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HISTORY 
 
 OF THK 
 
 NORTH MEXICAN STATES. 
 
WORKS 
 
 OF 
 
 HENRY L. OAK 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 ANNALS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SPANISH NORTHWEST 
 
 NOETH MEXICAN STATES 
 
 (Vol. X. of the Bancroft History of the Pacific States. 
 
 AUTHOR'S COPY 
 
 1884 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THIS collection of my historical writings is not, in its pres 
 ent form, published, offered for sale or criticism, or even 
 printed for private distribution. The volumes, purchased from 
 the publishers for the purpose, are bound in this form for 
 preservation as a family relic. 
 
 These works originally formed a part of the series in thirty- 
 nine volumes, published under the titles of Bancroft's Works, 
 or Bancroft' s Native Races and History of the Pacific Spates. 
 Eight volumes as they stand here are complete in the original 
 form, with no change except in the title-pages and binding. 
 Two volumes are made up of fragments in the form of com 
 plete chapters ; and one volume, containing only one such 
 chapter, includes a duplication of the Pioneer Register from 
 Vols. II V of the History of California, several chapters on the 
 Annals of Nueva Galicia, originally written by me for the 
 North Mexican States, but transferred to the Mexico, and used 
 as material, with considerable change, by another writer, so 
 that I make no claim to the authorship ; and, finally, an un 
 published statement, entitled Literary Industries in a New 
 Light. 
 
 My part of the original series was almost exactly ten vol 
 umes in the aggregate. This collection does not include quite 
 all of the matter written by me, lacking many fragments of 
 chapters, including nearly one hundred pages in Vol. II of 
 the Native Races, which could not be conveniently bound in 
 this form, or, at least, were not among the portions purchased 
 by me for preservation. 
 
 Respecting the authorship, and various relevant matters, I 
 have much to say elsewhere, and a few words will suffice here. 
 Of the ten volumes I was the legitimate and sole author. The 
 plan of treatment in each topic, the study of authorities, the 
 conclusions reached, and the language in which they were ex 
 pressed, were entirely mine. There is no editorial re vision by 
 me of others' work, and no revision of my work by others. 
 Nearly all of my manuscript after completion was read by Mr. 
 Bancroft ; but his reading was hasty, and his penciled sug 
 gestions were few and superficial. Moreover, in nearly every 
 instance the manuscript was returned to me, and the final 
 revision in manuscript or proof was my own. 
 
True, my work, like that of all my associates, was founded 
 largely on index notes and references made by many other 
 men, and representing the labor of many years. But these 
 notes were used by me as guides to the sources, and they sim 
 ply enabled me to accomplish in ten years the portion of my 
 eighteen years' labor devoted directly to the writing of these 
 volumes what in the ordinary way I could not have accom 
 plished, even much less thoroughly, in thirty years. 
 
 As this collection is not for the public or the critic, my pre 
 face is directed solely to the few relatives and friends who may 
 see it ; and to them I offer no apology for preserving my 
 writings in this form. In my view, it is a natural and par 
 donable egotism on the part of a writer, to be not ashamed but 
 proud of his life-work. 
 
 The Bancroft series in late years rests under a cloud of dis 
 approval and distrust ; and, of course, the cloud covers all its 
 parts, since the public is ignorant in detail of possible grounds 
 for discrimination. Condemnation, however, is not founded to 
 any great extent on the intrinsic qualities of the work as a 
 whole, but rather on those of a certain small portion, and 
 mainly on certain deservedly unpopular characteristics and 
 methods of the publisher. 
 
 So far as my Annals of the Spanish Northwest is concerned 
 directly, no critic of presumable competency has attempted to 
 controvert any record or conclusion ; several of high authority 
 have commended the work heartily ; and the only unfavorable 
 criticism the well-founded one that, by reason of its bulk, 
 excess of detail, and mechanical arrangement, it is unreadable, 
 except by topics and sections might, perhaps, not have been 
 urged had the work been published separately for just what 
 the author intended it to be a reference book of provincial, 
 local, and personal records. 
 
 Therefore, in the distant future, when current prejudices 
 shall have died out, I have some faith that my conscientious 
 labor of many years, with an exceptional wealth of document 
 ary resources, may be decided to have produced creditable 
 results of some real value, as a fairly accurate, comprehensive, 
 and impartial record of the beginnings in a broad and impor 
 tant section of our country. 
 
 HENRY L. OAK. 
 SEIGLER SPRINGS, May, 1893. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THE territorial basis of the present work, fourth in 
 the completed series, and entitled HISTORY OF THE 
 NORTH MEXICAN STATES, corresponds to the modern 
 Texas, Coahuila, Durango, Chihuahua, New Mexico, 
 Sinaloa, Sonora, Arizona, and the two Californias; 
 but the history of New Mexico, Arizona, and Upper 
 California is here given only in the briefest outline, 
 because fully treated in separate works. To the 
 eastern provinces of Texas and Coahuila much less 
 space proportionately is devoted than to regions fur 
 ther west; somewhat more to Chihuahua and Sonora 
 than to Durango and Sinaloa in the south; and Baja 
 California, by reason not only of its geographic posi 
 tion but of its historic importance, receives more 
 attention than its rank in modern times alone would 
 justify. These provinces are variously grouped at 
 successive epochs as is required for clearness arid con 
 venience of presentment; but of each it is the author's 
 aim to portray in all desirable detail the earliest annals 
 of discovery, exploration, conquest, and conversion; 
 while later periods of routine development are not 
 neglected, though treated on a different scale. Maps 
 are introduced somewhat more plentifully than else 
 where to show the advance of Spanish dominion north 
 ward; and as usual a large amount of statistical, de- 
 
 (v) 
 
vi PREFACE. 
 
 scriptive, bibliographic, and explanator}^ matter is 
 added to the references in foot-notes. The work con 
 sists of two volumes, of which the first brings the 
 
 ' O 
 
 record down to the end of the eighteenth century. 
 
 This territory has been treated on a general scale, 
 as part of a great nation, in a preceding work of the 
 series; but the plan requires a more minute treat 
 ment of the northern regions ; and it is deemed better 
 to add two volumes of provincial annals than to cor 
 respondingly increase the bulk of such matter in a 
 national HISTORY OP MEXICO. It is not, however, 
 solely to meet the requirements of an arbitrary plan 
 that the north receives more attention than the south. 
 The history of the former is not only more interesting 
 and important, but it has left records much more 
 complete. And so nearly in parallel grooves ran the 
 current of affairs in different Hispano- American com 
 munities that southern provincial history, unrecorded 
 for the most part, may in many phases be studied in 
 directly yet with profit in that of the north. Even 
 here it is not possible to form an uninterrupted chain 
 of events in each province and for each period; nor is 
 it desirable, for such a record would be bulky, weari 
 some, and unprofitable an almost endless repetition 
 of similar petty happenings under like conditions. 
 But the i riter-provincial likeness noted, while it ex 
 cuses the historian from following the thread of minor 
 occurrences in all the provinces, also suggests the de 
 sirability of such minute treatment in one of them at 
 least, in order that the record of one may reflect that 
 of the rest, just as northern history in a sense throws 
 light upon the south. The suggestion is followed, 
 but for this purpose a country still farther north is 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 chosen, Upper California, for which original data are 
 beyond all comparison most copious, and whose his 
 tory will be extensively supplemented by local annals. 
 Thus it is intended that the subdivisions of the his 
 torical series shall not only be complete each in its 
 own sphere, but that each shall be so connected with 
 the others as to make of all a symmetrical whole. 
 
 From the beginning these regions attracted special 
 attention from the Spaniards. Thence came to eager 
 ears never-ceasing reports of great cities, civilized 
 peoples, inexhaustible wealth, interoceanic straits, and 
 all the marvels of the Northern Mystery. Thither 
 stretched the broadest field for exploration and ad 
 venture; and here were found the richest deposits of 
 natural treasure. It was a country of bitter warfare 
 and bloody revolts; but there were tribes that made 
 an enviable record for honor and good faith as well as 
 for bravery; and even the conquerors in most parts 
 marked their advance with atrocities somewhat less 
 fiendish than in the south. This was preeminently 
 the mission field of America, where the Jesuits and 
 Franciscans made their grandest efforts with the best 
 results, and where their system may be studied under 
 the most favorable conditions. The deeds of explorer, 
 soldier, and missionary advancing side by side against 
 a receding frontier of barbarism furnish material for 
 a story of rare interest. And the fascination of the 
 topic to Anglo-Saxon readers is enhanced by the con 
 tiguity of the region under consideration to the great 
 northern republic, from which a new industrial and 
 peaceful conquest is. being pushed southward on iron 
 routes. That the international bonds may be drawn 
 closer for mutual benefit without taint of unreasoning 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 prejudice on one side, or of filibustering encroachment 
 on the other, should be the desire of every good citi 
 zen of the two republics. 
 
 The author's resources for writing this part of the 
 history are exceptionally ample, as is shown by the 
 list of authorities prefixed to this volume. His Library 
 contains all the standard missionary chronicles on 
 which foundation the general structure must rest, 
 together with a very complete collection of govern 
 ment reports, Spanish and Mexican, and practically 
 all the general and special works relating to the ter 
 ritory that have been printed in any language. There 
 is moreover hardly an epoch in the annals of any North 
 Mexican State for which important information has 
 not been drawn from original manuscripts never be 
 fore consulted. The field is also in all essential respects 
 a new one; for while certain limited periods in the 
 annals of several parts of the territory have been 
 worthily presented in print, there is no work extant 
 in any language which includes the entire history of 
 any one of the seven provinces; much less a compre 
 hensive history of the whole country. That the con 
 ception of the work and its introduction here as a 
 connecting link between the national history of the 
 south and local annals of the farther north will be 
 approved is the hope and belief of the author. 
 
CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CORTES OX THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 1521-1530. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Motive of North -western Discovery Cosmographical Theories of the 
 Early Spaniards Secret of the Strait Ideas of Hernan Corte"s 
 Extracts from his Letters Resume" of Events Following the Con 
 quest Panuco and the Gulf Coast Rival Conquistadores The 
 Chichimec Country Conquest of Michoacan Subjection of Colima 
 and Chimalhuacan Expeditions of Alvarez Chico, Avalos, and Fran 
 cisco Cortes Exploration to Tepic Northern Wonders A Town 
 and Ship-yard at Zacatula Cortes on the Pacific Coast His Projects 
 of South Sea Discovery His Letters to the Emperor Delays and 
 Obstacles Down the Coast, Northward Identity of Vessels Lo- 
 aisa, Guevara, and Saavedra First Voyage up the Coast to Colima 
 New Vessels New Persecutions Discouragement 1 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 NUNO DE GUZMAN IN SINALOA. 
 
 1530-1531. 
 
 Guzman's Plans and Motives A Grand Army Names of Officers 
 Murder of a King March through Michoacan and Jalisco Crossing 
 the Rio Grande Mayor Espana At Omitlan and Aztatlan Au 
 thorities Advance to Chametla Map Quezala Province Piastla 
 Ciguatan, Province of Women On to Culiacan Town of Colombo ' 
 Local Explorations Samaniego Reaches the Petatlan Search for 
 the Seven Cities Lopez Crosses the Sierra to Durango Founding 
 of the Villa de San Miguel de Culiacan Site and Transfers List of 
 Pobladores Guzman's Return to Jalisco Founding of Chametla 
 Nueva Galicia Compostela the Capital Guzman Governor His 
 
 Downfall > 26 
 
 fix) 
 
x CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA -DE VACA. 
 
 1532-1536. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Voyage of Hurtado de Mendoza^Instructions and Mishaps Guzman's 
 Version A New Fleet Voyage of Becerra and Grijalva Mutiny 
 of Jimenez Discoveries Expedition of Hernan Cortes March 
 through Nueva Galicia Colony at Santa Cruz Failure Events at 
 San Miguel de Culiacan Vaguely Recorded Explorations Onate 
 and Angulo Expedition of Diego de Guzman To the Rio Yaqui 
 Indian Troubles at San Miguel Raids for Plunder and Slaves 
 Spaniards Found in the North Narvaez in Florida Cabeza de Vaca 
 in Texas Wanderings across the Continent Route Did not Reach 
 New Mexico Arrival on the Yaqui and at San Miguel Subsequent 
 Career 40 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 1537-1542. 
 
 Governors Torre and Coronado in New Galicia Mendoza a Rival of 
 Cortes Expedition of Marcos de Niza Discovery of Cfbola Fact 
 and Fiction Cortes Again in the Field Rival Claims Voyage of 
 Francisco de Ulloa California Castillo's Map Expedition of Fran 
 cisco Vazquez de Coronado Through Sonora To Zuni, Moqui, Colo 
 rado Canon, New Mexico, and Quivira Failure and Return Settle 
 ment in Sonora San Ger<5nimo de los Corazones Melchor Diaz 
 Crosses the Rio del Tizon His Death Indian Hostilities San 
 Ger6nimo Abandoned Voyage of Hernando de Alarcon to Head of 
 the Gulf Up the Buena Guia in Boats Cortes Gives Up the 
 Struggle Pedro de Alvarado on the Coast Mixton War New 
 Galicia to End of the Century 71 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 ANNALS Off NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 1554-1600. 
 
 Zacatecas Mines Mercado's Silver Mountain Ibarra's Private Explora 
 tions Mendoza and the Franciscans Ibarra as Governor Province 
 of Nueva Vizcaya Expedition At San Juan Founding of Nombre 
 de Dios and Durango To Copala or Topia Grand Reports Inde" 
 and Santa Barbara Mines March to Sinaloa Villa of San Juan- 
 Tour in the Far North City of Pagme San Sebastian de Cha- 
 metla Death of Ibarra Progress in Durango List of Governors 
 Annals of Sinaloa Murder of Friars Villa Abandoned Montoya's 
 Expedition Bazan's Entrada San Felipe de Sinaloa Franciscan 
 Convents Four Martyrs Arlegui's Chronicle Jesuit Annals In 
 Sinaloa The Anuas Martyrdom of Father Tapia In Topia Tepe- 
 huane Missions Santa Maria de Parras Exploration and Conquest 
 of New Mexico 99 
 
CONTEXTS. xi 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 1540-1600. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introductory Remarks Maritime Annals Voyage of Juan Rodriguez 
 Cabrillo and Bartolome" Ferrelo Death of Cabrillo Discovery of 
 Alta California Results Ruy Lopez de Villalobos Discovers the 
 Philippines Legaspi Crosses the Pacific Padre Andre's Urdaneta 
 Opens the Northern Route Arellano's Trip from the "West The 
 Manila Galleons Piratical Cruise of Francis Drake in the Mar del 
 Sur Voyage of Francisco de Gali Cruise of Thomas Cavendish 
 Capture of the Galleon 'Santa Ana' Apocryphal Expeditions to - 
 Strait of Anian by Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado and Juan de Fuca 
 Cermeilon's Voyage The 'San Agustin' in San Francisco Bay 
 Sebastian Vizcaino Explores the Gulf Unsuccessful Attempt to 
 Settle California A Battle and a Romance Old Maps 130 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 1601-1636. 
 
 Vizcaino's Second Expedition Outer Peninsula Coast Up to Latitude 
 43 Later Projects California an Island Interest in the North 
 west Vizcaino's Third Voyage Onate at the Head of the Gulf 
 Cardona's Contract and Voyages Juan de Iturbe Pichilingues on 
 the Coast Spilberg's Cruise Memorial of Padre Ascension Dutch 
 Map Arellano's Claim Private Pearl Voyages Melchor de Le- 
 zama Petition of Bastan Views of Salmeron Three Expeditions 
 by Francisco de Ortega Third Colony at La Paz Original Records 
 First of the Jesuits EsteVan Carbonel in the Gulf D'Avity's 
 Map 153 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1636-1769. 
 
 Porter y Casanate and Botello y Serrano Memorials and Contracts 
 Pretended Discoveries of Fonte Cestin de Canas Casanate's Efforts 
 and Misfortunes Two Trips to California Piuadero's Pearl-fishing 
 Expedition Lucenilla in the Gulf Royal Enthusiasm A New 
 Contract Settlement of California by Otondo and the Jesuits 
 Fourth Failure at La Paz Colony at San Bruno Buccaneers and 
 Privateers Swan and Townley Dampier Woocles Rogers, Court 
 ney, and Cooke Victory and Defeat Frondac's Voyage,- -Shel- 
 vocke at the Cape Ansou's Voyage 177 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 1600-1650. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Coast Provinces Chametla, Copala, Culiacan, Sinaloa, Ostimuri, Sonora, 
 and Pimeria Villas of San Sebastian and San Miguel San Juan de 
 Mazatlan San Felipe de Sinaloa Commandants or Governors 
 The Jesuit Annas Captain Hurdaide's Rule The Guazaves Defeat 
 of the Suaquis Chiefs Hanged Expedition to Chinipa Sinaloas 
 Put to Death Tehueco Campaign Ocoroni Revolt Conversions 
 Fuerte de Montesclaros Spaniards Defeated by the Yaquis Treaty 
 of Peace Bishop's Visit Tepahue Campaign Mayo Missions Con 
 version of the Yaquis Chinipa Missions District of San Ignacio 
 Distribution of Padres Death of Hurdaide Perea in Command 
 Murder of Padres Pascual and Martinez Sonora Valley District of 
 San Francisco Javier Division of Province Nueva Andalucia 
 Jesuits versus Franciscans Padres and Statistics Ribas' Triumphs 
 of the Faith Condition of the Missions 202 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 ANNALS OF SONOEA AND SINALOA. 
 
 1650-1700. 
 
 Kulers in Sinaloa Coast Events Tajo Mine Spanish Settlements 
 Missionary Annals in_ the South Minor Items, Statistics, and 
 Names of Jesuits The Old Sonora Districts The Name Sonora 
 Tables of 1658, 1678, and 1688 Troubles with the Bishop Chinipas 
 District Labors of Salvatierra Revolts of 1690 and 1697 Map- 
 Conquest of Pimeria Alta Father Kino and his Labors At Bac 
 and Caborca, 1692-3 Jironza in Command Mange's Diaries Kino 
 on the Gulf Coast, 1694 Boat-building Trip to the Gila, 1694 
 Revolt, Murder of Father Saeta, and Massacre of Pimas Kino in 
 Mexico Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth Entradas to the Rio 
 Gila, 1697-1700 Vain Efforts to Obtain Missionaries for the Far 
 North Missions of Dolores, San Ignacio, Caborca, Tubutama, and 
 Cocuspera Military Operations in Apacheria Don Pablo's Revolt 
 Pimas Defeat the Apaches Seris and Tepocas 237 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1697-1700. 
 
 Discouragement from Past Failures Kino's Efforts Salvatierra En 
 listed Brighter Prospects at Last Begging Alms Foundation of 
 the Pious Fund License from the Viceroy Full Control in Jesuit 
 Hands Venegas, Clavigero, and their Followers Salvatierra's Jour 
 ney to the North Voyage across the Gulf Casting Lots At San 
 Dionisio Founding of Loreto Conch6 Linguistic Studies The Por- 
 
CONTEXTS. xiii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 ridge Question Leads to Hostilities A Battle Coming of Piccolo 
 Salvatierra's Letters A New Fort New Church for Christmas 
 The New Year Movements of Vessels The Native Priests Make 
 Trouble A Second Fight A New Ship Pearl-fishery A Miracle 
 Expedition to Londo Vigge Biaundo Mendoza Succeeds Tortolero 
 as Captain View of the Pacific Indian Policy New Mission of 
 San Javier Misfortunes Loss of the ' San Fermin ' Salvatierra 
 Visits the Main Vain Appeals to Government for Aid Distrust of 
 the Jesuits Mendoza and the Garrison- Discharged Salvatierra 
 Again Crosses the Gulf 276 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 1GOO-1G40. 
 
 Government List of Rulers See of Guadiana Bishops Geographical 
 Lines and Districts Progress in the South-east Superstition, 
 Famine, and Righteousness at Parras Acaxee Missions of Topia 
 Revolt The Sabaibo Bishop Conversion and Revolt of the Xixi- 
 mes Governor's Campaigns The Tepehuane District Revolt of 
 1G1G-17 Massacre of Ten Missionaries and Two Hundred Span 
 iards Peace Restored Humes and Hinas Vfrgen del Hachazo 
 Chihuahua Districts Jesuit Beginnings in Tarahumara Baja Fran 
 ciscan Establishments Report of 1622 Concho Mission Parral 
 Founded Coahuila .... 305 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 1641-1700. 
 
 List of Governors and Bishops Southern Districts A Tierra de Paz 
 Topia Zapata's Visita Laguna Region Secularization and De 
 struction Tepehuane Missions Tarahumara Map Franciscan 
 Territory Toboso Raids Concho Revolt Murder of Friars Cerro 
 Gordo Taralmmare Revolt Campaigns of Carrion, Barraza, and 
 Fajardo Villa de Aguilar New Rebellion Martyrdom of Godinez 
 and Basilio Spanish Reverses Peace Third Outbreak Extension 
 of Jesuit Missions Franciscan Progress Casas Grandes Junta de 
 los Rios El Paso del Norte Jesuits versus Franciscans Statistics 
 of 1678 Presidios Border Warfare Tarahumare Revolt of 1690 
 Martyrdom of Padres Forouda and Sanchez 337 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 NEW MEXICO, COAHUILA, AND TEXAS. 
 1600-1700. 
 
 Annals of New Mexico Prosperity, Revolt, and Reconquest Coahuila 
 Entries of Salduendo and Larios The Earliest Missions Found- 
 
xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 ing of Monclova Hulers Franciscans from Quere*taro and Jalisco 
 Mission Changes Texas Resume" for Sixteenth Century Expedi 
 tions from New Mexico Ofiate in Quivira The Jumanas Rio 
 Nueces Captain Vaca Martin and Castillo Country of the Tejas 
 Penalosa's Pretended Entrada Efforts of Lopez and Mendoza 
 Father Paredes' Report North-eastern Geography The Name 
 Texas French Projects Peiialosa Again La Salle's Expedition 
 Fort St Louis Disastrous Fate of the Colony Pestilence and 
 Murder Spanish Efforts Barroto's Voyages Leon's Expedition 
 Second Entrada Father Masanet and his Friars Missions Founded 
 Expedition of Governor Teran de los Rios Nueva Montana de 
 Santander y Santillana Abandonment of Texas 373 
 
 CHAPTEE XV. 
 
 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1701-1717. 
 
 Salvatierra's Return Coming of Ugarte Change of Captains Progress 
 at San Javier Hard Times at Loreto Piccolo's Efforts in Mexico 
 Padres Basaldua and Minutili Minor Explorations Revolt Basal- 
 dua in Mexico Royal Promises No Results Pedro Ugarte Liv 
 ing on Roots Salvatierra Called to Mexico And Made Provincial 
 No Government Aid Troubles with the Garrison The Provincial 
 in California Jaime Bravo Founding of San Juan Bautista de 
 Ligui Santa Rosalia de Mulege" Explorations A Miracle Salva 
 tierra Returns A Lady at Loreto Padre Mayorga Founding of 
 San Jose" de Comondii Padre Peralta Ravages of Small-pox Mari 
 time Disasters Drowning of Padre Guisi Arrival of Padre Gu- 
 Illen Favors from the New Viceroy Piccolo's Tour Padre Tama- 
 ral Salvatierra Summoned to Mexico His Death at Guadalajara 
 The Jesuit Mission System The Pious Fund 407 
 
 CHAPTEE XVI. 
 
 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1717-1750. 
 
 Interest at Court A Junta in Mexico Bra vo's Efforts Ugarte Rector 
 A Storm Founding of Purisima ' Triunfo de la Cruz ' Guillen's 
 Exploration Founding of Pilar de la Paz Helen Founds Guada- 
 lupe Ugarte's Voyage to Head of the Gulf Sistiaga on the West 
 Coast Guillen Founds Dolores Napoli Founds Santiago Locusts 
 and Epidemic Luyando Founds San Ignacio Death of Piccolo 
 Visit of Echeverria Founding of San Jose" del Cabo Death of 
 Ugarte Taraval Explores the North-west Founding of Santa 
 Rosa Touching of the Manila Ship Revolt in the South Martyr- 
 clom of Fathers Carranco and Tamaral Yaqui Reinforcements 
 Governor Huidrobo's Campaign A Presidio at the Cape Reoccur 
 
CONTEXTS. xv 
 
 PAGE 
 
 pation of the Missions A Decade of Troubles Epidemic Death of 
 Captain Este"van Lorenzo Changes in Padres Consag's Exploration 
 of the Gulf Map Royal Orders No Results End of Venega's 
 Record 435 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 LOWER CALIFORNIA JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 1750-1769. 
 
 Revival of Industries Calumnies Meagre Records Consag on the 
 Pacific Founding of Santa Gertrudis Rivera y Moncada Com 
 mandant Coast Exploration Hurricane Venegas' Map Found 
 ing of San Francisco de Borja Changes in Missionaries Link's 
 Explorations Founding of Santa Maria Troubles in the South 
 Demand for Women and Secularization Expulsion of the Jesuits 
 Arrival of Governor Portola Works of Baegert and Ducrue Map 
 Parting Scenes List of Jesuit Missionaries Coming of the Fran 
 ciscans Observantes and Fernandinos Names of the Sixteen 
 Distribution of the Friars A New System Coming of Visitador 
 General Galvez Reforms Introduced Mission Changes Towns 
 and Colonization Regulations Mining Trade Preparations for 
 the Occupation of Alta California The Four Expeditions Secu 
 larization of Santiago and San Josd Founding of San Fernando de 
 Velicata The Old must Support the New 467 
 
 CHAPTER XYIII. 
 
 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 1701-1730. 
 
 Kino's Labors in Pimeria Exploring Tour with Salvatierra Map Sixth 
 Trip to the Gila and across the Colorado Last Tour in the North 
 Final Efforts and Disappointments Death of Kino Explorations 
 by Campos Ugarte on the Coast Moqui Projects Seris and Te- 
 pocas Mission Decline Statistics Jesuits versus Settlers Polit 
 ical and Military Affairs Rule of Saldana and Tuiion Sinaloa 
 Provinces Conquest of Nayarit 492 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 1731-1751. 
 
 Coast Provinces Detached from Nueva Vizcaya Huidrobo as Governor 
 Revolt of Yaquis and Mayos A Decade in Pimeria Alta Keller 
 and Sedelmair Bolas de Plata, or Arizonac Vildosola's Rule 
 Letters and Quarrels Gallardo as Visitador General Proposed Re 
 forms Parrilla Appointed Governor Presidio Changes Seri War 
 Moqui Scheme Revived Expeditions to the Gila Sedelmair's Ex- 
 
xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 plorations Royal Orders Salvador's Consultas Secularization, 
 Penal Colony, Colonization Jesuit Catalogue of 1750 Pima Revolt 
 Martyrdom of Rhuen and Tello Items on the Sinaloa Provinces. 520 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONOfcA. 
 
 1752-1767. 
 
 A War on Paper Jesuits versus Governor Investigations Disculpa- 
 tion of the Missionaries Rule of Governors Arce and Mendoza 
 War with the Seris Mendoza Killed Apache Warfare Raids of 
 Savages and Soldiers Missions of Pimeria Alta in the Last Years 
 No Progress Padres, New and Old Final Statistics Rule of 
 Cuervo and Pineda From Bad to Worse Campaigns Recom 
 mended Reforms Various Reports Captain Cancio and his Let 
 ters Elizondo's Expedition Coming Resume 1 of Correspondence 
 and Events A Period of Suspense Mission Statistics, 17GO-7 
 Expulsion of Jesuits List of Jesuits Who Served in Sinaloa and 
 Sonora 548 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 .NUEVA VIZCAYA, OR DURANGO AND CHIHUAHUA. 
 
 1701-1767. 
 
 Government and List of Rulers Presidios and Indian Warfare Rivera's 
 Tour Berrotaran's Report Presidial Changes Mission . Annals 
 Repartimientos The Jesuit College Secularization of the Durango 
 Missions Statistics Expulsion of the Jesuits List of Mission 
 aries The Franciscans Secularization Custody of Parral Mis 
 sions at Junta de los Rios Ecclesiastical Affairs and List of 
 Bishops Tamaron's Visita and Report Statistics of Population 
 Local Items in the South and North San Felipe el Real de Chihua 
 hua and Mines of Santa Eulalia 581 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 1701-1800. 
 
 A Glance at New Mexico Coahuila or Nueva Estremadura Government 
 and Rulers General Progress and Statistics Local Items Chrono 
 logical Record Military and Mission Affairs Texas, or Nuevas 
 Filipinas Operations of St Denis Ramon's Expedition Missions 
 Refounded Governor Alarcon Founding of Bt'jar and San An 
 tonio French Invasion Expedition of Governor San Miguel de 
 Aguayo Villa of San Fernando Reduction of Military Force 
 
CONTEXTS. xvii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Quere"taro Friars Transfer their Missions French Boundary Ques 
 tion Succession of Governors Apache Warfare Penitent Lipanes 
 Troubles of the Friars Missions of San Javier Rabago's Ex 
 cesses Contraband Trade San Saba Presidio and Mission Zeal of 
 Conde de Regla A Massacre Parrilla j s Campaign Rule of Oconor 
 and Ripperda Northern Establishments Abandoned Bucareli and 
 Nacodoches Quare"taro Friars Retire Efforts of Mezieres Morfi's 
 Work Local Affairs Condition of the Province Last Decades of 
 the Century G02 
 
 CHAPTEK XXIII. 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYA, PROVINCIAS INTERNAS, INTENDENCIA OF DURANGO. j 
 
 1768-1800. 
 
 Government Organization of Provincias Internas Caballero de Croix 
 Neve, Rengel, and Ugarte in Command Viceregal Jurisdiction 
 Division of the Provincias The East and West General Pedro de 
 Nava Reunion and Independence Governors of Nueva Vizcaya 
 Intendencia of Durango Rule of Intendentes and Subdelegados 
 Indian Affairs Reglamento de Presidios Changes in Sites In 
 structions of Galvez A New Policy Results See of Durango 
 List of Bishops Division of the Diocese Controversies Bishop 
 versus General Missions Under Franciscans and Secular Clergy 
 Condition of the Establishments Local Items Reports of Guardian, 
 Provincial, and Viceroy Annals of Chihuahua Annals of Durango 
 Pestilence War on the Scorpions , 636 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIV. 
 
 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 17G8-1800. 
 
 Elizondo's Military Expedition Nueva Andalucia Noticia Breve 
 Original Correspondence Unsuccessful Movements on the Cerro 
 Prieto Depredations of the Savages Arrival of Galvez Pardon 
 Offered Revolt on the Rio Fuerte New Advance on the Rebel 
 Seris Change of Policy Final Success of Negotiations The Coun 
 try at Peace Discovery of Gold Mines New Presidio Regulations 
 Mission Annals Secularization Franciscans of Quere"taro and 
 Jalisco Fate of the Establishments Garce"s on the Gila Murder 
 of President Gil Reyes' Report of 177*2 List of Governors Pro 
 vincias Internas Arizpe the Capital Bishopric List of Bishops 
 Apache Warfare Peace at Last More Revolt Destruction of 
 Magdalena Anza's Expeditions to California The Colorado River 
 Missions Transfer of Sonora Missions Custodia de San Carlos 
 Arricivita's Chronicle Local Items, List of Padres, and Statistics . . 660 
 HIST. N. HEX. STAIES, VOL. I. 2 
 
CONTENTS. 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 1769-1774. * 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Visitador's Plans for Loreto Departure and Report of Galvez 
 Chappe d'Auteroche Governor Armona Gc*izalez and Toledo 
 Epidemics Dissatisfaction Ramos Sent to Sonora News from 
 Monterey Moreno in Command Basterra's Memorial New Friars 
 Governor Barri A Bitter Feud Palou Appeals to Guardian and 
 Viceroy The Dominican Claim Iriarte's Efforts Royal Orders 
 Guardian and Vicar-general Amicable Agreement Franciscans Sur 
 render the Peninsula Motives of the Two Orders More Trouble 
 with Barri Arrival of the Dominicans Departure of the Fernan- 
 dinos Palou's Final Preparations Troubles with President Mora 
 Reglamento of Presidios Barri Succeeded by Felipe de Neve In 
 structions Arrival 692 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORN A. 
 
 1775-1800. 
 
 Neve's Rule Reforms Troubles with Padres Rosario and Santo Do 
 mingo Rivera y Moncada in Command Indian Troubles Domin 
 ican Records San Vicente Small-pox Hidalgo President Neve's 
 Reglamento Rivera's Death Custodias Threatened Fages Gov 
 ernor Hard Times Arrillaga in Command Explorations San Mi 
 guel Mission Reports Padre Sales' Noticias Governor Romeu 
 President Gomez Santo Tomas New Friars San Pedro Martyr 
 Borica Official Changes Arrillaga 's Tour Santa Catalina War 
 with England President Belda A British Fleet Governor Arri 
 llaga Financial Items List of Dominicans Local Affairs 714 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 OCCUPATION OF ALTA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 1 709-1800. 
 
 -Discovery and Coast Exploration Knowledge of California in 1769 
 Motives for the Conquest Portola's Expedition At San Diego : To 
 Monterey and San Francisco by Land Founding of Missions Juni- 
 pero Serra as President Results in 1773 Fages, Rivera, and 
 Anza Disaster at San Diego San Francisco Mission and Presidio 
 Governor Neve at Monterey Statistics for the First Decade 
 Trouble on the Colorado Governor Fages Pueblos Lasuen as 
 President La Perouse New Foundations A Decade of Prosperity 
 Romeu, Arrillaga, and Borica Vancouver Yankee Craft Fears 
 of Foreign Aggression End of the Century Elements of Progress . . 743 
 
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AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xlv 
 
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MORTH MEXICAN 
 
'~~' '' 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NORTH MEXICAN" STATES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 1521-1530. 
 
 MOTIVE OF NORTH-WESTERN DISCOVERY COSMOGRAPHICAL THEORIES OF 
 THE EARLY SPANIARDS SECRET OF THE STRAIT IDEAS OF HERNAN 
 CORTES EXTRACTS FROM HIS LETTERS RESUME OF EVENTS FOLLOW 
 ING THE CONQUEST PANUCO AND THE GULF COAST RIVAL CONQUIS- 
 TADORES THE CHICHIMEC COUNTRY CONQUEST OF MICHOACAN 
 SUBJECTION OF COLIMA AND CHIMALHUACAN EXPEDITIONS OF ALVAREZ 
 
 CHICO, A.VALOS, AND FRANCISCO CORTES EXPLORATION TO TfiPIC 
 
 NORTHERN WONDERS A TOWN AND SHIP-YARD AT ZACATULA CORTES 
 ON THE PACIFIC COAST His PROJECTS OF SOUTH SEA DISCOVERY 
 His LETTERS TO THE EMPEROR DELAYS AND OBSTACLES DOWN THE 
 COAST, NORTHWARD IDENTITY OF VESSELS LOAISA, GUEVARA, AND 
 SAAVLDRA FIRST VOYAGE UP THE COAST TO COLIMA NEW VESSELS 
 NEW PERSECUTIONS DISCOURAGEMENT. 
 
 FROM the day when Mexico Tenochtitlan submitted 
 to the arms of Spain, an idea often uppermost in the 
 mind of the conqueror, Herrian Cortes, and hardly 
 less prominent in the minds of his companions and 
 those who succeeded him in power, was that of west 
 ern and north-western discovery, the exploration of 
 the South Sea with its coasts and islands, and the 
 finding of a northern passage by water from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific. The realization of this idea, 
 or the progress of more than three centuries toward 
 its realization, involving the exploration by land and 
 
 VOL. I. 1 
 
2 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 water, the conquest and conversion, the settlement 
 and permanent occupation by Europeans of the great 
 north-west, is the subject to which the present and 
 later subdivisions of this history are devoted. In 
 order to comprehend clearly, and consistently to ac 
 count for the idee fixe alluded to, we have to glance 
 briefly at the geographical notions prevalent at the 
 time respecting the regions which have been finally 
 named America. Thus may be readily dispelled the 
 shade of mystery which, in the popular mind at least, 
 has ever obscured this matter. 
 
 When Columbus undertook his grand enterprise, the 
 learned few, cosmographers, navigators, and merchants 
 engaged in foreign trade, had a vaguely correct knowl 
 edge of the Asiatic coast, of India, China, and even 
 of Japan. This knowledge was derived from over 
 land trips of traders and priests, directed to the east 
 in quest of merchandise and proselytes, especially 
 from the travels of Polo and Mandeville. The Asi 
 atic coast was laid down on maps of the time, and 
 that with a degree of accuracy in its general features. 
 The Portuguese were straining every nerve to reach 
 India by water by way of Cape Good Hope, a project 
 in which they succeeded a little later. The spherical 
 form of the earth was understood; the feasibility of 
 reaching Asia by sailing westward was maintained by 
 some; Columbus became an enthusiastic believer in 
 the theory, and resolved to apply a practical test. By 
 reason of imperfect methods of computing longitude, 
 Columbus, like others of his time, greatly underesti 
 mated the distance across the Atlantic to Asia; but 
 he started, sailed about as far as he had expected to 
 sail, and found as he had anticipated a coast trending 
 south-westward in fact, as he believed and as all of 
 his time and of much later times believed, he reached 
 the Asiatic coast. The discovery of land where all 
 knew before that land existed excited little surprise 
 or enthusiasm; it was the finding of a new route to 
 that land that gave the admiral his earlier fame, the 
 
SECRET OF THE STRAIT. 3 
 
 only fame lie had during his lifetime. He died with 
 out a suspicion that he had done more than to make 
 known a new route to Asia, 
 
 The first discovery of lands before unknown was in 
 what is now known as South America, at a point 
 much farther east than could be made to agree with 
 the trend of the Asiatic coast as laid down in the 
 maps and described by travellers. Had Australia 
 been included in the old knowledge there would have 
 been perhaps no surprise, no thought of a new dis-- 
 covery even yet; as it was, navigators had now a new 
 aim for exploration, in ascertaining the extent of the 
 newly discovered island, an aim which resulted in the 
 expedition of Magellan into the Pacific in 1520. This 
 new aim, however, by no means diverted attention 
 from the primary design, that of coasting Asia south- 
 westward, sailing of course between the main and the 
 new-found island, and finally arriving at India. The 
 firm belief on the part of Columbus, and of those who 
 followed him, that they had reached the Asiatic coast, 
 and had only to follow that coast to reach India and 
 the Spice Islands,, together with their idea and a 
 very natural idea it was that in passing down the 
 coast they must sail through the strait, or channel, 
 between the island and the main, furnishes us a key to 
 all that is mysterious in the subsequent progress of 
 north-western exploration, as well as to the "secret of 
 the strait," which the Spaniards so zealously sought to 
 penetrate. 1 The effort to solve the mystery was not 
 at first nor for many years a search for a passage 
 through a new continent to the South Sea, but a 
 passage between new lands and the well known Asi- 
 
 1 1 am aware that there is nothing original in the statement that Columbus 
 thought he had arrived in Asia. Most writers state the fact; but few if any 
 in subsequent speculations speak as if they really believe it, or fully under 
 stand how elowly this idea of Columbus was modified, how closely it was 
 connected with the * secret of the strait,' how loath were navigators to give up 
 the views of the ancient cosmographers, how slightly the idea of Columbus 
 had been modified in the time of Cortes, or how many years passed before the 
 idea was altogether abandoned. For more details, with copies of old maps, 
 see Hist. Cent. Am., i. chap, i., Summary of Voyages, this series. 
 
4 CO&TES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 atic main. This ignis fatuus of navigators did not 
 originate in wild cosmographic theories, 2 but in natu 
 ral conclusions from what were deemed accurate reports 
 of prior discoveries. 
 
 On making the attempt, however, from both direc 
 tions, to sail down the China coast, no passage was 
 found, but only land instead of a strait an isthmus, 
 which was crossed by Vasco Nunez de Balboa in 1513. 
 This unexpected result caused not a little confusion in 
 cosmograpliical reckonings; but it left to thinking men, 
 acquainted with the progress of maritime discovery, 
 only three theories or reasonable conjectures. Charts 
 of this and subsequent periods 3 agree with one or 
 another of these conjectures, which are the following: 
 first, that the passage actually existed in the region 
 between Cuba and South America, but being narrow 
 had escaped the attention of navigators; second, that 
 the newly found regions were all a south-eastern pro 
 jection of the Asiatic continent, not separated from 
 the main by any body of water; and third, that the 
 passage was to be found north of the explored regions, 
 those regions all belonging to a hitherto unknown 
 continent, distinct, but not distant, from Asia. 
 
 Such were the geographical theories .prevalent in 
 1521 when Cortes first had leisure to give his attention 
 to new discoveries; but the tendency of the times was 
 strongly in favor of the third, or that of a northern 
 passage. Cortes deemed it yet possible that the strait 
 which was to admit his Majesty's vessels to the Indian 
 Spice Islands might be found in the south. This is 
 shown by his expeditions in that direction, either car- 
 
 2 'European scholars could not believe, that Nature had worked on a plan 
 so repugnant, apparently, to the interests of humanity, as to interpose, through 
 the whole length of .the great continent, such a barrier to communication 
 between the adjacent waters.' Prcscott's Hist. Conq. Hex., iii. 272. These 
 ideas if understood literally must be applied to a period considerably later 
 than that of CorteV earlier efforts at north-western-exploration. 
 
