Alexius 
 
 
 
 
 the Pope diverted against 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 his S. 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 24 
 
 the Grecian usurping Em- 8 
 
 
 
 Bald- 1 
 
 
 
 
 peror. 
 
 
 
 win.E. 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 of Flan- 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 25 
 
 1 Interregnum of 5 years. Al- 9 
 
 
 
 ders. 2 
 
 
 
 
 merick dieth of a surfeit, 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 Henry 1 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 26 
 
 according to Marinus Sa- 
 2 nutus. ~ 10 
 
 
 
 his br. 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 S 
 
 7 
 
 27 
 
 3 The holy war turned against 11 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the Albigenses in France. 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 28 
 
 4 12 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 29 
 
 5 Almerick for his laziness de- 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 posed by the Pope, dieth 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 soon after. 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 30 
 
 John Bren made King of Je- 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rusalem by the Pope. 
 
 1210 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 31 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 14 
 
 ' 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 32 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 Fre-1 
 
 13 
 
 33 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 de- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rick 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 16 
 
 9 
 
 II. 2 
 
 14 
 
 34 
 
 An army of children going to 5 
 the holy war wofully perish 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 by the way. 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 15 
 
 35 
 
 6 
 
 (a) Henry the Palatine, Herman Landgrave, &c. win Berytus. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 315 
 
 Princes 
 of An- 
 tioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Jerusa- 
 lem. 
 
 Masters 
 ofKts. 
 Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Masters of 
 Knights 
 Templars. 
 
 Masters of 
 Dutch 
 Knights. 
 
 Caliphs 
 oftiyria 
 
 Turkish Kings 
 of Egypt. 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 Between him 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 and Saladin's 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 sons (whom 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 17 
 
 at last he con- 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 quered and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 subdued) was 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 18 
 
 long war, to 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the great com- 
 
 
 XII. Al- 
 
 
 
 
 
 fort and pro- 
 
 
 bertus 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 19 
 
 fit of the 6 
 
 
 succeed- 
 
 
 
 
 
 Christians. 
 
 
 eth He- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 raclius. 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 7 
 
 
 -Spond. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II. Otto a- 1 
 
 21 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 Kerpin. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 n 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 XI. Got- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 fridus de 
 
 
 3 
 
 23 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Deny- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 jon. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 24 
 
 11 
 
 
 He per- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 fecteth 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 25 
 
 12 
 
 
 and wri- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 teth a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rule to 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 26 
 
 13 
 
 
 the Car- 
 
 
 Leo, King of 
 
 
 
 
 
 melites. 
 
 
 Armenia, re- 
 
 
 
 
 
 -Idem. 
 
 
 storeth to the 
 
 III. Her- 1 
 
 27 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 Templars 
 what he had 
 
 mannus, 
 Bart. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 violently 
 :aken from 
 
 2 
 
 28 
 
 1 Meladin 15 
 (as most com- 
 
 
 
 
 them. 
 
 
 
 pute) succeed- 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 2 eth his fa- 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ther Saphra- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 din in Egypt. 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 30 
 
 3 17 
 
 
 XII. 
 
 Thomas 
 
 
 
 IV. Her- 1 
 mannus a 
 
 31 
 
 4 18 
 
 
 Agni. 
 
 
 
 Saltza. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 32 
 
 5 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 33 
 
 6 20 
 
 
 
 XII. Al- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 )honsus 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 de Por- 
 
 
 4 
 
 34 
 
 r 21 
 
 
 
 ugallia. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 35 
 
 3 22 
 
 
316 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 3 
 
 Popes. 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 East. 
 
 ill 
 
 vs 
 
 II 
 
 Kings of 
 France. 
 
 Holy War, and Kings of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 1215 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 16 
 
 36 
 
 The Great Lateran Council, to 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 advance the Holy War. 
 
 6 
 
 V.6..D.9. 
 
 Peter 1 
 Earl of 
 Aux- 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 37 
 
 8th. Voyage under Andrew, 8 
 King of Hungary. 
 
 7 
 
 Hono- 2 
 
 erre. 2 
 
 6 
 
 Hen-1 
 
 38 
 
 9 
 
 
 rius III. 
 
 
 
 ry III. 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 o. 
 2 
 
 39 
 
 Damietta besieged. 10 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 40 
 
 Damietta taken. 11 
 
 1220 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 41 
 
 The Christians entrapped in 12 
 water, restore Damietta for 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 their liberty; and conclude 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 Ro- 1 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 42 
 
 an eight years' truce. 13 
 
 
 
 bert. 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 11 
 
 6 
 
 43 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 He 44 
 
 John Bren cometh into France, 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 dieth. 
 
 and there receiveth rich lega- 
 cies from Philip Augustus. 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 4 
 
 13 
 
 S 
 
 Lou- 1 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 is 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VIII. 
 
 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 6 
 
 M. 8 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 He is honourably entertained 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 at Rome, and resigneth his 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 kingdom. 
 
 7 
 
 Gregory 1 
 IX. 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 
 11 
 
 St. 1 
 Louis 
 
 Frederick, by marriage of lole, 1 
 Bren's daughter. 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 Bald- 1 
 
 17 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 win 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II. 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 9th Voyage under Frederick; 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 who crowned himself King 
 
 1230 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 of Jerusalem; and concluding 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a ten years' truce, returneth 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 into Europe, leaving Reinold, 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 Duke of Bavaria, his viceroy 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 in Palestine. 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 21 
 
 16 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 22 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 23 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 
1CAL TABLE. 
 
 317 
 
 Princes of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Jerusa- 
 lem. 
 
 Masters 
 ofKts. 
 Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Masters 
 of Kts. 
 Tem- 
 plars. 
 
 Masters 
 of Dutch 
 Knights 
 
 I Caliphs 
 \ of Syria. 
 
 Turkish Kingt 
 of Egypt. 
 
 
 He is 
 present 
 in the 
 Lateran 
 
 MIL 
 
 Gotheri- 
 dus de- 
 la-Rat. 
 
 P.de 
 Monte- 
 acuto. 
 
 I 
 
 36 
 37 
 
 Q Saphradin 23 
 (according to 
 M. Paris, p. 404.) 
 10 dieth for 2' 
 
 
 Council 
 to solici 
 the Holy 
 
 
 
 ( 
 
 38 
 
 grief that the 
 fort nigh to 
 11 Damietta 25 
 
 
 War. 
 
 
 
 
 
 was taken. 
 
 
 
 
 He fight 
 
 9 
 
 39 
 
 12 Meladin 1 
 
 
 
 
 eth stout 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ly with 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the rest 
 
 in 
 
 40 
 
 13 2 
 
 
 
 
 of his 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Order a 
 
 11 
 
 41 
 
 14 Is wonder- 3 
 
 
 
 
 the ta- 
 
 
 
 fully kind to 
 
 
 
 
 dng of 
 
 
 
 the Christians 
 
 
 
 
 Damiet- 
 
 12 
 
 42 
 
 15 half drown- 4 
 
 
 
 
 ta.-Mat 
 
 
 
 ed in Egypt. 
 
 
 
 
 Paris, p 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 409, and 
 
 13 
 
 43 
 
 16 5 
 
 
 
 
 419. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 60,000crowns 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 bequeathed 
 
 
 14 
 
 44 
 
 17 6 
 
 
 
 by the K. ot 
 France, to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 XIV. 
 
 the Hospi- 
 tallers and 
 
 Oliver. 
 
 15 
 
 45 
 
 8 7 
 
 
 Geral- 
 
 Templars. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 dua. 
 
 XIV. Gua 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rinus de 
 
 
 16 
 
 Ta- 1 
 
 19 8 
 
 
 
 Monte- 
 
 
 
 ier,S. 
 
 
 
 
 acuto. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A bitter 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 
 enemy 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 lewasto 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Frede- 
 
 
 
 The 1& 
 
 3 
 
 21 10 
 
 
 rick the 
 
 XV. Cer- 
 
 
 )utch 
 
 
 
 
 Smpe- 
 
 vius. 
 
 
 {.nights 
 
 
 
 
 ror, and 
 
 
 
 mder 19 
 
 4 
 
 22 11 
 
 
 ided 
 
 
 
 Her- 
 
 
 
 
 with the 
 
 
 
 nannus 
 
 
 
 
 fnT 
 
 
 An inve- 
 erate 
 
 heir 20 
 Master 
 
 
 23 12 
 
 ThePr. of Anti- 
 
 tem- 
 
 
 enemvto 
 
 come 21 
 
 
 24 13 
 
 och dieth with- 
 
 plars 
 
 
 Frede"- 
 
 nto 
 
 
 
 out lawful issue. 
 
 igainst 
 
 
 rick, 
 
 J rnssia ; 
 
 
 
 Frederick, base 
 
 liin. 
 
 XVI. Ber- 
 
 whom he 
 
 yet so 22 
 
 
 5 14 
 
 S. to Fred. the 
 
 
 trandusde 
 
 most 
 
 is many 
 
 
 
 Em p. is byRei- 
 nold, viceroy 1 
 
 
 Campis. 
 
 piteful- 
 y and 
 
 of (a) 
 hem 23 
 
 
 6 15 
 
 of Jerusalem, 
 
 
 
 reache- 
 
 till re- 
 
 
 
 made Pr. of An- 
 
 
 
 ously 
 
 mained 
 
 
 
 tioch, in spite 2 
 
 
 
 used. 
 
 nSy-24 
 
 
 7 16 
 
 of Hen. K. of Cy- 
 
 
 
 
 ia. 
 
 Mus- 
 
 
 prus, who claim- 
 
 
 
 
 
 enat- 
 
 
 ed that place. 3 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 er. 
 
 8 17 
 
 (a) 1230. Several authors assign several dates wherein the Dutch Knighlscame 
 into Prussia : Perchance they came in several parcels. Their succession I had out 
 of Pantaleon, Mnnster, and the Centurists. Quaere, whether these Masters of the 
 )utch Knights in Prussia had also command over those of their Order in Syria ? 
 
j 
 
 Popes. 
 
 13 * 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 Itest. 
 
 !! 
 
 ii 
 
 Holy War, and Kings of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 1235 
 
 it 
 
 8 
 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 9 
 
 it 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 20 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 11 
 
 10 
 
 26 
 
 21 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 8 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 27 
 
 22 
 
 12 
 
 The former ten years' truce ex- 12 
 pired. Reinold concludeth 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 another of the same term. 
 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 28 
 
 23 
 
 13 
 
 10th Voyage under Theobald, 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 King of Navarre. 
 
 1240 
 
 14 
 M. 5. 
 
 13 
 
 29 
 
 24 
 
 14 
 
 He is unfortunately overthrown 14 
 in battle at Gaza. 
 
 
 Celestiue 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 IV. 
 
 D. 17. 
 
 14 
 
 30 
 
 25 
 
 15 
 
 llth Vovage under Richard, 15 
 Earl of Cornwall. 
 
 2 
 
 The See 
 
 15 
 
 31 
 
 26 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 
 void. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Innocent 1 
 
 16 
 
 32 
 
 27 
 
 17 
 
 If 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 17 
 
 33 
 
 28 
 
 18 
 
 The Corasines conquer (he Chris- 18 
 tians, and sack Jerusalem. 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 18 
 
 34 
 
 29 
 
 19 
 
 19 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 19 
 
 35 
 
 30 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 20 
 
 36 
 
 31 
 
 21 
 
 12th Voyage under St. Louis, 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 King of France. 
 