 3 Of course I refer to official charts and to such as show some ruling idea 
 on the part of the maker. I made no attempt to account for the vagaries of 
 the many compilers who drew liberally on their imagination for geographical 
 data, whenever needed to promote the sale of their maps. Copies of many of 
 the earlier charts are given elsewhere in my work. 
 
GEOGRAPHICAL CONCLUSIONS. 5 
 
 ried out or projected, and especially by his instructions 
 to Cristobal de Olid in the Honduras expedition. Still 
 his faith in a southern strait was slight and of short 
 duration. The natives of Andhuac had an accurate 
 knowledge of the South Sea and the trend of the 
 Pacific coast, a knowledge which Cortes was not long 
 in acquiring and verifying through the agency of 
 Spanish scouts. The result established the following 
 facts : That if Mexico was a part of the Asiatic conti 
 nent, the point where the coast turned westward must 
 be sought not in the south just above Nicaragua, the > 
 northern limit of Espinosa's voyage in 1819, but north 
 of the latitude of Anahuac; that the a"clual discovery 
 of a southern strait in the region of Darien would still 
 leave a south-eastern projection of Asia wholly irrec 
 oncilable with the old authorities, whose general 
 accuracy men were loath to call in question; and finally 
 that only the finding of a passage in the north could 
 establish the correctness of the old maps and narra 
 tives. 4 
 
 4 In thus making Cortes the representative of the cosmographical ideas of 
 his time there may be an apparent exaggeration, but I believe it is at least 
 not calculated to mislead. The view I have given of the tendency of the 
 period is sustained by the facts in the case, and Cortes was a shrewd observer 
 and quick to take practical advantage of the reasonings of his contemporaries, 
 even if his mind did not grasp in logical sequence all the conclusions to be 
 drawn from the results of maritime discovery since the day of Columbus. 
 The following literal translations from his letter to Charles V. are conclusive 
 as to his ideas on the subject: 'I hold these ships (those built at Zacatula) of 
 more importance than I can express, for I am sure that with them, by the 
 will of Our Lord, I shall be the cause that your Csesarean Majesty be in. these 
 regions ruler over more kingdoms and seigneuries than are yet known in our 
 nation; and I believe that when I have accomplished this your Majesty will 
 have nothing more to do to become monarch of the world.' 
 
 ' I saw that nothing more remained for me to do but to learn the secret of 
 the coast which is yet to be explored between the Bio Panuco and Florida . . . 
 and thence the coast of the said Florida northward to Bacallaos (Newfound 
 land); for it is deemed certain that on that coast there is a strait which passes 
 to the South Sea; and if it should be found, according to a certain map which 
 I have of the region of the archipelago discovered by Magellan by order of 
 your Highness, it seems that it would come out very near there; and if it 
 should please God that the said strait be found there, the voyage from the 
 spice region to your kingdom would be very easy and very short, so much so 
 that it would be less by two thirds than by the route now followed, and that 
 without any risk to the vessels coming and going, because they would always 
 come and go through your own dominions, so that in any case of necessity 
 they could be repaired without danger wherever they might wish to enter 
 port.' 
 
 ' I have determined to send three caravels and two brigantines on this 
 
6 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 Thus we account for the efforts of Cortes and his 
 companions constantly directed toward the north 
 west; for the never-failing reports of natives respect 
 ing ever receding marvels in that direction, for there 
 can be but little doubt that the wish of the Spaniards 
 was father to the tales of the Indians; the famous 
 Amazon isles, golden mountains, bearded white men, 
 broad rivers, and populous cities; the island of Califor 
 nia "on the right hand of the Indies;" the fabled strait 
 of Anian through which fictitious voyagers and ad 
 venturers sailed; the more modern search for a north 
 west passage through the frozen zone; and not improb 
 ably even the traditions of an ancient migration of 
 the native races from the far north. The conclusion 
 toward which the reasonings of Cortes tended proved 
 a correct one; but the illustrious conquistador and his 
 contemporaries were far from dreaming how very far 
 away, and in how cold a region, the long-sought strait 
 would at last be found. 
 
 Having landed on the coast of Yera Cruz in April 
 1519, the Spaniards received the surrender of the 
 Aztec capital in August 1521. Before the latter date 
 
 search (this refers particularly to the search in the North Sea via Florida) . . . 
 and to add this service to the others I have done, because I deem it the great 
 est, if, as I say, the strait be found; and if it be not found, it is not possible 
 that there should not be discovered very large and rich lands where your 
 Ccesareaii Majesty may be much served, and the kingdoms and seigneuries of 
 your royal crown be greatly extended . . . May it please Our Lord that the 
 armada accomplish the object for which it is prepared, which is to discover 
 the strait, because that would be best; and in this I have strong faith, since 
 hi the royal good fortune of your Majesty nothing can be hid. . .Also I intend 
 to send the ships which I have built on the South Sea, and which, if the Lord 
 wills, will sail at the end of July 1525 up the coast' the writer says por la 
 costa abajo, literally ' down the coast;' but by this expression he doubtless 
 means what we now call ' up the coast, ' that is north-westward. See on this 
 point note at end of this chapter 'in search of the said strait; because if 
 it exists, it cannot be hidden to these in the South Sea or to those in the 
 North Sea; since the former in the South (Sea) will follow the coast until they 
 find the strait or join the land with that discovered by Magalhaens (India); 
 and the others in the North (Sea) as I have said, until they join it to the 
 Bacallaos. Thus on the one side or the other the secret will" not fail to be 
 revealed.' He goes on to assure the emperor that his own personal interests 
 call him to the rich provinces of the south, but he is willing to sacrifice his 
 interests to those of the crown. Cortts, Cartas (letter of Oct. 15, 1524), 307-8, 
 314-15. 
 
CONQUEST OF MEXICO. 7 
 
 Cortes had already brought into subjection most of 
 the towns in the vicinity of the lakes; had somewhat 
 extended his conquests southward toward the borders 
 of the Miztec and Zapotec realms; and had made him 
 self master of nearly all the region stretching east\vard 
 from the central plateau to the gulf coast. Many of 
 the native chieftains had been subdued only by deeds 
 of valor on hard-fought battle-fields; others, moved by 
 admiration for Spanish prowess, by terror of Spanish 
 guns and horses, by supernatural warnings, and by a 
 bitter hatred toward the tyrants of Andhuac, had 
 voluntarily submitted to the new-comers, whom they 
 looked upon at first as deliverers. During the years 
 immediately following the fall of Mexico voluntary 
 submission was the rule, armed resistance the excep 
 tion. Such resistance was met for the most part only 
 beyond the limits of the region permanently subjected 
 in aboriginal times to the allied monarchs of Mexico, 
 Tezcuco, and Tlacopan; or, if met nearer, it was only 
 in the form of revolt in provinces that had at first 
 submitted but were driven by oppression to a desper 
 ate though vain effort to retrieve their error and 
 
 O 
 
 regain their freedom. 
 
 Cortes was kept busy in preparations for building a 
 magnificent Spanish city on the site of the demolished 
 Tenochtitlan ; in apportioning the conquered villages 
 as encomiendas to his associates; in establishing a 
 form of local government adapted to the needs of the 
 court, and especially the treasury, of Spain, as well as 
 of the new Spanish subjects; in despatching warlike 
 expeditions to quell revolt in the provinces or to ex 
 tend his power over gentile tribes yet unsubdued; 
 and finally in watching the movements and striving to 
 baffle the schemes of his foes both in Mexico and 
 at the court of Charles. In the first impulse of 
 thankfulness for large domains, or perhaps of a politic 
 craving for a still further extension of his trans 
 atlantic realms, the emperor made Cortes governor, 
 captain-general, and chief-justice of New Spain, with 
 
8 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 full powers to administer the government arid press 
 forward free from trammels in his ambitious schemes 
 of conquest. This was in October 1522. By the end 
 of the year Tehuantepec had been conquered by Pedro 
 cle Alvarado; the South Sea had been discovered and 
 formal possession of it taken at several points; active 
 preparations had been set on foot for the building of 
 a fleet on the Pacific for the further exploration of 
 its mysteries; and a little later myriads of swarthy 
 workmen under the guidance of European architects 
 were restoring to its original splendor the capital of 
 the Montezumas. Soon the whole country from the 
 isthmus of Tehuantepec to Ptinuco and Colirna owned 
 allegiance to the conquerors; several Spanish settle 
 ments were founded in different parts of the conquered 
 territory; colonization was encouraged by liberal 
 grants of land and of native servants under the pre 
 vailing system of repartimientos; missionaries were 
 sent for, to convert and instruct the natives; the 
 native faith was uprooted and the ancient teocallis 
 were demolished; the aborigines were forced to wear 
 out their bodies in servitude, but they were rapidly 
 learning just how much it would profit them, having 
 lost the whole world, to save their own souls. 
 
 In 1523 Alvarado was sent again southward to 
 cross the isthmus and conquer Guatemala. Early in 
 1524 Olid was despatched by water to invade Hon 
 duras, and twelve Franciscan friars arrived to begin 
 their holy work of conversion and instruction. In 
 October of the same year Cortes was forced by Olid's 
 treachery to leave temporarily his northern schemes, 
 and go in person to Central America, not return 
 ing until the middle of 1526. His departure from 
 Mexico was the occasion of serious complications in 
 the colonial government. The royal officers left by 
 him in charge were either unfaithful to their trusts 
 or failed to agree among themselves. Other officers 
 sent from the south to heal differences committed still 
 greater irregularities, abused their usurped power, and 
 
THE CONQUEROR'S TROUBLES. 9 
 
 finally gave out the report that the captain-general 
 was dead. 
 
 Meanwhile his foes at court had renewed their hos 
 tile efforts and had filled the mind of Charles with 
 fears that Cortes would go so far in his ambitious 
 schemes as to deny allegiance and set up an independ 
 ent sovereignty. The remedy usual in such cases was 
 resorted to; an investigating commissioner, orjuez de 
 residcncia, was sent to supersede the governor and 
 bring him to trial on charges preferred. The arrival 
 of this commissioner was in July 1526, just after the- 
 governor's return from Honduras. The position had 
 been given to Luis Ponce de Leon, reputed to be a 
 just man and an impartial judge; but by his death and 
 that of his successor, the treasurer, Alonso de Estrada, 
 a bitter personal enemy to Cortes, came into power; 
 and the period that followed during 1526 and 1527 
 was one of continual mortification, annoyance, and 
 insult to the conqueror and his friends. His enemies 
 having gained control in Mexico, worked the more 
 effectually at court; but early in 1528 Cortes went in 
 person to Spain, just in time to escape being forcibly 
 sent or treacherously enticed across the Atlantic by 
 the royal audiencia appointed to supersede Estrada. 
 
 While his trial was in progress at Mexico during 
 his absence, at court Cortes received marked honors 
 from the emperor. It was deemed expedient to con 
 tinue the audiencia in their civil power; but in all else 
 the feted conquistador was triumphant. In July 1529 
 he was made marques del Valle de Oajaca, with large 
 grants of land and vassals; during the same month 
 he was appointed captain -general of New Spain and 
 of the South Sea, with full powers to continue his dis 
 coveries and to rule over such lands as he might 
 explore and colonize ; later he was granted in full pro 
 prietorship one twelfth of all his new discoveries. 
 He returned to the New World in July 1530, to the 
 great joy of the natives, whose friend and protector 
 he had been so far as practicable under the system to 
 
10 COKTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 which he was subjected, and who now after several 
 years of oppression under royal officers and audiencia, 
 more fully than before realized the good will of the 
 chieftain who had forced upon them Spanish sover 
 eignty. But the return of Cortds was productive of 
 but little good to himself, to the country, or to his 
 friends, whether natives or Spaniards. In view of the 
 services he had rendered he was little disposed to 
 brook interference or opposition from a tribunal with 
 which he soon became involved in quarrels respecting 
 his powers, titles, property, and vassals. He soon left 
 the capital in disgust to live in retirement at Cuer- 
 navaca until ready to resume his operations in the 
 South Sea, of which more hereafter. 
 
 This brief sketch will serve to recall a few needed 
 dates, and thus introduce the topic matter of this 
 chapter, itself introductory to the general subject of 
 north -western exploration and settlement. Full de 
 tails are before the reader in an earlier volume of this 
 history. 5 
 
 It is well, however, before following Cortes to the 
 Pacific to review somewhat more fully, but still in 
 the briefest resume, the course of events in the coun 
 tries immediately north and west of Mexico during 
 the years following the conquest. These events 
 occurred for the most part without the territorial 
 limits of this volume, that is in the provinces that 
 now make up the states of "Vera Cruz, Tamaulipas, 
 San Luis, Queretaro, Guanajuato, Aguas Calientes, 
 Michoacan, Colima, and Jalisco; but they were never 
 theless the beginning of the north-western movement, 
 and have a bearing on what is to follow. 
 
 Ponce de Leon in 1512 sought the ' fountain of 
 youth' in Birnini, or Florida, whither he returned to 
 die nine years later. Grijalva from the south reached 
 Panuco in 1518. The intermediate gulf coast was 
 explored in 1519-20, and the following years by Pineda 
 
 6 See Hist. Mex., vol. i. this series. 
 
ON THE GULF SHORES. 
 
 11 
 
 and Narvaez for Garay under the patronage of the 
 conqueror's foes, Velazquez in Cuba and Fonseca in 
 Spain. A leading incentive was the erroneous idea 
 that the Tarn pi co region afforded a good harbor. 
 Cortes shared this belief and was able to defeat Garay 's 
 projects by obtaining the voluntary submission of the 
 Paiiuco chieftains; and when the latter were driven 
 to revolt by the outrages of his foe, he marched to 
 subdue the province by force of arms, founding the 
 
 REGION NORTH AND WEST OF MEXICO. 
 
 town of San Estevan del Puerto in 1522. Garay 
 came in person with a governor's commission in 1523; 
 and though he accomplished nothing, his men provoked 
 a second rising in which some two hundred and fifty 
 Spaniards were slain. Sandoval restored peace by a 
 bloody campaign, and took terrible vengeance by 
 burning and hanging hundreds of leading Huastecs in 
 1524. Next year the province under name of Vic 
 toria Garayana was separated from the jurisdiction 
 of Mexico, but no actual change was effected till 
 1528. Then came Panfilo de Narvaez and Nuno de 
 Guzman, of the clique so bitterly hostile to Cortes, 
 each with a governor's commission. Narvaez was to 
 rule Las Palmas stretching northward from Panuco. 
 He landed on the west coast of Florida with a large 
 
12 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 force, and attempted to coast the gulf by land and 
 water. The whole company perished miserably one 
 by one, except four, of whose wanderings across the 
 continent I shall have much to say elsewhere in this 
 volume. 6 Guzman was ruler of Panuco, the other 
 name not surviving, and his administration of about 
 six months at San Estevan was marked, after profit 
 less attempts to make conquests and find riches in 
 the territory of Narvaez, by never ending raids for 
 slaves, by which the province was depopulated. He 
 was always in trouble, with authorities of adjoining 
 provinces invaded, with his Spanish subjects whose 
 encomienclas were destroyed by his policy, or with the 
 Huastec chieftains now nearly helpless; but he was 
 a shrewd lawyer, and so skilfully did he parry the con 
 stant complaints at court that instead of being dis 
 missed from office and hanged, as he richly deserved, 
 he was sent to Mexico, still retaining his governorship 
 as president of the audiencia. We shall soon enougli 
 meet him again. Before 1530 there was no Spanish 
 settlement on the northern gulf coast except at San 
 Estevan, or Panuco. 
 
 To the west and inland was the territory coni- 
 
 g rising the present states of Queretaro, Guanajuato, 
 an Lufs, and Aguas Calientes; the home of the 
 wild Chichimecs, never permanently subjected to the 
 Aztecs. The Chichimec country proper extended 
 indefinitely northward, as elsewhere noted, but the 
 name was applied commonly to this region as the 
 home of the only Chichimecs with whom the Aztecs 
 or earliest Spaniards came in contact. Richer prov 
 inces and pueblos, more accessible for purposes of 
 plunder and conversion, at first called the Spaniards 
 in other directions. Converted native chieftains, 
 however, furnished with ammunition, material and 
 spiritual gunpowder and crucifixes set forth to 
 christianize their rude brethren on several occasions 
 between 1521 and 1525. In 1526 Cortes was niedi- 
 
 6 See chapter iii. of this volume. 
 
CHICHIMEC COUNTRY AND MICHOACAN. 13 
 
 tating an expedition against the Chichimecs who, if 
 they showed no fitness for civilization, were to be made 
 slaves. Two Otomi chiefs, baptized as Fernando de 
 Tapia and Nicolas Montaiiez de San Luis, were leaders 
 of proselyte armies which effected the conquest of 
 Queretaro and parts of Guanajuato. The former 
 founded a pueblo at Acambaro in 1526; and in 1530 
 one or both won a marvellous victory near the spot 
 where the town of Queretaro was founded, probably 
 in 1531. About this time it is reported that Lope de 
 Mendoza, left in command at Panuco, made an expe 
 dition into the interior to San Luis Potosi, and as some 
 say to Zacatecas. Records are vague, but the subject 
 is not an important one in this connection. The region 
 attracted little notice until about 1548, when rich 
 mines were found in Guanajuato. 
 
 Michoac^b, the land of the civilized Tarascos, was a 
 province that early fixed the invaders' attention. It 
 is said that a messenger sent thither in 1521 was 
 
 O 
 
 never heard of again; but he was followed by one 
 Parrillas, with a few comrades, who reached Tzin- 
 tzuntzan, the capital, returning with glowing reports 
 of western wealth, specimens of which were brought 
 by native envoys back to Mexico. Next Montano 
 and a larger party, generously provided with trinket 
 gifts, were received at Tzintzuntzan with great cere 
 mony and some caution, bringing to Cortes precious 
 gifts with new stores of information, and accompanied 
 on their return by eight Tarascan nobles. Later the 
 king's brother visited Mexico with much pomp and 
 treasure to see for himself the power and magnificence 
 of the newly arrived children of the sun. And then 
 King Tangaxoan came in person to offer his allegiance 
 to the Spanish sovereign, promising to open his king 
 dom and extend his protection to Spanish colonists. 
 Accordingly Olid was sent with a large force to inves 
 tigate the country's resources, and to found a settle 
 ment. All this was before the end of 1522. He met 
 with no resistance, save such as was provoked at 
 
14 COHTfiS ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 Tangimaroa by the actions of his men; but the out 
 rages were continued at the capital, where temples 
 were burned, private dwellings plundered, and the 
 adjoining region raided in the search for treasure. 
 The Spaniards quarrelled among themselves when 
 Olid tried to stop the plundering; and when no more 
 treasure could be found they became discontented and 
 uncontrollable, so that the settlement was abandoned 
 by order of Corte's. But the occupation was soon 
 resumed; the timid native authorities were reassured; 
 Franciscan friars began their work; and from 1524 
 Michoacan never faltered in allegiance to Spain, 
 though the Tarascan nobles and people secured noth 
 ing but oppression in return for their submission and 
 good faith. 
 
 In connection with Olid's expedition to Michoacan 
 in 1522, a force sent to Zacatula turned aside on the 
 way to conquer Colima, where great riches were said 
 to be. Part of this force under Alvarez Chico was 
 defeated by the natives; but another division under 
 Avalos, forming an alliance with disaffected chiefs, 
 extended this raid through the region just north of 
 the modern Colima line, known for many years as the 
 Avalos province. Next Olid entered the province 
 and defeated in a hard-fought battle the ruler and his 
 allies; a town of Coliman was founded; and Avalos 
 was left in charge of the colony. When many of the 
 settlers had deserted, the natives revolted, but San- 
 doval was sent to subdue them, and did his work so 
 effectually that the province thereafter remained sub 
 missive. This was before the end of 1523. In 1524 
 Francisco Cortes, a kinsman of Don Hernan, and 
 alcalde mayor of Colima, made an entrad-a, OT incur 
 sion, to the northern regions of Chimalhuacan, corre 
 sponding to western Jalisco. Most of the towns 
 submitted without resistance; but at Tetitlan and at 
 several other points battles were fought. The north- 
 . ern limit was the town of Jalisco, near Tepic. Gold 
 was not found in large quantities, but of course was 
 
FRANCISCO CORTES IN JALISCO. 15 
 
 reported plentiful toward the north. During Don 
 Francisco's absence Avalos also advanced northward 
 to the region round the modern Guadalajara. Many 
 of the northern pueblos were distributed as encomi- 
 endas at this time, but it does not appear that 
 either encomenderos or garrisons were left in the 
 country. 
 
 Don Francisco's return was along the coast, and 
 the Yalle de Banderas was named from the little 
 flags attached by the natives to their bows. Not^ 
 only did the Spaniards hear marvellous reports of 
 northern wealth, but on the coast south of Banderas 
 they found in the dress and actions of the natives 
 traces of Catholic influence, and heard of a ' wooden 
 house' from over the sea that had been stranded on 
 the rocks many years ago. Fifty persons from the 
 wreck taught the natives many things, but were killed 
 when they became overbearing. Writers have in 
 dulged in speculations on the origin of this tale, won 
 dering if the strangers were Englishmen who came 
 through the strait of Ariian, or if they belonged to 
 some Catholic nation. After exhausting conjecture 
 respecting probable error or falsehood on the part of 
 natives or Spaniards, the credulous reader is still at 
 liberty to believe that the wreck on the Jalisco coast 
 of a Portuguese craft from India before 1524 is not 
 quite impossible. 
 
 I now come to the actual operations of Cortes on 
 the Pacific coast between 1521 and 1530, a series of 
 failures and bitter disappointments, though followed 
 by partial success in later years. The aim of his efforts 
 in this direction, his grand scheme of sailing north and 
 then west, and finally south until he should reach 
 India discovering in the course of this navigation 
 the " secret of the strait," or proving all to be one 
 continent, and in any event making rich additions to 
 his Majesty's domain has been clearly set forth at 
 the beginning of this chapter; it only remains to pre- 
 
 - 
 
16 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 sent the record of the efforts made to carrj r out his 
 aim. 7 
 
 In his third letter to Charles V., written May 15, 
 1522, Cortes relates all that had transpired up to that 
 date respecting South Sea discovery. Through friendly 
 natives, before the final surrender of Mexico, he had 
 heard of that sea; and before the date of his letter 
 had sent to Spain certain petitions touching the 
 matter. 8 The first Tarascan messengers who came 9 
 were closely questioned on this point and requested 
 to take back with them two Spaniards to visit the 
 coast from Michoacan. They stated that a province 
 lying between their own and the sea was hostile, and 
 it was therefore impracticable at the time to reach the 
 Pacific; nevertheless the two Spaniards did accom 
 pany them to Michoacan at least. Learning by his 
 inquiries that the coast was twelve or fourteen days 7 
 journey distant according to the direction taken, Cor 
 tes was glad, because, as he says, " it seemed to me 
 that in discovering it I should do your Majesty a very 
 great service, especially as all who have experience 
 and knowledge in the navigation of the Indies have 
 held it certain that with the finding of the South Sea 
 in these parts, there must also be found rich islands, 
 with gold and pearls and precious stones, and many 
 other secrets and marvellous things; and this has been 
 affirmed and is still affirmed by men of letters and 
 learned in the -science of cosmography." He conse- 
 
 7 The best, and in fact almost the only authority for this record, is the let 
 ters of Cortds himself, which, when carefully examined, are tolerably complete 
 and satisfactory on the subject. Later writers have presented but versions 
 always incomplete and often incorrect of that given by the conquistador. 
 Some of them wrote without having all the letters before them; others used 
 carelessly those that they had; no one so far as I know has added anything 
 from trustworthy sources. 
 
 8 ' Antes de agora teniendo alguna noticia de la dicha mar, yo aviso" d los 
 que tienen mi poder de ciertas cosas que se habian de suplicar a V. M. para 
 la mejor y mas breve cxpedicion del dicho descubrimiento . . .aquel aviso mio 
 no s6 si se habra rccibido, porque* fu<5 por diversas vias.' Cartas, 1GO. 'Tenia 
 noticia de aquella Mar de tiempo de Motec9uma.' Gomara, Crdnica, in Bar da, 
 Hist. Prtm., ii. 154. 
 
 9 With Parrillas or Montano, probably the latter, and in any case shortly 
 after August 1521. 
 
DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC. 17 
 
 quently sent four Spaniards, " two by certain provinces 
 and other two by others," accompanied by a few 
 friendly Indians, with instructions not to stop until 
 they reached the sea, and once there to take possession 
 in the name of Spain. One party went one hundred 
 and thirty leagues through many and rich provinces, 
 took possession of the ocean by setting up crosses on 
 its shores, and returned with samples of gold from the 
 region traversed and a few natives from the coast. 
 The other party went- farther, one hundred and fifty 
 leagues according to their report, and were absent a~ 
 little longer; but they also reached the coast and 
 brought back natives. The visitors from both direc 
 tions were kindly treated and sent back muy contentos 
 to their homes. All this occurred before the end of 
 October 1521, at which time Code's sent out an expe 
 dition 10 which, within a month or two, subjected a 
 province of Oajaca, but not on the coast. 
 
 For a time following this expedition Cortes was 
 busied in selecting a site and preparing to rebuild the 
 city of Mexico; but in the mean time the lord of 
 Tehuantepec, on the South Sea, "where the two 
 Spaniards had discovered it," sent chieftains as am 
 bassadors with gifts and an offer of allegiance to 
 Spain. About this time also the two Spaniards who 
 had been sent to Michoacan returned accompanied by 
 King Caltzontzm's brother. It is nowhere stated 
 that these two reached the coast, and it is not prob 
 able that they were identical with either of the two 
 parties already mentioned as having taken possession 
 of the South Sea. These events took place before 
 the end of 1521, because they were followed as Cor 
 tes tells us by the transactions with Cristobal de 
 Tapia, who arrived in December. 
 
 In January 1522 Pedro de Alvarado started south 
 ward, added the force already in Oajaca to that which 
 he took from Mexico, and on March 4th wrote that 
 
 10 'Acabados de despachar aquellos Espaiioles que vinieron de descubrir la 
 mar del sur ' he sent the expedition south on Oct. 31st. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STAIES. VOL. I. 2 
 
13 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 he had occupied Tututepec on the coast, 11 pacified the 
 province, and taken formal possession of the southern 
 ocean. Whatever else had been accomplished before 
 May 15, 1522, is stated by Cortds in his letter of 
 that date as follows: "I have provided with much 
 diligence that in one of the three places where I have 
 discovered the sea, 12 there shall be built two caravels 
 of medium size and two brigantines, the former for 
 discovery and the latter for coasting, and with this 
 view I have sent under a competent person forty Span 
 iards, including master-builders, carpenters, smiths, 
 and marines. I have also provided the villa with all 
 articles needed for said ships; and with all possible 
 haste the vessels will be completed and launched; 
 which accomplished, your Majesty may believe it will 
 be the greatest thing since the Indies were discovered." 
 In an introductory note of the same date he repeats 
 the substance of what I have quoted respecting the 
 importance of this discovery and the building of the 
 vessels "near the coast ninety leagues from here;" 
 and adds that he has already a settlement of two 
 hundred and fifty Spaniards on the coast, including 
 fifty cavalry. So far Cortes' own narrative. The 
 additions or variations by later writers require but 
 brief notice which may be given in a note. 13 
 
 11 About midway between Acapulco and Tehnantepec. 
 
 12 That is at Zacatula. - The other two points referred to were Tehnantepec 
 and Tututepec. 
 
 ls Carta*, 1G9, 258-69. Also same letter (3d) in the editions of Barcia, 
 Lorenzana, etc. According to Cortes, Residencies, ii. 118-19, Juan de Umbria 
 was commander of one of the South Sea parties. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. iii. 
 cap. xvii. , says that Cortes sent Francisco Cliico with three Spaniards and 
 some Indians to explore 'all the southern coast,' and seek a fitting place for 
 ship-building. These went to Tehuantepec, to Zacatula, and to other pueblos. 
 This agrees well enough with Cortds, although Herrera seems to imply that 
 the four went together, visiting Tehuantepec and Zacatula. Navarrete, Sutil 
 y Hvx. Viage, introd. vii.-x., follows Herrera, implying, however, still more 
 clearly that all the four went together in one party. This is not probable, 
 for it directly contradicts CorteV statement that the parties took separate 
 routes and that the sea had been discovered in two places only; besides the 
 expedition against Tututepec was undertaken at the request of the lord of 
 Tehuantepec who complained of hostilities on the part of those of Tututepec, 
 whose cause of offence was that the Spaniards had been allowed to reach the 
 coast Therefore it is unlikely that the four Spaniards had traversed the 
 whole coast from Tehuautepec to Zacatula or vice versa, passing directly 
 
SHIP-YARD AT ZACATULA. 19 
 
 It is certainly remarkable that we have no further 
 details respecting the establishment of a settlement 
 of two hundred and fifty Spaniards at Zacatula noth 
 ing beyond the bare statement that such a villa had 
 been founded before May 15, 1522; yet it is not likely 
 that there is any error, except perhaps an exaggera 
 tion of the force, since the reenforcement on the 
 abandonment of Tzintzuntzan could hardly have ar 
 rived so early; for as we have seen the military expe 
 dition had not yet been sent by way of Michoacan to. 
 the coast, and it is expressly stated that that expedi 
 tion was intended not for the foundation, but the pro 
 tection of Zacatula. It appears that Juan Rodriguez 
 Villafuerte, the commander, had first been sent with 
 some forty mechanics to found a settlement and begin 
 the work of ship-building, many native workmen, 
 chiefly Tescucans, coming a little later; and large 
 numbers of carriers being employed to bring material 
 from Vera Cruz and Mexico. With the town except 
 as a ship-building station we are not concerned here. 14 
 
 Writing October 15, 1524, just before starting for 
 Honduras, Cortes reports what progress had at that 
 date been made in his South Sea enterprise. He 
 
 through the hostile province of Tututepec. Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 155-7, 
 and a writer in the Dice. Univ. , viii. 29, give the same version, the latter 
 adding that in consequence of this expedition Acapulco was discovered by Gil 
 Gonzalez Davila in 1521! Herrera in another place, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i., 
 gives the name of Gonzalez de Umbria to the man who first brought samples 
 of gold to Cortes from Zacatula. 
 
 Ilcrrera and Navarrete, ubi supra, also speak of a party, not mentioned 
 by Cortes, which was sent via Jalisco but was never heard of. The reference 
 is probably to the doubtful expedition of Villadiego sent to Michoacan before 
 that of Parrillas. The same authors state further that Guillen de Loa, Cas 
 tillo, and Roman Lopez, with two others, passed through the country of the 
 Zapotecs and Chiapas to Soconusco, and back by water to Tehuantepec. It 
 is not unlikely that such a trip was made, but if so it must have been several 
 years later than is implied by these writers. Prescott, Conq. Afex., iii. 237, 
 erroneously states that one of the two first detachments sent to the coast 
 reached it through Michoacan, and continues without any authority that I 
 know of, 'on their return they visited some of the rich districts towards the 
 north since celebrated for their mineral treasures, and brought back samples 
 of gold and California pearls' ! 
 
 11 See Hist. Mcx., ii. 54 et seq. It appears that Simon de Cuenca was 
 associated with Villafuerte in the command; and according to some authori 
 ties the latter did not come until the time of Olid's expedition. The Indiana 
 were somewhat insubordinate on several occasions. 
 
20 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 speaks of the expedition of Olid to Michoacan in the 
 middle of 1522; the subsequent sending of a part of 
 Olid's force to Zacatula, where he had and still has 
 four vessels on the stocks ; the foundation of the villa 
 of Segura at Tututepec, its subsequent abandonment, 
 and the revolt and reconquest of the province; the 
 conquest of Colima in 1523-4, resulting in the reports 
 of Amazon isles rich in gold and pearls, and the 
 discovery of a good port doubtless Manzanillo or 
 Santiago; and finally the departure of Olid and Al- 
 varado for the conquest of Central America. 
 
 For the delay in completing and launching the ves 
 sels he offers good excuses to the emperor, explaining 
 the extreme slowness and difficulty of transporting 
 all needed articles except timber across the continent 
 from Vera Cruz, arid stating further that the tedious 
 work of transportation when once completed had to 
 be begun anew on account of the destruction by fire 
 of the warehouse at Zacatula with all its contents 
 "except a few anchors which would not burn." 15 A 
 new stock of supplies was ordered and arrived at Vera 
 Cruz about June 1524. The work was now in a good 
 state of advancement, and Cortes believed that if 
 pitch could be obtained the vessels might be ready by 
 the end of June 1525. Neither does he omit to state 
 that they will have cost him over eight thousand 
 pesos. Here he expresses more extensively and more 
 enthusiastically than elsewhere his ideas of the gran 
 deur and importance of his schemes, stating clearly 
 what his plans were in words that have already been 
 translated in this chapter. 16 
 
 His intention was, in brief, to despatch his fleet at 
 the end of July 1525, with orders to follow the coast 
 north-westward until the strait should be found, or, by 
 
 15 By ce'dula of June 1523 the king had enjoined Cortds to hasten the 
 search for a strait. Pacheco and Odrdenas, Col. Doc., xxiii. 3G6. In the later 
 trial of Cortes there was an absurd theory broached that the delays were 
 intentional, the ships having been built really as a means of escape from the 
 country with embezzled millions. Cortes, Residentia, i. 27. 
 
 16 See note 4. 
 
PLANS FOR THE NORTH-WEST. 21 
 
 arrival at India, New Spain should be proved a part 
 of the Asiatic continent as had been at first supposed. 
 His hope was, first, to discover the strait and thereby 
 shorten by two thirds the route to India; second, to 
 find and conquer for his king rich islands and coasts 
 hitherto unknown; and third, at the least, to reach 
 India by a new route and open communication between 
 Spain and the Spice Islands via New Spain. 17 By an 
 inaccurate but natural conception of one passage in 
 this letter of Cortes, 'Venegas and Navarrete, the lat 
 ter a most able and painstaking writer, generally 
 regarded as the best modern authority on Spanish 
 voyages, as well as other writers of less note who have 
 copied their statements, have been led to believe that 
 Cortes intended with the Zacatula fleet to sail south 
 ward toward Panama" in search of the strait. 18 
 
 Again in letters of September 3d and llth, 1526, 
 after his return from Honduras, Cortes says: "Long 
 ago I informed your Majesty that I was building cer 
 tain vessels in the South Sea to make discoveries; 
 and although that is a very important enterprise, yet 
 on account of other occupations and occurrences it has 
 
 17 Cortis, Cartas, 275-8, 287-9, 304, 307-8, 314-15.' 
 
 ls Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex. , Viayes, introd. , x. ; Venegas, Not. Col. , i. 142-8. 
 In the passage alluded to, Cortes, Cartas, 315, the writer says the vessels 'will 
 sail at the end of July 1525 down the same coast, 'por la misma costa abajo.' 
 This at first caused me some trouble, since it seemed to conflict more or less 
 directly with the view I have presented of the geographical ideas held by 
 Corte"s and others of his time. That Cortds should still have a slight hope of 
 finding a narrow strait in the south would not be very strange, though he 
 implies on the same page that he had given up such hopes; but that he could 
 expect by coasting southward, in case the strait were not found, to reach 
 India and prove it all one continent with New Spain, seemed altogether absurd 
 if his geographical ideas were such as I have attributed to him, such as he 
 and others seemed to hold, and such as could be consistently held at the 
 time. I had devised various means more or less ingenious and satisfactory 
 of surmounting the difficulty, when I discovered that Cortes habitually used 
 the term costa abajo or 'down the coast' to indicate what we term 'up the 
 coast,' that is northward. For instances of this use of the term where there 
 is no possible doubt as to his meaning, see the instructions to Francisco Cor 
 tes in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 466, and also two cases in Cortes, Cartas, 491. 
 I suppose this use of the term 'down the coast' may be accounted for by the 
 fact that from the first the main Asiatic coast was ever present to the eyes of 
 navigators; their great aim was to sail down that coast to India; and the dis 
 tance to be sailed from New Spain before they could turn in that direction, a 
 distance utterly unknown and always underestimated, was left out of the 
 account! 
 
22 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 been suspended until now, when the vessels are ready. 
 I send as captain Diego de Ordaz ... I believe he will 
 
 sail during the month of ." ia He still has in view 
 
 the same schemes of discovery as before, and is as 
 enthusiastic as ever in his hopes of success. He even 
 proposes, in case the emperor will grant him certain 
 emoluments, to go in person to conquer for Spain all 
 the Asiatic main and islands, pledging his word to 
 get the best of the Portuguese in one way or another. 20 
 
 The vessels are represented as being at Zacatula 
 and muy pronto para partir. There is nothing to 
 indicate that they were not the same vessels he has 
 been writing of before and the only ones yet built on 
 the coast, although their number and class are not 
 mentioned. Nayarrete, followed by Prescott, says 
 that the brigantines originally built at Zacatula were 
 burned when ready to be launched. 21 If such was the 
 case the vessels referred to by Cortds must have been 
 built since that date and during his absence in the 
 south. This would seem strange; and especially so 
 is the fact that Cortes says nothing of either burning 
 or rebuilding. Not knowing the authority for Nav- 
 arrete's statement, I regard it as erroneous. 
 
 Whatever vessels these may have been, they were 
 soon despatched, though in a direction somewhat 
 different from that originally intended. In July 1526, 
 Guevara's vessel, which had started from Spain with 
 Loaisa's fleet bound to the Moluccas, but which had 
 become separated from the consorts after entering the 
 Pacific through the strait of Magellan, arrived on the 
 coast below Zacatula, being thus the first to reach this 
 
 19 A blank in the original. 
 
 20 During Cor'teV absence Albornoz had proposed to rise his fleet for a voy 
 age to the Moluccas. Carta, in Icazbalcda, Col. Doc. , i. 498-7. And Ocana 
 urges that Cortes ought not to be trusted with such an expedition. ' If Cortes 
 goes to make it he will die with a crown.' Letter in /(/., i. 532. 
 
 ' 21 Sutil y Mex., Viaye, introd., x. ; Preco't's Illit. Coiiq. Mcz., iii. 270. 
 Navarrete refers in a general way to a manuscript in the Royal Academy of 
 Madrid, as containing much information on these matters; perhaps he gets 
 this fact from that manuscript. The same statement is made in Dice. Univ., 
 viii. 29. Venegas. Not. Cat., i. 140-9, says it is not known whether the ves 
 sels sailed or not probably not. See note 24. 
 
SAAVEDRA'S VOYAGE. 23 
 
 coast by water direct from Europe. 22 In his Septem 
 ber letters, Cortes says be lias sent a pilot to bring 
 Guevara's vessel to Zacatula, and lias proposed to tbe 
 captain, as bis own vessels are nearly ready to sail 
 and for the same destination, namely, the Spice Islands, 
 that all four vessels go together. 23 But very soon 
 there came from the king to Cortes an order, dated 
 June 20, 1526, to despatch an expedition to the relief 
 of Loaisa at the Moluccas. As the order was impera 
 tive and haste essential, the idea of following the coast 
 round to India bad to be given up temporarily, and % 
 three vessels under Alvaro de Saavedra were sent 
 from Zacatula October 31, 1527, direct to tbe East 
 Indies, where one of them arrived safely in March 
 1528, the others being lost. 24 
 
 Before starting across the Pacific, Saavedra's fleet 
 made a trial trip up the coast to the port of Santiago 
 in Coliina. It merits notice as the first navigation of 
 the waters above Zacatula. The vessels left the lat 
 ter port on July 14th and reached Santiago tho 24th. 
 The voyage is not mentioned in the regular narra 
 tive of tbe Molucca expedition; but the diary of one 
 of the three vessels has been preserved, containing 
 more geographical details than can be utilized here. 25 
 
 Between the date of the letter last referred to and 
 
 22 The original documents on this voyage are to be 'found in Navarrt te, 
 Vlrtjcs, v. 170-81, 224-5. See also Pachecoand Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 488; 
 Men-era, dec. iii.-iv. ; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 280-1. 
 
 23 Cortes, Cartax, 372-5, 489-90. 
 
 zi Xavarrete, Col. Viatjes., v. 95-114, 440-86. See also Hist. Mex., ii. 258- 
 9, this series. The port from which this expedition sailed is called Siguata- 
 iiejo or Cihuatlanejo, in the province of Zacatula. This name is given on 
 modern maps to a point on the coast a few leagues south of the Zacatula River. 
 It is but fair to state that Saavedra's three vessels arc spoken of as two navios 
 and a beryantin, which would not agree in class with those originally built 
 at Zacatula, namely, two brigantines and two caravels. Yet there was great 
 want of care in writing these terms. It may also be noticed that if the two 
 brigantines were burned, the two caravels with Guevara's vessel may have 
 made up Saavedra's fleet of three if we disregard the class. In a later docu 
 ment, Cartas, 543-4, Cortt-s says this expedition cost him over 60,000. 
 
 25 Saavedra, Relation de la derrota que hizo un bergant'in que scdid el 14 de 
 Julio del aito 1527 del puerto de Zacatnla en N"iteva Espaiia, juntamente con dos 
 tiarios, a las 6r<lenes de Alvaro Saavedra Ceron, etc. , etc., que entro" en cl puerto 
 dt- X,n,tiarjo en 19 y 40' de alfnra: In Florida, Col. Doc., 88-91. The follow 
 ing names are given: Port of Sail Cristobal, Cape Motiu, Port Mngdalena, 
 and Port Santiago. The latter port near Manzanillo still retains the name. 
 