 S 
 
 6 
 
 21 
 
 37 
 
 32 
 
 22 
 
 He arriveth in Cyprus, and 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 there wintereth ; 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 22 
 
 38 
 
 33 
 
 23 
 
 taketh Damietta ; 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 beateth the Saracens. 
 
 1250 
 
 8 
 
 23 
 
 Inter- 1 
 
 34 
 
 24 
 
 Robert, Earl of Artois slain. 1 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 regnnm 
 
 of 23 
 24 years, 2 
 
 35 
 
 25 
 
 Louis taken prisoner. 
 Interregnum of 14 years. 
 The Pastorells overthrown in 2 
 
 
 
 wherein 
 
 
 
 France. 
 
 
 
 there 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 25 
 
 were 3 
 
 36 
 
 26 
 
 King Louis being ransomed, 3 
 
 
 
 
 many 
 
 
 
 coineth into Palestine ; reco- 
 
 
 
 
 competi- 
 
 
 
 vereth and fortineth Sidon: 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 26 tors for 4 
 
 37 
 
 27 
 
 returneth into France. 4 
 
 
 
 
 the Em- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 pire. 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 J/.5. 1M4. 
 
 27 
 
 5 
 
 38 28 
 
 5 
 
 
tl KU1M fJL ULr 
 
 319 
 
 Princes 
 
 ofAn- 
 tioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Jerusa- 
 lem. 
 
 Masters of 
 Knights Hos- 
 pitallers. 
 
 Masters 
 of Kts. 
 Tem- 
 plars. 
 
 Masters 
 of Dutch 
 Knts. 
 
 1 
 
 Great Chams 
 of Tartary. 
 
 Turkish 
 Kings of 
 Egypt. 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 29 18 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 30 10 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 31 20 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 32 21 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 33 22 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 v. 
 
 
 
 34 23 
 
 10 
 
 XV. Ro- 
 
 
 Her- 
 
 Con- 1 
 
 
 
 35 24 
 
 
 bertus. 
 
 
 mannus 
 
 rad 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Petrago- 
 
 Land- 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 XVII. Petrus 
 de Villebride ; 
 
 rinus. 
 M.Paris 
 
 grave2 
 of 
 
 
 
 36 25 
 
 
 
 
 p. 726. 
 
 Has- 
 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 
 sia. 3 
 
 
 
 37 26 
 
 
 
 taken captive 
 
 All the 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 He was in 
 
 by the Cora- 
 
 Tem- 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 33 27 
 
 
 the batlle 
 
 sines. M. 
 
 plars 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 against the 
 
 Paris, p. 833. 
 
 slain to 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Corasines : 
 
 XVIII. Guli- 
 
 eighteen 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 39 28 
 
 
 as appear- 
 
 eliiius de Cas- 
 
 'a) the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 eth in M. 
 
 tello novo. 
 
 Hospi- 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Paris ; 
 
 M. Paris, p. 
 
 tallers to 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 40 29 
 
 
 where he 
 
 836. 
 
 nine- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 writeth a 
 
 
 teen, the 
 
 
 
 
 ie dieth at 
 
 "he 16 
 
 bemoan- 
 
 
 Dutch 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 Damiet- 30 
 
 \ntio- 
 feians, 
 
 ing letter. 
 
 
 K.nights 
 to three. 
 
 
 
 
 ta's taking. 
 Melech- 1 
 
 lighting 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 sala. 
 
 inadvi- 
 iedly 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mameluke 
 
 ,vith the 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 Sultans 2 
 
 ^urks, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Egypt. 
 
 ire over- 
 
 The Patri- 
 
 All the Hospi- 
 
 All the 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 Tarque- 1 
 
 grown. 
 
 arch of Je- 
 
 tallers, with 
 
 Tem- 
 
 
 
 
 minus. 
 
 
 rusalem 
 
 their Master, 
 
 plars, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Conrad, 
 
 was taken 
 
 slain to one. 
 
 with 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 \. to 
 
 prisoner 
 
 XIX. Hugo 
 
 their 
 
 
 
 
 
 <Yede- 
 
 with the 
 
 Revel : He 
 
 Master, 
 
 
 
 
 
 ick, 
 
 King of 
 
 made a statute 
 
 slain to 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 'rince 
 
 France. 
 
 whereby wo- 
 
 two. 
 
 
 
 Mango per- 
 
 
 )f Anti- 
 >ch. 
 
 Magde- 
 burg, cent. 
 
 men were ad- 
 mitted into 
 
 
 VI. 1 
 
 
 suaded by 
 HaitoK. 1 
 
 4 
 
 
 13. col. 
 
 this Order. 
 
 
 Poppo 
 
 
 of Armenia 
 
 
 
 697. 
 
 
 
 
 
 lo turn 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 Christian 2 
 
 
 (a) 1245. Here we are at another loss for the names of the Templars, and will 
 
 >e thankful to those who will help us to them. 
 
G$ 
 
 r 
 
 Popes. 
 
 is! 
 
 35 >*< 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 West. 
 
 11 
 !i 
 
 A-/M//.S- of 
 France. 
 
 Holy War, and Kings of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 1255 
 
 Alexan- 2 
 
 28 
 
 6 
 
 39 
 
 29 
 
 Q 
 
 
 der IV. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 29 
 
 7 
 
 40 
 
 30 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 
 t 
 
 30 
 
 8 
 
 41 
 
 31 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 g 
 
 31 
 
 9 
 
 42 
 
 32 
 
 These 10 years following, the 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Genoans fighting against the 
 Venetians and Pisans, hasten 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 32 
 
 10 
 
 43 
 
 33 
 
 the ruin of the Christians in 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Palestine. 
 
 1260 
 
 .V. 5. 2?. 5 
 
 Mi- 1 
 
 11 
 
 44 
 
 34 
 
 U 
 
 
 
 chael 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pate- 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Urban 1 
 
 olo- 2 
 
 12 
 
 45 
 
 35 
 
 M 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 gus. 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 46 
 
 36 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 
 i. 
 
 14 
 
 47 
 
 37 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 3/.l./>.4. 
 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 48 
 
 38 
 
 Charles, Earl of Anjou, by the 1 
 Pope made King of Jerusa- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 lem and Sicily. 
 
 5 
 
 Clement 1 
 
 6 
 
 16 
 
 49 
 
 39 
 
 2 
 
 
 IV. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 50 
 
 40 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 18 
 
 51 
 
 41 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 M.9. Z>.25. 
 
 9 
 
 19 
 
 52 
 
 42 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 The See 
 void. 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 53 
 
 43 
 
 Hugh King of Cyprus. 
 1 13th Voyage under St Louis, 6 
 King of France, Charles of 
 
 1270 
 
 
 11 
 
 21 
 
 54 
 
 44 
 
 2 Sicily, and our Prince Ed- 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ward. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tunis taken. Louis dieth. 
 
 1 
 
 Gregory 1 
 
 12 
 
 22 
 
 55 
 
 Phi- 1 
 ip the 
 
 3 Prince Edward cometh to 8 
 Ptolemais ; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bold. 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 23 
 
 56 
 
 2 
 
 4 is desperately wounded, yet 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 recovereth. 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 Ro- 1 
 
 Ed- 1 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 dolph ab 
 
 ward 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 flaps- 
 
 I. 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 purg. 2 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 11 
 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 321 
 
 Princes of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patri- \1 
 rchs of 
 Jerusa- 
 lem. 
 
 tasters 
 
 lospi- 
 allers. 
 
 asters 
 of 
 Dutch 
 Knts. 
 
 Valiphs 
 Tf Syria. 
 
 reat Chams 
 f Tartary. 
 
 Matnaluke. 
 Sultans of 
 Egypt. 
 
 
 tvi. 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 Panta- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 leon, a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 French- 
 
 
 4 
 
 Nus- 1 
 
 4 
 
 Melech, other- 
 
 
 man. 
 
 
 
 eazem, 
 
 
 wise called 
 
 
 
 
 
 the last 
 
 
 Clothes. 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Caliph 2 
 
 [aalach, 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Syria, 
 
 brother to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a cove- 
 
 Mango, 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 ous 3 
 
 taketh the C 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 miser, 
 
 city of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 on- 
 
 Babylon. 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 uered 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 >y the 
 
 
 
 Haalacli the 
 Tartarian 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 'artari- 
 
 ns. 
 
 8 
 
 iemloedar. 
 
 j cometh to 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Antioch ; is 
 
 He is 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 Haalach 1 
 
 2 
 
 there kindly 
 
 made 
 
 
 
 
 succeedeth 
 
 
 entertained 
 by Prince 
 Conrad. 
 
 Pope by 
 he name 
 
 of Ur- 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 his brother 
 Mango. 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 ban IV. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Platina 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 Conrad 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 Abaga J 
 
 He winneth 5 
 
 conieth int 
 Europe to 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cham his 
 S. 
 
 the kingdom ot 
 Damascus from 
 
 succour 
 
 
 
 VII. 1 
 
 
 
 the Tartarian, fc 
 
 Conradine 
 
 
 
 I anno 
 
 
 
 
 his kins- 
 
 
 
 de San- 
 
 
 
 
 man. 
 
 < 
 
 XX. Ni 
 
 colas 
 
 ;er 2 
 lausen. 
 
 
 
 Taketh Saphet, 7 
 and killeth all 
 
 
 
 Longar 
 
 
 
 
 that would not 
 turn Mahome- 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tans : winneth 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Joppa. 
 
 Antioch, in 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 the absence 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Conrad, 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 won by 
 
 
 
 
 
 Q 
 
 10 
 
 Bendocdar. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Boemund 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1] 
 
 IV. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 
322 
 
 l/ n -ft t/ 
 
 Q 
 ! 
 
 Popes. 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 East. 
 
 Emper. 
 of the 
 f'f'est. 
 
 > 
 
 It 
 < 
 
 Kings of 
 France. 
 
 Holy War, and Kinys of 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 1-275 
 6 
 
 M. 4. D. 10. 
 
 Innocent V. 
 M. 5. 
 
 16 
 17 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 12 The last voj 
 under Henry 
 Mecklenburg 
 13 
 
 age 7 
 Duke of 
 
 S 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 1-280 
 
 Adrian V. 
 M. 1. D. 7. 
 
 John XX. 
 M. 8. D. 8. 
 
 Nicolas III. 
 M. S. D. 29. 
 
 IS 
 19 
 20 
 
 6 
 9 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 7 
 8 
 9 
 
 14 Maria Do- 
 micella, 
 Princess of 
 15 Antioch, re- 
 signeth her 
 right of the 
 16 Kingdom of 
 Jerusalem to 
 
 9 
 10 
 11 
 
 The See void. 
 
 21 
 
 8 
 2 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 17 Charles. 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 Martin II. 1 
 
 22 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 11 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 23 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 19 The Sicilian 
 
 Vespers. 
 
 14 
 
 3 
 4 
 5 
 
 3 
 4 
 M. 1. Z. 7. 
 
 And- 1 
 
 milieus 
 Paleo- 
 logus. 2 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 \ Charles II. 
 surnamed 
 the Lame, 
 2 or the De- 
 layer. 
 
 15 
 
 John 1 
 his S. 
 
 Henry 1 
 his Br. 
 