24 CORTES ON THE SOUTH SEA COASTS. 
 
 his departure for Spain early in 1528, Cortes ordered 
 the construction of four vessels at Tehuantepec to 
 replace those sent away under Saavedra, intending 
 to despatch them to the same destination by the 
 northern or coast route and thus to carry out his 
 original plan. The four vessels were nearly completed 
 when he went to Spain, and a fifth was subsequently 
 built. 26 Their fate is told in the captain -general's let 
 ter of October 10, 1530. As soon as the members of 
 the audiencia arrived in Mexico they arrested the 
 superintendent left in .charge of the completion of 
 the fleet, probably Francisco Maldonado, took away 
 the pueblos through the services of whose inhabitants 
 the work was being done, doubtless under the system 
 of repartimientos, and thus caused the work to be 
 abandoned. The rigging and every movable thing 
 were stolen and the hulks left to decay. t The work 
 men passed a year in idleness, and the hostile oidores 
 even went so far as to enforce the payment of their 
 wages during this time from Cortes' estate. 27 At the 
 time of writing Cortes tells the emperor that his 
 workmen are scattered and the vessels much damaged; 
 he knows not if the work can be resumed. He regrets 
 the loss of 20,000 castellanos in this enterprise more 
 than all his other losses aggregating over 200,000 
 castellanos. Yet he does not altogether lose courage. 
 "May the Lord grant that the devil no longer impede 
 this great work," he writes, and expresses great expec 
 tations from the coming of the new audiencia. 28 
 Despite the loss of his five vessels, as we learn from 
 
 2(5 It is stated in Dice. Univ. , viii. 29, that Francisco Maldonado was ordered 
 to build these vessels to replace those burned at Zacatula, which cannot be 
 correct in any view of the matter. 
 
 27 There was something to be said on the other side in these troubles of 
 Cortds with other authorities as may be seen in Hist. Mex., ii., this series. 
 
 28 Cortes, Cartas, 505-6. Also letter of April 20, 1532. Id., 513-14. The 
 name of CorteV agent having been Maldonado, and the same name having been 
 connected with a voyage made, or claimed to have been made, later, some 
 writers, as Ross Brown, L. CaL, 14, and Greenhow, Or. and Gal., 49, have 
 confounded the two dates, and speak of a voyage by Maldonado from Zaca 
 tula northward in 1528, touching at Santiago River, but never returning. I 
 know of no foundation for such a statement. Hernandez, Gc.og. B. CaL, 10- 
 11, tells us of a voyage also from Zacatula in 1524 in two vessels, which 
 
DISCOURAGEMENT. 25 
 
 a letter of April 20, 1532, Cortes at once went to 
 work on four others, two of which were built at Te- 
 huantepec and two at Acapulco ; but his personal ene 
 mies were determined to prevent the realization of his 
 plans. In the work of transporting material and fit 
 ting out the vessels at Acapulco he employed some of 
 his Indian vassals, paying them, as he claims, for their 
 labor; but certain alguaciles, instigated by those high 
 in authority, forbade the employment of the natives. 
 Cortes had seen a royal order to the effect that the 
 audiencia were not to interfere in any way with mV 
 expeditions of discovery, and now he was much dis 
 heartened. " It seems that neither by land nor by 
 water am I to be permitted to render any service ; and 
 if they had told me so before I had expended all my 
 estate the harm would have been less." 2 
 
 Thus I have brought the record of the conqueror's 
 efforts on the South Sea coast down to 1531, at which 
 time the coast from Panama to Zacatula had become 
 well known through explorations by water. One trip 
 had been made to Colima; while land exploration had 
 extended that knowledge still farther northward to 
 the region of the present San Bias. 80 Vessels had 
 been built at three different points; communication by 
 water between the Pacific ports had become of quite 
 common occurrence; and voyages had been made be 
 tween New Spain and the true India. Four vessels 
 were now on the stocks at Acapulco and Tehuantepec, 
 and it is not unlikely that other small craft were under 
 sail or at anchor on the coast. In a subsequent chap 
 ter, when the thread of Cortes' explorations shall again 
 be taken up, it will be seen that, notwithstanding his 
 despondent mood at the time just referred to, his brave 
 spirit was by no means daunted. 31 
 
 touched at Jalisco, Sinaloa, Sonora, or California, but were never heard of 
 more. Some believe the commander to have be6n Juan Aniano! 
 ^Cortc*, Cartas, 513-14; Navarrete, Col. Doc., iv. 175-7. 
 
 30 That is, leaving out of the account Guzman's expedition described in the 
 next chapter. 
 
 31 Sec, also, references to CorteV earlier efforts in Cavo, Tres Stylos, i. 18; 
 Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geo<j. t 2da e> ii. 198-9; TutldWs Hist. Col., 7. 
 
CHAPTEE II. 
 
 NUftO DE GUZMAN IN SINALOA. 
 1530-1531. 
 
 GUZMAN'S PLANS AND MOTIVES A GRAND ARMY NAMES OF OFFICERS 
 MURDER OF A KING MARCH THROUGH MICHOACAN AND JALISCO 
 CROSSING THE Rio GRANDE MAYOR ESPANA AT OMITLAN AND AZTAT- 
 LAN AUTHORITIES ADVANCE TO CHAMETLA MAP QUEZALA PROV 
 INCE PlASTLA ClGUATAN, PROVINCE OF WOMEN ON TO CULIACAN 
 
 TOWN OF COLOMBO LOCAL EXPLORATIONS SAMANIEGO REACHES THE 
 PETATLAN SEARCH FOR THE SEVEN CITIES LOPEZ CROSSES THE SIERRA 
 TO DURANGO FOUNDING OF THE VILLA DE SAN MIGUEL DE CULIACAN 
 SITE AND TRANSFERS LIST OF POBLADORES GUZMAN'S RETURN TO 
 JALISCO FOUNDING OF CHAMETLA NUEVA GALICIA COMPOSTELA THE 
 CAPITAL GUZMAN GOVERNOR His DOWNFALL. 
 
 THE first exploration of the far north was destined 
 to be by land and not by sea. We have seen Nufio 
 de Guzman sent to Mexico in 1528 from Panueo as 
 president of the audiencia and governor of New Spain. 
 The year during which he held these positions at the 
 capital, like every other year of his New World 
 life, was one of dissensions. By the end of 1529 he 
 had made himself thoroughly hated by nearly all 
 classes. This fact did not trouble him seriously; but 
 the signs of the times portended for him clanger and 
 downfall. Cortes, his foe, but lately an absent crimi 
 nal on trial before a bitterly hostile tribunal, was now 
 being feted in Spain as a mighty conqueror. His 
 popularity and prospective return signified for Guz 
 man not only removal from office, but a residencia, 
 exposure of crimes, persecution by foes maddened 
 with long-continued wrongs. He realized that ab 
 sence was his best policy. But a mere running-away 
 
 (26)' 
 
PLANS OF CONQUEST. 27 
 
 from present dangers was by no means all of the 
 crafty lawyer's plan. His departure should be with 
 flying colors, and in its ultimate results a grand 
 triumph. Victory was to be wrested from the jaws 
 of defeat and disgrace. Cortes owed his success to 
 his having won a new kingdom for Charles: Guzman 
 might also triumph; might atone most effectually in 
 royal eyes for past offences, humble a hated rival, and 
 win for himself wealth, power, and fame by adding to 
 the Spanish domain a mightier realm than had yet 
 been conquered in the New World. Where should 
 he seek for such a field of conquest? Nowhere 
 assuredly but in the north-western land of mystery. 
 Guzman was well acquainted with the geographical 
 ideas of navigators and scholars of his time, ideas 
 which I have noticed in the preceding chapter; and 
 there is some evidence that he had thought of an 
 expedition to the north even in the days of his high 
 est prosperity. 1 He had just presided at the trial of 
 Cortes, and from the voluminous testimony offered 
 had become familiar with the great captain's schemes. 
 He now resolved to make those schemes his own, to 
 execute them in person, and to reap the resulting 
 benefits. A nobler nature might have hesitated at 
 taking so mean an advantage of his rival's absence; 
 to Guzman such an advantage but brightened his 
 visions of success. 
 
 ^Having once determined on the expedition, Guz 
 man, in view of the expected return of Cortes, lost 
 no time in his preparations; nor did he neglect any 
 of the advantages afforded by his high position. De 
 tails of these preparations, however, and of Guzman's 
 
 1 It is also said that Guzman had some special information which made 
 him the more sanguine. An Indian in his service from the country north of 
 Punuco, and whose father had visited, the regions of the far north-western 
 interior, told of rich and populous towns. Castaneda, in Ternaux-Compans^ 
 serie i. torn. ix. 1-5, repeated in Davis" El Gringo, 58-9; Schoolcrafi's Arch., 
 iv. 22; Domenech''* Deserts, i. 1G7-8, and other modern works. This seems 
 to have been the beginning of the reports respecting the Seven Cities, so 
 famous a little later. Whether the tales were founded on a knowledge of the 
 Pueblo towns of New Mexico, or were pure inventions, the reader can judge 
 perhaps as well as I; either foundation is perfectly possible and satisfactory. 
 
28 NUfrO DE GUZMAN IN SINALOA. 
 
 march through Michoacan and Jalisco have already 
 been presented. 2 In December 1529 he marched from 
 the capital at the head of five hundred Spanish sol 
 diers and ten thousand Aztec and Tlascaltec allies, 
 the most imposing army in some respects that had 
 yet followed any New World conqueror. Peralrmndez 
 Chirm os and Cristobal de Onate were his chief cap 
 tains, and Pedro de Guzman, a kinsman of the presi 
 dent, bore the standard, a golden virgin on silver 
 cloth. Forty are said to have been hidalgos of Spain, 
 gentleman-adventurers, exempt from all military ser 
 vice except fighting. 3 The native warriors were decked 
 in all their finery, Aztecs and Tlascaltecs vying with 
 each other in display as the army marched proudly 
 from the capital. 
 
 The route lay through Michoacan and down the 
 Rio Grande de Lerma to the region of the modern 
 Guadalajara. This first stage of the advance was sig 
 nalized by the brutal and unprovoked murder of King 
 Tangaxoan Caltzontzin, after he had been forced by 
 torture to furnish thousands of servants for the north 
 ern expedition, and to relinquish all the little wealth 
 that remained to him. Later progress was in keep 
 ing with the bloody beginning. In May 1530 the 
 several divisions of the army were reunited after 
 having overrun the whole of what is now southern 
 and eastern Jalisco. Some detachments seem to have 
 penetrated as far northward as the sites of Lagos, 
 
 2 See Hist. Hex., ii. 293-5, 341 et seq., this series. 
 
 3 The names of officers mentioned in the different narratives of the expedi 
 tion are: ' Jose' Angulo, Francisco Arzeo, Barrios, Crist6bal Barrios, Francisco 
 Barren, Hernando Perez de Bocanegra, Diego Vazquez de Buendia, Juan de 
 Burgos, Juan del Camino, Hernari Chirinos, Pedro A. Chirinos, Cristobal 
 Flores, Francisco Flores, Hernando Flores, Nuno de Guzman, Pedro de Guz 
 man, Juan Fernando de Hi jar, Miguel de Ibarra, Lipan, Gonzalo Lopez, 
 Francisco de la Mota, Juan Sanchez de Olea, Cristdbal de Otanez, Cristobal 
 de Oiiate, Juan de Onate, Juan Pascual, Garcia del Pilar, Diego Hernandez 
 Proafio, Lope de Samaniego, Hernando Sanniento, Juan de Samano, Cristobal 
 de Tapia, Torquemada, Francisco Verdugo, Juan de Villalba, Francisco de 
 Villegas, Villaroel, and Zayas. Two chaplains and a Franciscan started with 
 the army. Frcjes, Hist. Breve. Friars Juan de Padilla and Andre's de Cordoba 
 were with the army in Sinaloa, and Brother Gutierrez became cura there. 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., in. 422-3; Tetto, Hist. N. Gal, 355. 
 
AT AZTATLAK 29 
 
 Aguas Calientes, Zacatecas, and Jerez. Guzman's 
 advance was marked everywhere by complete devasta 
 tion, and few pueblos escaped burning. No attention 
 was paid to the rights of the former conquerors, 
 Avalos and Francisco Cortes, but the policy was to 
 make it appear that the country had never been con 
 quered, and that the present conquest was not an easy 
 one; therefore such Indians as were not hostile at 
 first, were soon provoked to hostility, that there 
 might be an excuse for plunder and destruction and 
 carnage, and especially for making slaves. This chap- ~ 
 ter of horrors continued to the end of the expedition, 
 but outrages were considerably less frequent and ter 
 rible in the far north than south of the Rio Grande. 
 A garrison was left at Tepic, the germ of the later 
 Compostela, and on May 29th Guzman crossed the 
 Rio Tololotlan into unexplored territory, of which he 
 took formal possession under the name of Greater 
 Spain, a title designed to eclipse that of New Spain 
 applied to the conquest of Cortes. Passing on up 
 the coast, and spending forty days at Omitlan, on 
 what is now the San Pedro River, where Guzman 
 heard of Cortes' arrival and the downfall of the first 
 audiencia, the army in July went into winter quarters 
 at Aztatlan, probably on the River Acaponeta, 4 where 
 they remained until December, suffering terribly from 
 flood and pestilence, and being obliged to send back 
 to Michoacan for supplies arid for Indians to fill the 
 place of the thousands that had perished. 5 
 
 4 On the location of Omitlan, see Hist. Mex. , ii. 358-9, this series. I find 
 in Ponce, Relation Breve, Iviii. 62-72, some additional information which 
 seems to put the doubt as to Aztatlan between the Acaponeta and the stream 
 next south instead of the one next north, or Canas. He travelled in the 
 country in 1587, and says: ' Half a league beyond San Juan Omitlan was the 
 Rio San Pedro, which used to run farther south past Centipac one league 
 from the Rio Grande; eight leagues beyond the San Pedro was the Rio Santa 
 Ana, after passing two arroyos, and two leagues farther was the Acapoueta 
 River and pueblo. Between the two rivers, or on the Sta Ana (not quite 
 clear), was San Felipe Aztatlan.' 
 
 5 The leading authorities on Guzman's expedition are as follows: Guzman, 
 Relation; Id., Relallone; Id., Relationes Andnimas (Ira, a,sra, fla) ; fd^ 
 Ynformation sobre los Acontccimientos de la Guerra. In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, 
 Col. Doc., xvi. 363-75; Lopez, Relation; Filar, Relation; Sdmano, Relation; 
 
30 NU&O DE GUZMAN IN SINALOA. 
 
 Forced to leave Aztatlan lest his whole army should 
 perish, for men were dying every day, Guzman sent 
 an exploring force under Lope de Samaniego, who 
 brought back a favorable report of a place called 
 Chametla where the natives were friendly and had 
 furnished a supply of food for the army. This was 
 the first entry, November 1530, of Europeans into the 
 territory since called Sinaloa, the first crossing of the 
 line which marks the territorial limits of this volume. 
 After Samaniego's return Pilar was sent southward 
 in search of Lopez, who had long been expected with 
 supplies. Then Verdugo and Proano were sent for 
 ward to make preparations; and in a few weeks Guz 
 man advanced with the main army, leaving Cristobal' 
 de Onate at Aztatlan with a few men. Lopez and 
 Pilar soon came up from Jalisco with reinforcements 
 and stores, and all proceeded northward to join the 
 governor. 
 
 The province and town of Chametla were on the 
 river next above that now known as the Canas, the 
 boundary of the present Sinaloa. The river still re 
 tains the name of Chametla, and an anchorage at its 
 mouth long bore the same name. 6 It is the region of 
 
 Carranza, Relation sobre la Jornada qne hizo Nv.no de Guzman. In PacJieco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 347-73. The preceding are narratives of men who 
 took part personally in the expedition. The most important general references 
 are Oviedo, iii. 501-77; Hen-era, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. viii. ; lib. viii. cap. i.-ii. ; 
 lib. ix. cap. ix.-xii.; Beaumont, Cron. Mich;, iii. 266-7, 352-422; Mota Pa- 
 dilla, Conq. N. Gal., 23-66; Tello, Hist. N. Gal; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 41-68, 
 118-21. For additional information about these authorities, and for list of 
 many more, see Hist. Max., ii. 373-4, this series. 
 
 6 Humboldt's map and some others, however, locate the port of Chametla 
 at the mouth of the Canas. In locating rivers and towns visited by early 
 explorers on this part of the coast, I have in every case carefully compared 
 the statements of the original authorities with the best modern maps. The 
 result in nearly every instance is satisfactory, although I have not the space 
 to lay before the reader the steps by which it has been reached, and although 
 it would be easy in most cases to find statements in some document not con 
 sistent with my conclusion. The original chroniclers often wrote from mem 
 ory after a lapse of time, and were careless and contradictory in their 
 statements of time and distance. The expedition halted usually at several 
 towns in a province and the army was often divided along the route; hence 
 each writer in estimating distances between two provinces bases his estimate 
 on a different pueblo. Moreover no account was taken of the several branches 
 of a stream or of several crossings of the same stream. It was always 'un rio' 
 and 'otro rio.' The maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with 
 
PROVINCE OF CHAMETLA. 
 
 31 
 
 the present Rosario. The natives, hospitable from 
 the first, had sent back food for the famishing army, 
 and had furnished a thousand carriers to bring their 
 luggage from the southern camp; but they were un- 
 
 MAP OF GUZMAN'S EXPEDITION, 1531. 
 
 used to such labor, and their temporary masters inca 
 pable of leniency even to voluntary servants; therefore 
 
 many of the eighteenth, some 25 or 30 of which are before me, aid but little 
 in the task, since they were evidently made from some of the documents we 
 are considering, and consist for the most part of a series of parallel rivers 
 running into the sea in the order mentioned, their number being much greater 
 than that of the streams actually existing. Taking into consideration these 
 sources of confusion, together with the imperfection of the best modern maps, 
 1 deem it remarkable that Guzman's route can be so satisfactorily located, 
 and that writers have been BO much perplexed and disagreed so widely. 
 
32 NU5TO DE GUZMAN IN SINALOA. 
 
 the carriers ran away. The native chiefs, moreover, 
 became impatient at the prospect that the Spaniards 
 would remain in their province as long as they had 
 in Aztatlan. Lopez soon arrived, as we have seen, 
 from the south with warrior's, carriers, slaves, and 
 hogs; the carriers from Michoacan were distributed 
 among the Spaniards, and the slaves from Jalisco sold 
 at one dollar a head. 
 
 Guzman was again master of the situation, now that 
 his army was restored to something like its original 
 strength; and finally it was easy to provoke acts of 
 hostility sufficient to afford the slight color of justifi 
 cation required for robbing and burning. Yet the 
 work was much less complete in Sinaloa than in north 
 ern Jalisco, and several caciques kept up their friendly 
 relations, furnished guides, and opened roads for the 
 northern advance undertaken late in January 1531, 
 after a stay at Chametla of about a month. 7 The 16th 
 of January Guzman had written to the king announc 
 ing his intention to start within eight days for the 
 ' province of women' said to be not far distant. If not 
 prevented by excessive cold he would continue his 
 march to latitude 40, believing Chametla to be in 
 25; then he would turn inland and cross to the other 
 sea. He had heard of five vessels which sailed up 
 this coast four or five years ago, and suspects they 
 belonged to Sebastian Cabot's East Indian fleet. 8 
 
 A march of four or five days brought the army to 
 a province of Quezala seven or eight leagues beyond 
 
 7 From 20 days to two months according to different narratives. Accord 
 ing to Tello, Hi$t. N. Gal., 351-5, an army of natives between Aztatlan and 
 Chametla made a show of resistance merely, as they explained later, to see 
 the 'big deer,' or horses run. This author, followed by Navarrete, ignores 
 all resistance of the natives of Sinaloa and also for the most part all outrages 
 committed on them. His narrative is largely rilled with a description of re 
 ception ceremonies at each pueblo. No hens were found north of Chametla. 
 Guzman, Ira Rd. Anon., 288-9; Lopez, JKeL, 444. The start was about Jan. 
 24th, according to Guzman's letter. 
 
 8 Jan. 16, 1531, Guzman to king, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 
 408-14. The letter is chiefly filled with complaints of the way he is being 
 treated by the authorities in Mexico, and charges against Cortds. He has 
 discovered three large islands named Conception. Another letter of Jan. 15th, 
 Id., xiv. 406-8, is to the Consejo de Indias on legal matters. 
 
QUEZALA AND PIASTLA. 33 
 
 Chametla on a smaller stream. It was apparently 
 the region about the modern Mazatlan. 9 The people 
 were different in language, dwellings, and in other 
 respects from those met farther south, but they made 
 little or no opposition, though Herrera says several 
 towns were destroyed. The country before them was 
 barren, mountainous, or obstructed by lagoons, and 
 explorers were sent forward from each halting-place. 
 The army moved on from Frijolar, the last Quezala 
 village, in the first week of February. 10 
 
 Piastla was the next province, ten or twelve leagues 
 farther up the coast on a river that still retains the 
 name. The inhabitants were hostile and several en 
 counters occurred with the uniform result that the 
 natives were defeated and their towns destroyed. The 
 auxiliaries here became clamorous to return home; 
 several were hanged and one burned in the attempt to 
 quell insubordination. One squadron escaped but 
 were killed by the natives in attempting to reach 
 Jalisco, except one man who returned to camp to tell 
 the story. 11 Here the houses for purposes of defence 
 were built round interior courts; horrid masses of 
 snakes with intercoiled bodies and protruding heads 
 lay in the dark corners of the dwellings, where they 
 were tamed, venerated, and finally eaten; and it was 
 noted that the women were more comely here than 
 elsewhere. Ash Wednesday, February 22d, was 
 passed at Bayla village, and about the first of March 
 the army Amoved on. 
 
 Ciguatan, "place of women/' was a province of eight 
 
 9 Cazala, Culipara or Colipa, Quezala, and Frijolar, or Frijoles the latter 
 so named from the abundance of beans were the rancherias passed, none of 
 which names seem to have been retained. Puimos is also named by Lopez. 
 Relation, 440. 
 
 10 Three Spaniards died at Culipara and two at Quezala. Two Spanish offi 
 cers were degraded in rank here for an attempt to desert. Guzman, S ra ReL, 
 An6n. t 449; Filar, Relation, 258; Guzman, # ReL Anon., 474; Sdmano, ReL, 
 
 11 The Piastla towns in the order visited were: Piastla, Pochotla, La Sal, 
 Bayla, and Rinconatla; but Samaniego, sent to explore, found both banks of 
 the river lined with pueblos down to the sea. La Sal, so named from heaps 
 of salt found there, was probably on the northern branch of the river. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 3 
 
34 NUftO DE GUZMAN IN'SINALOA. 
 
 pueblos on a river of the same name, also called in 
 Spanish Bib de las Mugeres, and apparently to be 
 identified with the stream now known as Bio de San 
 Lorenzo. The name Quild, used in the narratives is 
 still applied to a town on that river. The rich and 
 mysterious isles of the Amazons had been from the 
 first one of the strongest incentives to north-western 
 exploration in the minds of both Cortes and Guzman. 
 The cosmographer by his vagaries had furnished the 
 romancer with sufficient foundation for the fable; the 
 tales of natives from the first conquest of Michoacan 
 had seemed to support it; and as Guzman proceeded 
 northward and drew nearer to Ciguatan his hopes 
 were greatly excited. Natives along the route were 
 willing to gratify the Spanish desire for the marvel 
 lous, or perhaps the interpreters' zeal outran their 
 linguistic skill; the women of Ciguatan were repre 
 sented as living alone except during four months of 
 the year, when young men from the adjoining prov 
 inces were invited to till their fields by day and 
 rewarded with their caresses at night. Boy babies 
 were killed or sent to their fathers ; girls were allowed 
 to grow up. These details with some variations are 
 repeated by each writer as having been told before 
 they arrived, and as corroborated more or less com 
 pletely by what they saw and heard at Ciguatan, 
 where they found many women and few men. But, 
 as several of them admit, it was soon discovered that 
 the men had either fled to avoid the Spaniards or to 
 make preparations for an attack. 12 The Amazon bub 
 ble had burst; but the soldiers were by no means in 
 clined to forget the marvels on which their imagina- 
 
 12 Lopez, Rd., 443, says only three males and 1,000 women were found in 
 one town. Armienta, Apuntes para la Hlstorla de Stnaloa, says: ' Estos 
 pueblos se hallaban en la e"poca habitados por mugeres solas, en cumplimiento 
 de un voto religiose que las oblige d, vivir separadas de los hombres por un 
 periodo de 20 anos Aztecas.' He calls the Amazon towns Abuya and Binapa 
 at the base of the Tacuchamona range, on the other side of which was Qnezala, 
 confounded with the later and more northern Cosala. He also describes the 
 reception at Navito by 60,000 natives. This narrative, written for a Sinaloa 
 newspaper, seems to be mainly taken from Tello's work. 
 
CIGUATAN AND CULIACAN. 35 
 
 tions had so long feasted ; they continued to talk long 
 after they returned to Mexico of the wonderful City 
 of Women. 13 
 
 About the middle of March Guzman left Ciguatan, 
 where a conspiracy of the Spaniards had been revealed 
 and the ringleader hanged, and passing Quila, Aqui- 
 mola, or Quimola, and Las Flechas, passed on to the 
 southern branch of the river next northward, that 
 now known as the Rio Tamazula, arriving at a town 
 called Cuatro -Barrios* 1 * Thence the army marched 
 down the river, crossing at Leon and passing Humaya, 
 a name still applied to the northern branch of the 
 river, until they reached Colombo, which seems to 
 have been one of the largest towns in the Culiacan 
 province, and was perhaps not far from the junction 
 of the two rivers or the modern site of Culiacan. 
 The inhabitants had fled, but were pursued and de 
 feated, first by Sarnaniego and then by Guzman, who 
 took many captives, including a brother of the pro 
 vincial ruler. 15 Colombo was the head-quarters of the 
 army during the stay of seven months, and but little 
 is said of the town of Culiacan, which seems to have 
 been a little farther down the river. 
 
 From Colombo the Spaniards marched down the 
 river nearly to the sea, passing many native towns; 
 but, finding no satisfactory prospect of farther advance 
 north-westward by the coast, they returned, and after 
 some additional explorations meagrely and confusedly 
 described, celebrated holy week, 2d to 9th of April, at 
 Colombo. After easter, Lopez, the maestre de campo, 
 was sent to explore, 'by another way,' perhaps up the 
 
 13 Oviedo, iii. 576-7, heard these tales from the soldiers in Mexico; but 
 meeting Guzman later in Spain was told the truth. This author says the 
 chief pueblo was a well-built town of 6,000 houses. He also names Orocomay 
 as another Amazon pueblo. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. iii., calls the 
 town Zapuatan. 
 
 u Armienta, Apunteft, speaks of Cuatro Barrios as now called Barrio y 
 Moras. He also speaks of a spot on the way thither still called Vizcaino for 
 a native of Vizcaya who died there. 
 
 15 Lopez, Relaclon, 446-8, implies that military operations in this part of 
 the expedition were chiefly under Cristobal de Onate and himself. He gives 
 many details. 
 
36 KUJsO DE GUZMAN IN SINALOA. 
 
 Rio Humaya 16 to a village- of Cinco Barrios, whither 
 Guzman marched and waited twenty days, while Lopez 
 penetrated some fifteen leagues northward into the 
 mountains; but no further pass being found all re 
 turned again to Culiacan. Samaniego was sent again 
 to attempt the coast route, and succeeded without 
 much difficulty in reaching the Rio cle Petatlan so 
 called from the petates, or mats, with which the natives 
 covered their dwellings now the Rio cle Sinaloa. 
 But he found no large towns or rich provinces, only a 
 comparatively barren tract inhabited by a rude people, 
 and returned to join his commander. 
 
 As a matter of fact the country north of Culiacan 
 was by no means impassable; nor were the difficulties 
 much greater than had already been overcome; but 
 after the disappointment respecting the Amazon coun 
 try, of which so much had been expected, the north 
 west had no charms that could rekindle the hopes 
 of Guzman and his men. Two destinations had been 
 talked of when the expedition left Mexico, the Ama 
 zon isles and the Seven Cities. Disappointed in his 
 search for the former,* Guzman now determined to 
 seek the latter by crossing the sierra eastward. Dur 
 ing Samaniego's absence two exploring parties had 
 been sent out, and one of them had found a pass. In 
 May the army set forth, and marched some twenty- 
 five leagues, much of the way up the Mugeres River, 
 the headwaters of which they also crossed far up in 
 the mountains later, to a town of Guamochiles. Lo 
 pez was sent forward, and after twenty clays sent 
 back a message that he had crossed all the sierras, 
 had reached a town, and was about to start for a 
 large province three days distant. Guzman at once 
 despatched Captain Sarnano to join the maestre, and 
 soon started himself, although so ill that he had to be 
 
 16 But possibly the Tamazula. The way in which the narrators speak of 
 'a river,' 'the river,' 'another river,' Rio de Mugeres, Rio cle Pascua, etc., 
 is simply exasperating. Samano, however, Relation, 285, says the explora 
 tion was up a river flowing into that of Culiacan; and Lopez, Relation, 450-3, 
 also mentions a junction of streams. 
 
ACROSS THE SIERRA. 37 
 
 carried in a litter. For many days the Spaniards and 
 allies pursued their toilsome way over difficult moun 
 tain passes, forty leagues in all, as Garcia del Pilar 
 estimates it, and when almost across the range met 
 Lopez returning with the report that a march of 
 seventy leagues across the plains had led to nothing. 
 The country afforded no supplies, and to advance was 
 sure destruction. Slowly and despondently Guzman 
 retraced his steps, with great hardships and losses, 
 especially of horses, to Culiacan, or Colombo, where 
 he arrived on Santiago day, or July 25th. Exactly 
 what regions Lopez had explored it is impossible to 
 say, since no points of the compass are given and the 
 distances are evidently much exaggerated. In a gen 
 eral way we may suppose that he ascended the Tama- 
 zula, crossed the sources of the Mugeres, or San 
 Lorenzo, reached a branch of the Elo Nazas, and 
 advanced nearly to the eastern limit of Central Du- 
 rango. 17 
 
 Back in Culiacan Guzman occupied himself with 
 the foundation of the Villa de San Miguel, also send 
 ing out several minor expeditions in different direc 
 tions to keep the natives in subjection and obtain 
 supplies. 18 Captain Diego de Proano was made al- 
 
 17 Lopez, Relation, 455-60, gives a somewhat detailed account of his trip, 
 which is briefly as follows, and may be compared with the map in this chap 
 ter: Ouate had found a pass in the region where Lopez had been before. 
 From Guamochiles (there are some indications that this town was near that 
 of Cinco Barrios) crossed the Rio de Mugeres near its source, over a range 4 
 leagues up and G down to a pueblo; 8 or U days up and down to some plains, 
 a fine river, and a pueblo; had a battle on the river near a great bend; somo 
 explorations up and down the river; a messenger sent back to Guzman. Then 
 'east as before' nearly GO leagues through a Chichimec country, to a river ' very 
 large for one flowing inland;' it flowed sometimes east and sometimes south; 
 down it a short distance; then left it and went south 3 days with nothing to 
 eat to a river and a settlement of 50 houses. Left Hernau Chirinos and re 
 turned with 5 men by a different route through great valleys in 3 days to the 
 river where the fight had occurred. Here met Samano with news that Guz 
 man was coming. Lopez went to meet Guzman, who against Lopez' advice 
 resolved to recall the men and give up the exploration. 
 
 18 It is not impossible that the explorations of Ofiate and Angulo to be 
 mentioned in a subsequent chapter and represented by most authors as having 
 been made after Guzman's departure, should be included in these expeditions. 
 In one of them Samaniego visited the coast, and according to Guzman, 3 rcl 
 Rel. Antfn., 459, discovered a fine bay which he named San Miguel, formed 
 by an island eight leagues in circumference and about one league from the 
 
38 NUftO DE GUZMAN IN SINALOA. 
 
 calde mayor of the new villa, and one hundred sol 
 diers, fifty cavalry, and fifty infantry were left as 
 vecinos, Brother Alvaro Gutierrez being the curate 
 in charge. Land was allotted to each citizen with 
 such swine and cattle as could be spared from the 
 army. Many of the surviving carriers from the south 
 were obliged to remain much against their will; by a 
 system of repartimientos each settler was entitled to 
 the services of a certain number of natives; and 
 authority was granted to enslave all hostile Indians. 
 Large stores of beads and other trifles were also left 
 to be bartered with the natives for food. It is diffi 
 cult to determine the exact site which was chosen 
 for the villa, or that to which it was transferred in 
 this or the following year, and from which it was at 
 an unknown date again moved to or near the spot 
 now occupied by the city of Culiacan. It is prob 
 able, however, that the original location was on the 
 Rio de Mugeres, or San Lorenzo, near its mouth. 39 
 
 Having completed his arrangements for the new 
 settlement, Guzman with his army started southward 
 in the middle of October, and returned to Jalisco by 
 the same route he had come, without incidents calling 
 
 ' O 
 
 for mention. On the way, however, or very soon after 
 
 main. Herrera, Descrip. de las Ind., cap. xx. ii.(ed. 1730), not only describes 
 such an island under the name of Guayabal, but locates it on his map as ex 
 tending nearly the whole distance from the Rio de Culiacan (Pascua) to the 
 Petatlan (Nra Senora). This is remarkable, as 110 such island exists. 
 
 19 Lopez, Rel., 461, says it was on the Rio de Mugeres. In Guzman, 
 3 a Rel. An6n, 459, it is located on the Rio de Aguatan (Ciguatan?). Herrera, 
 dec. iv. lib. ix. xi., says it was near the Mugeres. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 355, 
 and Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 421-2, say it was at Navito, which is near 
 the mouth of the San Lorenzo. According to the IraRel, Antfn., 292, and 
 #<ta Rel. An6n., 304, it was in the Horabti Valley, soon moved down the river 
 five leagues to a site two leagues above tide-water; and finally many old maps 
 put San Miguel on the stream next south of the Culiacan. Tello, who says 
 the town was transferred the same year (erroneously given as 1532) to Culia 
 can, tells us that Melchor Diaz was made alcalde mayor as he was a little 
 later and names as the first pobladores the following: Pedro de Tobar, 
 Diego Lopez, Estevan Martin, Juan de Medina, Pedro de Najera, Cristobal 
 de Tapia, Juan de Bastida, Lazaro de Cebreros, Maldonado Bravo, Pedro 
 Alvarez, Alonso Mejia Escalante, Juan Hidalgo de Plasencia, Diego de Men- 
 doza, Pedro de Garnica, Pedro Cordero, Juan de Barca, Diego de Torres, 
 Juan de Soto, Juan de Mintanilla, Juan de Baeza, Alvaro de Arroyo, Sebas 
 tian de Evora, Alonso Cordero, Pedro de Amenxlia, Alonso de Avila, Juan 
 Munoz, and Alonso Rodriguez. 
 
RETURN MARCH. 39 
 
 his return, he formed a small settlement at Chametla, 20 
 of whose early annals we know little or nothing be 
 yond the fact that it maintained for years a precarious 
 existence, sometimes being abandoned altogether. 
 
 Back in Jalisco Guzman gave but the slightest at 
 tention to the far north, confining his efforts to the 
 organization of his government, the distribution among 
 his partisans of lands south of the Rio Grande in the 
 regions which he pretended to have reconquered, and 
 in the foundation of Spanish towns. By royal order 
 the name of Nueva Galicia was substituted for the 
 more pompous one of Mayor Espana, applied by Guz 
 man ; it included all the newly discovered regions from 
 Jalisco northward; and Don Nuno was made its gov 
 ernor, retaining for a time his title also of governor of 
 Panuco, and even pretended to retain that of president 
 of New Spain. Compostela was made the capital. 
 Soon the governor became involved in troubles which 
 brought about his downfall; but these troubles have 
 been fully recorded in another part of my work, where 
 also an analysis of Guzman's character has been given. 21 
 Of this pioneer explorer in the far north much may 
 be said in regard to his ability, but otherwise his char 
 acter presented not a single praiseworthy or attractive 
 feature. He died in poverty and disgrace; but the 
 misfortunes of his last years awaken no sympatli3 r , nor 
 would they do so had they included burning at the 
 stake. I shall still have occasion to refer to some of 
 his acts in opposition to the efforts of Cortes. 
 
 20 Frejes, Hist. Breve, 184, says that Guzman founded Chametla on his way 
 north. 
 
 21 See Hist. Hex., ii. 365-72, 457-61. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 1532-1536. 
 
 VOYAGE OF HURTADO DE MENDOZA INSTRUCTIONS AND MISHAPS GUZMAN'S 
 VERSION A NEW FLEET VOYAGE OF BECERRA AND GRIJALVA MUTINY 
 OF JIMENEZ DISCOVERIES EXPEDITION OF HERNAN CORTES MARCH 
 THROUGH NUEVA GALICIA COLONY AT SANTA CRUZ FAILURE EVENTS 
 AT SAN MIGUEL DE CULIACAN VAGUELY RECORDED EXPLORATIONS 
 ON ATE AND ANGULO EXPEDITION OF DIEGO DE GUZMAN To THE Rio 
 YAQUI INDIAN TROUBLES AT SAN MIGUEL RAIDS FOR PLUNDER AND 
 SLAVES SPANIARDS FOUND IN THE NORTH NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA 
 CABEZA DE VACA IN TEXAS WANDERINGS ACROSS THE CONTINENT 
 ROUTE DID NOT REACH NEW MEXICO ARRIVAL ON THE YAQUI AND AT 
 SAN MIGUEL SUBSEQUENT CAREER. 
 
 WE left Cortes in 1530 disheartened at the success 
 ful efforts of his enemies to impede the construction 
 of four vessels then on the stocks at Acapulco and 
 Tehuantepec. 1 The new audiencia, however, gave him 
 at first a little encouragement, and even ordered him 
 
 O ' 
 
 to persevere in his schemes of north-western discov 
 ery. 2 It required but little to rekindle all the con 
 queror's old enthusiasm, and accordingly early in 1532 
 he had the two vessels at Acapulco, the San Miguel 
 and San Marcos, ready to start. 3 Diego Hurtado de 
 
 1 CorUs, Escritos Sueltos, 205-8. 
 
 2 And this according to the royal order of July 12, 1530, by which the 
 audiencia is to notify Cortes that he must begin the building of his vessel* 
 within a year and have his fleet ready to sail in two years, under penalty of 
 losing his privilege. Pitfja, Cedulario, 41. 
 
 3 Sr Navarre te, Sutil y Mex. Viacjc, introd., xi.-xii., states that Corte'a 
 bought these two vessels in Nov. 1531 from Juan Rodriguez de Villafuerte. 
 As this author obtained his informariou from a precio*o manuscrito in the 
 royal academy I will not question the accuracy of the assertion; at the same 
 time I think they were the same vessels already referred to as built by Cort?s 
 at Acapulco. If he bought them of Villafuerte it was perhaps because he 
 had sold them to that officer in the time of his despondency. Guzman 
 
HURTADO DE MEXDOZA. 41 
 
 Mendoza, a kinsman of the captain-general, 4 was 
 chosen to command this fleet, the first to navigate the 
 Pacific above Colima. 5 Hurtado's instructions are 
 extant and in several respects interesting. 6 He is to 
 follow the coast at a distance of eight or ten leagues 
 afc sea, but always in sight of land, and to keep a 
 specially sharp lookout seaward for land in the west. 
 In case such land is discovered, great precautions are 
 prescribed in dealing with the natives, the present 
 purpose being not to conquer but to avoid a conflict 
 and seek information. Great care must be used to 
 learn what vessels the natives have, and if they prove 
 superior to those of the Spaniards the fleet is not to 
 risk capture, but is to return and report. Twenty 
 leagues beyond the latitude of Colima, if the western 
 land be not found sooner, the fleet was to turn west 
 ward for twelve or fifteen leagues, and at that distance 
 to continue up the coast until the limit of Guzman's 
 exploration was passed. This limit was to be recog 
 nized by the sierra approaching the sea, the obstacle 
 which had stopped Guzman's progress. Beyond this 
 point Hurtado was to land and take possession at dif 
 ferent places, exploring the shore, ports, and rivers 
 for a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues, and 
 thence to return, and report to Cortes from the first 
 Spanish port he might reach. 
 
 The two vessels sailed from Acapulco in May or 
 June 1532, 7 the San Marcos as flag-ship, while the 
 
 claimed, Proceso del Marquts, 344, very likely the document consulted by 
 Navarrete, that he, Guzman, had built the vessels for a pearl voyage, but 
 they were confiscated by the oidores after his departure and sold to Villafuerte 
 and by him to Cortes. They were not fit for discovery, nor were supplies and 
 arms sufficient. 
 
 * ' Un primo mio que se dice Diego de Hurtado.' Cortts, Cartas, 304. See 
 also Proce-w dd Marquis del Vaile, in Pacheco, Col. Doc., xv. 301. 
 
 5 We have seen that three of Saa,vedra's vessels in 1527 went up to Port 
 Santiago in Colima. Rumors of other and earlier expeditions by Cortes, 
 Anian, Maldonado, etc., have no foundation in fact. 'J'ai trouve" dans un 
 manuscrit conserve dans les archives de la vice-royaute" de Mexico, que la Cali- 
 fornie avoit 6te de"couverte en 1526. J'ignore sur quoi se fonde cette asser 
 tion.' Humboldt, Ess. Pol., 309. 
 