 6 
 
 HonoriusIV. 2 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 14 
 
 Philip 1 
 the Fair. 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 D.I. 
 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 Nicolas IV. 1 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 16 
 17 
 
 16 
 17 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 5 
 Tripoli 
 Sidon 
 6 Berytns 
 Tyre. <g 
 
 4 
 
 riost. 5 
 
 1290 
 
 3 
 
 S 
 
 37. 9. 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 7 Ptolemais besieged ; 6 
 
 1 
 2 
 
 4 
 ,f. 1. D. 14. 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 Adol- 1 
 phus of 
 Nassau. 
 
 19 
 20 
 
 6 
 7 
 
 8 taken : and the Latin 7 
 Christians finally ex- 
 pelled ouiof Syria. 
 9 S 
 
 3 
 
 The See void. 
 Celestlne V. 
 M. 5. />. 7. 
 
 11 
 
 P 
 
 21 
 
 8 
 
 10 9 
 
 4 
 
 Boniface VIII. 
 
 1-2 
 
 4 
 
 22 
 
 9 11 10 
 
 If the reader do observe any difference betwixt our former computation in the 
 book, and our chronology here, let him rather rely on this latter, which I take to 
 be better perfected. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 323 
 
 Princes of 
 Antioch. 
 
 Patri- 
 archs of 
 Jerusa- 
 lem. 
 
 Masters 
 of Kts. 
 Hospi- 
 tallers. 
 
 Masters of 
 Knights 
 -Templars. 
 
 Masters 
 of 
 Dutch 
 Kts. 
 
 Great Chams 
 of Tartary. 
 
 Mamaluke 
 A'ultaru of 
 
 Egypt. 
 
 Dieth May 1 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 12 
 
 16 
 
 11. Boemum 
 V. S. under 
 the tuition 2 
 of theBisho) 
 of Tortosa. 
 
 
 XXI. 
 
 John de 
 Villiers. 
 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 Dieth by cold 
 gotten with 
 swimming 17 
 in Euphrates. 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 Her- 1 
 
 14 
 
 Melechsait,! 
 
 
 
 
 
 mannus 
 
 
 or Melech- 
 
 
 
 
 
 III. 
 
 
 sarbs. 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 16 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 He is poi- 17 
 soned by the 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sultan of Ba- 
 
 
 7 
 
 About 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 bylon. 18 
 
 5 
 
 
 this time 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 we find 
 
 
 
 
 Tangodor, his 
 
 
 Boemund 8 
 
 a name- 
 
 XXII. 
 
 
 6 
 
 Br. styled 1 
 
 6 
 
 now of age, 
 
 ess Pa- 
 
 Odo de 
 
 
 
 liimself Ma- 
 
 
 sideth a- 
 
 triarch of 
 
 Pinibus. 
 
 
 
 homet 
 
 
 gainst the 9 
 
 Ferusa- 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Cham, and 2 
 
 7 
 
 Templars to 
 
 lem, 
 
 
 
 
 was a great 
 
 
 :he destruc- 
 
 
 
 
 
 persecutor 
 
 
 tion of the 10 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 of the 3 
 
 8 
 
 Christian 
 
 
 
 
 
 Christians. 
 
 
 cause. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 Peter Belius, 
 
 Bur- 1 
 chard us 
 
 Argon 1 He expel- 9 
 Cham killed leth the Car- 
 
 
 
 
 a valiant 
 
 Schua- 
 
 his Br. Ma- 
 
 melites out 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 soldier. 
 
 dens. 2 
 
 lomet: he 2 
 
 of Svria 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 favonreth Ifor changing 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 the Chris- 
 
 their coats. 
 
 Lucy his 1 
 
 
 The Hos- 
 
 
 3 
 
 tians. 3 
 
 11 
 
 sister, mar- 
 
 
 pitallers 
 
 
 
 
 
 ried in Eu- 
 
 
 win the 
 
 
 
 
 
 ro pe.-Fide 2 
 
 
 castle of 
 
 
 4 
 
 Ragaithus 4 
 
 12 
 
 Calvis. in 
 
 who fled 
 
 Mer- 
 
 
 
 tiisBr. a lazy 
 
 
 hoc anno. 
 
 out of 
 
 gath. 
 
 
 
 voluptuous 
 
 
 3 
 
 Ptole- 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 glutton. <g) 1 
 
 Elpis, or 1 
 
 
 mais 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alphix. 
 
 lowever, 4 
 
 vhen it 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 He is chosen 
 
 6 
 
 Casanus,S. I 
 
 2 
 
 one Hugh, 
 challengeth 
 both the 5 
 
 was be- 
 ieged, 
 and was 
 
 Vicilbel- 
 mus de 
 Villaret. 
 
 governor of 
 Ptolemais, 
 and therein 
 
 De- 7 
 
 to Argon. 
 He was very 
 favourable 2 
 
 Seraph, or 1 
 
 title of An- 
 
 drowned 
 
 
 slain. 
 
 posed. 
 
 to the Chris- 
 
 Arraphus. 
 
 tioch, and 
 
 n his 
 
 
 
 
 tians.(a) 
 
 
 >rincipa!i- 6 
 
 flight: it 
 
 
 James Ma- 1 
 
 Conra- 1 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 ty of Tripoli. 
 
 seemeth 
 
 
 saiberga- 
 
 dus de 
 
 
 
 Knolles, p. 
 
 his name 
 
 
 mon.(5) 
 
 Fertuan- 
 
 
 
 123. 7 
 
 was 
 
 
 2 gen. 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 drowned 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 with 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 lim. 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 
 (a) For in the ninth year of his reign he winneth the city of Jerusalem, and re- 
 storeth it to the Eastern Christians; who soon after lose it to the Sultan of Egypt. 
 (6) Last master of the Templars in Syria. Continuator Belli Sacri, 1. 5. c. 18, 
 
 et 17. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 AB\G\ makcth cowards valiant, 
 257. 
 
 Abbeys, how and why suppressed in 
 England, 251 255. 
 
 Adamites against their will, 150. 
 