 6 Cortes, Escritos, 196-205; Col de Doc. Ined., para la Hist, de Espana, iv. 
 167-75. The instructions bear no date. 
 
 7 Corte"s, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 541, says they sailed in 
 
42 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 San Miguel was under the command of Juan de Ma- 
 zuela. 8 Touching at the port of Santiago in Colima, 
 just above the modern Manzanillo, 9 where he took on 
 board some supplies. Hurtado sailed to the port of 
 Jalisco, 10 where he wished to obtain water, but was 
 forbidden by Nuno de Guzman's orders, and was ob 
 liged to set sail immediately by a gale of wind, though 
 Guzman charged him with having landed and taken 
 supplies by force. 
 
 Some months later one of the vessels, probably the 
 San Miguel, was driven ashore in the bay of Banderas, 
 just below Matanchel, and her company, weakened 
 by sickness and famine, were attacked by the natives 
 and all killed save two or three, who escaped to Co 
 lima to tell the story, while Guzman took possession 
 of all that could be saved from the wreck; or at least 
 he was accused by Cortes of having done so. 11 From 
 
 May. Gomara, Conq. Mez. , 288, makes the date Corpus Christi, or May 24th, 
 in which he is followed by Ramusio, Navig. , iii. 339. Lorenzana, Cortes, Hist. , 
 323, Venegas, Not. Cat., i. 151-2, and Burney, Chron. Hist. Discov., i. 165-7, 
 give the date as May simply. I think May 24th was probably the date, but 
 have left it indefinite, because Navarrete, with access perhaps to original docu 
 ments, says positively it was June 30th. Mofras, Explor., i. 91, follows 
 Navarrete. Payno, Soc. Max. Geog., 2&* Ep., ii. 199, says May 1530. In 
 the Notidas de Exped., 670, the date is given as March 20, 1531. Taylor, in 
 Browne's L. CaL, 14, makes it June 3, 1531. The matter is not important 
 as no other date is known in connection with the voyage. 
 
 8 Also treasurer, Francisco de Acuna was maestro of the San Miguel; 
 Alonzo de Molina, purveyor; Miguel Marroquin, maestre de campo; Juan 
 Ortiz de Cabex, alcalde mayor; Melchor Fernandez, pilot. Gomara, Hist. 
 Mex., 288. 
 
 9 Navarrete calls the port also Guatlan. Cortds in his instructions to 
 Saavedra in 1527, Navarrete, Col. Viages, v. 454, calls it Aguatan. 
 
 10 The port of Jalisco, or Matanchel, was immediately south of the modern 
 San Bias, and not apparently identical with it. I find no name for any cor 
 responding harbor on modern maps. Beaumont, Cr&n. Mich., iii. 490-1, says 
 it was the port of Banderas where Hurtado was forbidden to enter. 
 
 "Guzman's story, as told in connection with later legal proceedings, 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 439-49, is as follows: The maestre of 
 the vessel landed with six men to find out what part of the coast they were 
 on. Four of them were killed by the Indians, and three came to Purificacion 
 and reported to the alcalde, Hi jar, who went to see the vessel. On arrival it 
 was found that she had gone to pieces, and the remaining 17 men, under 
 Francisco Rodriguez, had gone inland, where all were killed by the Indians. 
 From the vessel nothing was saved but a few broken and rotten spars, ropes, 
 sails, etc. In 1534 Guzman could not swear to details, since Hi jar had 
 attended to the matter; but the property was his because found abandoned 
 in his territory, and because Cortes' expedition was unauthorized. Still if 
 any one thought he had a claim he might bring suit and justice would be 
 done. 
 
NORTH-WESTERN SURVEYS. 
 
 43 
 
 (R. Santa ^ 
 
 g= v 
 
 EXPLORATIONS, 1532-6. 
 
44 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 these survivors were learned some particulars respect 
 ing the voyage. Having at the start discovered and 
 taken possession of the group of islands which they 
 called Magdalena, since known as the Tres Marias, 12 
 they were tossed about in a storm for seven or eight 
 days, and finally landed in an "arm of the sea" ex 
 tending eight or ten leagues inland. 13 Here they re 
 mained over twenty days, until their provisions were 
 nearly exhausted and the men became mutinous. 
 Finally Hurtado, taking with him a part of the force 
 on one vessel, sailed northward to continue the ex 
 ploration, while the malcontents attempted to return 
 southward, with what result we have seen. 14 " Nunca 
 mas se supo de el" is the conclusion of several writers 
 respecting Hurtado; 15 but the next year Diego de 
 Guzman, exploring northward from Culiacan, found 
 relics of the ill-fated crew, and learned from the 
 natives that the commander with twenty or thirty 
 men, having left the vessel and gone up the Rio 
 Tamotchala, now the Rio Fuerte, to the villages, 
 were killed when sleeping, sickness and fatigue having 
 rendered them careless. 16 The few men left in charge 
 of the vessel were also killed by the Indians a little 
 
 12 Yet it appears that in March 1532 Pedro de Guzman was in command 
 of a brig at Matanchel; and that sailing on the 18th he took possession for 
 Don Nuuo of the islands called Ramos, Nuestra Senora, and Magdalena. So 
 at least it was claimed in 1540. Proceso del Marques, 319-21. Guzman, in 
 Id., 344-6, complains of Hurtado's act in taking new possession. 
 
 13 Gomara and Herrera state that this port was 200 leagues beyond Jalisco; 
 Navarrete's authority says the voyagers located it in 27; Taylor thinks it 
 was near the Mayo River. Of course conjectures on the matter amount to 
 very little. 
 
 14 It is fair to give also Guzman's version. He says they anchored in 
 Chametla, where 38 men refused to go on, and remained with the vessel. 
 Twenty of them came by land to Compostela, where they were arrested. The 
 other 18, under Francisco Cort<?s (Rodriguez?), came down by sea to Purifica- 
 cion and landed, as elsewhere described (see note 11). Proceso del Marques, 
 346. Navarrete also says that 20 men came down by land. 
 
 15 We are informed by Navarrete that Hurtado and his men were drowned, 
 and he implies, while Mofras states clearly, that they met their fate at the 
 Tres Manas. 
 
 1G 6-u.rwa, JMacion, 101-2; Guzman, 2&* Rd. An6n., 297. See also Her 
 rera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vii.; lib. vii. cap. iii.; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 485, 
 490-1; Air-fire, Hint. Conip. Jesus, i. 235. Guzman, Proceso d<>l Marqute, 
 346, says that Hurtado, a negro, and an Indian slave were killed for their 
 outrages on the natives. 
 
BECERRA, GRIJALVA, AOT) JIMENEZ. 45 
 
 later, and the 'wooden house' in which the strangers 
 came was driven ashore and broken up at the mouth 
 of the Rio Petatlan, now the Sinaloa. Cortes attrib 
 uted the failure of this expedition to the hostility of 
 Guzman, preventing his landing for supplies and re 
 pairs. 17 
 
 Assured that the San Miguel was lost, and receiving 
 no tidings of the San Marcos, Cortes had still left two 
 other vessels on the stocks at Tehuantepec. He went 
 in person to the coast to superintend their completion 
 and out-fitting. 18 The command was given to Diego 
 Becerra, like Hurtado a relative of Cortes/ 9 who 
 sailed on the Conception as capitana with Fortun 
 Jimenez 20 as piloto mayor. Hernando de Grijalva 
 commanded the San Ldzaro with Martin de Acosta 
 as piloto. 21 They set sail from Tehuantepec on the 
 29th or 30th of October 1533. 22 
 
 The second night out of port the vessels were sepa 
 rated and never met again. Captain Becerra was an 
 arbitrary and disagreeable man, disliked by all under 
 his orders, and it is more than probable that Grijalva 
 had no desire to rejoin his commander. The official 
 
 11 Real Provision, 1534, 35. 
 
 18 Cortes states that he lived for a year and a half in a small house on the 
 shore and even aided personally in the work. Heal Provision, 1534, 35-G. 
 See also Hist. Mex., ii. 422, this series; Pacheco&nd Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 
 541-51. 
 
 19 Ib. The hidalgo Diego Bezerra de Mendoza, one of the Bezerras of Bada- 
 joz or Merida. Denial Diaz, Hist. Conq. Mex., 232-3. 
 
 20 ABiscayan, whose name is written Fortunio, Ortuiio, and Ortun. 
 
 21 Romay, Cncnta de lo que ha rjastado el Marques del Voile, Armada de 1533, 
 in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 298-313, names also the following 
 officers: Juan Ochoa, escribano; Francisco Palazuelos, surgeon; and padres 
 Martin de la Coruiia, Juan de San Miguel, and Francisco Pastrana. Military 
 officials besides Becerra and Grijalva: Bernaldino de Hinojosa, treasurer; 
 Pedro de Fuentes, alguacil mayor; Juan de Carasa, contador; Antonio de 
 Ulloa, maestre de campo; and Fernando de Alvarado, veedor. Juan de los 
 Pinos, maestre, and Martin Perez de Lescano, contra-maestre, of the Concep 
 tion-, Juan Garcia, maestre of the San Ldzaro. There were 43 sailors and 
 maritime officials, to whom was paid 7,499 pesos. 
 
 22 From the 'puerto de Jucatan (Jucutlan?), llamadola Bah fa de Santiago 
 de Buena Ksper-anza, donde se fabricaron los navios,' Grijalca, Relation. 
 Probably the modern San Diego in 10 1'. Navarrete, in SittU y Mex., Vw/c, 
 xiii.-xvii. ; Venegas, Not. Ceil., i. 52-4, and Loreuzana, Cortes Hist., 323-4, 
 say that the expedition sailed in 1534. 
 
46 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 diary of Grijalva's voyage has been preserved, 23 but 
 unfortunately it is of slight importance for my purpose, 
 as it only records, for the most part, a series of nautical 
 minutiae of adventures in open sea, of courses and lati 
 tudes not to be depended on, and all apparently south of 
 the latitude of Cape Corrientes. In the course of his 
 wanderings, however, Grijalva discovered the islands 
 now known as the Revilla Gigedo group, landing on 
 Socorro, and naming it Santo Tomas from the day of 
 that saint, Dec. 20th. The northern islands of this 
 group were styled Los Inocentes. From a point on 
 the Colima coast the San Ldzaro sailed southward in 
 February 1534 to Acapulco, where after refitting she 
 was sent on another expedition in a vain search for 
 islands in the south and south-west. 
 
 Grijalva, it appears, was not the only one in the 
 fleet who desired to be rid of Captain Becerra; but 
 the pilot Jimenez and his companions accomplished 
 their purpose in a more criminal manner. Soon after 
 parting with the San Ldzaro they murdered Becerra 
 while asleep, 24 wounded the few who cared to oppose 
 their acts, and at the earnest request of two Franciscan 
 friars on board landed both padres and the wounded 
 on the Colima coast at Motin, 25 whence some of the 
 party brought the news to Cortes. 
 
 23 Relation de la Jornada que hizo a descubrir en la Mar del Sur el Capitan 
 Hernando de Grijalva, etc., in Florida, Col. Doc., i. 1G3-72; also in Pacheco, 
 Col. Doc., xiv. 128-42. I have also the MS. copy made from the original in 
 Spain by Mr Buckingham Smith. This belonged to the valuable collection of 
 the late E. G. Squier, added to my own since that gentleman's death. Some 
 drawings in this manuscript, representing mermaids, or ' men-fish' seen on 
 several occasions during the voyage, have been published as above, and in the 
 atlas of Sutll y Mex. Viage. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vii. cap. iii-iv., doubtless 
 saw this document. 
 
 24 ' Decretando en el cruel tribunal de su alevosa intencion, apagar las luces 
 de sus sentidos con la funesta mano de su atrevimiento, ' etc., is the flowery 
 style in which Salazar tells the story. Hist. Conq. Mex., 442-4. Bernal Diaz 
 says some of Becerra's men were also killed. In Proceso del Marques del 
 Voile, 301, the murderer is called Martin Ruiz de Bertincloua, and this in a 
 legal document by the representative of Cortes. 
 
 25 The name Motin was not, as might be supposed, given at the time. A 
 Cape Motin is mentioned in the diary of the first voyage between Zacatula 
 and Santiago. Saavedra, Relacion, 89. Taylor, L. Ceil., 14-15, thinks it was 
 in the vicinity of Mazatlan. Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 485-6, 490, says P. 
 Martin de Jesus was one of the friars. He was one of the most prominent of 
 early Franciscans in Michoacan. See note 21. 
 
DISCOVERY OF SANTA CRUZ. 47 
 
 Some time later we have no exact dates three or 
 four sailors brought the Conception into the port of 
 Chametla, or perhaps Matanchel, 26 and their brief tale 
 is all we can ever know of their companions' fate. It 
 seems that the wicked Jimenez, freed from uncongenial 
 authority, sailed on in accordance with the dead cap 
 tain's instructions till he reached a bay on an island 
 coast as he supposed. Attempting to land and take 
 possession, he was killed with over twenty of his com 
 panions, and the few left took advantage of a favorable 
 wind to bring the vessel to Chametla. 27 Nuno de 
 Guzman at once conceived the idea of refitting the 
 
 O 
 
 craft thus providentially thrown into his hands, and 
 undertaking a voyage of discovery on his own account. 
 The sailors brought from the new island reports, and 
 perhaps samples, of pearls, which proved an additional 
 incentive. He at once seized the vessel and by a 
 pretence of trial and legal formalities tried to detain 
 the surviving sailors and thus keep Cortes in ignor 
 ance of his plans, but they managed to escape and 
 were not long in acquainting the captain-general with 
 what had occurred. 28 
 
 2G Gomara, Conq. Mex., 288-9, says two sailors. Cortes, Icazbalceta, Col. 
 Doc. , ii. 33-6, says that two started to come to him to report, but were arrested 
 by Guzman. In Icazbalceta 's introduction to torn. ii. xxv.-vi. it is stated that 
 20 men escaped to Jalisco. Salazar, Hist. Conq. Hex., 442-4, makes them re 
 turn to the port of Jalisco instead of Chametla. Guzman, Proceso del Mar 
 ques, 34G-7, says the vessel grounded at Espiritu Santo. See, also, Oviedo, 
 iv. GOT, on this voyage. 
 
 21 Guzman testified, Proceso 'del Marques, 346-7. that two men came across 
 from the island before the massacre -to Purificacion, and thence by land to 
 Compostela, one being killed on the way and the other arrested by Oiiate on 
 arrival. (See note 26. ) One man on shore escaped the massacre and swam 
 off to the vessel, on which were four or five men. 
 
 28 It appears that the report which first reached Corte"s was to the effect 
 that Jimenez had with his men joined Guzman against the captain-general. 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xii. 430. According to theNoticiadeEvpe- 
 diciones, 670, this expedition consisted of three vessels under Barrera and Gri- 
 jalva. They went up to 26, saw rivers which they named Santiago, San 
 Pedro, and Clota, when they heard that Hurtado was yet sailing along the 
 coast. Parted by a hurricane, Barrera returned to Acapulco, while Grijalva 
 took refuge behind a small island which he called Ballenas, between 28 and 
 29 ! Mr Jarves founds his romance of Kiana on the theory that two of Gri- 
 jalva's ships were never heard of except in the Hawaiian Islands, where the 
 arrival of Spaniards in olden time is recorded in native tradition. Unless his 
 information respecting the tradition is more correct than that on the voyage, 
 I fear his theories will not be generally accepted. 
 
48 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 Other vessels must have been far toward comple 
 tion when Becerra's fleet sailed from Tehuantepec, 
 for as early as September 1534 Cortes stated to the 
 audiencia that he had four large ships ready to con 
 tinue the exploration. No sooner was the result of 
 Becerra's voyage known from the sailors who had 
 landed at Chametla, than complaint was made to the 
 audiencia of Guzman's acts. Consequently that tri 
 bunal the 19th of August ordered the governor of 
 New Galicia to give up the vessel he had seized and 
 by no means to undertake any expedition to the island 
 discovered by Jimenez; but again the 2d of Septem 
 ber another order was issued enjoining Cortes also 
 from undertaking a voyage to that island, on the 
 ground that Guzman was understood to have already 
 sent a ship thither and ' scandal ' was feared in case 
 the two hostile leaders should meet. This was made 
 known to the marquis on the 4th, and the next day he 
 presented a long protest against that order, recapitu 
 lating his past services and the sacrifices he was mak 
 ing at an advanced age in the emperor's service. He 
 called attention to the great cost of the vessels that 
 had been lost and of those now ready to sail, alluding 
 to his direct authority from the government to under 
 take voyages of discovery, and finally declared that 
 Guzman neither had sent nor could send an expedition, 
 as he had neither men nor vessels, the Conception 
 being stranded on the coast. 29 
 
 Respecting the action taken by the audiencia on 
 this protest we only know that Gonzalo de Ruiz was 
 sent to New Galicia to investigate Guzman's acts and 
 arrest other offenders, restoring any property that 
 might have been taken from Cortes. 30 But, either 
 disgusted with the slowness of that tribunal to do him 
 
 29 The documents referred to are given in the Real Provision solre Descu- 
 brimientos en el Mar del Sur. 
 
 30 Commission and instructions to Ruiz dated Sept. 14th, 22d, in Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, CoL Doc., xii. 429-39. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vii. cap. iv., says 
 the audiencia informed Cortes it could do nothing, Guzman's province being a 
 separate government not under the jurisdiction of the Mexican tribunal. 
 
EXPEDITION OF CORTES. 40 
 
 justice, or more probably fortified by some document 
 ary authority from its oidores, Cortes resolved not 
 only to despatch a third expedition, but to command 
 it in person. Volunteers .were called for, including 
 families for the permanent occupation of the new 
 island. The prestige of the great conqueror, the ap 
 parent confirmation of his well known views respect 
 ing the South Sea islands, and the current report of 
 the pearl discovery were all-powerful; Cortes soon had 
 more applicants than he could accommodate. A large 
 store of supplies was prepared, 31 and late in 1534 or at 
 the beginning of 1535 three vessels were despatched 
 from Tehuantepec for Chametla, probably under Her- 
 nando de Grijalva. They were the San Ldzaro, Santa 
 Agueda, and Santo Tomds, and arrived safely at their 
 first destination, no particulars of the voyage being 
 known. 
 
 A little later, in the spring of 1535, 32 Cortes started 
 for Chametla by land at the head of a large force, 33 
 not at all averse as we may well believe to a conflict 
 with the governor of New Galicia. But Guzman, too 
 weak to make a successful fight, kept out of the way, 
 being called to the valley of Banderas by Indian diffi 
 culties, and afforded the cap tain -general no pretext 
 for hostilities. There was, however, some correspond 
 ence between the two rivals. The 20th of February 
 Guzman, at Compostela, commissioned Pedro de Ulloa 
 to go and meet Cortes, and to serve on him a legal 
 warning not to enter his jurisdiction, or if he had 
 already done so to retire. Ulloa found Cortes four 
 days later at Iztlan, and at Ahuacatlan on the 25th 
 
 31 But Mendoza in hjp letter to Carlos V. says the expedition was composed 
 of ' quelques faiitassins et un petit nombre de cavaliers assez mal pourvus des 
 objets necessaires.' Tenaux-Compans, Voy., s<rie i. torn. ix. 286-7. Also in 
 HdUuyfa Voy., iii. 364-5. 
 
 32 Xavarrete, Sutil y Mex., Viafje, xvii.; Id., Viages Ap6c., 27-8, says 
 erroneously it \vas in Aug. 1534. Taylor gives the date Aug. 1531. 
 
 3a A witness in a subsequent lawsuit testified that there were 400 Spaniards 
 and 300 negroes. Also in Mofras, Explor., i. 92-3. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Vcr~ 
 dad., 233-4, says the colony consisted of 320 persons, including 34 married- 
 couples. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 4 
 
50 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 received his formal reply. The captain-general denied 
 the right of the governor to prevent the passage 
 through his province of an officer engaged in the ser 
 vice of his Majesty, warning Guzman to place no 
 impediment in his way under penalty of punishment. 
 This reply reached the governor before March 9th, 
 on which date he wrote to the audiencia protesting 
 against his rival's determination to invade New Gali- 
 cia. 84 The sea and land expeditions having been re 
 united at Chametla, Cortes sailed for the north-west 
 about the middle of April, 35 taking on board his fleet 
 of three vessels, for the Concepcion seems to have been 
 found in such a condition as to be unserviceable, 30 
 about one third of his entire force with thirty horses. 37 
 Having sighted a point named San Felipe, and an 
 island of Santiago whose identity is purely con 
 jectural, the fleet entered on May 3d the bay of Santa 
 Cruz, so named from the day, where, according to the 
 statement of the survivors, Jimenez had perished with 
 his company; and where,, in fact, relics of that unfor 
 tunate band were shortly found. This bay was on 
 the eastern coast of the peninsula later known as 
 California, and is generally supposed to be identical 
 with the present La Paz. 3S On the day of landing 
 
 ^Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., xii. 448-50; xiii. 443-5. Hijar, alcalde 
 at Purificacion, testified later that Cortes entered his office and by force took 
 from Tinder his bed two tiros de artilleria. Id., xvi. 539-47. Guzman writes 
 June 7th and 8th, 1535, giving an account of Indian troubles claimed by him 
 to have been caused by the bad policy of Cortes while passing through Jalisco. 
 Id., xiii. 416, 445. Corte"s in a letter of June 5, 1536, speaks of having stopped 
 a few days at Compostela during this trip. Corte's, Cartas, 535-7, 559-GO. 
 
 33 Navarrete, Sutily Mex., Viage, xvii.-xxi., says on April 15th. Guzman 
 in letters of June 7th, 8th, 1535, says April 18th. Corte*, Cartas, 537; Pacheco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 415-17, 448. Most writers, save such as have 
 followed Navarrete, make the year 1536. 
 
 36 Although Lorenzana, Cortes, Hist. N. Espana, 324, Clavigero, Storia 
 Cal, 149-51, Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 155-8, and Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iii. 
 555, say that she was refitted. 
 
 37 According to Gomara, Conq. Mex., 289, 300 Spaniards, 37 women, and 
 130 horses were left under Andres de Tapia. Guzman says he took 113 peones 
 and 40 horsemen, leaving 60 horsemen. Cortes, Cartas, 537; Pacheco and 
 Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 417, 448. 
 
 38 There is so far as I know no very strong proof for or against this iden 
 tity; but it was favored by the Spaniards from the earliest times. Marcou, 
 Notes, 5, says the bay became known in later years as Bahia de los Muertoa 
 on account of the massacre of Jimenez, Becerra (!), and others. 
 
COLONY AT SANTA CEUZ. 51 
 
 formal possession was taken for Spain, and the act 
 duly recorded in legal form. 39 
 
 Remaining at Santa Cruz with his smallest vessel 
 Cortes sent the other two across to the main to bring 
 over a part of the remaining force and supplies. 
 These vessels seem to have made the trip successfully 
 and were sent back to bring the remaining colonists. 40 
 In this attempt they were less fortunate, being driven 
 up the coast to a river which they called San Pedro 
 y San Pablo, where they were detained several months. 
 Finally they came down to the port of Guayabal/ 1 - 
 learned that the colonists had come up overland to San 
 Miguel, and started for Santa Cruz with supplies, 
 more needed than additional mouths to feed as was 
 correctly judged. One vessel crossed the gulf suc 
 cessfully, but the other, probably the San Ldzaro, 
 was wrecked on the Jalisco coast, and her men re 
 turned to Mexico, as did the colonists from San Mi 
 guel, perhaps, since we hear no more of them. 
 
 At the earnest request of his men Cortes now took 
 command of one of the two remaining vessels, and 
 with Grijalva in charge of the other, again crossed 
 over to Guayabal; narrowly escaped shipwreck at the 
 entrance of that harbor; and, having loaded both 
 vessels with supplies, started to return. The voyage 
 was a rough one. A falling yard killed the pilot, 
 Anton Cordero, and Cortes was obliged to steer him- 
 
 39 Cortes, Auto de Posesion que de las Tierras que habia descubierto en el 
 Mar del Sur, tomd el Marques del Valle en el puerto y bahia de Santa Cruz, 
 3 <Ie Mayo 1535. In Navarrete, Col. Viajes, iv. 190-2; Proceso del Marques, 
 306-8. Martin de Castro was the escribano, and the witnesses, Dr Juan 
 Gonzalez de Valdivieso, alcalde mayor, Juan de Jaso, Alonso de Navarrete, 
 Fernando Arias de Saavedra, Bernardino del Castillo, and Francisco(?) de 
 Ulloa. May 10th, Cortds caused to be publicly read the royal order author 
 izing him to rule over the countries he might discover. Same witnesses, ex 
 cept Castillo, and Alonso de Ulloa instead of Francisco, all captains. Pachtco 
 and Cardenas, Col. Doc. , xii. 490-6. 
 
 40 Cortes, Escritos, 292-3, followed by Navarrete. Others say that all three 
 vessels were sent across at first, the smallest returning; then Cortes went over 
 with that vessel and met Grijalva 's vessel laden with supplies bought at San 
 Miguel. 
 
 41 Eighteen leagues from San Miguel according to Herrera, dec. v. lib. 
 viii. cap. ix. Respecting this port and island of Guayabal, see chap ii. note 18 
 of this vol. 
 
52 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA BE VACA. 
 
 self; but at last he succeeded in reaching the coast, 
 and after being driven southward some distance, re 
 turned and anchored at Santa Cruz, where some of 
 the colonists had died of hunger, and others now died 
 of over-eating. 42 Grijalva also succeeded in touching 
 the new coast far south of Santa Cruz, but was forced 
 to cut his cables and was driven to Matanchel. Cor 
 tes waited in vain for his companion, and realizing 
 that with only one vessel the colony must surely 
 perish, decided to return to New Spain to fit out a 
 new fleet and send relief. Another motive for this 
 resolve was the news that Mendoza had arrived as 
 viceroy. This information, with an earnest request 
 from the wife of Cortes for his return, was brought 
 up by a vessel said to have been under Francisco de 
 Ulloa. The latter was left in command of the colony 
 of thirty Spaniards, with twelve horses and supplies 
 for ten months; Cortes rejoined Grijalva at Matan 
 chel; and both returned in the Santa Agueda and 
 Santo Tomds to Acapulco. 43 
 
 Of events that immediately followed the return of 
 the captain-general we know but little; of the colo 
 nists' experiences at Santa Cruz, absolutely nothing; 
 but in accordance with Viceroy Mendoza's advice or 
 orders, with his wife's entreaties, and not improbably 
 
 42 Bernal Diaz says that 23 died of hunger and half the remainder of over 
 eating. 
 
 43 Memorial of Corte"s to the emperor in 1539, in Id.,Escritos, 292-3, 301-2; 
 Wavarrete, Col. Viajes, iv. 203-4. Respecting this returning fleet there is 
 much confusion in the authorities. Navarrete does not mention any vessel 
 sent after Cortes, and thus implies that the colony remained without vessels, 
 and that only the two mentioned returned to Acapulco. But all others state 
 that the vessel was sent, and Bemal Diaz tells us that Ulloa was in command. 
 Cortes himself, Proceao del Marques, 317, says three vessels were sent to him. 
 Most of the authorities also state that two other vessels were despatched by 
 Mendoza which met Corte"s returning fleet and returned with it. Gomara, 
 Conq. J\Icx., 290, says Corte"s returned with six vessels, having been joined at 
 Santiago by the two sent out by his wife. According to Herrera, dec. v. lib. 
 viii. cap. x., Cortes with two vessels met the Santo Tomds at sea; all three 
 returned to Jalisco; set afloat the. vessel already stranded there (the San 
 Ldzaro?); met two craft at Santiago; and returned to Acapulco with six. 
 Cavo, Tres Sir/los, i. 120, says he returned with five vessels after having left 
 others for Ulloa and the colony. Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 156-7, affirms that 
 Grijalva's vessel, having returned, was one of those sent by the viceroy to 
 bring back Cortes. 
 
RETURN OF THE COLONY. 53 
 
 with his own inclinations at the time, the result of 
 the expedition having been a bitter disappointment, 
 Cortes sent vessels to bring back the unfortunate colo 
 nists, perhaps at the end of 1536. Respecting the 
 voyage of these vessels nothing whatever is known. 44 
 It should be noted that there was as yet no suspicion 
 that the newly found land was anything but an island, 
 and that no other name than Santa Cruz had been 
 applied to it. 
 
 We have seen the vessels of Hurtado, Jimenez, and 
 Cortes successively touching at different points on the 
 
 44 Mendoza says most of the colonists died of hunger. Tcrnaux-Compans, 
 Voy., serie i. torn. ix. 28G-7. Lorenzana, Cortes, Hist., 324, and other writers 
 date the return early in 1537; but most of them also place the beginning of 
 the voyage in 1536 instead of 1535. Cortes, Escritos, 292-3, 301-2; Navar- 
 rete, Col. Doc., iv. 203-4, says he intended to return with aid; but the rela 
 tives of some of the colonists complained to the viceroy, who ordered him to 
 bring them back, and he obeyed. The king in 1541, Proceso ael Marques, 
 398-9, has been told that Mendoza took all the accounts and maps of the voy 
 age, and refused to give Cortes a license to send succor to the officer left in 
 command of the colony. Guzman's version, Id. , 347-8, is that he welcomed 
 Cortes in New Galicia, though he maltreated Indians on the way, kept him 
 in his own house four days, supplied the army all they needed, and helped 
 them on to Espiritu Santo (Chametla), whence Cortes sent a vessel to Ma tan - 
 chel for maize. Having sent his men across by Guzman's aid, Cortes found 
 nothing to live on, and his men were on the point of starvation until succored 
 again by Guzman. By abandoning the country Cortes had given up all claim 
 if he ever had any. Moreover at the end of 1535, Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
 Doc., xvi. 1-37, Guzman had four or five witnesses examined under oath, all 
 of whom testified to the poverty of the country discovered; to the fact tbatr 
 many perished of hunger, and more would have died but for succor; that 
 Cortes treated his men badly, taking away their clothing, etc. ; that Tapia 
 and Cortes had taken away Indians against their will; that the Indians of 
 Santa Cruz were very low beings, eating their own excrement, cohabiting in 
 public, and approaching their women from behind like beasts; and that the 
 country had no .gold. This evidence was submitted in 1541 to the courts in 
 Madrid. 
 
 The following are miscellaneous references for brief and more or less super 
 ficial accounts of Cortes' expeditions to California under Hurtado, Becerra, 
 and Cortes, most of them being additional to those given in the preceding 
 pages: March y Labors, Marina E^panola, ii. 194-200; Galvano, in To//. 
 Select., 39-41; Glteeon's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 35-7; Salaa'ir y Olartc, Hint. Con'q. 
 Mex., 441-50; Cavo, Tres Si'/los, i. 109-21; HumboMt,' Essai Pol, i. 309; 
 Kohl's Hist. Discov., i. 200-12; DalrymplSs Hint.. Col., Voy.. i. 35-G; Dom4- 
 nech'* Deserts, i. 224-5; Calf,', Xof. Meni. Sac., 108; Cal., Hist. Chret., ii. 15- 
 16; Itibas, Hist. Trinmphos, 441-2; Robertson's Hist. Amer., ii. 144; Rnsc.h- 
 enberr/er's Voy., ii. 422-3; Orcenliow'n Or. and Cal, 52-4; Greenhow's Mem., 
 25; Forbes 1 Cal., 7-9; Payno, in Soc. Mex. Gco'j., BoL, 2da t-p. ii. 199-209; 
 Lassrpas, B. Cal., 165; Doc. Hist. Mex., s<?rie iv. pt. v. 7-S; Hit. Mar/., vi. 
 312-14; Laet, Norvs Orbis, 292-3; Camarf/o, in Nonr. An. I'oi/., xcix! 184; 
 Walpotes Four Years, ii. 210-11; TiithiWs Hist. Cal., S-9; Murray's Hist. 
 
64 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 northern coast between 1532 and 1536. Respecting 
 events of the same' period on the main at and about 
 San Miguel, where Diego de Proano had been left 
 at the end of 1.531 with one hundred vecinos, the 
 records are not only confused but meagre. Many 
 writers dispose of the period by stating that Nuno de 
 Guzman on departing from Culiacan for Jalisco left an 
 army in the north, which he divided into three divi 
 sions under captains Chirinos, Oiiate, and Jose de 
 Angulo, with orders to explore the country northward 
 and eastward; that Angulo and Onate crossed the 
 sierra toward the east and north-east by different 
 routes not definitely known, reaching the plains of 
 Guadiana, or Durango, but finding only savage tribes 
 and accomplishing nothing in the way of conquest or 
 settlement; and that Chirinos with his force pene 
 trated up the coast to the Yaqui River. 45 Several 
 of the number add erroneously that Chirinos or his 
 officers during this expedition met Cabeza de Yaca, 
 of whom more hereafter. 
 
 Of the expeditions of Onate and Angulo nothing 
 is known beyond the preceding vague references, but 
 it is more than probable that one or both of them 
 
 Acct. N. Amer., ii. 66-7; Dufey, Resume, i. 5, 213; Kennedy's Texas, i. 209; 
 Ty tier's Hist. Discov., 69-70; Findlay's Directory, i. 292-3; Hntchiw/s' May., 
 i. 111; iii. 399-400; v. 264-5; Farnham's Life CaL, 119-24; Fedix, 'I'Orcr/on, 
 54; Frifjnet, La CaL, 6; Saint Amant, Voy., 392-3; Cortes, Brieven, ii. ; Cortes, 
 Avcnluras, 300; Hassel, Mex. Guat., 177; Holmes' Annals Amer.. i. 59, 68; 
 Larenaudiere, Mex. Guat., 139; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 90; Monylave, Resumt, 
 139-40; Marchand, Voy., i. iii.-iv. 
 
 45 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 76, 82; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 111-14; Ram 
 irez, Proceso, 211-12; Navarrete, Hist. Jal., 57; Gil, iuSoc. Mex. Gcor/., viii. 
 479-80; Payno, in Id., 2da Ep., ii. 137-8; Escudcro, Not. Dur., 8; lit., Not. 
 Son., 26-7; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 488 et seq. Beaumont and Tcllo, 
 Hist. N. Gal, 256, give fuller accounts of Angulo's trip, but add nothing to 
 the above save that lie had 50 Spaniards and 400 Indians, and had orders to 
 cross over to Tampico, but was prevented by cold and want of food. Tello 
 says that Onate 'followed the rivers and coasts to the port of Bato and Ostial,' 
 rested at Culiacan, and in a few days continued his march to Las Vegas and 
 Vizcaino, and thence to the sierra of Capirato. According to Mota-Padilla 
 and Navarrete Ofiate went to Aldato, Hostial, and Capirato. Escudero tells 
 us that Angulo went to the coast of the gulf of California; while according to 
 Gil, he -\vent through central Sinaloa to the region of Alamos. It is quite 
 evident that none of these writers have the slightest idea of what they are 
 talking about. Beaumont, however, implies that the expeditions took place 
 after the foundation of the Jalisco towns. 
 
DIEGO DE GUZMAN. 55 
 
 should be included in the miscellaneous explorations 
 already mentioned as having been undertaken by Guz 
 man's orders before he left Culiacan in the autumn of 
 1531. 4G The northern trip to the Yaqui is better 
 recorded. It was accomplished, however, not imme 
 diately after the governor's departure by forces which 
 he left at San Miguel, but in 1533 and probably by a 
 force sent north from Jalisco. It was not commanded 
 by Chirinos, who probably never visited northern 
 Sinaloa, having left Guzman on the way in 1530 and 
 returned to Mexico, but was under the command of 
 Diego de Guzman; neither was it connected in any 
 way with the arrival of Cabeza de Vaca, an event 
 of much later date. We have no definite record of 
 the sending of troops from Jalisco; 47 but of the north 
 ern campaign we have two original accounts, one 
 written by the commander Diego de Guzman, and the 
 other by one of his officers whose name is not known. 48 
 It will be remembered that while Nufio de Guzman 
 was at Culiacan in 1531, Alcalde Samaniego had been 
 sent northward by the coast route and had reached 
 and named the river of Petatlan. It also appears 
 that after Guzman's departure Alcalde Proano sent 
 out one of the vecinos of San Miguel who reached 
 the small river next north of the Culiacan, now known 
 
 46 See chap. ii. of this vol. Tello's statement that Guzman accompanied 
 Ofiate's division in person confirms this supposition. 
 
 41 Unless it be the statement of the author of the 1 Rd. An6n., 295, <y a 
 mi mandome que f uese a la villa de San Miguel, que habia dejado en Culiacan 
 despues que el Cristobal de Barrios oviese poblado, que dende alii me diese 
 gente que me acompanase hasta la villa. ' 
 
 48 The first is the Relation de lo que yo Diego de Guzman he descubierto en 
 la costa delMardclSurporS. M. y por el Itt m Sr Nuno de Guzman, in Florida, 
 Col. Doc., 94-103, and in Pacheco, Col. Doc., xv. 325-38. The second is the 
 Guzman, 2 da Rel. An6n. The first is an official diary giving all details of 
 dates, distances, pueblos, and minor events, written during the trip and sent 
 to the authorities; while the other is a more general account, omitting most 
 details, naming only the principal rivers, and paying more attention to the 
 general features of the country and the customs of the natives, apparently 
 written from memory some time after the occurrence of the events described. 
 Icazbalceta, CcL Doc., ii. xlv., thinks the anonymous narrative refers to the 
 expedition of Cebreros and Alcaraz, and deems it remarkable that no mention 
 is made of Cabeza de Vaca; but there is no possible doubt that the narrative 
 relates to a much earlier expedition. Herrera, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vii.-viii. , gives 
 an account evidently taken from the anonymous relation, under the date of 
 1532. 
 
56 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 as the Mocorito, and gave it his own name Sebastian 
 cle fivora. The present expedition under Diego de 
 Guzman left Culiacan Valley early in July 1533, 49 by 
 the same route that Samaniego had followed, and a 
 week later arrived on the banks of the Rio Petatlan, 
 the Sinaloa of modern maps. Exploring this river 
 five leagues toward the sea the Spaniards obtained a 
 quantity of maize, and heard of a town called Tamot- 
 chala on a river toward the north. Francisco Velas 
 quez with twenty men was sent in advance and took 
 the town by assault, the inhabitants for the most part 
 jumping into the river and escaping. The rest of the 
 army coming up, remained here eight days and ex 
 plored the river down to a village called Oremy. 
 This stream of Tamotchala, named by Guzman at 
 this time Santiago, was the Rio del Fuerte, the later 
 boundary between Sinaloa and Sonora. 50 Finding 
 but a small store of supplies, though the banks were 
 well dotted with petate huts, the army marched up 
 the river nearly to the sierra, and early in August 
 arrived in the province of Sinaloa, which has given its 
 name to the modern state. Here the dwellings were 
 better, and large fields of maize, in the milk at the 
 time, gave promise of plentiful supplies. The natives 
 at first ran away in fright, but presently returned with 
 green reeds in their hands which they placed on the 
 ground in token of friendship and submission; yet 
 they were suspected of treacherous intent and closely 
 watched. 51 
 
 The 1 7th of September crossing the river in balsas 
 
 49 The diary has it Aug. 4th, obviously an error of copyist or printer. It 
 may have been July 4th. 
 
 60 July 28th, formal possession taken of the Bio Santiago 15 1. from the 
 Petatlan. Proceso del Marquts, 322. Guzman makes the distance from the 
 Petatlan 12 1.; the anonymous narrative 20 1. This river has also been 
 called Zuaque, Ahome, and even Sinaloa. The name Tamotchala, or Tama- 
 zula, has also been applied to rivers to the south, thus causing some confusion 
 in historical narratives, but there is no doubt that the Tamotchala, or Santi 
 ago, of the first explorers was the Fuerte. 
 
 51 The anonymous writer speaks of leaving the main force and marching up 
 the river with a small party. This in connection with Guzman's statement 
 that he sent such a party confirms the fact that the former writer was one of 
 Guzman's chief officers. 
 
ON THE RIO YAQUI. '5f 
 
 and guided by a Sinaloa native, the Spaniards resumed 
 their march, and having passed three days later the 
 town of Teocomo on a small stream, arrived on the 
 24th at the Rio Mayo, where they found plenty of 
 dry maize and salt, and spent five days killing their 
 hogs which had been driven up to this point. They 
 named the river San Miguel, 52 and went on in search 
 of a town of Nevame, possibly the origin of the tribal 
 name Nevome, on a larger river; crossed the river 
 the 4th of October, and halted at the town of Yaquimi 
 on its northern bank, where they remained seventeen 
 days, but were unable to overcome the fears of the 
 natives, who had fled at their approach. This river, 
 the largest they had crossed, the present Yaqui, was 
 christened San Francisco. 53 The anonymous narra 
 tive of these events, followed by Herrera and others, 
 describes an encounter with the natives at this town, 
 only vaguely alluded to by Guzman. The Yaquis 
 appeared in large numbers, and forbade the Spaniards 
 to pass a line indicated on the ground. Guzman ex 
 plained his peaceful intentions and asked for food. 
 The Indians offered to bring food if the Spaniards 
 would first allow themselves and their horses to be 
 tied. Guzman did not accede to this modest request, 
 but ordered his men to charge with the battle-cry of 
 Santiago, and the Yaquis were routed after a desper 
 ate struggle, in which two Spaniards and twelve 
 horses were wounded. 
 
 In the last days of October the river was explored 
 up to Nevame, ten or twelve leagues above Yaquimi, 
 and the author of the anonymous account also went 
 
 62 Guzman calls the river Mayomo. Both accounts make the distance from 
 the Tamotchala 30 leagues. The stream crossed before reaching the Mayo is 
 the Rio Alamos of modern maps. The lid. An6n. does not mention it or the 
 pueblo. Possession was taken', Sept. 29th, of the San Miguel, 40 leagues from 
 the^Santiago. Proceso del Marque*, 323. 
 
 53 Guzman makes the distance between the Mayo and Yaqui 18 leagues. 
 It is evident that the distances given are of little importance, since we have 
 no means of knowing how far inland or in what direction the route lay be 
 tween the streams. The Rel An6n. says the Yaqui was reached on the day 
 of Nuestra Senora, or Sept. 8th. Formal possession of the Yaquimi, or San 
 Francisco on Oct. 4th. Proceso del Marques, 325. 
 
68 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 down to the sea, but found no prospect of a pass 
 northward by the coast. 54 It was now decided to 
 return, and they started the 2d of November. Eight 
 or ten days were spent in exploring the Rio Mayo, 
 and six days on the Rio Teocomo, or Alamos. Here 
 they noticed a piece of blue cloth and a string of nails 
 evidently of European manufacture, and learned of 
 Hurtado's arrival and murder at a town of Orumeme, 
 to the south. 55 From the 1st to the 13th of Decem 
 ber they were on the Rio Tarnotchala, reached Oru 
 meme near the sea, found more relics, and learned the 
 details of Hurtado's fate. Passing the Rio Petatlan, 
 on Christmas they were at the Rio de Sebastian de 
 Evora, and arrived at Culiacan on the 30th, as Guz 
 man states, or according to the other account, on 
 Christmas eve. 56 
 
 Back at San Miguel from the north Guzman's party 
 found the natives in revolt, and the Christians in great 
 fear and want. The author of the anonymous narra 
 tive proceeded southward with a small escort to report 
 to the governor and seek aid. He found the settle 
 ment at Chametla in much the same condition as San 
 Miguel, the Indians having revolted and killed Captain 
 Diego de la Cueva and other Spaniards. Rut little 
 more is recorded about the northern settlements during 
 this period. The colonists at San Miguel, instead of 
 cultivating the soil at first, lived on the supplies left 
 
 64 He noted the western projection of the coast in what is now the Guay- 
 mas region, and after returning to Mexico and learning of the discovery of a 
 western land by Jimenez, concluded that the new land was not an island but 
 a south-western projection of the mainland, the mouth of the Yaqui being the 
 head of the gulf thus formed. Thus early was the theory advanced that Cali 
 fornia was a peninsula. Beaumont, Cr6n. Midi., iii. 497, also vaguely notices 
 the idea; which seems, however, not to have found a place on any early map. 
 
 55 The Eel. An6n. says the relics were noticed on the march northward, 
 but that definite information of Hurtado's fate was obtained from an Indian 
 woman on the return. 
 
 56 Herrera, as I have said, dec. v. lib. i. cap. vii.-viii., follows the anony 
 mous narrative almost verbatim. Tello, Hist. N. Gal., 356-9, Mota-Padilla, 
 Conq. N. Gal, 79-82, Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iii. 490-7, Escudero, Not. 
 Son.. 26-7, and others, give substantially the same version, drawn evidently 
 from the same sources, but makes Chirinos the commander with Cebreros and 
 Alcaraz as subordinate officers, thus confounding this expedition with events 
 that occurred over two years later. Tello also speaks of a battle on the Kio 
 Sebastian de ISvora. 
 
AFFAIRS AT CULIACAN. 59 
 
 by the governor, and on others bought of the natives 
 in exchange for trinkets. Peace lasted until the arti 
 cles of trade were exhausted, and the Christians began 
 to live by plundering the natives, and by seizing them 
 as slaves whenever oppression provoked resistance. 
 The natives then gradually ceased to cultivate the 
 land, burned their remaining towns, and fled from 
 their persecutors to lead a wild life in the mountains. 
 In a vain effort to regain lost favor at court Nuno de 
 Guzman, regardless of his own past policy and instruc 
 tions, caused Captain Proano to be arrested and 
 brought to Compos tela for trial, on charge of making 
 slaves in violation of law. Proano was sentenced to 
 death, but was saved before the audiencia at the inter 
 cession of the Onates; and, according to Beaumont 
 and Eamirez, Cristobal de Tapia was sent as alcalde 
 mayor to San Miguel. 
 
 The policy of kindness introduced by Tapia, as 
 we are told, so disgusted the Spanish vecinos, by de 
 priving them of the profit of the slave-trade, and 
 forcing them to cultivate their own fields, or hire it 
 done, that many left a country which had lost all its 
 charm for them. When Tapia assumed the position 
 or how long he held it we have no record; but in 
 1536-7 Melchor Diaz was alcalde mayor. 57 It does 
 not appear, however, that the Indian policy in this 
 region was radically changed for the better before 
 1536; for it was a party of Spanish raiders from San 
 Miguel in search of plunder and slaves in the Petatlan 
 country, who met Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, 
 of whose strange wanderings across the continent I 
 have now to speak. 
 
 57 Dec. 10, 1537, Viceroy Mendoza writes to the emperor that Diaz had 
 come to Mexico, at a date not mentioned, to complain on behalf of the settlers 
 that they had no means of living now that they were not allowed to make 
 slaves. Mendoza regarded it as of great importance that the villa be not 
 abandoned, and had sent the settlers necessary articles to the value of 1,000 
 pesos, until the emperor should decide on some means of permanent relief. 
 Florida, Col. Doc., i. 129-30. See also on the matters mentioned in the text, 
 Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iii. 497; iv. 71-4; Ramirez, Proceso. 225-6; Guzman, 
 
 ItlM. An6n., 293-4; Id.,2^Rd. An6n., 303-5; Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 
 87; Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 23-4. 
 
60 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 Panfilo de Narvaez with a commission as governor 
 to conquer and rule the province of Las Palmas 
 north of P<inuco on the gulf coast, sailed from Spain 
 in June 1527 with a fleet of five ships and a force of 
 six hundred men. After a somewhat disastrous ex 
 perience of storms and desertions at Espanola and 
 Cuba, the fleet was driven by a storm to the western 
 coast of Florida and anchored with four hundred men 
 and eighty horses at Tampa Bay in April 1528. Alvar 
 Nunez Cabeza de Vaca was treasurer and alcalde 
 mayor of the expedition, and of Narvaez' prospective 
 government of Las Palmas. Against the remon 
 strance of Ntniez, the governor determined to march 
 inland while the vessels should follow the coast, with 
 which a pilot, Miruelo, professed to be somewhat 
 familiar. The separation was on May 1st; the re 
 uniting of the sea and land forces was never effected. 
 The fleet, losing one vessel and being joined by an 
 other from Cuba, seems to have spent about a year 
 on the coast, and, hearing nothing of the army, to 
 have returned to the islands. 
 
 Narvaez with his three hundred men and forty 
 horses followed the general direction of the coast, but 
 at a considerable distance inland, suffering many hard 
 ships from the natural difficulties of such a march, 
 from want of food, and from occasional though not 
 serious Indian hostilities. In August they again 
 drew near the sea and abandoned the idea of further 
 progress by land. At a bay called by them Bahia de 
 los Caballos, probably not far from the mouth of the 
 Apalachicola River, having made tools from their 
 stirrups and other articles of iron, the Spaniards built 
 five boats. Here ten men were killed by the natives 
 and forty died from sickness; the horses were killed 
 for food and for their skins to be used in providing 
 the boats with water. At last, in September, two 
 hundred and forty-two men besides the officers, all 
 ignorant of navigation, embarked in their frail craft 
 to coast the gulf of Pdnuco. They continued the voy- 
 
FATE OF NARVAEZ. 61 
 
 age about six weeks, tossed by storms, suffering ter 
 ribly from thirst, hunger, and exposure, landing 
 occasionally, and attacked several times by savages, 
 until early in November the boat commanded by 
 Cabeza de Vaca and one of the others were stranded 
 on an island near the main, and the surviving navi 
 gators, naked and more dead than alive, were thrown 
 into the hands of the natives, who were in a condition 
 hardly less deplorable than their own. 
 
 Four of the strongest survivors were despatched 
 with instructions to press on, and if possible to reach 
 Panuco, supposed to be not far distant. Famine 
 and pestilence soon reduced the Spaniards from eighty 
 to fifteen, also carrying off one half of the Indians. 
 The survivors became slaves and were gradually scat 
 tered. Alvar Nunez remained over a year on the 
 island, very harshly treated, and employed chiefly in 
 digging from under the water a root used as food. 
 He afterwards bettered his condition by becoming a 
 trader on the main, traversing the country for many 
 leagues, and exchanging shells and various articles of 
 coast merchandise for skins and other island products. 
 He remained in the service of the Indians, naked like 
 his masters, for nearly six years, naming the island 
 Malhado from his misfortunes there. At the end of 
 that time, in company with the only survivor there, 
 named Oviedo, he escaped from his masters, and went 
 down the coast to a bay which he supposed to be 
 the Espiritu Santo discovered in 1519, crossing four 
 large rivers on the way. Oviedo returned to Malhado, 
 but Cabeza de Vaca became a slave in another tribe, 
 and soon met Andres Dorantes, Alonso del Castillo 
 Maldonado, and Estevanico, an Arabian negro slave. 
 All these were of the party wrecked on Malhado 
 Island, but in their subsequent wanderings they had 
 gone far down the coast, meeting survivors from the 
 other boats, and learning the fate of Narvaez and his 
 companions. These had also been wrecked and had 
 perished one by one with very few exceptions. Of the 
 
62 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 four sent to Pdnuco, one had gone southward, two had 
 died, and one was still with the Indians. Of nearly 
 three hundred who had started from Florida, besides 
 the four now reunited, there remained only five not 
 known to have perished, and not one of the five was 
 ever heard of afterward. The four crossed the con 
 tinent and reached San Miguel in New Galicia April 
 1, 1536. 
 
 The wanderings of Alvar Nunez and his party, 
 being the first exploration by Europeans of a large 
 tract of the territory which constitutes my subject, 
 it would be desirable to trace accurately and in detail ; 
 but unfortunately the data extant are wholly insuffi 
 cient for the purpose. The two narratives, 58 although 
 
 58 One was by Alvar Nunez after his return to Spain in 1537. It was first 
 published at Zamora in 1542, as the Relation que di6 Alvar Nunez, etc. ; re- 
 published, with additional matter not relating to this part of the author's 
 career, as Relation y Comentarios in 1550; and again in Barcia, Historiadores 
 Primitives in 1736, under the title of Naufragios de Alvar Nunez, followed 
 by the Comentarios, and also by an Exdmen Apologetico de la Historica Nar 
 ration^ etc. , by Dr Antonio Ardoino. The Exdmen was a refutation of Hon- 
 orius Philoponus, or Caspar Plautus, who in his Nova Typis Transacta 
 severely criticised Cabeza de Vaca's accounts of miracles. An Italian trans 
 lation appeared in Ramusio, Navig., iii. 310-30; a French translation in 
 Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie i. torn. vii. ; and an English translation by 
 Buckingham Smith in 1851. In 1871 a new edition of this translation ap 
 peared with copious notes, not quite completed, however, by reason of the 
 translator's sudden death. This is the most convenient edition for use, and 
 is the one I shall refer to as Cabeza de Vaca's Relation. 
 
 The other narrative was a report made by the wanderers to the audiencia 
 in Mexico in 1536. This document is not known to be extant in its original 
 form; but from it Oviedo, Hist. Ind., iii. 582-618, made up his account. Mr 
 Smith claims to have noted in his translation all the differences between the 
 two narratives ; but either because he did not live to complete the annotation 
 or from some other cause, the work is imperfectly done, not one in ten of the 
 discrepancies being noticed. Other writers have apparently consulted only 
 the first mentioned narrative, and have added nothing to our knowledge of 
 the expedition. Mr Davis, however, in his Span. Conq. of N. Mex., 20-108, 
 has given many careful notes and suggestions. The following works mention 
 the journey of Cabeza de Vaca, more or less fully: Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 
 24-6; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., iv. 73-8, 143-4; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 
 326; ii. 79; Gomara, Hist. Ind., 52-5; Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. v.-vi.; 
 dec. vi. lib. i. cap. iii. -vii.; lib. ix. cap. xi.; Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 
 80-1; Tdlo, Hist. N. Gal, 358-9; Villagrd, Hist. N. Mex., 13-14; Clavirjero, 
 Storia delta CaL, 152-3; Datos Biog., 812-14; Acosta, De Natura Nov. Orb. 
 (Sulmanticte, 1589), 241; Hist. Mag., new series, 141-3, 204-9, 347-57; Al- 
 bieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 28-38; Larenaudibre, Mex. Gnat., 145,227; Zamacois, 
 Hist. Mcj., iv. 603-6; Voiages au Nord, iii. 257-67; Overland Monthly, x. 
 514-18; Venegas, Not. Cab, i. 162-3; Alcedo, Dice., iii. 183-4; Salazar y 
 Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., 373-8; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 316-17; Purchas, 
 His Pilgrimes, iv. 1499-1528; Lorenzana, in Cortes, #^.,324; Calle, Not. Sac., 
 
WANDERINGS OF ALVAR NUftEZ. 63 
 
 doubtless presented in good faith, were written from 
 memory under circumstances extremely unfavorable, 
 and while agreeing in a general way respecting the 
 adventures of the wanderers, they differ widely as 
 might be expected in dates, directions, distances, and 
 all that could aid in tracing the route. Moreover, 
 the statements of each narrative in these respects, 
 even if unembarrassed by those of the other, are frag 
 mentary, disconnected, contradictory, and often unin 
 telligible. Such being the case, a full discussion would 
 require a reproduction of both narratives in full, with 
 a large amount of comment in fact a monograph on 
 the subject, which of course would be altogether out 
 of place here. I shall therefore confine my comments 
 to remarks of a general nature. 
 
 Malhado Island was certainly on the western or 
 northern gulf coast and west of the Mississippi River, 
 because the Spaniards had not crossed that river 
 before embarking in their boats, and in their subse 
 quent wanderings by land there are no indications that 
 they crossed so large a stream. 59 The opinion of the 
 wanderers themselves that the bay was Espiritu Santo 
 is not of much weight; but some great sand-hills are 
 mentioned by Oviedo as a prominent landmark, and 
 the Sand Mounds at the bay called later Espiritu 
 Santo, the highest peak of which is seventy-five 
 feet above the bay, are also noted by the United 
 States coast survey as " forming a marked feature in 
 that otherwise level prairie region." 63 Of all the defi- 
 
 102; Escudero,Not.Son., 26-7; March y Ldbores, Marina Espaii., ii. 175-87; 
 Pino, N. Alex., 5; Dice. Univ., ii. 7-S; Lafond, Voy., i. 199-200; Larenau- 
 diere, Mcx. Guat., 145; Galvano, in Voy. Select., 35; Laet, Novvs Orbis, 97; 
 Davis' El Gringo, 59-60; Harris' Navig., i. 799-805; Gleeson's Hi*t. Cath. Ch., 
 i. 45-64; Browne's L. CaL, 16; Domenech's Deserts, i. 168-9; Gallalin, inNouv. 
 
 1869, 310. 
 
 59 In his first edition Mr Smith seems to have believed Cabeza de Vaca's 
 Bay of Espiritu Santo identical with Mobile Bay; but later he changed that 
 opinion. I can find in the narratives not the slightest foundation for the route 
 northward from Mobile Bay to the Mussel Shoals of the Tennessee River, and 
 thence westward to the junction of the Arkansas and Canadian. 
 
 6(i Ovitdo, iii. 593; U. S. Coast Survey, Report, 1859, 325. There seems to 
 
64 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 nite locations on the eastern coast of Texas, and I have 
 no doubt that Cabeza de "Vaca started from that coast, 
 Espiritu Santo Bay, or San Antonio, has the best 
 claim to be considered the initial point of this journey. 
 The journey was begun in the summer of 1535, appar 
 ently, 61 when the captives took advantage of their 
 masters' annual visit to the interior in search of prickly 
 pears for food, to effect their escape. 
 
 They seem to have passed north-westward through 
 Texas, following perhaps the general course of the 
 rivers; but of time, distance, or direction nothing defi 
 nite is stated until after having forded on the way a 
 breast-deep river as wide as that at Seville, they 
 approached the base of a mountain range; probably, as 
 Mr Smith believed, the San Saba mountains of Texas. 
 Here the Indians wished them to go down toward 
 the sea, but they insisted on going up a river for a 
 day or two and then followed the base of the mountains 
 northward from fifty to eighty leagues. 62 Thence 
 turning westward they crossed the mountains to a 
 village on a fine river, where they received among 
 
 "be no other point on this coast similarly marked; neither is there, as Mr 
 Smith thinks, Relation, 89, any island corresponding to Malhado north of 
 Espiritu Santo Bay with four large intervening rivers; yet why may not the 
 Galveston Island be supposed to answer the condition more or less satisfac 
 torily? as Bancroft, Hist. U. 8., i. 400-2, indeed thinks probable. 
 
 61 Cabeza de Vaca, Delation, 195, says on his arrival at San Miguel in April 
 1536, that he had travelled unceasingly 10 months; that is since June 1535; 
 but he also says, p. 86, that he was nearly six years about Malhado Island; 
 that is. taking Oviedo's statement, iii. 592, of five and one half years for nearly six 
 years, from November 1528 to May 1534; then waited six months for the tuna 
 season, to November 1534; and then the departure was postponed again fqr 
 one year, or to November 1535. Again he says, p. Ill, they started Sept. 
 13th, or 13 days after the new moon which came on Sept. 1st, and it is true 
 that in 1535 the new moon fell within a day or two of Sept. 1st. Oviedo, iii. 
 602, says that they met to escape in October of the seventh year, probably 
 meaning 1534, and then postponed their flight until August of the next year, 
 or 1535. Cabeza de Vaca, p. 122, also speaks of spending eight months with 
 one tribe soon after starting, a period reduced by Oviedo, iii. 603, to eight 
 days. The above may serve as a sample of the confusion that appears through 
 out the narratives. 
 
 62 Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, 145-9, says the range seemed to come from the 
 North Sea, and that they followed the mountains inland for over 50 leagues. 
 Smith thinks this part of the journey was westward. Oviedo, iii. 605-6, 
 says the range extended directly north, and was followed 'derecho al norfce' 
 80 leagues more or less. Both narratives mention a copper hawk-bell pre 
 sented by the Indians at the end of this stage of the march, and Oviedo gives 
 the total distance travelled up to this point as 150 leagues. 
 
ROUTE OF THE WANDERERS. 65 
 
 other things " cowhide blankets;" that is they were not 
 far from the borders of the buffalo country. At this 
 point Cabeza de Vaca breaks off what little continuity 
 the narrative has given to the route, by the remark 
 that they passed through so many peoples that "the 
 memory fails to recall them;" then they crossed a great 
 river coming from the north, thirty leagues of plain 
 and fifty leagues of mountains, forded a "very large" 
 river, and arrived at plains lying at the foot of moun 
 tains. Oviedo disposes- of this part of the journey by 
 saying that they went forward "many days." The 
 two great rivers would seem to be the Pecos and Rio 
 del Norte; but they were guided by the Indian women 
 to where a river possibly 'the' river ran between 
 ridges, and where they found the first "fixed dwell- 
 
 O ' t/ 
 
 ings of civilization." The inhabitants lived on beans, 
 pumpkins, and maize, and were called the Cow Nation 
 from the immense number of buffalo killed farther up 
 the river. They were probably still on the Kio del 
 Norte, since no large river is mentioned as having 
 been crossed to the west; and they were below Paso 
 del Norte, as there is no evidence that they visited 
 what have since been known as the Pueblo towns. 63 
 
 From this point, after much argument with the 
 natives respecting the route to be taken, they went 
 up a river for seventeen days, apparently westward, 
 then crossed the river and travelled another seventeen 
 days, also west, to some plains lying between high 
 mountains. 64 Soon after they came to a land of maize, 
 
 6J That the 'fixed dwellings of civilization' were not the many-storied 
 Pueblo houses is clear from the fact that if so they would surely have been 
 mentioned as they were later when reported in the north, and also from the 
 fact that new dwellings of the style used here were built for the accommoda 
 tion of the visitors. Davis, Span. Conq. JV. 3fex., 97-8, thinks they were on 
 the Pecos to which they had crossed over from the Canadian or Red river. I 
 find nothing to show that they went near the Canadian or Red river, and as 
 to the buffalo killed up the river, perhaps no more is meant, than that such 
 was the general direction of the buffalo country. 
 
 64 Respecting the river thus followed for 17 days there is much difficulty. 
 According to Cabeza de Vaca, Relation, 160-6, the Indians said that the 
 maize country was toward the west, but that the best way to get there was 
 by going up the river northward; otherwise, that is by going directly west, 
 no food would lie found for 17 days. They also said that up the river (another 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 5 
 
66 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 beans, pumpkins, and cotton, and of permanent habi 
 tations. Some small houses were of adobe, but most 
 were of petates, or cane mats. Here they heard of 
 populous towns with very large houses in the north, 
 clearly the Pueblo towns, and were given some tur 
 quoises and emeralds also said to have come from 
 there, From town to town through this country 
 they travelled for eighty or a hundred leagues as they 
 estimated it, to a town which they named Corazones, 
 because the inhabitants gave them deer's hearts for 
 food. This Pueblo de Corazones was in north-eastern 
 Sonora on the head- waters of the Yaqui or Sonora 
 rivers. One day later, at least, they were on the 
 Yaqui and heard of other Christians. 65 
 
 From the foregoing it appears that Alvar Nunez 
 and his companions, Castillo, Dorantes,and Estevanico, 
 starting from the Texas coast in the region between 
 Galveston and mouth of the Rio San Antonio, trav 
 ersed the present states of Texas and Chihuahua to 
 north-eastern Sonora; that they did not probably at 
 any time reach so high a latitude as the Canadian and 
 Arkansas rivers; 66 that the mountains first met in 
 
 river?) were their enemies who could give no food, and advised the Spaniards 
 not to take that route. The Spaniards, however, were not willing to go up 
 the river north to the buffalo country, because that would be a circuitous 
 way; therefore, against the advice of the natives, they went up the river 
 westward and found, as the Indians had predicted, no food for 17 days. 
 This is all absurd except in the supposition that they were at or near the 
 junction of two streams and went up the Conchos westward instead of the 
 Rio del Norte north-westward. But Oviedo, iii. 609, implies on the other 
 hand, that they went up the river northward for 15 days, and then turned 
 west for twenty days to the land of maize. 
 
 65 According to the Relation, 173, one day's journey beyond Corazones they 
 were detained 15 days by the rising of the river. This swollen river was 
 certainly the Yaqui, because it is spoken of later, p. 176, as 'the river to 
 which Diego de Guzman came, when we first heard of Christians.' But 
 Oviedo, iii. 611, tells us the swollen river was 30 leagues from the Corazones, 
 implying perhaps that the latter was not on the Yaqui. Cabeza de Vaca 
 speaks of Corazones as 'the entrance to many provinces on the South Sea.' 
 Coronado was here a few years later, and nearly all the early writers speak 
 of the town, several locating it in the valley of the Sonora. Yet it is also 
 said, Ternaux-Compans, Voy., se"rie i. torn. ix. p. 49, that Arrellano of 
 Coronado's expedition founded a town of San Geronimo de los Corazones 
 here, and later transferred it to the 'Valley of Sefiora.' Its exact location is 
 unknown and not very important. 
 
 06 By Castaiieda, Relation, 120, 122, Coronado's expedition' is said to have 
 learned that Vaca and Dorantes passed through a pueblo on the plains far 
 
FROM TEXAS TO SOXORA. 
 
 coming 
 
 from the east were the San Saba range of 
 western Texas; that the Rio Grande was crossed, 
 between Paso del Norte and the Presidio del Norte; 
 that in passing through Chihuahua they either went 
 up the Conchos 67 and thence north- westwardly, or up 
 the Rio Grande 63 and thence westwardly to the head- 
 
 CABEZA DE VACA'S ROUTE. 
 
 \vaters of the % Yaqui; that they did not visit the 
 Pueblo towns of New Mexico or Arizona, although 
 they heard of them; 69 and that there is nothing to 
 indicate a journey down the Gila Valley. 
 
 northeast of Santa Fe". This report is probably the only foundation for the 
 opinion of Davis and Smith; but the latter seems to have changed his opinion, 
 though his editor did not. But this testimony of Castaneda is completely 
 overthrown by that of Jaramillo in his narrative of the same expedition, Re 
 lation in Florida, Col. Doc., 159; Ternaux, 37, that they met an old Indian 
 who said he had seen four other Spaniards 'mas acia la Nueva Espaiia, ' that 
 is farther south. 
 
 67 Cabeza de Vaca's relation favors this route, and Espejo in 1582 heard 
 among the Jumanas, not far above the mouth of the Conchos, that the party 
 had passed that way. Evpejo, delation, 107; Hdkluyt'a Voy., iii. 385. Davis' 
 objection that the Conchos is not long enough for a journey of 34 days along 
 its banks, is of little weight, since it is not implied in the narrative that the 
 last 17 days' trip was on the river. Smith, Relation, 162, 169, favors a west 
 erly course from the Conchos junction. 
 
 68 Oviedo's narrative would favor this route. 
 
 69 The editor of Smith's translation, 235, thinks the route from the Arkansas 
 'marked by indications which leave little room for doubt 'and clearly implies 
 that the wanderers passed through the Pueblo towns. Davis, Span. Conq. N. 
 Mcx., 70, 96, seems to hold the same opinion, but qualifies that opinion, and 
 shows his doubts on the subject, by the remark that New Mexico then extended 
 much farther south than now. 
 
68 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 Respecting the personal adventures of this first 
 party of overland travellers in the north, there is not 
 much to be said. Soon after leaving the coast of 
 Texas they were called upon by the natives to heal 
 their sick, and were so fortunate as to be very suc 
 cessful in their first cases. Their reputation as medi 
 cine-men of remarkable powers was thus firmly estab 
 lished. Their method of healing was by laying-on 
 of hands and repeating the prayers of their church. 
 The Spaniards believed as firmly as did the Indians 
 that they were aided in their cures by supernatural 
 interposition, and devout Catholics yet believe this. 70 
 Whatever may have been the cause of their success, 
 it satisfactorily accounts for the safety with which 
 they made the trip. They were received with uni 
 form kindness by each new tribe, supplied always with 
 the best the natives had, besieged at each town with 
 petitions for a longer stay and exercise of their heal 
 ing powers, and finally escorted to the next people on 
 the way, often by thousands of attendants. The nar 
 ratives are largely filled by descriptions of the man 
 ners and customs of the different tribes visited. 
 
 On the Yaqui River the wanderers saw a buckle 
 and horseshoe in the possession of a native, and on 
 making inquiries heard that other Christians had vis 
 ited the country by sea, the reference being perhaps 
 to Hurtado and Cortes. As ihey passed southward 
 down the river they heard of other visits during 
 which the strangers had pillaged the country, burned 
 the pueblos, and carried away men, women, and chil 
 dren as slaves. Soon traces of Spanish invasion be 
 came frequent; reports were current that the invaders 
 were even now in the province; the natives had left 
 their fields and towns, were hiding in the mountains, 
 and begged the new-comers to protect them, refusing 
 to believe Nunez and his party to be in any way con- 
 
 70 Gleeson, Hist. Catli. Ch., i. 45-04, advocates this view. The criticism 
 of Caspar Plautus in the Nova Typis Transacta, already referred to, was 
 directed not so much against the probability of miracles as against the prob 
 ability that such miracles would be wrought for any but a priest. 
 
ARRIVAL AT SAN MIGUEL. 69 
 
 nected with the destroyers of their race. At last 
 they met the Spanish raiders under Diego de Alcaraz 
 on the Rio Petatlan; by whom of course they were 
 kindly received, and to whom they were at once most 
 useful; for the soldiers had for some time been unable 
 to find either Indians or food, and were much dis 
 couraged. Under promise of protection by their new 
 found friends, the natives agreed to return to their 
 towns and again cultivate the soil. Alcaraz, however, 
 if we may credit Cabeza de Vaca, when his immediate 
 necessities had been relieved found the pledges given 
 great obstacles to his plans, sent the wanderers south 
 under Cebreros, and renewed his outrages on the na 
 tives. 
 
 JThe travellers were met at Culiacan by Melchor 
 Diaz, the alcalde mayor, most hospitably entertained, 
 and taken to San Miguel, where they arrived on the 
 1st of April and remained until the middle of May. 
 We have already seen in what condition the province 
 was at this time. "The deserted land was without 
 tillage and everywhere badly wasted; the Indians 
 were fleeing and concealing themselves in the thickets, 
 unwilling to occupy their towns." Alvar Nmiez and 
 Dorantes were urged by Diaz to give the unhappy 
 province the benefit of their influence on the natives. 
 Difficulties were encountered at first on account of 
 the outrages of Alcaraz; but the faith of the Indians 
 was strong in the wise men from the east; the captain 
 "made a covenant with God not to invade or consent 
 to invasion, nor to enslave any of that country and 
 people to whom we had guaranteed safety ;" and Cabeza 
 de Vaca had the pleasure of knowing, before his de 
 parture, that many of the natives had returned to 
 their homes. The writer adds most positively that if 
 the Indians have not since behaved properly, it is the 
 Christians' fault. 
 
 Sent southward under a strong escort, the party 
 were well received by Governor Guzman at Compos- 
 tela, and also by the viceroy and by the marques del 
 
70 CORTES, GUZMAN, AND CABEZA DE VACA. 
 
 Valle in Mexico, where they arrived July 25, 1536. 
 After having prepared a report of their travels, and 
 according to Beaumont a map of the countries visited, 
 for the viceroy and audiencia, the company separated. 
 The negro Estevanico became the slave of Mendoza. 
 Alonso del Castillo Maldonado seems to have remained 
 in Mexico, but is not again heard of in connection 
 with northern history. Andres Dorantes started for 
 Spain, but returned arid entered Mendoza's service 
 for projected northern explorations, which never were 
 carried out, while Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca arrived 
 in Lisbon in August 1537. The latter was again sent 
 to the New World in 1540 as governor and captain- 
 general to rule over the fierce tribes of the Rio de la 
 Plata in South America. His experience in this new 
 field was but a series of contentions with rivals and 
 enemies, who charge him with deeds of cruelty and 
 injustice wholly inconsistent with the idea of the man's 
 character which is formed by reading his relation. 
 He returned to Spain in 1545 as a prisoner, and in 
 1551 was condemned by the council of the Indies to loss 
 of all his titles and banishment to Africa. Whether 
 or not the sentence was executed is not known. There 
 is some evidence that he was afterward pardoned. 71 
 
 71 Many notes might be added on the discrepancies between different 
 writers, but this would amount simply to a list of errors by such writers in 
 taking their information from the original narratives. The prevalent state 
 ment that Chirinos was in command of the party that met Cabeza de Vaca 
 has already been noticed. Another error frequently met is the division of 
 the name Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, making Maldonado a fifth member 
 of the party; this is done by Mota-Padilla, Tello, Beaumont, Clavigero, 
 Gomara, and by many later writers. It is stated, and perhaps correctly, by 
 Alegre, Ribas, Tello, and Beaumont, that some 500 of the friendly natives 
 who served Alvar Nunez as escort, changed their homes and settled perma 
 nently on the Rio Petatlan. If so they came merely from a little farther 
 north in Sonora and not from Florida, Texas, New Mexico, or even Chihuahua, 
 as some writers imply. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCOK 
 Io37-1542. 
 
 GOVERNORS TORRE AND CORONADO IN NEW GALICIA MENDOZA A RIVAL 
 OF CORTES EXPEDITION OF MARCOS DE NIZA DISCOVERY OF CIBOLA 
 FACT AND FICTION CORTES AGAIN IN THE FIELD RIVAL CLAIMS 
 VOYAGE OF FRANCISCO DE ULLOA CALIFORNIA CASTILLO'S MAP 
 EXPEDITION OF FRANCISCO VAZQUEZ DE COROXADO THROUGH SONORA 
 To ZUNI, MOQUI, COLORADO CANON, NEW MEXICO, AND QUIVIRA 
 FAILURE AND RETURN SETTLEMENT IN SONORA SAN GERONIMO DE 
 LOS CORAZONES MELCHOR DlAZ CROSSES THE RjO DEL TlZON HlS 
 DEATH INDIAN HOSTILITIES SAN GER6NIMO ABANDONED VOYAGE OF 
 HERNANDO DE ALARCON TO HEAD OF THE GULF UP THE BUENA GUIA 
 IN BOATS CORTES GIVES UP THE STRUGGLE PEDRO DE ALVARADO ON 
 THE COAST MIXTON WAR NEW GALICIA TO END OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 DIEGO PEREZ DE LA TORRE, appointed governor of 
 Nueva Galicia in 1536, arrived the year following at 
 Compostela, where Cristobal de Oiiate had been act 
 ing as governor for ,a short time since Guzman's de 
 parture. Torre's Indian policy was radically different 
 from that of Guzman, and it was not without a marked 
 effect for the good of the province; but it was too 
 late to atone for past outrages, or to evade the storm 
 of general revolt that was gathering. The governor, 
 however, was spared the humiliation of failure. 
 While engaged in a campaign against revolting tribes, 
 after winning a hard-fought battle, he was accidentally 
 killed early in 1538. Onate again became acting 
 governor; but before the end of the year the viceroy 
 appointed Francisco Vazquez de Coronado to succeed 
 Torre. The new ruler left Onate still in command as 
 lieutenant-governor, and himself made a tour of his 
 
 (71) 
 
72 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 province, subsequently engaging in an expedition to 
 the far north. An attempt was made to continue 
 Torre's policy toward the natives, and for a few years 
 the general outbreak was deferred. 1 
 
 Guzman was now out of the way, but Cortes had a 
 new and powerful, though more honorable, rival in 
 Viceroy Mendoza, who also cherished an ambition to 
 acquire fame and wealth as a conquistador, and like 
 the others looked northward for a field of conquest. 
 To his credit it may be said that he proposed to found 
 his fame largely on a lenient and just treatment of the 
 native races. When Alvar Nunez and his party came 
 to Mexico Mendoza had frequent interviews with them 
 respecting the lands they had visited; he bought the 
 negro Estevanico, and finally secured the services of 
 Andres Dorantes to go with fifty men on a new expe 
 dition. This project was never carried out; 2 but it 
 was arranged that Governor Coronado, soon after his 
 appointment, should go north to San Miguel on a 
 visit of inspection, and with him were sent several 
 Franciscans accompanied by the negro Estevanico and 
 by a party of liberated slaves from the region of 
 Culiacan. The plan was to introduce the new Indian 
 policy or to confirm the changes already made by the 
 influence of Cabeza de Vaca, and under cover of this 
 policy to send out a small party to prepare for the 
 advance of a larger force of conquerors. 
 
 After some preliminary embassies from San Miguel, 
 composed of the freed slaves, or as certain authors 
 say of friars, 3 by which the natives were convinced of 
 
 1 See Hist. Mex., ii. chap, xxii., this series. 
 
 2 ' Je ne sais pas comment il se fit que 1'affaire n'eut pas de suite. ' Men 
 doza, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie i. torn. ix. 287; liamusio, Naviy., iii. 
 355. 
 
 3 Torquematla, iii. 357-8, and Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 141-5, speak of 
 two Franciscans who went in 1538 with a captain bent on conquest and gold. 
 At a certain place the captain turned to the right, was stopped by the sierra, 
 and returned. The padres went to the left; one of them returned on account 
 of illness; the other advanced over 200 leagues until he heard of a people 
 wearing clothes, houses of many stories, walled towns on a great river, the 
 Seven Cities, and Quivira. This padre, who was probably Juan Olmedo, 
 
MAP OF THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 73 
 
 EXPLORATIONS OF 1539-42. 
 
74 NIZA, ULLOA, CORCNADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 the Spaniards' good faith, Marcos de Niza, chief of 
 the Franciscan band, with father Onorato, Estevanico, 
 the freedmen, and many natives of Culiacan, left San 
 Miguel March 7, 1539. 4 At the Rio Petatlan Ono 
 rato was left ill, and Niza pursued his way northward 
 "as the holy ghost did lead him," being received with 
 kind attentions, gifts, and triumphal arches all along 
 the way. 5 
 
 Some twenty-five leagues beyond Petatlan, by a 
 route not far inland apparently, the friar met Indians 
 whom he understood to have come from the land 
 where Cortes had been, and who affirmed it to be an 
 island and not a part of the continent; in fact Niza 
 himself saw the natives pass to and from the island, 
 which was only half a league from the main. Thus 
 early in his narrative 6 does the venerable padre begin 
 
 returned and reported to his superior Marcos de Niza. See also, Salmeron, 
 Relaciones, 6-7; Gil in Soc. Mcx. Geoy., viii. 481. Arricivita Cron. Serc'if., 
 prologo 3, mentions this trip as having been made by P. P. Juan de la Asun 
 cion and Pedro Nadal. It extended COO leagues to a river in 35. Garce"s, 
 Doct. Hist. Mcx., seYie ii., i. 384-5, also names P. Asuncion. I think it most 
 likely that these accounts refer to Niza's trip confounded als perhaps with 
 later ones, although Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 103-4, seems to regard it as a dis 
 tinct expedition. 
 
 4 Instructions of November 1538 given in Pacheco, Col. Doc., iii. 325-8; 
 Ternaux-Compans, Voy., se"rie i. torn. ix. 249-53; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. 
 cap. vii. They present no noteworthy feature. The country was of course to 
 be carefully explored, and frequent reports were to be sent back. 
 
 5 There are some vague and confusing statements respecting a province of 
 Topira in the mountains, rich in gold and emeralds, whose inhabitants were 
 warlike, fighting with silver weapons, but willing to be Christians. Some 
 documents" seem to imply that Niza found this province soon after starting; 
 others that it was reached by Coronado or his men after Niza's departure. 
 The province was probably that known later as Topia, embracing parts of 
 Sinaloa and Durango. See letters of Coronado and Mendoza in Ternaux- 
 Compans, Voy., se"rie i. torn. ix. 287-90, 349-54; JRamnsio, Nuv/y., iii. 354-5. 
 
 * Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades por el P. Fr. Marcos de Niza, in 
 Pacheco, Col. Doc., iii. 325-50. This is Niza's diary from the original in the 
 Spanish archives. Italian translation in Ramusio, Navifj., iii. 356-9; Eng 
 lish, in HalduyCs Voy., iii. 366-73; French, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie 
 i. torn. ix. 256-84. Also letters of Mendoza, Coronado, and other officials, 
 
 fiving original but unimportant information on certain parts of the trip in 
 (/., 287-90, 349-54; Ramusio, Nctrig., iii. 354-5; Florida, Col. Doc., i. 136; 
 Oviedo, iv. 18-19. Castaneda's inaccurate account, in Ternaux, as above, 
 10-14, is also probably from original sources. Andres Garcia testified in 
 Spain, 1540, that his son-in-law was a barber who shaved Niza and heard 
 from him many details of the trip ! Others testified in a general way to 
 Niza's return and reports. Proccso del Marque*, 393 et seq. A full account 
 from the original diary in Herrera, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. viii. Whipple, in 
 Pac. JK. It. Explor., iii. 104-8, and Davis, Span. Conq. N. Mex., 114-31, have 
 
MARCOS DE NIZA. 75 
 
 to draw on his imagination for facts. He also heard 
 of thirty other inhabited islands where pearls were 
 to be found. There is clearly something worse than 
 exaggeration in this part of the diary, whatever may 
 be the truth of the charge made by Cortes that all 
 of Niza's pretended discoveries were pure inventions 
 or founded only on the reports of natives brought to 
 Mexico by Cortes himself. 7 
 
 A journey of four days across a desert brought the 
 friar to a tribe who had 'never heard of the Christians, 
 but who gave food and called their guest Hayota, or 
 Sayota, "man of God," and told him of large settle 
 ments four or five days inland, where the people 
 dressed in cotton and had golden ornaments and im 
 plements. Three days later he reached a large town 
 called Vacapa, or Vacupa, 8 where he remained from 
 March 28th until after easter, or the 6th of April, 
 
 given in notes their ideas of the route which Davis places nearer the coast 
 than Whipple. For a poetical version printed in 1G10, see Villar/rd, Hist. N. 
 Mex., 15. Other accounts more or less full and accurate, but containing 
 nothing original, are found in Arricivita, Cr6n. Sera/., prologo, 3; Ribas, 
 IIi*t. Triumphos, 27; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iv. 145-9; Bcrual Diaz, Hist. 
 Verda<L, 235; Torquemada, iii. 358, 372; Gomara, Hi*i. hid., 271-3; Vcnc- 
 fjas, Not. Col., i. 163-4; Alecjre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 236-7; Kalmcron, Rela- 
 ciones, 7; Alarcon, in Ramusio, Navlg., iii. 368. Additional references: G a/la 
 tin, in N. An. Voy., cxxxi. 245-6; Greenhow's Or. CaL, 56-60; MollJtauscn, 
 Relsen, i. 432; ii. 156, 211; Galvano, Voy. Select., 43; Bimiry's Chron. Hist. 
 lJi:<>r., i. 189-93; Helps' Span. Conq., iii. 375; Davis' El Grhic/o, 61, 70-1; 
 
 80; Barreiro, Ojeada, 5; Montanus, Neue Welt, 234-5; Montanm, N. Weercld, 
 207-9; Frost's Half Hours, 122-8; Barber's Hist. West. St., 546-8; Larenau- 
 dicre, Mex. Guat., 145; Iml. Aff. Rcpt. 1863, 388; Murray's N. Amer., ii. 
 69-72; Hutching*' Mag., i. Ill; Lardner's Hist. Mar. Discov., ii. 98; Laet, 
 JVb/vx Orbis, 292, 297-9; Taylor, in CaL Farmer, June 12, 1863; Mayer's 
 Mex. Aztec, i. 145; Urintfs Hist. Voy., 374. 
 