 Albigenses, three opinions concern- 
 ing them, 146, 147; their original, 
 persecution, nicknames, 148. 149 : 
 defended from crimes objected, 
 150 152; commended by their 
 adversaries, 152. 
 
 Alexius emperor, his treachery, 25 ; 
 causeth the Christians'overthrow, 
 61 ; bis death and epitaph, 69. 
 
 Alexius Angelas the younger, a 
 princely beggar, 143. 
 
 Almerick king or'Jerasalem.hischa- j 
 racier, 93; he helpeth the sultan 
 of Egypt, 97; invadeth Egypt | 
 against promise, 99; big death, 101. | 
 
 Almerick II., 141; deposed for la- ! 
 ziness, 159. 
 
 Almerick patriarch of Antioch, 82: 
 of Jerusalem, 94. 
 
 AndroniiMis, a bad practiser of St. 
 Paul, 119. 
 
 Antioch won by the Christians, 29 ; 
 betrayed by the patriarch to Sal- 
 adin,116; recovered by the duke I 
 of Suabia, 122; finally lost to the ! 
 sultan of Eg\ pt, 226. 
 
 Apostasy of many Christians in 
 Europe upon king Louis' captiv- 
 ity, 207. 
 
 Arms of gentlemen deserved in this 
 war, i'84. 
 
 Arnulphus the firebrand-patriarch of 
 Jerusalem, 49, 59, 69. 
 
 Assassins, their strange commonweal, 
 94. 
 
 BALDWIN king of Jerusalem, his 
 
 nature, 56; he wins Antipatris 
 and Caesarea, 62 ; his two voyages 
 into Egypt, 66 ; his death, 67. 
 
 Baldwin II. chosen king, 68; he is 
 taken prisoner, and ransomed, 72; 
 he renouncelh the world, and 
 clieth, 73. 
 
 Baldwin III., his character, 79; 
 discord betwixt him and his mo- 
 ther, 90; he winnethAskelon,92; 
 his death, and commendation, 92. 
 
 Baldwin IV., 101 ; he conquereth 
 Saladin, 105, 107; he is arrested 
 with leprosy : his death, and 
 praise, 108. 
 
 Baldwin V. poisoned by his mother, 
 109. 
 
 Baldwin earl of Flanders emperor 
 of Constantinople, 145- 
 
 Balsamon, Theodore, how cozened, 
 111. 
 
 Battles at or near Dogorgan, 27 ; 
 Aiitioch, 29; Askelon, 50; Rha- 
 raula, 62 ; Meander, 86 ; Tiberias, 
 112,195; Ptolemais, 123; Beth- 
 lehem, 134 ; Moret in France, 156; 
 Gaza, 188 ; Mauzar in Egypt, 
 204 ; Mauzar again, 206. 
 
 Bendocdar sultan of Egypt, 225, 237. 
 
 Bernard patriarch of Antioch, 49. 
 
 Bernard St., an apology for, 88. ' 
 
 Bibliander's wild fancy, 18. 
 
 Bishops numerous in Palestine, 49. 
 
 Boemund prince of Antioch, 29; lie 
 is taken prisoner, 51 ; he wasteth 
 Grecia, 64. 
 
 Boemund II., 73. 
 
 Boemnnd III., 97. 
 
 CALIPHS, their voluptuousness, 78, 
 
 98. 
 Calo-Johannes Grecian emperor, 76. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 325 
 
 Carmelites, their original, luxury, 
 
 and banishment, 82, 83. 
 Carthage described, 227. 
 Chalices in England, why oflatten, 
 
 138. 
 haratux one of the wisest men in 
 
 the world, 120. 
 
 diaries earl of Anjon, king of Jeru- 
 salem, 223 ; he dieth for grief, 236. 
 harles II., surnamed the Delayer, 
 
 223. 
 hildren marching: to Jerusalem 
 
 wofnlly perish, 160. 
 Jhoermines, their obscure original, 
 
 193; and final suppression, 196. 
 llerks no fit captains, 61, 267. 
 'lermont council, 13. 
 Ilimate, how it altereth health, 268. 
 inferences betwixt opposite parties 
 
 in religion never succeed, 154. 
 "onrad emperor of Germany, his 
 
 unfortunate voyage, 85; he con- 
 
 quereth the Turks, 85. 
 Conrad of Montferrat, king of Jeru- 
 salem, 115 ; he is miserably slain, 
 
 131. 
 lonversions of pagans hindered by 
 
 Christians' badness, 94, 199 ; how 
 
 it must orderly and solemnly be 
 
 done, 219. 
 Crouch back, Edmund, not crooked, 
 
 227. 
 
 DA BERT patriarch of Jerusalem, 49 ; 
 he scuftleth-with the kings for that 
 city, and dies in banishment, 53, 
 57, 58. 
 
 Damascus described, 87 ; in vain 
 besieged by the Christians, 87. 
 
 Datnietta twice taken by the Chris- 
 tians, 165, 201; and twice sur- 
 rendered, 168, 209. 
 
 Danish service in ibis war, 23, 282. 
 drunkenness wofully punished, 142. 
 
 Duel declined, 48. 
 
 Duels forbidden by St. Louis, 228. 
 
 3B n E M A R u s patriarch of Jeru salem, 
 
 58. 
 Edward, prince, his voyage, 226: 
 
 he is desperately wounded, and 
 
 recovereth, 231, 232. 
 Eleanor queen of France playeth 
 
 false with her husband, 86. 
 Eleanor wife to Prince Edward, her 
 
 unexampled love to her husband. 
 
 232. 
 
 Elhadach caliph of Egypt, 98. 
 Emmanuel emperor of Greece, 85. 
 Engines before guns, 44. 
 English service in this war, 22, 28O. 
 Equality of undertakers ruineth this 
 
 Holy War, 265. 
 Eustace refuseth the kingdom, 69. 
 
 FAITH-BREAKING the cause of the 
 Christians' overthrow, 99, 261. 
 
 Fame's incredible swiftness, 14. 
 
 Fear, the strength of imaginary, 123. 
 
 Forts make some countries weaker, 
 121. 
 
 Franks, how ancient in the East, 278. 
 
 Frederick Barbarossa, his unhappy 
 voyage, 119; his woful drowning, 
 121. 
 
 Frederick II., king of Jerusalem, his 
 disposition, 170, 214, 215; his 
 grapplings with the pope, 171, 
 174; his death and posterity, 214, 
 215. 
 
 French service in this war, 21, 278. 
 
 Fulcher patriarch of Jerusalem, 80. 
 
 Fulco king of Jerusalem, 74, 79. 
 
 GALILEE described, 33. 
 
 Genoans' achievements in this war, 
 62. 
 
 German service in this war, 22, 278. 
 
 German nobility numerous, 279. 
 
 George, St., 30. 
 
 Gibellines and Guelfes, 175- 
 
 Godfrey king of Jerusalem, 48 ; his 
 virtuous vice, 47; his death, 55. 
 
 Goose, the pilgrims carry one to 
 Jerusalem, 18. 
 
 Greek church rent from the Latin, 
 181; on what occasion, 181; 
 wherein it dissenteth, 183 ; what 
 charitably is to be thought of 
 them, 184 ; what hope of recon- 
 cilement, 187. 
 
 Guarimund patriarch of Jerusalem, 
 69. 
 
 Guy king of Jerusalem, 109 ; he is 
 taken prisoner, 112 ; he ex- 
 changeth his kingdom for Cyprus, 
 132. 
 
 HAALON cham of Tartary, 219,225. 
 
 Helen no ostleress, 5. 
 
 Henry earl of Champagne, king of 
 
326 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Jerusalem, 133 ; his woful death, 
 
 141. 
 Henry earl of Mecklenburgh, his 
 
 long captivity and late deliver- 
 ance, 234. 
 Henry IV. king of England, his 
 
 intended voyage to Jerusalem, 
 
 287. 
 Heraclins the vicious patriarch of 
 
 Jerusalem, 102. 
 Holy fraud, 30. 
 Holy War, arguments for it, 14 ; 
 
 arguments against it, 16 ; unlikely 
 
 again to be set on foot, 292. 
 Hugh king of Jerusalem and Cyprus, 
 
 224. 
 
 JAMES IV., king of Scotland, hath 
 some intentions for Jerusalem, 288. 
 
 Janizaries, their present insolency, 
 298. 
 
 Jerusalem destroyed by Titus, 1 ; 
 rebuilt by Adrian, 2 ; largely de- 
 scribed, 38; won by the Chris- 
 tians under Godfrey, 43 ; lost to 
 Saladin, 113 ; recovered by Fre- 
 derick the emperor, 173 ; finally 
 won by the Choermines, 193 ; her 
 present estate at this day, 291. 
 
 Jews, their woful present condition, 
 4; the hinderance of their con- 
 version, 4. 
 
 Interviews of princes dangerous, 
 125. 
 
 John Bren king of Jerusalem, 160 ; 
 his discords with the legate, 162 ; 
 he resigneth his kingdom, 168. 
 
 Irish service in this war, 283. 
 
 Isaac Angelus emperor of Constan- 
 tinople, 115. 
 
 Italian service in this war, 22, 280. 
 
 Judea described, 36. 
 
 KING for deputy in eastern tongues, 
 79. 
 
 Kingdom of Jerusalem, three faults 
 in the, which hindered the strength 
 of it, 273. 
 
 Knights-hospitallers, their original, 
 51 ; they degenerate through 
 wealth into luxury, 52 ; they rebel 
 against the patriarch about tithes, 
 81 ; brawl with the Templars, 191; 
 flight from Cyprus by Rhodes to 
 RJalta, 250 ; the manner of their 
 
 suppressionin England, 251 254; 
 in vain restored by queen Mary, 
 254. 
 
 Knights-templars instituted, 70; 
 many slain through their own co- 
 vetousness, 92 ; they become rich 
 and proud, 191 ; their treacherv 
 hindereth the Holy War, 27 1": 
 they are finally extirpated out of 
 Christendom, 242 ; arguments 
 for and against their innocency, 
 with a moderate way betwixt 
 them, 243247. 
 
 KnightsTeutonicks, their institution, 
 71 ; they are honoured with a 
 grand master, 123; they come 
 into Prussia, their service there, 
 248. 
 
 Knights of the Sepulchre, 291. 
 
 LATERAN council, 160. 
 
 Length of the journey hinderance of 
 this war, 266. 
 
 Leopold duke of Austria, his valour, 
 129. 
 
 Leprosy, 268. 
 
 Louis the Young, king of France, 
 woful journey, 85, 86. 
 
 Louis, St., his voyage to Palestine, 
 196 ; lie wintereth in Cyprus, 198 ; 
 lands in Egypt, wins" Darniettaj 
 201 ; is conquered and taken cap- 
 tive, 206 ; dearly ransomed, 209. 
 
 Louis, St., his second voyage, 226; 
 he besiegeth Tunis, 227 ; his 
 death and praise, 228. 
 
 MAHOMETANISM, the cause why 
 
 it is so spreading, 8. 
 Mamalukes, their original, 104 ; 
 
 their miraculous empire, 213 
 Maronites, their tenets, and recon- 
 cilement to Rome, 102. 
 Meladin king of Egypt, his bounty 
 
 to the Christians, 167; why not 
 
 loved of his subjects, 203 ; his 
 
 death, 202. 
 Melechsala his son king of Egypt, 
 
 203. 
 