 7 CorteY memorial of June 25, 1540, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. xxviii.-ix. ; 
 CortcK, Escritos, 299-304; Navarrete, Col. Viages, iv. 209, etc. Cortes 
 states that with a view of enlisting Niza's services, he had imparted to him 
 what he had learned from the natives during his voyage. The friar treacher 
 ously disclosed the information to the viceroy and on it founded his narrative. 
 It is stated that Xiza had been guilty of like dishonorable conduct in Guate 
 mala and Peru. 
 
 8 "\Vhipple, Pac. R. R. Repts., iii. 104, conjectures that the eastern settle 
 ment heard of was that now represented by the Casas Grandcs of Chihuahua. 
 For a description of those ruins see Native. Races of the Pac. States, iv. 604-14, 
 this series. Whipple also locates Vacupa at Magdalena on the Rio de San 
 Miguel. This is nothing but a conjecture, but perhaps as accurate a one as 
 could be made. It 13 adopted by some other writers. 
 
76 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 sending native messengers to the coast, and also de 
 spatching the negro in advance and arranging a system 
 of signals by which he might report his discoveries. 
 Four days after his departure there came messengers 
 with a large cross, the sign agreed upon to indicate 
 that Estevanico had discovered or heard of a country 
 larger or richer than New Spain; and also a verbal 
 message of such wonderful things that even the credu 
 lous friar hesitated to believe them. The Indians 
 sent to the coast also returned and brought back 
 natives with reports of thirty-four inhabited but bar 
 ren isles, the people of which were large and strong, 
 wearing ornaments of pearl-oyster shells, and bearing 
 cow-hide shields. Three Indians of a tribe called 
 Pintados, from the east, and claiming to know some 
 thing of Cibola, together with two of the islanders, 
 set out with Niza to overtake Estevanico, who had 
 sent a second cross. In three days he came to the 
 people who had told the negro of Cibola and its seven 
 cities, thirty days' journey beyond, where they had 
 been to get turquoises. They also spoke of the prov 
 inces, or kingdoms, of Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. 
 For five days the party went on through settlements, 
 the last of which, well watered and pleasant, near the 
 site of Tucson as Whipple thinks, was not far from 
 the borders of a desert crossed in four days. 
 
 Details of Niza's subsequent adventures, observa 
 tions, and falsehoods, with conjectures for nothing 
 more definite is possible respecting the route fol 
 lowed, belong to another part of my work. 9 It suffices 
 here to say that he continued his journey until late in 
 May when he looked from a hill upon Cibola, which 
 he regarded as larger than Mexico, though said to be 
 the smallest of the seven cities. A cross being raised, 
 possession was taken of the country as New San Fran 
 cisco. Fray Marcos could not enter the town, as the 
 people were hostile and had killed the negro and sev- 
 
 9 See Hist. New Mex. and Ariz., this series. 
 
NEW EFFORTS BY CORTES. 77 
 
 eral of his native companions. In latitude estimated 
 as 35 it was understood that the coast opposite turned 
 abruptly westward. The return was by the same 
 route "with more fear than food;" and Niza reached 
 Compostela at the end of June, accompanying Coro- 
 nado to Mexico late in August. There seems to be 
 no good reason to doubt that the friar really went 
 from Culiacan through Sonora, across the Gila Val 
 ley, and thence north-westward to Cibola, one of the 
 Zuiii pueblos. Despite the gross exaggerations result 
 ing from Niza's credulity and lively imagination, it is 
 evident enough that his story may have been remotely 
 founded on the true state of things at that time. Ex 
 cept the so-called turquoises there was no foundation 
 for the tales of great wealth to which this explorer's 
 reports gave currency in Mexico. 
 
 Though bitterly disappointed at the failure of his 
 colonization scheme of 1535-6, the marques del Valle 
 was by no means ready to give up all the brilliant 
 hopes which had so long filled his heart; or, if he had 
 such an inclination at first, the reports of Alvar Nunez 
 kindled his enthusiasm as they did that of Mendoza. 
 So long as northern conquest promised but slight re 
 ward, relations between captain-general and viceroy 
 were somewhat friendly; but with reports of great 
 cities causing renewed popular interest, serious hos 
 tility was developed between the two. Cortes claimed 
 the exclusive right to make explorations in the north. 
 In September 1538 he wrote to the council of the 
 Indies that he had nine good vessels ready for a voy 
 age, only lacking pilots. 10 Mendoza's act in despatch 
 ing Niza, to whom Cortes had confided all he had 
 learned about the north, was strenuously but vainly 
 opposed by the captain-general, who, on hearing the 
 friar's marvellous tales, became alarmed lest another 
 should reap the fame and wealth for which he had 
 
 10 Col. Doc. Incd., iv. 193; Cortes, Escritos, 280-1. 
 
78 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 toiled so earnestly, and resolved to get the start of his 
 rival by sending out a fleet at once. 11 
 
 The Santa Agueda, Trinidad, and Santo Tomds, of 
 one hundred and twenty, thirty-five, and twenty tons 
 respectively, were put under the command of Fran 
 cisco de Ulloa, and having on board sixty soldiers and 
 
 11 In his memorial of June 28, 1540, Cortes, Escritos, 303-4; Col. Doc. Ined., 
 iv. 213, says that Mendoza hearing of Ulloa's departure sent men to the 
 ports where the fleet might touch to prevent the voyage: and also on the 
 return to hear what had been accomplished. Thus a messenger sent from 
 Santiago to Corte"s was seized and tortured with a view of obtaining informa 
 tion. The viceroy also ordered that no person be allowed to leave New Spain 
 without his permission, so that no aid could be sent to Ulloa. Bernal Diaz, 
 however, Hist. Verdad., 234, says the expedition was sent by the express 
 order of the audiencia. In his memorial of 1539 Cortes announces that Ulloa 
 is ready to sail, and asks that no restrictions be placed on his sending expedi 
 tions to the countries he had discovered. Escritos, 294-5. The state of feeling 
 between the different would-be conquerors after the receipt of Niza's reports 
 is best shown by legal proceedings in Spain in 1540-1. Proceso del Marques, 
 300-408. Cortes, Guzman, Alvarado, and Soto each by an attorney urged 
 upon the royal council his title to Cibola. Each had a license for northern 
 discovery, obtained in the hop,e that in the vague northern somewhere was a 
 mighty nation, etc., to make the finder famous, powerful, and rich. Now this 
 prize had been found by a fifth party, the viceroy, through Niza, and Men 
 doza was said to be preparing to follow up the discovery. Something must 
 be done. Soto was authorized to conquer and govern 200 leagues on the 
 Florida coast, and was at the time engaged in active explorations. That 
 Cibola was included in his territory was a fact known to all the world, so 
 clear that a child might comprehend it. As yet his obtuse adversaries had 
 the assurance to deny that Cibola was in Florida. 
 
 Cortes, who in general terms would admit the right of no other to make 
 northern discoveries at all, had authority to explore and conquer on the South 
 Sea coasts toward the Gran China; he had spent large sums of money, had 
 sent several armadas, and had another ready; indeed he had already dis 
 covered Cibola, or the lands immediately adjoining. It was doubtful Avhetlier 
 Niza had found anything, but he had probably merely repeated the reports 
 obtained from Cortes. Had it not been for Guzman's opposition he would now 
 be in full possession of Cibola and the country far beyond. Everybody knew 
 that Soto's claim was absurd, Florida being a long way off. As for Don 
 Nufio, he was simply governor of New Galicia, and would do well to attend 
 to his own business. Guzman, for his part, was also licensed to make northern 
 conquistas, and had done so for many leagues. Both the lands discovered by 
 Cortes (Santa Cruz) and Cibola were notoriously in his jurisdiction, just ad 
 joining in fact his actual settlements. Corte"s never had any right to go north, 
 his license being for the west, or toward India; but if he had any such right 
 he had forfeited it by not retaining possession of the island he claimed to 
 have discovered. He could not have made the voyage anyway without Guz 
 man's aid; nor could Niza have gone so far north but for Guzman's earlier 
 conquest. Alvarado figured less prominently, but he too had a license for 
 South Sea exploration, and thought it well to keep his claim alive before the 
 consejo. All agreed on one point, that Mendoza had 110 right to continue his 
 efforts. The fiscal rendered an opinion that each party, being so strongly 
 opposed, was probably wrong ! and the council at last gave 30 days to prove 
 where Cibola was, the decision being practically in favor of the viceroy as 
 representing the crown. 
 
ULLOA'S VOYAGE. 79 
 
 three friars in addition to the crew, sailed from Aca- 
 pulco July 8, 1539. 12 Just before reaching Santiago 
 the Santa Agueda broke her mast in a storm and the 
 fleet did not leave this port till the 23d of August. 
 The details of Ulloa's voyage have for the most part 
 no geographical importance, as but very few of the 
 points mentioned can be identified; yet as the first 
 exploration of the gulf to its head, the voyage has a 
 certain degree of historic value, and I therefore con 
 dense the details in a note. 13 The Santo Tomds having 
 been lost on the Culiacan coast, the other two vessels 
 
 12 There is no doubt about this date. The many errors of different writers 
 need not therefore be noticed here. 
 
 13 Sailed from Santiago Aug. 23d; Sto Tomds lost Aug. 27th-8th, and the 
 others driven to Guayabal; thence across to Sta Cruz, which they left Sept. 
 12th. Two days across to Rio S. Pedro y S. Pablo, having an island in front 
 4-5 miles out; 15 leagues up the coast to two large rivers two 1. apart; 18 1. 
 to large lagoons and shallows; 171. passing a bay of 4-5 1. ; 161.; at noon next 
 day a cape of white sand on a level coast in 29 45' named C. Rojo; near by 
 was a river forming a lagoon, and several other rivers; next day a fine port 
 with two entrances in a fine country (Guaymas?); two days and a half or 40 1. 
 to many islands on the left, also Cape Llagas; 30 1. to where the coasts were 
 only 121. apart with two islands in the middle 4 1. apart; a river seemed to 
 enter here; 50 1. of sandy and barren shores; water chalky white, high mount 
 ains to be seen in the N. w. ; 10 1. to where the water was black and turbid 
 and only 5 fathoms deep; crossed over to western shore where depth w r as still 
 less; a strong flux and reflux of the waters every six hours, the sea appearing 
 to flow into and from a lagoon, or else there was a great river; viewed from 
 the mast-head the shores seemed to unite at a distance of 1 league; posses 
 sion was taken, apparently on the California side. 
 
 Down western coast a few leagues to a large port on a mountainous coast, 
 having an island in front; passed between a mountainous island and the coast 
 into port S. Andre's (Gomara and Venegas seem to locate this port at the head 
 of the gulf); between coast and another island over 180 1. in circumference 
 1 or 2 1. out; Oct. llth, another large island (Tortuga?) on left and a 
 great bay on right; Oct. 13th in a fine bay surrounded by mountains, with 
 two small islands and rivers; Oct. 16th, a cape with high mountains near Sta 
 Cruz (La Paz); Oct. 18th, entered Sta Cruz; sailed Oct. 29th; Nov. 10th, they 
 were 54 1. from California (from Sta Cruz?) and saw the Pearl Island; vessels 
 separated 3 clays; Nov. 18th, 70 1. from Sta Cruz; Nov. 24th, vessels sepa 
 rated; land seen in the N. w. 
 
 ^ Nov. 26th they met near a lagoon 30 1. in circumference (Magdalena B., 
 Navarretc] with a deep narrow channel, near a mountain; fight with Indians 
 Nov. 29th (or Dec. 2d); Dec. 4th, sailed 8-10 1. to a fine port S. Abad with 
 rivers (Magdalena B., Burney Sta Marta B., Navarrete); 20 1. farther lost 
 anchors, and driven back to the lagoon (or to S. Abad); Dec. 17th, to Pt Trin 
 idad (on Margarita Isl., Navarrete) and thence to where the anchors were lost, 
 35 1. from the lagoon; 63 1. farther by Jan. 1, 1540, to a point in front of 
 several high mountains; 35 1. in five days to Cedros Isl., large and inhabited, 
 the chief of the S. Stephano group of three, possession taken Jan. 22d; ad 
 vanced 18 1. but driven back; several vain attempts to go farther north until 
 Mar. 24th; Sta Ayueda sent back April 5th; April 18th arrived at Santiago. 
 These details are from Preciado's account in Ramusio. 
 
80 NIZA, ULLOA, COEONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 after crossing over to Santa Cruz followed up the 
 Sonora coast, entering probably the port now called 
 Guaymas, noting the numerous islands a little above, 
 and finally reaching a point near the mouth of the 
 Colorado where the low sandy shores seemed to unite 
 about a league off. It was the opinion of most of the 
 officers that they did so unite, forming a gulf and 
 making Santa Cruz a part of the main. 14 
 
 The 18th of October, having passed down the 
 peninsula coast, the fleet anchored in Santa Cruz 
 Bay. Rounding the cape in November, Ulloa con 
 tinued up the outer coast, entered probably Magda- 
 lena Bay, was wounded in a battle with the natives, 
 and remained from January to April at or near Cedros 
 Island, since known as Cerros. Thence he made sev 
 eral ineffectual attempts to sail northward, but accord 
 ing to the diary 15 the farthest point reached was only 
 about eighteen leagues above the island. The map 
 made by Domingo Castillo in 1541, from the results 
 of this voyage only, so far as the outer coast is con 
 cerned, names the northern limit Cabo del Engano, 
 or Cape Disappointment, as does also the historian 
 
 14 Below on the California coast some are said to have been disgusted at 
 the idea of making so long a voyage without positively settling the question; 
 but this doubt was in relation to an inlet just above Sta Cruz which it was 
 thought might be a strait. Ramusio, Navig., iii. 343. 
 
 15 Ulloa, Eelatione dello Scoprimento che nel nome di Dio va & far Varmata 
 dcirilluttrissimo Fernando Cortese, etc. In Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 339-54; 
 Hakluyfs Voy., iii. 397-424. The writer was Francisco Preciado, perhaps 
 one of the friars, but I think not, from the part he took in the fighting. Full 
 accounts from the same source, or exhibiting a few variations of unexplained 
 origin, are given mllerrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. viii.-x. ; Sutll yMex., Viaje, 
 xxi.-v., app. 15; Laet,Novvs Orbis, 293-7. See also Navarrete, Viaj(sAp6c., 
 28-9; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 234; Gomara, Conq. Mex., 292-3; Vene- 
 gas, Not. CaL, i. 158-60; Burners Chron. Hist. Discov., i. 193-210; Clavigero, 
 Stor. CaL, 151; Cortts, Hist., 324; Cortes, Escritos, 280-1, 294-5, 303-4; 
 Mofras, Explor., i. 93-4; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, v. 856; Galvano, in Voy. 
 Select., 43; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 123, 128; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 142-3; 
 Salazar y Olarte, Hit. Conq. Mex., 450; Broicne's L. CaL, 15-16; Greenhow's 
 Mem., 26-7; Id., Or. and CaL, 56-7; TuthUVs Hist. CaL, 9; Gotffriedt, Neive 
 Welt, 605-7; Montanus, N. Weereld, 205-7; Id., N. Welt, 232-4; Mora, in Soc. 
 Mex. Geofj., ix. 311; Gordon's N. Amer., 92; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch.. i. 68-9; 
 Hiiies* Voy., 349; Findlay's Directory; DomenecJi's Deserts, i. 225-6; Farn- 
 ham's Life in CaL, 124-5; Fedix, rOregon, 55; Forbes' CaL, 9; Larenaudiere, 
 Mex. Guat., 151; Hutching* 1 Mag., iii. 4CO; Murray's Hist. Trav., ii. 68; 
 Poussin, rOregon, 18-19; Ruschenbcrger, Voy., ii. 424; Taylor, in CaL Farmer, 
 April 18, 1864; Tytler's Hist. Discov., 70-3; Frost's Half Hours, 110-19. 
 
FATE OF ULLOA. 
 
 81 
 
 Gomara. 16 At last, on April 5th, the vessels parted 
 company, the Santa Agueda, the weaker of the two, 
 being sent back under command of the chief pilot to 
 report to Cortes. She arrived at Santiago April 
 18th, remained a few days, and then went south. 17 
 Of Ulloa's voyage on the Trinidad after the separa 
 tion absolutely nothing is known. It is probable 
 that he never returned, the only original evidence to 
 
 CASTILLO'S MAP, 1541. 
 
 the contrary being the statement of Bernal Diaz that 
 he came back to Jalisco, where he was soon waylaid 
 and killed by one of his own men. 18 
 
 16 Map published by Lorenzana in Cortes, Hist., 328. The author also 
 went with Alarcon in 1540, but did not in that voyage visit the western 
 coast of the peninsula. 
 
 17 This must have been the occasion already referred to (note 11 of this 
 chapter) when the messenger to Cortes was tortured by Maldonado acting 
 under Mendoza's orders. Cortes states further, Escrltos, 303-4, that the 
 vessel, having lost her boat and anchors, was obliged to enter the port of 
 Guatulco, when the crew were seized and the vessel was lost. 
 
 ls //i.s'. Verdad., 234. Mofras, Explor., i. 83-4, says Ulloa came back 
 to Acapulco in May 1540. 
 
 HIST. N. Mzx. STATES, VOL. I. 6 
 
82 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCOtf. 
 
 It should be noted here that the name California 
 was first applied to the region before known as Santa 
 Cruz in the narrative of Ulloa's voyage. It was ap 
 plied to a locality, probably that of Santa Cruz itself, 
 though this is not quite certain; and it was soon ex 
 tended to the whole peninsula. The origin of the 
 name afforded grounds for much conjecture, no evi 
 dence beyond conjecture being adduced, until the 
 truth was known. The most plausible theory was 
 that the name was a corruption of some imperfectly 
 understood native Avords; another being that it was 
 deliberately formed by Cortes and his associates from 
 Latin or Greek roots. In 1862 Edward E. Hale dis 
 covered the source from which the name was obtained 
 in an old romance, the Sergas de Esplandian by Or 
 donez de Montalvo, popular among the adventurers 
 of the time of Cortes, and in which was mentioned 
 an island of California "on the right hand of the 
 Indies, very near the terrestrial paradise." There is 
 no evidence respecting the circumstances under which 
 the name was given, nor is any likely ever to be 
 found. It was given between 1535 and 1539, and not 
 by Cortes, for he never even used the name. It will 
 be remembered that Ulloa was left on the peninsula 
 in command of the colony in 1536; and I hazard the 
 conjecture that the place of their sufferings, or pos 
 sibly one of the islands in the vicinity, was named 
 California by the disgusted colonists on their depar 
 ture, as a term of ridicule. This may be the reason 
 that Don Hernan never wrote the name. I treat the 
 
 general subject somewhat more fully elsewhere. 19 
 
 
 
 Governor Coronado received Niza's report, de 
 spatched Melchor Diaz and Juan de Zaldivar with 
 fifteen men to verify it, and hastened to Mexico to 
 raise an army for the conquest of Cibola and its 
 seven cities. At the capital the friar scattered his 
 marvellous tales broadcast; he was made provincial of 
 
 19 See Hist. Cal, i. 64-8, this series. 
 
VAZQUEZ DE CORONADO. 83 
 
 the Franciscans and thus was secured the earnest 
 cooperation of that order. Coronado affected secrecy 
 and mystery the better to excite popular interest. 
 Mendoza, no less enthusiastic, lent to the scheme the 
 full aid of his influence and authority. The response 
 was as immediate and satisfactory as had been those 
 to the calls of Guzman in 1529 and of Cortes in 1539, 
 notwithstanding the disastrous termination of both 
 expeditions. Three hundred Spaniards, including 
 many gentlemen of good family and high rank, with 
 ei< r ht hundred Indian allies were enlisted without 
 
 O 
 
 difficulty. Mendoza wished at first to take command 
 in person, but the state of affairs in Mexico making 
 this impracticable Coronado was made cap tain -general 
 of the expedition. He had the entire confidence of 
 the viceroy, and was at this time popular with his 
 men; though it appears that he had no real military 
 authority over many of his gentleman officers, who 
 were bound only by their promise. Mendoza went 
 to Cornpostela, and cheered the army by a parting 
 address in February 1540. A maritime expedition 
 under Pedro de Alarcon was to cooperate with the 
 army, but as there was no communication between 
 the two branches, the voyage will be noticed later. 
 
 At Chametla, Lope de Samaniego, the maestre de 
 campo, who it will be remembered had served under 
 Guzman and had been first to reach the Petatlan 
 River, having imprudently entered a pueblo with but 
 few companions, was killed by the natives. His death 
 was much regretted, and was terribly avenged by the 
 hanging of such inhabitants of the town and vicinity 
 as could be caught. Here also Diaz and Zaldivar 
 joined the army, coming back from a preliminary ex 
 ploration undertaken from San Miguel in the preced 
 ing November by Coronado's order. They had followed 
 Niza's route and reached Chichilticale, perhaps on the 
 Gila River, but had found little or nothing to justify 
 the padre provincial's glowing statements. Their 
 report was made secretly, but its purport leaked out, 
 
84 NIZA, ULLOA, COROXADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 and it required all Coronado's zeal and renewed assev 
 erations by Niza to revive the hopes of the army. 20 
 
 After fifteen days of rest and preparation at San 
 Miguel, 21 the general, taking with him fifty horsemen, 
 a few foot-soldiers, his best friends, and all the friars, 
 started northward about the middle of April, leaving 
 the main army under Captain Tristan de Arellano 
 with instructions to follow fifteen or twenty days 
 later and to await further orders at the valley of 
 Corazones. The advance was slow, difficulties of the 
 way being much greater than they had been rep 
 resented, although the natives were always friendly. 
 Late in May he reached the valley of Corazones, 
 where he learned that the coast was five days distant, 
 that seven or eight inhabited islands lay opposite, 
 and that a ship had been seen to pass. Next he 
 marched to Chichilticale, the "red house," probably 
 the structure since known as the Casa Grande on the 
 Gila, then as now a roofless ruin. 22 The 23d of June 
 
 20 Mendoza, in a letter dated Jacona (Mich.), April 17, 1540, Ter>;aux-Com~ 
 pans, Voy., surie i. torn. ix. 291-8, says that Diaz was stopped by extreme 
 cold more than 100 leagues beyond Culiacan, and found it impossible to reach 
 Cibola, but acquired much information from the Indians about that province, 
 and sent back Zaldivar with a letter to the viceroy which was received March 
 20th. Both Diaz and Zaldivar doubtless returned to Chametla, whence the 
 latter was sent south with the letter. Mendoza's return to Mexico was de 
 layed by an attack of fever in Colima. 
 
 The standard and original authorities on Coronado's expedition are: Gets- 
 taneda, Relation du Voyage de Cibola; Coronado, Relation del Suceso de la 
 Jornada, by an unknown writer; Jarami/lo, Relation que did el Capitan; and 
 several printed letters of Coronado and Meiidoza. Mota-Padilla gives some 
 unimportant details from unknown sources not the preceding; most of the 
 early chroniclers devote considerable space to the subject; and many modern 
 writers have given their versions and comments. Interest in the expedition, 
 however, centres in the far north, and for bibliographical details and a list of 
 authorities I refer the reader to Hist. N. Max. and Ariz., this series. 
 
 21 According to Frcjes, Hist. Breve, 115-17, Coronado sent troops from 
 Culiacan to S. Sebastian de Coras (?) and hanged 150 natives for no offence. 
 This may be a reference to the affairs at Chametla. The author is very bitter 
 against Coronado. 
 
 22 Jaramillo gives more details of the route: From the Rio Sinaloa (Fuerte), 
 five days to Cedros Creek; three days to the Rio Yaqui; three days to a creek 
 on which were straw huts; two days to the creek and pueblo of Corazones. 
 Through a kind of pass to the valley of Seiiora (Sonora), on the same creek; 
 one clay along the creek to Ispa; four days through a desert to Nexpa Creek 
 (Sta Cruz River, tiimpson, 325. Gila River, Squier in Amer. Rev., Nov. 1846, 
 6); two days down this creek, turned to right and followed Chichilticale 
 Mts. for two days, N. E. ; crossed the mountains to a stream in a deep cauada; 
 
CORONADO'S EXPEDITION. 85 
 
 lie entered the country beyond and directed his course 
 north-eastward. Fifteen days later he was on the 
 Rio Vermejo, or Rio cle Lino, now the Colorado 
 Chiquito; and about the 10th of July he came in 
 sight of the famous towns of Cibola. The one first 
 approached, and named Granada, was built on a high 
 rocky mesa accessible at one point only. It doubtless 
 stood where now are seen the ruins of Old Zuiii. 
 
 Particulars of Coronado's further explorations, 
 though interesting, important, and somewhat com 
 plicated, belong obviously to the annals of Arizona* 
 and New Mexico. An outline is all that is required 
 here. 23 During his stay of five months at Cibola with 
 his advance guard, Coronado sent Captain Tobar to 
 Tusayan, or the Moqui towns, Captain Cardenas to 
 the great canon of the Colorado farther west, and 
 Captain Alvarado far east to Cicuye, or Pecos, in 
 New Mexico. In December, the main army under 
 Arellano having meanwhile arrived from the south to 
 join him, Coronado marched east and went into winter 
 quarters in the province of Tiguex, or country of the 
 Tiguas, in the valley of the Rio Grande del Norte, 
 near the mouth of the Puerco. The natives were 
 well disposed at first, but outrageous oppression soon 
 made them hostile, and the winter was spent in war. 
 The natives of Tiguex were defeated, but left their 
 pueblos and would not submit. In May 1541 Coro 
 nado crossed the river and started out into the plains 
 north-eastward in search of great towns and precious 
 metals reported to exist in that direction. One divi 
 sion of the army returned to Tiguex in July and 
 Coronado himself in September. He had penetrated 
 as he believed to 40, and had very likely reached 
 Kansas between the Arkansas and Missouri rivers. 
 The limit was a province called Quivira, and though 
 
 three days N. E. to Rio S. Juan (June 24th); two days N. to Rio de las Bal 
 sas; two short days N. E. to Barranca Creek; one day to Rio Frio; one day, 
 through a pine forest, to a creek; two days N. E. to Rio Vermejo; two days 
 to Cibola. 
 
 23 See Hist. N. Mex. and Ariz., this series, for full details. 
 
86 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCOK 
 
 he found a populous country and large villages of 
 wigwams, there were no gold and silver, no powerful 
 kingdoms, no advanced civilization. It should be 
 noted, however, that popular belief in the wealth of 
 Quivira increased notwithstanding Coronado's failure, 
 so that the place played a prominent part in later con 
 jectures and reasonings about what must exist in the 
 far north. Moreover by a strange error, apparently 
 of the historian Gomara, Quivira and most of Coro 
 nado's discoveries were soon transferred to the northern 
 Pacific coast, where they figured on maps for many 
 years. Meanwhile expeditions were also sent far down 
 the Rio Grande and up as far as Taos. In the spring 
 of 1542, when ready for a new campaign, Coronado 
 was seriously injured in a tournament, and on con 
 valescence determined, against the will of his officers, 
 to give up the expedition. Some friars were left 
 behind, who were afterward killed, and in April the 
 return march was begun. 
 
 At Chichilticale Captain Gallego was met, with a 
 small reenforcement from Mexico and Culiacan. His 
 march had been through hostile tribes who resisted 
 every step, and his exploits gave him great fame as 
 an Indian-fighter. The chronicler believes that with 
 his little company of twenty-two men Gallego would 
 have gone on and penetrated the rich country de 
 scribed by El Turco. Here the gentlemen renewed 
 their requests for a further prosecution of the con 
 quest; but neither the leader nor the army would 
 listen to their pleadings; at least the latter would not, 
 for Coronado seems to have lost all real control. The 
 march homeward through Sonora was marked by 
 several encounters with the natives, and by the dis 
 covery of an antidote for the poisoned arrows. At 
 Culiacan the army arrived in a sad state of insubordi 
 nation. Coronado, still unwell, was unable to make 
 his authority respected either as commander or as gov 
 ernor of the province, and it was only with much diffi 
 culty and by a lavish distribution of gifts and promises 
 
SETTLEMENT OF SAN GER6NIMO. 87 
 
 that the army was induced to accompany him to 
 Mexico.' 24 This last stage of the return was begun 
 late in June, and after a difficult march, during which 
 the soldiers were constantly deserting, the sick cap 
 tain-general arrived in the capital with barely a hun 
 dred men. 25 He was coldly received at first by the 
 viceroy, who was naturally much disappointed at the 
 failure of his grand scheme of conquest; but his 
 explanations seem to have been finally accepted as 
 satisfactory, he was honorably discharged from his 
 command, and as soon as his health would permit' 
 resumed his duties as governor of New Galicia. 
 
 I have now to note the progress of events in the 
 territory since called Sonora, during Coronado's stay 
 in New Mexico from 1540 to 1542. Arellano in com 
 mand of Coronado's main force had left San Miguel 
 in April 1540 and marched to Corazones Valley. 28 
 Here he began the foundation of a town to be named 
 San Ger6nimo; but the site was soon changed to the 
 vaWey of Senor, or Senora, perhaps the original form 
 of the name Sonora, still applied to the valley as to 
 the state. The site was probably in the region be 
 tween the modern Hermosillo and Arizpe, but all 
 details of exact location in the different authorities are 
 hopelessly confused. Captain Maldonado was sent 
 
 24 From' Culiacan each one went where he pleased. Coronado, Relation, 
 154. 
 
 25 Gomara, Hist. Tnd., 274. Venegas, Not. Cat., i. 167-9, and others date 
 the arrival in Mexico as March 1542. 
 
 26 ' My idea is, that the town of Corazones on the Sonora River, was Sonora, 
 so called because it was eminently the town of the province of corazones, in 
 which it was situated; that San Hieronimo de los Corazones was situated ac 
 cording to Coronado 10 or 12 1. from the sea, and. . .401. from Sonora, on the 
 Suj-a River; which would place it. . .on a river which is now called S. Ignacio.' 
 Simpson, in Smithsonian Kept., 1869/325. Possibly the above was clear to 
 Mr S. San Ger6nimo, 12 1. from the later town of Sonora. Mota-Padilla, 
 Conq. N. Gal., 163. The valle del Senor was that of the San Miguel River. 
 Whippfe in Pac. /?. R. Re.pt., iii. 108-12. Corazones Valley probably on 
 Mulatos Rio, where Yecora lies. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 237. Senora 
 Valley 10 1. beyond Corazones. Coronado, Relation, 147-8. Corazones in the 
 lower part of Senora Valley. Castaneda, 157. According to Benavides, Re- 
 qveste, 109-10, Corazones was the first pueblo in Seuora Valley, and 6 1. 
 beyond was the larger pueblo of Agastan, a name which I find nowhere else. 
 
88 NIZA, ULLOA, COROXADO, AND ALARCOtf. 
 
 down the river to the gulf in the hope of finding a 
 port or meeting Alarcon's fleet, but accomplished 
 neither object. In October captains Diaz and Gal- 
 lego arrived at San Geronimo from the north, having 
 been despatched by Coronado from Cibola. Diaz was 
 to remain in command at the new settlement with 
 eighty men, and to put himself if possible in commu 
 nication with Alarcon. Gallego was to proceed to 
 Mexico with reports for the viceroy, and Arellano 
 with the main force was to join the general at Cibola, 
 as he did in December. 
 
 Leaving Diego de Alcaraz in command at San 
 Geronimo, Melchor Diaz soon started with twenty- 
 five picked men, and Indian guides, in search of Alar- 
 con. He probably went down the river to the gulf 
 and thence proceeded north-westwardly, not far from 
 the coast. We have no particulars of the march, esti 
 mated at a hundred and fifty leagues, until he reached 
 the region about the mouth of the Colorado, a river 
 named by Diaz Rio del Tizon from the custom of the 
 natives of carrying a fire-brand with which to warm 
 themselves, and which was perfectly understood by 
 the Spaniards to be the same river discovered nearer 
 its source by Cardenas from Cibola and the Moqui 
 towns. The natives were so large and strong, it is 
 gravely stated, that one of them easily bore upon his 
 head a burden which six Spaniards could not move. 
 On reaching the river, Diaz heard that the vessels had 
 been seen below, and after travelling three days to a 
 point which he considered fifteen leagues from the 
 mouth, he found letters from Alarcon, buried at the 
 foot of a tree. The letters announced the voyager's 
 return to New Spain and his discovery that California 
 was not an island. The party then went up the river 
 for five or six days in search of a ford. They finally 
 crossed on rafts in the country of a hostile tribe who 
 plotted their destruction, but whose plans were dis 
 covered and circumvented. There is no evidence that 
 Diaz went above the mouth of the Gila. After cross- 
 
MELCHOR DIAZ. 89 
 
 ing ho proceeded down the river and coast for an un 
 known distance, reaching a region where the ground 
 is said to have been so hot and trembling as to be 
 impassable. Finally, in attempting to drive away a 
 dog which was worrying the sheep brought for food, 
 he threw his lance, and, his horse still running, was 
 pierced in the thigh by the weapon which had stuck 
 point uppermost in the ground. He was carried back 
 toward San Geronirno for twenty days, but died before 
 his party arrived there early in 154 1. 27 
 
 Alcaraz at once sent to Coronado the report of 
 Diaz's death, with the further information that the 
 natives were hostile, the soldiers mutinous, and the 
 prospects of the colony bad. Captain Tobar was sent 
 south from Tiguex, and on his arrival caused the arrest 
 of some of the worst native chieftains; but Alcaraz 
 freed them for a ransom of cloth. As soon as their 
 chiefs were released the Indians attacked the Spaniards 
 and killed seventeen with poisoned arrows before they 
 could regain the settlement. Tobar now changed again 
 the site of San Geronimo, transferring it forty leagues 
 northward to the valley of Suya, perhaps identical 
 with the Rio San Ignacio of modern maps, in the 
 vicinity of Magdalena. About August 1541 Tobar 
 returned to Tiguex, and is said to have taken with him 
 the best of the soldiers, leaving the most unmanage 
 able at San Geronimo. In the spring of 1542, when 
 Captain Cardenas arrived from the north he found 
 the town empty. Before its final abandonment most 
 of the remaining force had deserted and fled toward 
 Culiacan under Pedro de Avila. Of the deserters 
 some were killed by the savages, others were detained 
 by Saavedra at San Miguel, and the rest fled toward 
 Mexico. The natives took advantage of the colony's 
 
 27 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 158-9, says that Diaz after crossing the 
 river travelled four days, found no people, and resolved to return; on the re 
 turn he was wounded by the shaft and not the point of the lance; and died 
 Jan. 18th. According to Coronado, Relation, 149, he crossed the river 30 1. 
 from its mouth, travelled westward 5 or 6 days, returned for want of water, 
 and was killed during the return. 
 
90 NIZA, ULLOA, COROXADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 defenceless condition to renew their hostilities. One 
 morning they suddenly attacked and took the town, 
 killed Alcarazand several other Spaniards, with many 
 native servants, cattle, and horses, and retired laden 
 with booty. The survivors 28 started on foot next day 
 for Culiacan, where they finally arrived after having 
 been succored on the way by the ever faithful natives 
 of Corazones. Coronado on his return march found 
 the natives still hostile, but disposed to keep out of 
 the way, and he seems to have made no stop at the 
 deserted San Geronimo. Thus unfortunate were the 
 earliest attempts to settle the territory of Sonora. 
 
 In connection with Coronado's expedition, Her- 
 nando de Alarcon, chamberlain of the viceroy as 
 Bernal Diaz asserts, w r as ordered to proceed up the 
 coast by water, to carry supplies and otherwise coop 
 erate with the army. Alarcon's instructions were 
 made with a knowledge of Ulloa's explorations, and 
 of the probability of having to ascend a river in order 
 to reach the prescribed latitude of 36. Still, as no 
 river had been seen and nothing whatever of its course 
 was known, it is somewhat remarkable that so much 
 confidence was felt in the meeting of the land and sea 
 forces. 
 
 With the San Pedro and Santa Catalina, the latter 
 in command of Marcos Ruiz de Rojas, Alarcon sailed, 
 probably from Acapulco, 29 May 9, 1540. At San 
 tiago, in Colima, having repaired the damages result 
 ing from a gale, he took on board additional men 
 waiting there and directed his course to Guayabal, or 
 the port of San Miguel. Here he learned that Coro 
 nado had already left Culiacan, and also found the 
 San Gabriel, laden with provisions for the army. 
 Hence the fleet of three vessels sailed up the coast, 
 
 28 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 237-8, says that of 40 only a priest and four 
 men escaped; also that the revolt was caused by the outrages of Alcaraz. 
 
 29 The port is not named in the dia^y. Simpson, Smithsonian Kept., 1869, 
 315-16, says Natividad, but this is not consistent with his touching later at 
 Santiago. 
 
VOYAGE OF ALARCON. 91 
 
 noting, as is claimed, several harbors not seen by 
 Ulloa, to the shoals near the head of the gulf where 
 Ulloa had turned back. Alarcon's men wished to 
 return, also the shoals seemed impassable, but he 
 sent out the pilots Nicolds Zamorano and Domingo 
 del Castillo, who found a passage, through which, 
 after grounding and narrowly escaping wreck, the 
 vessels were brought and anchored at the mouth of 
 the river. 
 
 August 26th two boats, one of them having on 
 board Alarcon, Rodrigo Maldonado the treasurer, 
 and Gaspar del Castillo the contador, with twenty 
 men, started up the river, towing being necessary at 
 times by reason of the rapid current. The natives 
 soon made their appearance in constantly increasing 
 numbers; at first hostile and menacing, so that Alar- 
 con had often to retire to the middle of the stream, 
 but gradually becoming appeased and consenting to 
 an exchange of gifts. After a few days, persuaded 
 that the Spaniards were children of the sun, they 
 brought food in great abundance, volunteered to aid 
 in towing the boats, and finally consented to make 
 Alarcon their chief if he would remain. The narra 
 tive of the voyage is for the most part filled with 
 unimportant particulars of attempted conversations 
 with the Indians, and efforts to learn something of 
 Coronado. Most of Marcos de Niza's names were 
 unknown to the natives, who nevertheless gratified 
 their visitors with not a few tales of grand rivers, 
 mountains of copper, powerful chieftains, and tradi 
 tions of bearded white men, which they or their 
 ancestors had heard of some time and somewhere. 
 One or more 'old men' usually accompanied Alarcon 
 in the boat, keeping him supplied with these vagaries; 
 and they talked also of an old woman, Quatazaca, 
 who lived without eating on a lake, or near the sea, 
 or by a mountain, in the country where copper bells 
 were made. 
 
 Natives were met who had been at Cibola, and 
 
92 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 who seemed to have some knowledge of Niza's visit 
 and the fate of the negro Estevanico. At one place 
 the natives were found to be greatly excited because 
 two of their number had brought fr >m Cibola the 
 news that white men had again made their appear 
 ance there. Alarcon calmed their fears by the assur 
 ance that those at Cibola were like his own men, 
 children of the sun, and would do the Indians no 
 harm. It was proposed to send messengers to Cibola, 
 the distance, or rather that part of it lying in an 
 uninhabited country, being represented as only ten 
 days' journey; but none of the officers would volun 
 teer to make the attempt, and the natives excused 
 themselves from furnishing supplies and guides, wish 
 ing the Spaniards to remain and help them conquer 
 their foes of Cumana. Quicama, and Coana are the 
 only places named on the river, and respecting their 
 location nothing definite is stated. 
 
 Early in September the boats started down the 
 river, reaching the ships in two days and a half. 
 There is absolutely nothing in the narrative, beyond 
 the last statements, on which to found an opinion as to 
 how far Alarcon went up the Colorado on this trip; 
 but after some preparations for careening and repair 
 ing the San Pedro, he started again, thinking that 
 Coronado might in the mean time have heard of his 
 presence in the country. He started September 14th 
 and went up again to Quicama and Coana. At the 
 latter place he met a Spaniard who had been left 
 there in the first trip, and who had been kindly 
 treated. Farther up an enchanter from Cumana 
 planted reeds on the banks, which by their magical 
 power were to stop the progress of the boats, but 
 failed to do so. At the home of the last ' old man ' 
 who served as guide, Alarcon erected a cross, buried 
 at its foot letters for Coronado or others who might 
 find them, and having received a message from tfre 
 chief of Cumana declining to visit the Spaniards, 
 started to return to the gulf. 
 
ON THE COLORADO RIVER. 93 
 
 Before turning back Alarcon says he passed a place 
 where the river flowed between high mountains; he 
 states also that he went eighty-five leagues which 
 may mean any distance from 100 to 250 miles up 
 the river; and further that he advanced four degrees 
 beyond the latitude reached by Ulloa. The mountain 
 pass with a medium estimate of distance would seem 
 to indicate a part of the Colorado above the Gila and 
 below Bill Williams Fork; but Melchor Diaz found 
 Alarcon's letters two months later at a distance which 
 he estimated to be only fifteen leagues from the 
 mouth, so that if these were the only letters deposited, 
 Alarcon's statement of distance is grossly exagger 
 ated. It may also be noted that he mentions no 
 stream corresponding to the Gila, as he would natu 
 rally have done had he passed its mouth. 30 
 
 The name Buena Guia was given to the river from 
 a part of the motto on Mendoza's coat-of-arms, and 
 on the shore, near the mouth, at a place called La 
 Cruz, a kind of chapel was built and dedicated to 
 Our Lady of Buena Guia. The return was in Octo 
 ber or November probably, and the fleet touched at 
 several points on the coast during the voyage south 
 ward. At the port of Colima, probably Natividad, 31 
 Pedro de Alvarado was found with his fleet. He 
 attempted to exercise some authority over Alarcon, 
 who, after delivering to Luis de Castilla and Agustin 
 Guerrero his narrative of the voyage, 32 sailed away in 
 the darkness of the night "to avoid scandal." 
 
 30 Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 170-1, and other writers say that Alarcon reached 
 36. This comes from his instructions or from the statement that he went 4 
 farther than Ulloa. 
 
 31 Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 170-1, says Purificacion. 
 
 3 -This narrative, Alarcon, Relations delta Naviaatione < Scoperta che 
 fece il Capitano Fernando Alarcone, etc., sent to the viceroy from Colima, 
 seems to be the only original authority on this voyage. It was translated 
 and published in Ramusio, NavKj., iii. 363-70; Maklui/t's Voy., iii. 425-39, 
 and Ternaux-Compans, Voy., se"rie i. torn. ix. 299-348. Herrera, dec. vi. 
 lib. ix. cap. xiii.-xv., also gives the narrative nearly in full. Alarcon in 
 tended to write a more complete account, but probably never did so. Alarcon 
 and Ulloa, Relation del Armada, in Col. Doc. Incd., iv. 218, is a brief and un 
 important narrative of both expeditions. For copy of the map made by Cas 
 tillo, one of Alarcon's pilots, see p. 81 of this volume. Other references are as 
 
94 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 Most writers state that Mendoza was exceedingly 
 displeased at Alarcon's want of success, though it is 
 not easy to understand in what respect he failed to 
 carry out the spirit of his instructions. Torquemada 
 affirms that one cause of Mendoza's dissatisfaction was 
 that fuller reports of the voyage were sent to the king 
 than to himself, and that Alarcon claimed the honor 
 that was due to the viceroy. He says further that 
 Alarcon retired in great disgrace and sorrow to Cuer- 
 navaca, where he fell sick and died. But the current 
 statements on this subject are doubtless erroneous, for 
 there are extant, and bearing date of May 31, 1541, 
 instructions 33 from Mendoza to Alarcon for a second 
 voyage and a new attempt to communicate with Cor- 
 onado and with Melchor Diaz, whose departure from 
 San Geronimo was already known. In the document 34 
 Alarcon is spoken of as the discoverer of the Buena 
 Guia, of which river he is ordered to make further 
 explorations, as also of an estero said to exist at the 
 head of the gulf. 35 Another proposed voyage is men 
 tioned, probably to be directed up the outer or Pacific 
 coast, under Zuniga, with whom Alarcon was to com 
 municate if possible. From another document 36 we 
 
 follows: Torquemada, i. 608-9; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 235-6; Vene- 
 yas, Not. CaL, i. 170-1; Salmeron, in Doc. Hint. Mex., serie iii. torn. iv. 6; 
 Purchas, His Pilgrimes, v. 856-7; Cavo, Tres Sirjlos, i. 129; Cortes, Hist., 325; 
 Florida, Col. Doc., i. 1-6; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., iv. 318; Calle, Not. Sac., 
 108; Galvano, in Voy. Select., 46; Sutil y Mex., Viaje, xxviii.; Gall at in, in 
 N. A. Voy., cxxxi. 255-8; Camarr/o, in Id., xcix. 187-8; Whipple's Report, 
 112-13; Simpson's Coronado's March, 315-16; Burners Chron. Hist., i. 211- 
 16; Browne's L. CaL, 16-17; Greenhoiv's Mem., 29; Id., Or. and CaL, 58-9; 
 Bartlelfs Pars. Nar., ii. 168-82; March y Labores, Marina Espan., ii. 222-7; 
 Montanus, N. Weereld, 210; Meline's Two Thousand Miles, 138; Taylor, in 
 CaL Farmer, Feb. 21, 28, April 4, 18, 1862; Findlarfs Directory, i.; Frifjnet, 
 La CaL, 7; Poussin, VOregon, 235; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 66-70; Ives* 
 Col. Riv., 19; Laet, Novvs Orbis, 305-6; Marchand, Voy., i. viii.; Mofrax, 
 Explor., i. 95; MMlhausen, Reisen, i. 113; Id., Tacjebuch, 405-8; Murray's 
 Hist. Trav., ii. 73-8; Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. 199. 
 
 33 Florida, Col. Doc., i. 1-6. 
 
 31 Taylor, BroivnSs L. CaL, 16-17, seems to have noticed this document, 
 but becomes very much confused in its use. applying it to the first voyage 
 which he represents as having begun May 31, 1541. 
 
 35 This is doubtless the Brazo de Miraflores laid down on Castillo's map 
 though not mentioned in Alarcon's narrative. It perhaps corresponds with 
 the slough extending northward from the Port Isabel of modern maps. 
 
 36 Visita d Mendoza in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 110. 
 
PEDRO DE ALVARADO. 95 
 
 learn that three vessels were made ready for this sec 
 ond voyage, which was prevented by the breaking-out 
 of the Guadalajara revolt, of which more elsewhere, 
 and during which Alarcon was stationed with thirty 
 men at Autlan. 
 
 As we have seen, Niza's reports broke off all friendly 
 relations between Mendoza and Cortes. The latter 
 sent out Ulloa against the viceroy's wishes. He pro 
 tested against the fitting-out of the expeditions under 
 Coronado and Alarcon, and prepared a new fleet after 
 Ulloa's return. He struggled hard to maintain his 
 prestige and authority as captain-general, and called 
 upon the emperor to prevent Mendoza's interference 
 with his plans. 37 His efforts proving fruitless he de 
 termined to go in person to lay his grievances before 
 the throne. He started early in 1540, and spent three 
 of his remaining seven years of life in vain efforts to 
 obtain redress. Formal courtesy at first, followed by 
 cold neglect, was all* the satisfaction he received at 
 court. Great injustice had been done him in the New 
 World, and the emperor was basely ungrateful; yet 
 in his last quarrel Cortes had an opponent in Mendoza, 
 against whom his oft-repeated and frivolous charges 
 are to be regarded for the most part as the ravings 
 of a soured and disappointed old man. 33 
 
 Before Cortes went to Spain a new rival to both 
 cap tain -general and the viceroy had entered the field 
 of South Sea conquest in the person of Pedro de Alva- 
 rado. His operations in the south and in Jalisco, 
 with his licenses and plans, have been noted in suffi 
 cient detail elsewhere. 39 In 1539 he made ready in 
 
 37 In 1539 Cortes sent commissioners to Spain with the statement that he 
 had five vessels ready to continue Ulloa's explorations under his son D. Luis 
 Corttfs, and that he was building four other vessels. He demanded that Men 
 doza's expedition be prevented by royal order. Cortes, Escritos, 29G-9; Pa- 
 checo and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xv. 317. 
 
 38 Cortes, Mem. al Emp., in Cortes, Escritos, 299-309; Id., 319-21; Cortes, 
 Petition contra Mendoza, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 62-73; PrescotCs Hist. 
 Conq. Mex., iii. 338-45; Venecjus, Not. CaL, i. 164-7. See also Hist. Mex. t 
 ii. 474 et seq., this series. 
 
 39 See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. and Hist. Mex., ii. this series. 
 
96 NIZA, ULLOA, CORONADO, AND ALARCON. 
 
 the Guatemalan ports a fleet of a dozen vessels, the 
 largest and most costly yet seen in the Pacific, and 
 brought it with a large force of men to the Colima 
 coast in 1540. Whatever his intentions at first, after 
 Niza's reports he resolved to direct his course to the 
 north. Mendoza instead of quarrelling with Alvarado 
 opened , negotiations with him, which resulted in an 
 agreement signed in November 1540, for a joint prose 
 cution of northern discovery and conquest. Mendoza 
 became owner of one half the fleet; Alvarado received 
 one fifth of all profits and advantages accruing from 
 the viceroy's expeditions under Coronado and Alarcon, 
 while for twenty years expenses and profits were to be 
 equally shared. 40 Don Pedro returned to the coast to 
 superintend preparations for departure; but in the 
 early summer of 1541, in response to an urgent appeal 
 for aid from Acting-governor Onate, he landed his 
 men and marched inland. He lost his life during the 
 campaign, and his men after doing garrison duty in 
 Jalisco during the war were disbanded and 'scattered. 
 The death of Alvarado's wife without heirs left the 
 entire fleet in Mendoza's possession. 
 
 The Mixton war, in which Alvarado lost his life as 
 just mentioned, raging from 1540 to 1542 during Coro- 
 nado's absence in the far north, was the most formid 
 able and wide-spread struggle for liberty ever made 
 by the native races in any part of Mexico. The Jal 
 isco tribes killed their encomenderos, abandoned their 
 towns, and took refuge on fortified penoles, or cliffs, 
 believed to be impregnable. At the end of 1540 Gua 
 dalajara, already moved, to the Tacotlan Valley, was 
 the only place north of the river and east of the sierra 
 still held by the Spaniards. Strong forces of soldiers 
 under different leaders were repeatedly repulsed by the 
 native warriors. Alvarado marched rashly inland only 
 
 40 Alvarado and Mendoza, Asiento y Capttulationes. Signed in Michoacan 
 November 29, 1540. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., iii. 351-62; xvi. 
 342-55; Mendoza, Instruc. dAyuilar. 
 
PROGRESS IN NEW GALICIA. 97 
 
 to be defeated and killed. Mendoza was alarmed for 
 the safety not only of New Galicia but of all New 
 Spain, and he marched north at the head of a large 
 army. In a short but vigorous campaign he captured 
 the peiioles one by one, by siege, by assault, by strata 
 gem, or through the treachery of the defenders, end 
 ing with Mixton, the strongest of all, and returned 
 southward in 1542. Thousands of natives had been 
 killed in battle; thousands cast themselves from the 
 cliffs and perished; thousands were enslaved. Many 
 escaped to the sierras of Nayarit and Zacatecas ; but 
 the spirit of rebellion was broken forever. 41 
 
 There is little more to be said of New Galicia that 
 concerns my present subject. The province was now 
 explored and conquered, though there were occasional 
 revolts on the northern frontier. The audiencia was 
 established in 1548, and was moved with the capital 
 about 1561 to Guadalajara, a town transferred to its 
 modern site in consequence of the Mixton war. The 
 president of the audiencia was governor of the prov 
 ince, extending, after the separation of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 to the northern lines of the modern Jalisco and Zaca 
 tecas; and the jurisdiction of the body in judicial 
 matters extended over the whole north. So did the 
 bishopric founded in 1544, the see being with the 
 capital transferred from Compostela to Guadalajara. 
 The Franciscans had accompanied the conquerors in 
 all their movements; and while they founded no 
 missions of the regular type of more northern regions, 
 they were actively engaged in the work of conversion 
 before 1600, as were members of other orders to a 
 slight extent. Agriculture made some progress, and 
 stock-raising much more. Many new towns were 
 built. Hich mines were worked, especially in Zaca 
 tecas, where the town of that name was founded in 
 1548, and in favor of which region during the first 
 excitement the rest of the province was well nigh 
 
 41 For details of the Mixton war and subsequent Nueva Galician annals 
 see Hist. Mcx. , ii. chap. xxiv. this series. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 7 
 
98 NIZA, ULLOA, COE-ONADO, AND ALARCOK 
 
 depopulated ; and again before the end of the century 
 the southern Zacatecas mines were nearly, though 
 temporarily, abandoned for the northern about Nom- 
 bre de Dios, some of the explorers penetrating much 
 farther north. Besides soldiers in active service, and 
 miners in Zacatecas at certain times, it is not likely 
 that there were more than five hundred Spaniards in 
 New Galicia before 1600. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 ANNALS 0F NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 1554-1600. y 
 
 \ 
 
 ZACATECAS MIXES MERCADO'S SILVER MOUNTAIN IBARRA'S PRIVATE EX 
 PLORATIONS MENDOZA AND THE FRANCISCANS IBARRA AS GOVERNOR 
 PROVINCE OF NUEVA VIZCAYA EXPEDITION AT SAN JUAN FOUNDING 
 OF NOMBRE DE DlOS AND DURANGO To COPALA OR TOPIA GRAND 
 REPORTS INDE AND SANTA BARBARA MINES MARCH TO SINALOA 
 VILLA OF SAN JUAN TOUR IN THE FAR NORTH CITY OF PAGME SAN 
 SEBASTIAN DE CHAMETLA DEATH OF IBARRA PROGRESS IN DURANGO 
 LIST OF GOVERNORS ANNALS OF SINALOA MURDER OF FRIARS VILLA 
 ABANDONED MONTOYA'S EXPEDITION BAZAN'S ENTRADA SAN FELIPE 
 DE SINALOA FRANCISCAN CONVENTS FOUR MARTYRS ARLEGUI'S 
 CHRONICLE JESUIT ANNALS IN SINALOA THE AN UAS MARTYRDOM 
 OF FATHER TAPIA IN TOPIA TEPEHUANE MISSIONS SANTA MARIA DE 
 PARRAS EXPLORATION AND CONQUEST OF NEW MEXICO. 
 
 AFTER the Mixton war the wild tribes of the 
 frontier, corresponding to the northern parts of the 
 modern state of Zacatecas, continued their hostilities 
 to some extent until their subjugation by peaceful 
 means was authorized by viceroy and king. After 
 several minor efforts by Oiiate and others, Juan de 
 Tolosa with a few Spaniards, friars, and natives 
 reached the Bufa mountain in 1 5 46, and soon succeeded 
 in pacifying and converting the savage inhabitants, 
 who in return revealed the existence of rich silver 
 lodes. Tolosa was joined in 1548 by Onate, Banue- 
 los, and Diego de Ibarra; the rich mines of San 
 Bernabe, San Benito, Panuco, and others were dis 
 covered and worked. The town of Zacatecas was 
 founded, and a mining rush to this region well nigh 
 depopulated other parts of New Galicia. In 1552 
 
 (99) 
 
100 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Gines Vazquez de Mercado marched into the regions 
 to the north, but was defeated and wounded in a 
 battle near Sombrerete, after Avhich for a time no 
 entradas were authorized by the government. Two 
 years after Mercado's failure, however, Francisco de 
 Ibarra began a series of exploring and prospecting 
 tours by which in eight years he brought to light the 
 mineral deposits of Fresnillo, San Martin, Sombrerete, 
 Nieves, and many others up to and beyond the line 
 of the modern Zacatecas. So rich were these mines 
 and so liberal the policy of Ibarra and his associates 
 that before the end of the century the southern dis 
 tricts in their turn were nearly abandoned for a time. 1 
 Mercado's entry in 1552 had been in search of a 
 mountain of silver, which he did not find. The 
 foundation of the reports which attracted him was 
 not improbably the famous iron mountain still bearing 
 the fortune-hunter's name near the city of Durango.' 2 
 The annals of the region beyond the line of the modern 
 Durango begin with Ibarra's explorations of 155462, 
 which covered a broad territory arid brought to light 
 many mines, but which, being private enterprises, 
 are not recorded so far as details are concerned. It 
 does not appear that these private explorations, how 
 ever, extended beyond the limits of what is now 
 Durango. 
 
 In one of Ibarra's earliest tours he was accompanied 
 by the Franciscan Geronimo de Mendoza, who from 
 the mining camp of San Martin went on with one sol 
 dier into unexplored territory, and began missionary 
 work on the Rio Suchil, meeting with much success, 
 and soon calling upon his provincial for assistance. In 
 
 1 For further particulars on Zacatecas annals down to 1600 see Hist. 
 ii., this series. 
 
 ' 2 On this mountain a mass of magnetic iron ore 900 by 1,900 varas and 
 C8G varas high, containing 460,000 tons of metal assaying 20 or 75 per cent of 
 
 5 u re iron see Ferreriade Dtiranfjo, in Dice. Univ.,im. 334-40; Mota-PcuWla, 
 list. N. Gal., 203; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., v. 231-2; Weidner in Soc. Max. 
 GCOQ., Bol, vi. 60; Escudero, Not. Dur., 8-9; Frcjes, Hist. Breve., 127-9; 
 Museo Mtx. y i. 28-34. 
 
IBARRA'S EXPEDITIONS. 
 
 101 
 
 155G Mendoza was joined by three friars, Pedro de 
 Espinareda, Diego de la Cadena, and Jacinto de San 
 Francisco, with a young donado, or assistant, named 
 Lucas. About the same time Mendoza departed for 
 Spain. Meanwhile, or a little later, there were troubles 
 with the natives, but Ibarra came to the rescue, pre- 
 
 NUEVA YIZCAYA, 1600. 
 
 venting an abandonment of the work, and not only 
 pacifying the Indians but collecting many of them into 
 a mission community. The site was fixed after one or 
 two transfers, and a church built w r here Nombre de 
 Dios now stands; indeed the establishment was proba 
 bly known as San Francisco del Nombre de Dios even 
 at this early date. A few Spanish settlers seem to 
 
102 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 have gathered here, and there are indications even 
 of some irregular steps by Martin Perez, the alcalde of 
 Zacatecas, toward the founding of a town. 3 It appears 
 also that Father Cadena and Lucas, before 1562, ex 
 tended their missionary labors northward to the Gua- 
 diana Valley, where Durango was founded later, still 
 working in connection with Ibarra's mining explora 
 tions. 4 
 
 About 1561 Francisco de Ibarra, by reason of his 
 past services, and by the influence of his uncle Don 
 Diego of Zacatecas, who had married the viceroy's 
 daughter, was commissioned as governor and captain- 
 general to conquer and rule the northern regions not 
 yet subjected to Spanish dominion. A reported 
 wealthy province of Copala was the particular object 
 of the viceroy's project, which he had entertained for 
 some years, but had hitherto found no opportunity of 
 carrying out.. But soon the name of Nueva Vizcaya. 
 or New Biscay, was applied by Ibarra in honor of his 
 native province in Spain. The original commission 
 and other documents are not extant so far as I know ; 
 therefore exact dates, names, and boundaries cannot 
 be given. The line of Nueva Vizcaya, however, was 
 practically that which now separates Jalisco and Zaca 
 tecas from Sinaloa and Durango. It was probably 
 intended to confine the new province to territory east 
 of the main sierra; but Ibarra was able to extend his 
 authority over the coast provinces as well, on the 
 
 3 1553 is given by some as the date of Mendoza's arrival at Ojo de Berros, 
 but there is no reason to doubt that he came with the party that discovered 
 San Martin, that the discoverer was Ibarra, or that his operations began in 
 1554. Ibarra, Relation, 464; Durancjo, Doc. Hist., MS., 97-103; Morfi, Diario, 
 340-1; Arkfjui, Crdn. Zac., 30-40; 'Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 503-4; Torque- 
 mada, iii. 344. Father Mendoza was a native of Vitoria, Alava, Spain, and 
 a nephew of the viceroy of the same name. He came with his uncle to Mexico, 
 and was captain of the viceregal guard before he became a Franciscan. He 
 came north in 1553, being sent to use his influence in quelling disturbances 
 among the Zacatecas miners. He died at Madrid. Ramirez, Not. Hist. , 10-1 1 ; 
 Arlegui, Crdn. Zac., 22, 257-64. 
 
 4 Arlegui, Cr6n. Zac., 35, says Cadena founded a town there which attracted 
 many Spaniards; though on p. 58 he credits the founding to Juan, de Tolosa. 
 There is a tendency on the part of missionary chroniclers to claim everything 
 for their order; and among most authorities in the early annals of these 
 regions there is hopeless confusion of dates. 
 
FOUNDING OF DURANGO. 103 
 
 ground that they were for the most part unoccupied, 
 and not provided with Christian instructors. 5 
 
 The governor fitted out his expedition at Zacatecas 
 and the San Martin mines, enlisting about one hun 
 dred Spaniards besides many native auxilaries. 6 Mar 
 tin Gamon, an intimate friend of the governor, joined 
 the army with twelve trusted comrades and was made 
 maestre de campo. 7 Four Franciscans, Fray Pablo 
 Acebedo, Brother Juan Herrera, and two whose 
 names are not known, accompanied the force, which 
 in June 1562 arrived in the San Juan Valley ^appar 
 ently the site of the later San Juan del Rio, which 
 was for a long time a kind of head-quarters. Here 
 some of the men became mutinous and deserted; and 
 Gamon for insubordination and insolence was sen 
 tenced to death. The sentence being approved by 
 the viceroy, the maestre de campo, who had escaped 
 to San Martin, was brought back and executed. The 
 rest of the year was passed in camp at San Juan, and 
 in various minor explorations not recorded. Here the 
 force was considerably increased by recruits from the 
 different mining camps. 
 
 In 1563 was formally founded the town of Durango, 
 in the Guadiana Valley, near where Father Cadena, 
 as already related, had formed a settlement of natives 
 called apparently San Juan Bautista de Analco. 
 Alonso Pacheco was sent from San Juan in the 
 
 5 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 525 et seq.; Mota-Padilla, Hist. N. Gal, 107. 
 Before this Alonso de Zurita, Memorial, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 333; Id., 
 introd., xlvi.-vii., had asked the king to give him authority to form a new 
 province in the north. Ibarra himself, Relation, 468, says he was made gov 
 ernor of ' toda la tierra adcntro de las minas de San Martin en adelante. ' 
 Beaumont, 'gobernador de la gran laguna de Copala en la tierra adentro, entre 
 donde sale el sol y el norte, y que no se arrimase al norte y poniente (que era 
 de Tzibola que Coronado anduvo) y que asimismo no fuese hacia el sur ni a. 
 la mar de (51 que era Chiametla, Topia, y Tzinaloa. ' He was to use force only 
 after exhausting mild means. Galeriade Vireyes, 214-15. 
 
 6 Expedition de la Nueva Vizcaya, 1563, MS., 13, is an account in Aztec, 
 with Spanish translation by Prof. Galicia, of the part taken in the expedition, 
 by the Aztec auxiliaries. 
 
 7 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 467 et seq., represents Gamon as having been 
 the first to plan the enterprise. Morfi, Diario, 354, tells us that the 12 under 
 Gamon were famous as criminals, and that a place in Durango bears Gamon 'a 
 name. 
 
104 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 spring 8 with live-stock, seed, implements, and authority 
 to distribute lands to settlers; and in July Ibarra 
 came to organize a municipal government. He called 
 the town Durango in memory of the Basque city; 
 but for a century it was better known as Guadiana. 
 It was intended as the capital of New Biscay, and to 
 the task of promoting its prosperity the governor 
 devoted much attention. To this end he not only 
 pursued a most liberal policy in other respects, but 
 having opened rich mines in the Aviiio district, he 
 threw them open to all who wished to work, on the 
 sole condition that they were to build houses and 
 remain in the country. Bartolome Arriola was left 
 at the capital as lieuteuant-governor, and was suc 
 ceeded in 1565 by Martin Lopez de Ibarra. There 
 were at first thirteen vecinos. 9 
 
 It was also in 1563 that the villa of Nombre de 
 Dios was formally founded and its municipal govern 
 ment organized by Governor Ibarra. 10 But it will be 
 remembered that this was not the actual beginning 
 of the settlement, and that there may have been an 
 alcalde appointed before. 11 At any rate the alcalde 
 mayor of San Martin soon claimed jurisdiction over 
 the citizens of the new villa who disputed his author 
 ity. Oidor Orozco, being in Zacatecas, took upon 
 himself the defence of the jurisdiction of his audiencia 
 of New Galicia, while Ibarra, called back in haste from 
 
 8 April 14th is given as the date of foundation in Dos Republicas, Feb. 8, 
 1879. 
 
 9 Some particulars in Ramirez, Not. Hist., 17-19; Id., Hist. Dur., 12. See 
 also Ibarra, Relation, 472-4; Beaumont, v. 531-8; Durango, Dof. Hixt., MS., 
 6-7; Frcjes, Hist. Breve, 219-21; Escudero, Not. Dur., 7-11; llerrera, dec. 
 viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv. ; Laet, Novvs Orbis., 289-90. Arlegui, Cron. Zac.. 58, 
 names Tolosa as the founder; and others writers give various dates from 1551 
 to 1563. 
 
 10 Ibarra, Relation, 468-9; cabildo records as cited in Durango, Doc. Hist., 
 MS., 83-104; Oct. 6, 1563. viceroy's decree authorizing the foundation. Id.; 
 N ombre de Dios, Description de la villa, 1G08, 331. 338; the alcalde seems to 
 have been Alonso Garcia, one of the earlier settlers. 
 
 11 Mota-Padilla, Hist. N. Gal, 107, says the town was founded in 1562 by 
 Diego de Colio, alcalde of San Martin. Others say that Martin Perez, alcalde 
 of Zacatecas, was the founder in about 1558, and that Colio was alcalde of 
 Nombre de Dios. But it appears that Colio (Celio or Celis) was alcalde of 
 San Martin, and the one whose claim made the trouble. See Frcjes, Hist. 
 Breve, 129-31; Escudero, Not. Dur., 9-10; Beaumont, v. 501-8. 
 
IBARRA IN TOPIA. 105 
 
 his explorations, insisted that the villa belonged to his 
 province. Open warfare was at one time imminent, 
 but was prevented by the influence of Diego de Ibarra, 
 and the matter in dispute was referred to the viceroy 
 of Mexico. He settled it by ruling the disputed ter 
 ritory himself until about 1611, when by royal order 
 Nombre de Dios was restored to Nueva Vizcaya. 12 
 
 Before founding the two towns as just recorded, 
 Ibarra marched with all his force from the San Juan 
 fortified camp in March 15G3, bent on the conquest 
 of Copala, 13 Topiame, or Topia, in the mountains 
 north-westward. On reaching the San Jose Valley, 
 some thirty leagues distant, it was suspected that the 
 natives were plotting to lead the Spaniards, by tales 
 of great cities, to destruction in the labyrinth of 
 sierras. Martin de Renteria was sent in advance to 
 explore, and returned in six days reporting a bad 
 country with no settlements for thirty leagues. Ac 
 cordingly the army turned back, discovering on the 
 way rich mines in the valleys called Santa Maria 14 
 and San Geronimo. At the latter place a native 
 woman offered to guide the Spaniards to Topiame, 
 and Ibarra with thirty or forty men followed her, 
 sending the rest of the army back to San Juan. He 
 marched rapidly for eight days from April 15th to a 
 place eight leagues beyond Renteria's limit. Here 
 from the summit of a lofty range they looked clown 
 upon a large settlement of people, clothed like the 
 Mexicans, and living in flat-roofed houses of several 
 stories. They did not enter the town, but at night 
 approached so near as to hear the beating of Aztec 
 teponastlis. They understood from the guide that 
 
 u Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 84-7; Beaumont, v. 559-60; Frejes, 217-19. 
 In 1590 a transfer of the town to the Santiago mines was authorized. 
 
 13 This name is used by Beaumont and others; but I think that its appli 
 cation to Topia is doubtful. It is probable that Copala was a province vaguely 
 reported to exist in the far north and which furnished one of the chief motives 
 for the general movement at first; but that the report of Topiame" was a dis 
 tinct and later one heard by Ibarra, and which led to this special expedition. 
 Of Copala and its lake we shall hear much later. 
 
 14 Written Sant Matia, perhaps San Matias. 
 
106 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 there were many other such towns ; and they marched 
 back to San Juan at the beginning of May, enthusi 
 astic in the belief that they had discovered a new 
 Mexico. 15 
 
 At least such was the report sent to viceroy and 
 king. It is difficult, however, to see in this report 
 anything but intentional exaggeration with a view to 
 reward for past services and aid for new explorations. 
 Topia was a region on the head waters of the Tama- 
 zula River, where there is still a town of the name. 
 It will be remembered that Coronado had heard won 
 derful reports about a province of Topira, or Topiza, 
 in 1540, which was probably the same. The people 
 of that region were intelligent, and like other tribes 
 of Nueva Vizcaya practised agriculture to some ex 
 tent; but there was never any foundation for the 
 wealth or civilization of the first reports. 
 
 From his camp at Sari Juan Ibarra next sent Cap 
 tain Rodrigo del Rio with men and supplies to settle 
 the mines of Inde, 16 where a town of the same name 
 still stands; and a little later, but still apparently in 
 1563, the same officer was despatched to settle the 
 mines of San Juan and Santa Barbara some twenty 
 leagues to the north, in the region of the modern 
 Parral, Allende, and Jimenez, or southern Chihuahua 
 on the Rio Florido, also called in these earliest years 
 San Bartolome Valley. This was the limit of Spanish 
 occupation in Ibarra's time. The mines were very 
 productive, and soon attracted quite a large popula- 
 
 15 Velasco, Relation de lo que descubritf Diego (Francisco) de Ibarra en la 
 provincia de Copala llamada Topiamti; describiendo muy por menor su viaje y 
 descubrimiento, etc. In Pcwheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 553-61. This 
 account is a letter of Viceroy Velasco to the king, of May 26th, to which are 
 added an unsigned narrative giving more details, a short note of Francisco 
 Ibarra from San Juan May 3d, and a note of Diego Ibarra to the viceroy from 
 San Martin May 9th. In his Relation, 476-7, written after a second visit, 
 though written with a view to set forth his great services to the king, Ibarra 
 says nothing about the grandeur of the settlement or civilization of its people. 
 Beaumont, v. 531, erroneously puts this first visit to Topia in 1562, and says 
 Ibarra went on to Sinaloa at this time. He also states that in Topia he found 
 on a fig-tree an inscription : ' This pueblo belongs to Diego Guevara. ' Arlegui, 
 Cr6n. Zac., 35-7, 65-6, 222-5, makes the first entry in 1555-9, crediting 
 everything as is his custom to the friars. 
 
 is "Written also Ende, Endec, and Indehe". 
 
ACROSS THE SIERRA TO SINALOA. 107 
 
 tion. Some writers erroneously credit Ibarra with 
 having penetrated to the region of the modern city 
 of Chihuahua, and some give too early a elate for the 
 occupation of San Bartolome. 17 At San Juan during 
 the winter the Indians became troublesome, killing 
 over four hundred horses and mules, and obliging the 
 governor not only to send to the south for more live 
 stock, arms, and ammunition, but to build a new fort. 
 
 In the spring of 1564 Ibarra marched again into the 
 mountains of Topia, finding nothing apparently of the 
 wonders before reported, but pacifying the natives, 
 establishing a garrison, and probably opening some of 
 the mines discovered in the previous trip. At any 
 rate the mining camps of San Andres and San Hipo- 
 lito soon became somewhat flourishing in this region. 
 Instead, however, of returning to San Juan in Du- 
 rango, Ibarra continued his march across the sierra 
 until he reached the Hio Suaqui, or Sinaloa, now the 
 Fuerte. Of the coast provinces above Jalisco for the 
 past twenty years and more, since Coronado's return 
 in 1542, we know nothing except that the little town 
 of San Miguel had managed to maintain its precarious 
 existence, being the only Spanish settlement in all that 
 region, 18 and that outside of Culiacan the natives were 
 independent and hostile. The results of Guzman's 
 conquest had been well nigh obliterated, except the 
 memory of his outrages. 
 
 The state of things enabled Ibarra to extend his 
 authority as governor of Nueva Vizcaya over the 
 coast provinces, and on reaching the Suaqui River he 
 
 17 Ibarra, Relation. He calls the mines Santa Bdrbola, or at least the 
 printer does. See Hcrrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv. ; Cavo, Tres Siylos, i. 
 164; Escudero, Not. Chih., 88; Conde, in Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bol, v. 272. Ar- 
 legui, Cr6n. Zac., 37-8, talks of the occupation of San 'Bartolomd Valley by 
 friars in 1 559-63. Ibarra left garrisons in many forts in Chihuahua before he 
 went to Sinaloa. Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., no. 2, p. 243; Frejes, Hist. 
 Brew, 217, 219. 
 
 18 Herrera, however, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. xvi., speaks of a Christian pueblo 
 on the Omitlan River as resisting the savages with the aid of a few Spaniards 
 in 1 550. Chametla may not have been abandoned all the time. Mota-Padilla, 
 Hist. N. Gal., 112-13, mentions outrages committed on the natives far north 
 of San Miguel between 1540 and 1550, but his meaning is not clear. 
 
108 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 proceeded to found there a town named San Juan de 
 Sinaloa, or San Juan Bautista de Carapoa as Ribas 
 calls it. Pedro Ochoa de Garraga or Estevan Mar 
 tin Bohorques was put in command; Hernando de 
 Pedroza was made curate; and before the governor's 
 final departure two Franciscans were left to labor 
 among the adjoining tribes. Antonio de Betanzos, 
 the maestre de campo, was sent to San Miguel 
 where he obtained supplies for the new settlement 
 from Pedro de Tobar, whose relations with Ibarra 
 seem to have been most friendly. 19 
 
 After the founding of San Juan, and perhaps after 
 a trip down to Chametla, 20 Ibarra made a tour of ex 
 ploration to the far north, of which in detail little can 
 be known. The governor himself says he " went 
 three hundred leagues from Chametla, in which entracla 
 he found large settlements of natives clothed and well 
 provided with maize and other things for their sup 
 port; and there were many fertile tracts fit for wheat, 
 corn, and other grains, parts of which might be con- 
 
 19 The town is called San Juan de Sinaloa in Ibarra, Relation, 481; Beau 
 mont, Cr6n. Mich. , v. 533 et seq. ; Herrera, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv. ; and 
 Mexico, Informe, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xv. 460-1. This name 
 probably means simply San Juan in Sinaloa, or the Sinaloa San Juan, as dis 
 tinguished from the camp in Durango. The proper name was probably San 
 Juan Bautista de Carapoa, as it is called in Sinaloa, Doc. Hist., MS., 10; Id., 
 Mem. Hist., MS., 12-13; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 238; fiibas. Hist. Tri- 
 umphos, 28; and Albieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 65-70. Alegre and the Sinaloa 
 Doc. say that the town was on the south bank of the Suaqui on a fine penin 
 sula between that river and the Ocoroni flowing into it. This is not very 
 intelligible, and applies better to the Rio de Sinaloa farther south; but there 
 seems to be no doubt that the town was on the Fuerte. Albieuri calls it the 
 Sinaloa, but that name was also applied in early times to the northern stream. 
 The commander is also called Larraga. See, also, Buelna, Compendia, 11-12; 
 Dice. Univ., x. 401. Many writers date this settlement from 1554 to 1556, 
 but this simply means that it was made by Ibarra, who began his northern 
 operations in 1554. See Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 759-60; Mordli, Fasti Nov. 
 Orb., 25; 0<jilby's Amer., 285-8; Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., no. 2, p. 243. 
 
 20 Both Ibarra and Beaumont say that he went to Chametla, and founded 
 a villa there before his northern exploration ; but from Ibarra's language 
 'fu6 a la provincia de Chiatmela, que cs por la banda del Norte (from San 
 Juan) en la cual poblo la villa de San Sebastian, donde se proveyo de cierta 
 cantidad de soldados y de bastimentos, y otras cosas necesarias, para entrar la 
 tierra adentro en demanda de nuevas tierras,' etc. and from Herrera's state 
 ment that from Sinaloa he went north, founded San Sebastian, and then con 
 tinued his march northward, dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xxiv., I think there is an 
 error. To go so far south in order to undertake a trip to the far north would 
 be a strange proceeding. See note 24 this chapter. 
 
IBARRA IN THE FAR NORTH. 109 
 
 vcniently irrigated from the rivers; and they also had 
 many houses of several stories. But because it was 
 so far from New Spain and Spanish settlements, and 
 because the governor had not people enough for set 
 tlement, and the natives were hostile, using poisoned 
 arrows, lie was obliged to return" after many fights 
 and dangers. And in retreating he was obliged to 
 
 o o o 
 
 cross a mountain range of thirty-five leagues, with 
 great rivers, where they were near starvation, living 
 on herbs and horse-meat for more than forty days. 21 
 Beaumont, deriving his information from unknown 
 sources, adds that Ibarra was accompanied by fifty 
 soldiers, by Pedro de Tobar, and by Father Acebedo 
 and others friars. His course was to the right of 
 that followed by Coronado, and nearer New Mexico. 
 He reached some great plains adjoining those of the 
 Vacas the buffalo plains and there found an aban 
 doned pueblo, whose houses were of several stories, 
 which was called Paguemi, and where there were 
 traces of metals having been smelted. A few days 
 later, as this writer seems to say, Ibarra reached the 
 great city of Pagme, "a most beautiful city, adorned 
 with very, sumptuous edifices, extending over three 
 leagues, with houses of three stories, very grand, with 
 various and extensive plazas, and the houses sur 
 rounded by walls that appeared to be of masonry." 
 This town was also abandoned, and the people were 
 said to have gone eastward. 2 * 
 
 This expedition may have been made in 1564, but 
 more probably in 1565, as no definite date is given. 
 It is difficult to determine what reliance should be 
 placed on Beaumont's narrative; and there appear to 
 be no grounds for more than the vaguest conjecture 
 as to what region was thus explored by Ibarra. He 
 may have visited some of the abandoned pueblos of 
 
 21 Ibarra, Relation, 4S2-3. 
 
 ri Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 538-41. Water was brought in a ditch from 
 a high range. Here they found mill-stones, traces of smelting, and a copper 
 plate. Perhaps the meaning of the author is that Pagme and Paguemi were 
 the same town. 
 
110 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 the Gila Valley; or may have gone farther, as Beau 
 mont seems to think to the region of the Moqui 
 towns; or perhaps he went more to the east and 
 reached the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua. 
 
 Soon after his return to Sinaloa, after making ar 
 rangements for the prosperity of the new town of 
 San Juan, 23 Ibarra marched southward to Chametla 
 with the intention of adding that region to his do 
 main, of founding a town, and of discovering mines 
 or perhaps taking advantage of earlier discoveries. 24 
 These objects were accomplished after some hardships 
 and troubles with the natives on the march down the 
 coast. The new villa was named San Sebastian. Rich 
 mines were developed, and two flourishing reales, or 
 mining districts, were soon in existence. It appears 
 that the settlement of this region had previously been 
 intrusted to Doctor Morones of the audiencia, but 
 of his death, or perhaps too long delay in beginning 
 operations, Ibarra took advantage to extend his au 
 thority over Chametla. In all parts of the province 
 from Jalisco up to San Miguel he made many changes 
 in the old encomiendas with a view to reward his 
 friends. 25 
 
 The occupation of Chametla may be supposed to 
 have been in the year 1565. From this time we have 
 nothing definite respecting the life of Governor Ibarra, 
 which seems to have been spent mainly at San Sebas- 
 
 23 Beaumont says he began the building of ships there with a view to 
 further explorations by sea; but was diverted from that purpose by a letter 
 from his uncle Diego, urging him to search for mines, since 'todo lo demas era 
 cartas andadas.' He sought unsuccessfully for mines in the north and then 
 went south. 
 
 24 1 have explained, note 20, that Beaumont, with some support from Ibarra, 
 represents the founding of the town as a separate affair preceding the north 
 ern expedition, the present enterprise being with a sole view to the mines. 
 This seems an unlikely version, and Ibarra, Relation, 483, says distinctly that 
 he went now to take possession of the region, pacify the natives, and found 
 the villa, alluding to the mines as discovered incidentally as a result of these 
 operations. 
 
 23 Alonso de Parra, and his sons and nephews, are said to have been prom 
 inent vecinos of San Sebastian. A few details of changes in encomiendias 
 are given. Beaumont, Gr6n. Mich., v. 531, 537-8; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 
 60-1; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 219-21; Escudero, Not. Dur., 7-11. Alegre, Hitt. 
 Comp. Jesus, i. 238, says that Ibarra by forced marches got ahead of Morones. 
 
DEATH OF GOVERNOR IBARRA. Ill 
 
 tian. In his exploring enterprises he had spent all 
 his wealth, over 400,000 pesos as he claimed; and 
 worse still his health had been wrecked by exposure. 
 At an unknown date he wrote or caused to be written 
 the memorial of his services which I have so often 
 cited, in which the king was informed of his great sac 
 rifices in behalf of the royal cause, in the hope of due 
 recompense; 26 but it led to no results so far as can be 
 known. The governor seems to have revisited Du 
 rango, probably more than once; 27 and he died appar 
 ently about 1575. He was not only an able and am 
 bitious conquistador, but withal an honorable, liberal, 
 and popular man. 28 
 
 From the death of Governor Ibarra, or rather from 
 the end of his active explorations in 1565, to the end 
 of the century, the annals of Nueva Vizcaya are 
 meagre. East of the mountains the natives gave but 
 little trouble, and the records of missionary progress 
 will be presented separately. The two villas of 
 Durango and Nombre de Dios had in 1569 each 
 about thirty vecinos, representing perhaps a popula 
 tion of three hundred; 29 and it is not probable that 
 
 26 Ibarra, Relation de los descubrimientos conquistas y poblationes hcchas por 
 el gobcrnador Francisco de Ybarra en las provincias de Copala, Nueva Vizcaya 
 y Chwtmela. In Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., xiv. 463-84; Durango, 
 Doc. II-i*t., MS., 1-14; and translation in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., s6rie i. 
 torn. x. 367-99. 
 