 Melechsaites sultan of Egypt, 237. 
 Mercenary soldiers dangerous, 96; 
 
 yet how, well qualified, they may 
 
 be useful, 96. 
 Miracles of this war examined, and 
 
 ranked into four sorts : viz. 1, not 
 
done ; 2, false! v done ; 3, done b 
 Nature, 260 ; 4, done by Sata 
 261. 
 
 NICE besieged and taken by th 
 
 Christians, 27. 
 Nile, the, its wonders and natur 
 
 66. 
 Northern armies may prosper in tl 
 
 south, 269. 
 
 Norwegian service, 23, 282. 
 Numbers numberless slain in thes 
 
 wars, 276. 
 Numbers, what, competent in a 
 
 army, 274, 275. 
 Numbers of Asian armies, what w 
 
 may conceive of them, 274. 
 
 OBSERVATION of Roger Hovede 
 
 confuted, 114. 
 Ofters for Palestine since the end o 
 
 the war, 286288. 
 Office of the Virgin, why instituted 
 
 Owls, why honoured by the Tar 
 larians, 177. 
 
 PALESTINE in general described 
 
 31. 
 
 Pastorelli in France slain, 218. 
 relagius the legate, 163, 
 3 fifpr ilin Ha~...;t K: i. 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 327 
 
 "~" J * Acgaic, J.UO. 
 
 Peter the Hermit, his character, 12 ; 
 he proves himself but a hyuo ' 
 crite, 12. 
 
 'eter king of Aragon, a favourer of 
 the Albigenses, slain in battle, 
 157. 
 
 'hilip Augustus king of France, his 
 voyage to Palestine,and unseason- 
 able return, 130. 
 
 i'ilgrimages proved unlawful, 258. 
 
 J oland's service in this war, 23, 
 
 Pope's, the, private profits by the 
 holy war, 18 ; he the principal 
 cause of the ill success, 263. 
 
 'tolemais won by the Christians, 
 63; regained by Saladin, 112 j 
 after three years' siege recovered 
 by the Christians, 128; finally 
 taken by sultan Serapha, 240. ' 
 
 UALITY of the adventurers in this 
 war, 20. 
 
 ED Sea, why so called, 66. 
 
 Reformation, why Rome is averse 
 
 from it, 182. 
 Reimundearl of Tripoli, his discords 
 
 with Baldwin, 106 ; his apostasy 
 
 
 
 Relics, how to be valued, 136 why 
 so many before death renounced 
 the world, 73. 
 
 Richard king of England, his voy- 
 age to Palestine, 125 ; he taketh 
 
 ?< Lo nd C W US in his Ravage, 
 127,128; vanquished Saladin in 
 asetbattle,134;inhisreturnheis 
 taken prisoner in Austria, and 
 ransomed, 138. 
 Richard earl of Cornwall, his vovasre 
 
 to Palestine. 190. 
 
 Robert duke of Normandy, his va- 
 lour, 28; he refusetb the kingdom 
 of Jerusalem, and thriveth not 
 after, 47. 
 
 Rodolph chosen unexpectedly em- 
 peror of Germany, 234; sendeth 
 supplies to Syria, 234. 
 Rodolph Ihe unhappy patriarch of 
 Antioch, 74, 75. 
 
 SACRILEGE, 272. 
 Saladin killeth the caliph of Egypt 
 100; succeeds in Egypt and Da- 
 mascus, 100; conquereth Guy, 
 112; taketh Jerusalem and all 
 Syria, 113 ; his commendations 
 and death, 139. 
 Scholars without experience no 
 good generals, 162. 
 
 cottish service in this war, 23. 
 *ea and land service compared, 222. 
 
 idon described; won by the Chris- 
 tians, 64, 65 ; lost to the sultan of 
 Egypt, 237. 
 
 irnon earl of Montfort conclndeth 
 a truce in Syria, 143 ; chosen cap- 
 tain against the Albigenses, 155 ; 
 
 is killed by a woman, 157. 
 
 aanish service in this war, 23, 281. 
 
 tephen patriarch of Jerusalem, 70. 
 
 uperstition tainting this whole war, 
 
 uspected soldiers, in armies where 
 to be placed, 195. 
 
 ultans, their large commissions, 78. 
 weden appeareth not in the Holy 
 War, 23. 
 
328 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 TARTARIA described, 10, 176. Tyre described, 65; taken by tl 
 
 Tartars, their name and nature, 134 ; 
 when first known to the world, 
 176; converted to Christianity , 
 218; their relapse to paganism, 
 225 ; the occasion, 225. 
 
 Theobald king of Navarre, bis un- 
 happv voyage, 188. 
 
 Titular bishops, their use and abuse, 
 118 ; pretenders of titles to the 
 kingdom of Jerusalem, 293 
 
 Tunis described, 228 ; besieged, 
 228 ; taken by the Christians, 229. 
 
 Turks, whence descended, 10 ; their 
 large strides into Asia, 11 ; harder 
 
 Christians, 72; valiantly defend*' 
 by Conrad, 115 ; won" by suit: 
 Alphir, 237. 
 
 VENETIANS' performance in thi; 
 
 war, 72 ; their bloody sea-batti< 
 
 with the Genoans, ti22. 
 Viciousness of the pilgrims whicl 
 
 went to Palestine, 270. 
 
 WAFER-CAKE, why wrought in tin 
 borders of all Egyptian tapestry 
 209. 
 
 Welsh service in this war, 283. 
 
 to be converted than Tartars, 179. William patriarch of Jerusalem, 80 
 
 Turkish empire, its greatness 
 strength, and wealth, 297299 ; 
 the weakness and defects of it, 
 
 William landgrave of Hesse, h 
 fictitious voyage to Jerusalen 
 con luted, 288, 289. 
 
 300; what hopes of its approach- | Women warriors, 21, 84. 
 ing ruin, 301. Wrecks first quitted by the kings o 
 
 Tylo Colnpp a notable cheater, 216. England to their subjects, 126. 
 
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