 27 He was at Nombre de Dios in June 1569. Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 
 85-6. Also probably in 1565 in connection with the quarrel about jurisdic 
 tion. 
 
 28 Died in Chametla soon after 1572. Datos Biogrdficos, in Cartasde Indias, 
 779-80. Beaument erroneously says he died in 1564, and adds that his body 
 was transferred later to Durango. He left a large estate encumbered with 
 larger debts. The nearest indication of the date of his death is the appoint 
 ment of his successor in 1576. Ibarra was a, native of Vizcaya, a nephew of 
 
 TX: . _ Jl _ T1 -_j_i ii f r-r i --ill 
 
 y bastante' says Viceroy Velasco. Relation, 553. 
 
 '^Guadalajara, Informe del Cabildo al Rey, 1569, 492. In Durango, 
 Doc. Hist., MS., 30-1, is a record in Aztec and Spanish of a meeting in 1585 
 of Aztec and other settlers of Durango to deliberate on the best way of dis 
 tributing their labors, etc. In 1595, a suit arose between citizens and the 
 curate of Durango, in consequence of a lady of high social position not hav 
 ing been buried near enough to the altar. Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 12-13. 
 
112 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 there was a large increase before 1GOO. During this 
 period, as we shall see, a villa was founded at Saltillo 
 and also a settlement of Spaniards and Tlascaltecs in 
 connection with the mission at Parras, both in Nueva 
 Vizcaya in the region later called Coahuila; besides 
 the town of Leon, or Monterey, in Nuevo Leon 
 beyond the limits of Nueva Vizcaya. 30 There were a 
 few large stock-ranchos in different parts of the 
 country, the mining camps affording an excellent 
 market for cattle and agricultural products. 31 The 
 leading feature of the whole region was its mines 
 of silver, successfully worked at many points from 
 San Martin up to Santa Barbara; but unfortunately 
 there are no details or statistics extant. 32 It does not 
 appear that Spanish occupation was extended beyond 
 the San Bartolorne valley of southern Chihuahua 
 until after 1600; 83 though it is probable that pros 
 pecting tours covered the territory considerably 
 further north; and, as we shall see, several expedi 
 tions traversed the whole length of the modern 
 Chihuahua on the way to New Mexico. 
 
 The licentiate Ibarra, a brother of Don Francisco, 
 was appointed by the king to succeed the latter as 
 governor of Nueva Vizcaya in 1576; 34 but he was 
 soon succeeded, if indeed he ever assumed the office 
 
 30 For annals of Nuevo Leon to 1600 see Hist. Mex., ii., this series. 
 
 31 In 1586 two haciendas belonging to Diego de Ibarra and Rodrigo del 
 Rio branded over 33,000 and 42,000 head of stock respectively. Basalenque, 
 Hist. Prov. S. Nicolas, 184; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 14, 73; Id., Not. Hist. 
 Dur., 21. 
 
 ' 62 In Miranda, Relation sobre la tierra y pollaclon que hay desde las minas 
 de San Martin, d las de Santa Barbara ano de 1575, are the following items 
 of points along the way: Aviflo mines, 10 or 12 Spaniards; San Juan, friars 
 and their Indians (Arlegui, Cr6n. Zac., 72-3, says a Franciscan convent 
 was founded at San Juan del Rio or transferred there from Penol Blanco 
 in 1564); Valle de Palmitos, 3 estancias de labor on the Rio Nazas; Indehe", 
 20 1. from Palmitos, 1 1. from Rio Nazas; mines rich and worked for 6 years 
 but abandoned on account of the Indians; Villa de Vitoria on the Rio Florido, 
 now abandoned (I find no other record of such a town); Santa Barbara mines, 
 30 settlers, and 4 estancias in the mountains; Nombre de Dios, a Spanish 
 settlement; San Buenaventura mines, 20 1. s. of Nombre de Dios; San Lucas, 
 16 1. N. of Nombre de Dios, a mining camp; Soneto mines, 7 1. N. w. of San 
 Lucas, 50 Spaniards. 
 
 33 According to Garcia Conde, Ensayo Estad. Chih., 272, there were 7,000 
 inhabitants at the Sta Barbara mines in 1600, probably a great exaggeration. 
 
 3i Enriquez, Carta al Key, in Cartas de Indias, 325; Datos Bioy., in Id., 780. 
 
SAN JUAN DE SINALOA. 113 
 
 at all, by Fernando de Trejo, who ruled until 1583. 
 Then Fernando de Bazan became governor, his term 
 being in 1584-5. Antonio de Monroy ruled from 
 1586 to 1589; Rodrigo del Rio y Loza, one of Ibarra's 
 captains from the first, from 1589 to 1590; and Diego 
 Fernando de Velasco from 1596 or a little earlier. 35 
 
 At San Juan, on the Rio Suaqui in Sinaloa, very 
 soon, perhaps a year or two after Governor Ibarra's 
 departure in 1564-6, 36 the natives without aay pre 
 vious indications of hostility killed the two- friars 
 Acebedo and Herrera and also fifteen Spaniards who 
 visited some of their villages in search of maize, soon 
 attacking and setting fire to the villa. The settlers 
 defended themselves by hastily constructing a wooden 
 fort, and sent to Culiacan for aid; but before succor 
 arrived they were forced to abandon the place and 
 retire southward to the Rio Petatlan. 37 Here they 
 seem not to have been molested for ten years or 
 more; 83 until in 1583 Pedro de Montoya obtained 
 from Governor Trejo authority to make a new en- 
 trada. He marched from San Miguel with thirty 
 men, accompanied by Pedroza, the former alcalde of 
 San Juan. 39 As they advanced northward the natives 
 fled at first, but soon returned and made peace. 
 Montoya refounded the villa and named it San Felipe 
 y Santiago de Carapoa. It was not on the original 
 site, but apparently still on the Rio Suaqui. But 
 
 S5 Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 14-19; followed by Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 
 238-9, 318. The date of Rio's accession in the MS. is given as 1585, doubt 
 less an error for 1589 or 1590. 
 
 36 Arlegui, Crdn. Zac., 216-21, says it was in 1567, but his dates are all 
 uncertain. 
 
 37 Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 13 et seq.; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jem*, i. 238~ 
 et seq.; and Ribas, Hixt. Triumphos, 28 et seq., are the best authorities on 
 these and the following events. Some writers think that all the settlers ex 
 cept five retired to Culiacan; but this seems to have been later. 
 
 38 In 1569, according to Guadalajara, Informe del Cabildo, 493, there, 
 were 12 or 13 vecinos at Sinaloa, but by reason of its remoteness and poverty 
 the settlement was likely to be abandoned. 
 
 39 Albieuri, Hint. Mis., MS., 70-9, represents Montoya as having been sent 
 by Ibarra, that is about 1566; and he gives some details of the massacre of 
 this officer and his men at a banquet given by the treacherous Suaquis. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 8 
 
114 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAVA. 
 
 soon the Suaquis, determined that no Spaniards should 
 possess their country, and having succeeded in remov 
 ing all suspicions of their good faith, found an oppor 
 tunity to repeat their massacre of former years, killing 
 Montoya and twelve of his men. Aid was sent from 
 Culiacan as before, but Gaspar de Osorio, the officer 
 in command, decided that the post must be abandoned, 
 setting out on his march southward in August 1584. 
 At the Rio Petatlan on their retreat the fugitives 
 met Juan Lopez de Quijada with twenty men and a 
 commission as commandant of Sinaloa, from the new 
 governor Bazan. Quijada brought news that the 
 governor was coming in person, and orders that the 
 province must not be abandoned. Accordingly the 
 forces recrossed the river, reestablishing the Villa de 
 San Felipe apparently on the north bank of the Peta 
 tlan. Bazan arrived in April 1585 with a hundred 
 Spaniards and a small force of Indian allies. After a 
 stay of two weeks at the villa he marched on into the 
 enemy's country. Prom the old site of Carapoa, 
 Gonzalo Martin was sent in advance with eighteen 
 men to explore, but was drawn into an ambuscade 
 and killed after a desperate conflict, only two of his 
 men escaping to tell the story. The governor then 
 advanced with the main force, harassed by the foe 
 but unable to bring on a general battle. When he had 
 passed through the Suaqui country he came to the 
 Rio Mayo, and found the natives most friendly and 
 hospitable; but he made a most dishonorable and bar 
 barous return for the kindness of the Mayos, seizing 
 and putting in chains those who came to his camp 
 with supplies, on the pretended suspicion that they 
 were accomplices of the Suaquis. It is said to have 
 been for this outrage that he was removed from the 
 governorship. Having accomplished nothing toward 
 conquering or pacifying the northern tribes Bazan 
 left the country, Melchor Tellez being made co- 
 mandante at San Felipe on the Petatlan. 40 
 
 40 Albieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 79-86, puts this, like former events, too early, 
 
EVENTS ON THE COAST. 115 
 
 Tellez was soon succeeded in the command by Pedro 
 Tobar who soon abandoned San Felipe and went to 
 Culiacan. The settlers for the most part followed his 
 example, until only five remained at the villa. 41 At 
 the petition of these men Bartolome Mondragon, one 
 of the five, was appointed comandante of Sinaloa by 
 Governor Monroy in 1589; and it is said that this 
 little band not only held their ground but made some 
 tours in the interior in search of mines. At the be 
 ginning of 1591 Antonio Ruiz went down to Chametla 
 to meet the new governor, Rio y Loza, who "became 
 deeply interested in the northern province, and at once 
 took steps to provide relief and especially to obtain 
 missionaries for that field. Such additional details as 
 are extant respecting Sinaloa annals of the century 
 may best be given in connection with mission work. 
 I may add, however, that about 1596 a kind of presi 
 dio, consisting of an adobe fort guarded by twenty- 
 five men under Lieutenant-colonel Alonso Diaz, was 
 established at San Felipe by order of Viceroy Mon 
 terey; 42 also that a little later some Aztec and Tlas- 
 caltec settlers were introduced. Thus we see that in 
 the latter part of the sixteenth century the territory 
 of the modern Sinaloa consisted of three provinces: 
 Chametla in the south, with its villa of San Sebastian 
 where lived a dozen or fifteen vecinos too poor and 
 few, generally, to work the rich mines with profit; Cu 
 liacan, represented by the Spanish villa of San Miguel 
 with twenty-five settlers controlling some two thou- 
 
 making Bazan succeed Ibarra. He also says that Rio succeeded Bazan at the 
 latter's death. Mange, Hist. Pime.ria, 395-7, implies that Martin's defeat 
 was soon after 1563. According to Noticias de Expediciones, 672-3, Bazan 's 
 expedition was in 1570, and he had 500 volunteers, losing 100. See also Id. 
 in. Monum. Domin. Esp., MS., 243-4; Hernandez, Comp. Geog. Son. y 9-24. 
 The cost is said to have been $210,000 or $300, 000. 
 
 41 These were Bartolom6 Mondragon, Juan Martinez del Castillo, Tomas 
 Soberanis, Juan Caballero, and Antonio Ruiz, 'de cuyos comentarios bastan- 
 temente exactos hemos tornado estas noticias' adds Alegre; following literally 
 the Sinaloa t Mem. Hist., MS., which is torn. xv. of the Archive General de 
 Mexico. 
 
 42 The commandants at San Felipe, civil or military, during the last dec 
 ade of the century seem to have been Miguel Ortiz Maldonado, Alonso Diaz, 
 Juan Perez de Cebreros, Diego de Quir6s, and Alonso Diaz again. 
 
116 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 sand Christian Indians, the mines being exhausted or 
 at least not worked; and Sinaloa, with its five or more 
 adventurous citizens of San Felipe, surrounded by 
 savages, among whom in the later years the Jesuits 
 began their labors. 
 
 The Franciscans were the first workers in the 
 spiritual conquest of Nueva Yizcaya. One or more 
 of their number accompanied each party of explorers, 
 settlers, and miners from the time of Nuno de Guz 
 man. Between 1554 and 1590 they had established 
 east of the main sierra ten of their stations, or con 
 vents as they were called, all dependent on the cen 
 tral establishment, or custody, of Zacatecas. 43 Only 
 Nombre de Dios and Durango can be properly said to 
 have been founded .before 1563. Father Mendoza's 
 labors at Nombre de Dios from 1554 have been al 
 ready recorded, also the arrival in this field of padres 
 Pedro de Espinareda, Diego de la Cadena, Jacinto de 
 San Francisco, and the donado Lucas in 1556, Cadena 
 and Lucas extending their labors northward to the 
 Guadiana Valley before 1562. 44 During this period 
 Father Bernardo de Cossin came to join the mission 
 ary band, and in a few* years was the first to attain 
 the honors of martyrdom in Nueva Vizcaya. 45 
 
 43 These in the order, so far as it can be ascertained, of their founding 
 were at Nombre de Dios, Durango, San Pedro y San Pablo de Topia, Peiiol 
 Blanco (near Cuencam6 and afterward transferred to San Juan del Rio), Ma- 
 pimi (soon abandoned, but perhaps reestablished), San Bartolom< Valley 
 (Allende), San Juan del Mezquital, San Francisco del Mezquital, Cuencame, 
 and Saltillo. As to the dates the Franciscan chroniclers give invariably those 
 of the first visits to the regions in question, in most cases several years before 
 permanent establishments were founded, and generally too early even for the 
 preliminary visits. These first visits correspond with Ibarra's private ex 
 plorations of 1554-60, and the permanent convents date from his official tours 
 as governor from 1562. 
 
 44 See p. 101 of this volume. 
 
 45 Cossin was a Frenchman by birth, a native of Aquitaine, but belonged 
 to the convent of San Juan de la Luz near the Basque city of Fnenterrabia. 
 Soon after his arrival in America he was sent to join Espinareda 's band, and 
 by the latter to join Cadena at Guadiana. Eager for work he soon obtained 
 leave to make an entrada among the gentiles, by whom he was shot with 
 arrows while engaged in showing them the falsity of their old faith. v Arlegui 
 dates his martyrdom in 1555, but it must have been after 1556, and was prob 
 ably several years later. 
 
 Jacinto de San Francisco, popularly known as Padre Cintos, had been one 
 
FRANCISCANS IN DURANGO. 117' 
 
 Ibarra was accompanied in his expeditions as gov 
 ernor by four Franciscans. Two of these were per 
 haps left to serve in the region of Topia from 1563-4 
 when mines w^ere opened and a garrison left. It is 
 possible, but not probable, that Espinareda sent some 
 friars to that region before Ibarra's entry. It is re 
 corded that two Franciscans one of them an old man 
 and the other young, but whose names are unknown 
 were thus sent to work in Topia and after much suc 
 cess at first were put to death at the instigation of a 
 native sorcerer in 1562. 46 I suppose, however, that 
 these were the two friars, also nameless in the records, 
 left by Ibarra, and that there is an error in the date 
 of their death. Nothing more is known of either 
 missionary or mining operations in Topia until the 
 Jesuits made their appearance; though it is implied 
 that the Franciscan convent was maintained continu 
 ously. 
 
 North of San Bartolome in Chihuahua the Fran 
 ciscans introduced their faith at different points on the 
 
 of CorteV soldiers in the conquest of Mexico, and had received valuable eii- 
 comiendas; but compunctions of conscience for past deeds of blood caused 
 him to relinquish his wealth and assume the Franciscan vows and habit. 
 No details of his labors in Durango from his arrival in 1556 are known; but 
 he was famous for his zeal, and immensely popular among the natives. The 
 time of his death is given by Torquemada as 1566; and he was buried at 
 Nombre de Dios, where for 100 years and more, as is said, his grave was daily 
 decorated with flowers. 
 
 Espinareda was from the province of Santiago in Spain, one of the first 
 twelve sent to Mexico from that province. In the first six years of his min 
 istry he baptized 15,000 adults. Of Padre Cadena's early life nothing is 
 recorded. After 30 years of service in the north they both died in October 
 1586, Espinareda at Zacatecas, and Cadena at Durango. 
 
 Not long after Cossin's death it is said that Father Juan de Tapia, who had 
 served at Durango, was killed by the natives in the Zacatecas Mountains, to 
 gether with the faithful Lucas, \vho was a native of Michoacan; and in 1586 
 Padre Andre's de Puebla was killed by the savages as had been predicted 
 before he set out, while on his way to the sierra of Topia. Pedro de Her.edin, 
 Buenaventura Aniaga, and Padre Quijas are also mentioned as prominent 
 Franciscans. On the lives of these friars see Arlefjul, Crtin. Zac., 211-15, 
 231-5, 238-9, 264-9; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 675-7, 745-6; Vetancvrt, M?no- 
 loylo, 7, 73, 91; Hamircz, Not. Hist. Dur., 10-11, 20-1; Id., J)ur., 13-14; 
 Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 504-8, 516-18, 542-7; Torquemada, iii. 613. 
 
 ^Arleyui, Cron. Zac., 35-7, 65, 222-5. This author says also that the 
 original entry was in 1555, doubtless an error, the reentry and building of a 
 church in 1559-60, the killing of the friars in 1562, and the restoration of the 
 convent in 1564. According to Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 746; Torquemada, iii. 
 613, their death was in 1555. 
 
118 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 route to N"ew Mexico; but apparently they established 
 no permanent stations there. Nor does it appear 
 that any regular convents were founded in the Sinaloa 
 provinces. The Chametla region was visited occa 
 sionally by friars from Jalisco; one or two mission 
 aries worked at times in connection with the curate 
 of San Miguel; and as we have seen fathers Acebedo 
 and Herrera were left at San Juan by Ibarra, but 
 soon fell victims to the murderous Suaquis. 47 
 
 They were all, if we may credit the somewhat par 
 tial chroniclers, most holy men, entirely devoted to 
 their work. Hardly one of their number to whom 
 supernatural aid was not vouchsafed. Arrows directed 
 at the missionaries with deadly intent were often de 
 flected from their course; and in the case of Padre 
 Cossin they even returned to pierce the wicked bar 
 barian who discharged them. A horse was miracu 
 lously furnished to bear Padre Heredia from danger; 
 his own death and the manner of it were foretold to 
 Padre Puebla; sweet strains of music were heard at 
 the funeral of Padre Quijas; the fishes jumped of 
 their own accord from the stream into Padre Cintos 7 
 hands when he was threatened with starvation, these 
 fishes being moreover of a species never found in the 
 stream before or since. Most of the friars sought 
 
 O 
 
 martyrdom, and the desires of five or six of their 
 number were gratified. To their eternal profit they 
 were tortured, shot, and mutilated by the savages 
 they sought to save. Here as elsewhere the heads 
 and limbs of the martyrs often resisted the action of 
 fire when the savages attempted to roast them; and 
 
 47 Pablo de Acebedo was a Portuguese, who took the habit in the province 
 of Santa Cruz, Espaiiola. He came to the north soon after his arrival in 
 Mexico. Juan de Herrera, lay brother, came to America from the province 
 of Santiago in 1541 with 12 friars sent to Guatemala, and served for some 
 time in Yucatan. It is said that their murder was instigated by a mulatto 
 interpreter, who was himself subsequently killed. Acebedo's body was 
 miraculously preserved and shrunken to the size of a child of three years, a 
 proof of his innocence. Arlegui, Cr6n, Zac., 215-23; Torquemada, iii. 623-5; 
 Beaumont, v. 542-7; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 759-61; Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 
 13-14; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles, 159; Vetancvrt, Menolog., 131; Vazquez, Crdii. 
 Guat., 618-19; Dice. Univ., viii. 36. 
 
COMING OF THE JESUITS. 119 
 
 a frequent token of divine approval or of a dry 
 climate as modern incredulity would put it was the 
 preservation of their bodies for months or even years 
 without taint of putrefaction. For the Franciscan 
 annals of this period as of the following century 
 Arlegui is- the leading authority. 48 
 
 The entrance of the Company of Jesus whose 
 annals are almost identical and co-extensive with 
 north-western history down to 1767 into Nueva Viz- 
 caya, dates from 1590, when this order undertook the 
 spiritual conquest of the northern barbarians, by an 
 arrangement between Philip II., the Jesuit general 
 Borja, the Mexican provincial Mendoza, arid Governor 
 Rio. A few members of the society had previously, 
 as we have seen, made proselyting tours in different 
 parts of Nueva Galicia, and in one of those tours Gon 
 zalez de Tapia and Nicolas de Ardoya had reached 
 Durango, perhaps in 1 5 8 9. Several years passed, how 
 ever, before a college was established at the capital, 
 and meanwhile Tapia and Martin Perez were sent to 
 San Felipe in the modern Sinaloa, where they arrived 
 in 1591^ind at once set to work among the towns on 
 or near the rivers Petatlan and Mocorito. 49 
 
 48 Arlegui, Chrtinica de Id Provincia de N. 8. P. S. Francisco de Zacatecas. 
 Mexico, 1737, sm. 4to. 13 1. 412 pp. 9 1. The author, Padre Joseph Arlegui, 
 besides holding other important positions in his order, was provincial of the 
 provincia in 1725-8. The capitulo general of the order at Milan in June 1729, 
 having directed that each provincia should appoint a competent friar to 
 record its annals, Arlegui was thus appointed by the subordinate chapter in 
 November 1734. His work was completed in 1736 and published, as above, 
 in 1 737. He was already familiar with the archives; had some notes and origi 
 nal papers; was aided by the actual provincial Antonio Rizo in new researches, 
 and also used certain manuscript Noticias on his subject left by Padre Jose" de 
 Castro. The result is therefore more complete than might be expected from 
 the short time in which it was prepared. The Chronica is devoted to the 
 foundation and progress of the different convents, and the life, virtues, and 
 sufferings of the friars. Like other works of the class it leaves much to be 
 desired from a secular historian's point of view, the author being somewhat 
 more narrow-minded and allowing himself less scope as a historian even than 
 some of his brother chroniclers. Yet he was evidently faithful and diligent, 
 and with other writers of his class, bigoted as they were, merits our hearty 
 gratitude, especially when we think of the dreary blank which, but for their 
 labors, would constitute so large a portion of American annals. This work is 
 very rare. I have also a reprint done in Mexico, 1851, 8vo, to which is added 
 Memoriae para la Continuation de la Crdnica, by P. Antonio Galvez, thus bring 
 ing the record down to 1828. This work also is becoming rare. 
 
 49 Among the villages named as having been christianized during this first 
 
120 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Six other Jesuits were sent to toil in the same field 
 before 1595. 50 The natives, of many different tribes 
 if their languages be taken as a guide, 51 but generally 
 spoken of in the Jesuit relations by the village names, 
 seem to have been for the most part well disposed and 
 quite willing to be gathered in little communities, to be 
 baptized and married, to learn the doctrina, and under 
 the good padres' instruction and watching to till the 
 soil for their own support as they had been accustomed 
 to do in a ruder manner before the Spaniards came. 
 These little establishments were the nuclei of the 
 great mission system of which I shall have so much to 
 say in later chapters and volumes. Records of prog 
 ress even in this earliest period are voluminous, but 
 of such a nature that they can hardly be utilized for 
 present purposes. That is, the petty happenings, in 
 connection with each village, each conversion, each 
 apostasy, each interposition of divine or diabolic power, 
 which seemed to the Jesuits of such vital importance 
 and interest, and with which their annual reports were 
 filled, defy for the most part condensation into the 
 form of history. 52 9 
 
 decade are: Guazave. Cubiri, Nio, Bamoa, Ures, Deboropa, Lopoche, Mata- 
 pan, Ocoroni (or Ocoroiri), Sisimicari, Bacoburitu, Orobatu, Mocoritoj Navi- 
 tama, Terabio, Biara, Navoria, and Tovoropa, all with orthographical varia 
 tions. Several of these names appear in the same region on modern maps, 
 some of them perhaps still applied to the original localities. 
 
 50 These were Juan Bautista de Velasco, Hernando de Villafaue, Alonso 
 de Santiago (who retired in 1594), Juan Bautista de Orobato, Hernando de 
 Santaren, and Pedro Mendez. Some particulars respecting the lives of each 
 are given by Ribas and Alegre. 
 
 51 According to the Carta Etnogrdfica of Orozco y Berra these dialectic 
 tribes on or near the Rio de Sinaloa are almost as numerous as the chroniclers 
 make them by the use of pueblo names. They are Vacoregue or Guazave, 
 Pima, Oguera, Cahuimeto, Basopa, Zoe, Tubar, Cahita, and Mexican. 
 
 52 Chief among original authorities should be mentioned Memorias para la 
 Historia de, la Provincia de Sinaloa, 1530-1629, MS., 991 pp. This is an 18th 
 century copy in a clear handwriting of torn xv. of the Archivo General de 
 Mexico, MS. , 32 vols. I have another later copy under the title of Eocumen- 
 tos para la Historia de Sinaloa, MS., 2 vols. This work is made up of the 
 original anuas of the Jesuit provincial, with many letters and reports of the 
 missionaries themselves. It is the source from which Ribas and Alegre drew 
 most of their material; and indeed Alegre copies literally, without credit, a 
 large part of the introduction. The period extending from the beginning to 
 1600 fills 339 pages of the manuscript. The work also contains pp. 817-991, 
 from another vol. of the Arch. Gen., and not in the Doc. Hist. similar mate 
 rial for other parts of Nueva Vizcaya. 
 
MISSIONARIES IN SINALOA. 121 
 
 According to the statements of Ribas and Alegre, 
 the standard authorities for Jesuit annals in this re 
 gion, eight churches of a permanent character, though 
 of very modest architectural pretensions, besides 
 sixty temporary structures for religious service, were 
 erected during this decade. Two thousand converts 
 were baptized the. first year and four thousand before 
 1597/' 3 Omnipotence, ever ready to encourage these 
 faithful workers, sent upon the people epidemics, 
 earthquakes, tornados, and droughts, with a view both 
 to frighten the pagans into an application for relief 
 and to show how uniformly these troubles yielded to 
 Jesuit prayer. The miracles were not, however, all 
 on the side of the Christians; for on one occasion 
 when the missionaries had demolished an idol of stone 
 and preached earnestly against idolatry, the heathen 
 deities sent a violent hurricane which was interpreted 
 as a protest, and caused not a few converts to return 
 to their former faith. 
 
 Father Tapia visited in 1592 the wilder tribes 
 dwelling on the Rio Tamotchala, Suaqui, or Fuerte, 
 and also penetrated the mountainous Topia, laying 
 there the foundations for future conversions. The 
 same padre found time in 1593 for a trip to Mexico 
 in the interests of his missions ; but the next year, at 
 the age of thirty-three, he had the honor of becoming 
 the first martyr of his order in Sinaloa. Nacabeba, 
 a native who had some influence as a sorcerer at 
 
 Aler/re, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 241-3, 258-9, 287-95, 307-19, 350-4, 377-9, 
 387-9; Ribas, Hist. Triumphos de la Fe, 35-80. According to the original 
 reports there were 6,100 converts in 1594; 6,770 in 1595; and 8,400 in 1597. 
 In 1595 the converts were distributed as follows: 1,588 in 5 pueblos on the 
 RioEvora; 3,312 in 13 pueblos on theRioPetatlau; 1,270 in 3 pueblos on the 
 Rio Ocoroni; and 600 converts on the Rio Sinaloa (Fuerte). There was a 
 pestilence in 1593. Padre Martin Pelaez visited the missions in 1595, P. Luis 
 de Bonifaz in 1596, and two Jesuits in 1598. According to letters of P. Perez, 
 dated Dec. 1591, and printed inPurchas, His Pilarimes, IV., 1854, there had 
 been 1,600 baptized and 13 churches built at that date. Statistics of the 
 period are naturally very meagre and unreliable. Hernandez y Ddvalos, 
 Geofj. Son., 14, absurdly says that the Jesuit establishments of Sinaloa in 
 1591-6 cost the government 8,000,000 pesos. Other works containing matter 
 on the Jesnit missions in Sinaloa befere 1600, are: Aposttflicos A fanes, 224; 
 Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. Jesus, 138; Velasco, Not. Son., 138; Soc. Mex. 
 Geoy., Bol, viii. 658; Buelna, Compend., 58; Dice. Univ., x. 696-7. 
 
122 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Deboropa, having been chided for habitual absence 
 from church, drunkenness, and other offences, was at 
 last flogged at the padre's request. After trying 
 unsuccessfully to incite his people to revolt, Nacabeba, 
 aided by a few accomplices, murdered Padre Tapia 
 when he came to renew his remonstrances, fleeing 
 immediately after the act to the hostile Suaquis and 
 Tehuecos in the north, and bearing with him the 
 padre's head and arm as trophies. In orgies of vic 
 tory they used the victim's skull for a drinking-cup, 
 and tried to roast the arm; but fire, as we are gravely 
 told, had no effect upon the sacred relic. 54 
 
 In 1595 the governor sent Alonso Diaz with twenty- 
 five men from Durango, who b*uilt a fort at San Fe 
 lipe, and left Juan Perez de Cebreros in command. 
 He recovered the remains of Father Tapia, but failed 
 to secure the murderer, who took refuge with the sav 
 age Tehuecos. During this year and the next mission 
 work seems to have been at a stand-still. The loss of 
 Tapia's influence, the fear of being suspected in con 
 nection with his murder, dread of the soldiers, and 
 other diabolical influences caused many of the con 
 verted tribes to abandon their pueblos, and the gen 
 tiles were hostile in every direction. By patient 
 effort, however, the missionaries gradually brought 
 back the fugitives; and meanwhile they had done 
 some work in the southern regions of Culiacan, and 
 
 64 Albieuri, Historia de las Mislones Apdstolicas que los cUrigos reyidares de 
 la Compania de Jesus an echo en las Indias Occidentals del Reyno de la Nueva 
 Vizcaya, etc., MS., 4to, 373 pp. is a history of the missions down to 1594, but 
 mainly devoted to the life and virtues and martyrdom of Father Tapia, an 
 engraved portrait of whom is attached to the frontispiece. The author, 
 Father Juan Albieuri, was himself a missionary in Sinaloa, and personally 
 acquainted with the companions of Tapia. His autograph is attached to the 
 preface dated San Ignacio de Vamupa, April 1G, 1C33; and the work is ap 
 proved by the rector, Padre Juan Varela, and by Tapia's associates, Pedro 
 Mendez and Hernaudo de Villafane, whose emendations are seen through 
 out the volume. Backer, Bibliotheque, iv. 6, mentions this MS., as being in 
 the library of the University of Mexico. 
 
 A very complete narrative of all the circumstances attending Tapia's 
 murder is the Relation de la muerte del Padre Gonzalo de Tapia, superior de 
 la Compania de Jesus de Cinaloa, que sucedio" d los 11 de, Julio, 1594, en ^> 
 pueblo de Tovoripa, MS. See also, Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 52; Alegre, i. 
 287-95; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Edes, i. 252-3. 
 
PRESIDIO OF SAN FELIPE. 123 
 
 had built and decorated a fine adobe church and resi 
 dence at San Felipe. The year 1597 was marked by 
 one or two minor revolts, and by fierce conflicts 
 between different native tribes, but great progress 
 in conversion was also made. In 1598 by the vice 
 roy's orders a reenforcernent of twenty soldiers was 
 sent to the presidio of San Felipe. It would appear 
 also -that many new settlers came about this time ; and 
 in 1599 with the capture and execution of Tapia's 
 murderer the spiritual conquest took a new start, 
 success being great. Finally in 1600 Captain JDiego 
 Martinez de Hurdaide, of whose valorous deeds much 
 will be said in later chapters, assumed command of 
 the garrison, made permanent allies of the hitherto 
 troublesome Guazaves, and penetrated to the moun 
 tain region of Chinipas. 
 
 I have already mentioned the little that is known 
 of Franciscan operations in the Topia mountains, where 
 were the mining camps of San Andres, San Hip6lito, 
 and Parpudos. As early as 1592 Father Tapia, from 
 Sinaloa, had visited the Acaxees of that region, find 
 ing them well disposed. Other visits were made from 
 time to time by the Sinaloa Jesuits, who obtained 
 there in 1597 a contribution of twelve hundred dollars 
 from the miners for their San Felipe church. In 1599 
 Father Santaren made an extended visit and found 
 the natives so desirous of conversion at Jesuit hands 
 that he had to depart secretly by night from some of 
 the districts. Finally in 1600 the same missionary 
 with Father Alonso Ruiz entered the province, and 
 they began their permanent work in earnest. They 
 were accompanied by Diego de Avila who was com 
 missioned by the viceroy as "capitan pacificador y 
 juez protector" of the natives. 55 
 
 63 Duarte, Testimonio juridico de las poblaciones y conversiones de los Serra- 
 nos Acaches, hechas por d Capitan Diego de Avila y el venerable padre Her- 
 nando de Santaren por el afio de 1600. In Doc. Hist. Hex., serie iv. torn. iv. 
 1 73-207; also MS., in Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., 159-340; also r6sum< in Duranvo, 
 .Doc. Hist., MS., 14G-50. This lengthy account was written by Martin Du- 
 
124 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 In this pious raid they taught the natives to kneel 
 and kiss the padres' hands at their approach, to build 
 churches, and to say doctrina. They whipped some 
 who were refractory about receiving the new faith, 
 and broke up, united, or reestablished the villages ac 
 cording to their own ideas of convenience or policy. 
 They appointed alcaldes and other officials as usual, 
 and especially directed their attention to breaking or 
 burning all stones and bones worshipped as idols. The 
 records show the Spaniards to have been hardly less 
 superstitious than the Acaxees, since accounts of idols 
 speaking or eating are accepted apparently without 
 the slightest doubt. 
 
 At Durango, or Guadiana, twenty-two thousand 
 pesos having been contributed by Governor del Bio 
 and others, the Jesuit college was founded in 1593-4, 
 and at the end of the century had eight priests and two 
 hermanos in its fellowship. Two padres worked at the 
 college among the Spaniards and other inhabitants of 
 the city and vicinity, while two were stationed at each 
 of the three missions that had been founded. Of these 
 Santaren and Ruiz, as already noted, were in the 
 mountains of Topia. Two others of the eight Jesuits 
 were fathers Geronimo Ramirez and Juan de Fonte 
 engaged in converting the great Tepehuane nation, 
 which occupied a large part of what is now Durango 
 from Papasquiaro northward. Ramirez began the 
 
 arte, the escribano of the expedition, who minutely describes and swears to 
 every petty detail of each day's acts, each movement and word of captain, 
 padres, and natives, each idol destroyed. More words to less purpose could 
 hardly be written. The pueblos, as left after this entrada were: Santa Ana, 
 San Martin, San Pedro y San Pablo, San Diego, San Juan Napeces, 'San 
 Ger6nimo, San Telmo, Cuevas, Aibupa, Otatitlan, Acapu, Matenipa, San 
 Miguel de los Reyes, Tocotlan, and San Juan de Cubia, having from G8 to 
 320 inhabitants each. The real de San Andre's was already under the care of 
 a curate. A regulation was made forbidding outsiders to visit the Indian 
 pueblos or to entice away the inhabitants under penalty of 100 pesos if the 
 offender were a Spaniard, or 200 blows if an Indian. Alegre, i. 378-82, gives 
 some details of Santaren's experience in 1599. Mota-Padilla, Hist. N. Gal., 
 250, mentions a revolt quelled by Bishop Mota in 1599 after the military had 
 failed. According to Dice. Univ., i. 31; x. 619 et seq., the name Topia came 
 from an old woman transformed into a stone, still venerated in the form of 
 jicaras. See also Ribas, Hist. Triumplios, 471-8. 
 
JESUITS IN DURANGO. 125 
 
 work in 1596 at Sauceda and Ubamari, or Santa Cruz. 
 Fonte entered the field several years later, and down 
 to the end of the century the harvest was found more 
 plenteous than there were laborers to reap. A town 
 at Zape and that of Santa Catalina in Atotonilco 
 Valley are said to have been founded during this 
 period. 
 
 Meanwhile padres Francisco Ramirez and Juan 
 Agustin de Espinosa preached in the region of Cuen- 
 came in 1594, and passing on to what is now south 
 western Coahuila, founded in the lake region the mis 
 sion of Santa Maria de Parras. The Laguna Indians 
 were friendly from the first, and not averse to salva 
 tion, although somewhat disinclined to live in villages. 
 Many of them spoke Aztec dialects, which was a great 
 help to the missionaries. The devil often appeared 
 here, taking the form of a horrible beast; but on the 
 other hand divine assistance was not withheld, and the 
 success of the padres was flattering. In 1600 there 
 were fifteen hundred converts in this mission, and three 
 flourishing towns dependent on it. Among the many 
 proofs of the Jesuits' efficacious teaching the chroniclers 
 point with pride to the fact that a young convert sub 
 mitted to torture and death rather than sacrifice her 
 chastity. 
 
 In addition to the statements of Ribas and Alegre, 
 several of the anuas, or yearly reports of work, accom 
 plished under this Jesuit college of Durango have 
 been preserved, together with several letters of the 
 missionaries. They are filled for the most part with 
 petty details of remarkable conversions and cures, 
 showing all to have been couleur de rose in the prog 
 ress of the good work at this early time, but noticeable 
 for an almost entire absence of all facts, figures, or 
 names of historic value. 56 
 
 56 Nueva Vizcaya, Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil. In 
 Doc. Ilixt. Mex., series iv. torn, iii.-iv. The matter preceding 1GOO extends 
 to p. 60 of torn. iii. This collection is torn, xix.-xx. of the Arckivo Gen. de 
 Mex. I have also the MS. copy from the Andrade-Maximilian library. A 
 large portion is also in the Sinaloa, J\fem. Hist.. MS., 817 et seq. See also 
 
126 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 I may here glance briefly at the few events to be 
 noted in sixteenth -century annals of the territory 
 since known as Coahuila, then a part of Nueva Viz 
 caya. Saltillo has already been named in the list of 
 Franciscan convents. It was founded as early as 
 1582 57 by Padre Lorenzo Gavira; but the natives 
 after a time became intractable, the little church was 
 destroyed in a revolt, and finally Gavira was forced 
 to seek a new field of labor. In 1586 the villa of 
 Saltillo was founded under a regular municipal gov 
 ernment. 58 It is not quite clear whether this was 
 before or after the revolt alluded to; but either that 
 revolt or other hostilities endangered the safety of 
 the town about 1592 and caused the inhabitants to 
 call upon the viceroy for succor. In response Captain 
 Francisco Urdinola was sent north with a colony of 
 four hundred Tlascaltecs, who, under the direction 
 of Buenaventura de Paz, were settled in a town called 
 Nueva Tlascala close to the villa but independent of 
 Spanish control. The Franciscan establishment was 
 also revived at this time. 59 The settlement thus pro 
 tected was subsequently quite prosperous, but there 
 is no further record of its progress until after 1600. 
 In connection also with the Jesuit mission at Parras 60 
 a settlement of Spaniard and Tlascaltecs from Saltillo 
 seems to have sprung up about 1598. This colony was 
 welcomed by the mild Laguna tribes as a protection 
 from their fierce foes the Tobosos and Cocoyomes of 
 the north. It prospered for a time by reason of the 
 
 Alegre, i. 283-7, 319-23, 354-6; Kibas, 669-710; Tamaron, Visita de Dur., 
 MS., 41; Orozco y Berra, in llustradon Mex., 269; Durango, Doc. Hist., 
 MS., 139-40; Albieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 140-8. 
 
 57 Arlec/ui, Cr6n. Zac., 77. Torquemada, iii. 341, also favors this early 
 date. Arlegui, pp. 224-5, speaks of the murder here at a still earlier date of 
 a Franciscan who was preaching to the Guachichiles at Santa Elena. 
 
 58 Two alcaldes and a sindico were elected annually, but the office of 
 regidores and clerk were sold at auction. Arispe, Memorial, 10; Avila, in 
 Museo Hex., ii. 73; Dice. Univ., vi. 262. 
 
 59 It is not impossible that the revolt of 1592 was the same that drove out 
 Gavira. Morfi, Diario, 404-6, followed by Orozco y Berra, Geog., 301, so 
 represents it. 
 
 60 The name comes from the wild grape-vines in the vicinity. See also 
 Tamaron, Visita, MS., 41. 
 
ANNALS OF NEW MEXICO. 127 
 
 soil's remarkable fertility ; but in the following century 
 its progress was seriously retarded through the op 
 pression of the poorer classes and especially the natives 
 by rich monopolists of land and water. 61 
 
 The annals of New Mexico are fully presented in 
 another volume; 62 hence an outline only is required in 
 this connection, the province being one of the North 
 Mexican States though never belonging to Nueva 
 Vizcaya. The first visit of Europeans was that of 
 Vazquez de Coronado from the west in 15402 as 
 already recorded. Before the end of the century the 
 country was several times revisited and finally occu 
 pied by Spanish forces from the south, the various 
 expeditions being voluminously and for the most part 
 satisfactorily recorded in documents yet extant. 
 
 In 1581 Father Agustin Rodriguez, moved by a 
 perusal of Cabeza de Vaca's narrative and by certain 
 reports brought by natives from the north, set out 
 from San Bartolome Valley in southern Chihuahua, 
 accompanied by two other Franciscans and a few sol 
 diers under one Chamuscado. They went down the 
 Conchos and up the Rio Grande to the province of 
 the Tiguas, Coronado's Tiguex. They called the 
 country San Felipe, perhaps San Felipe de Nuevo 
 Mexico. The soldiers soon returned; but the friars 
 remained, and after working for a while were killed by 
 the natives. 
 
 Late in 1582 Antonio Espejo with Father Beltran 
 and fourteen soldiers went by the same route in search 
 of Rodriguez and his comrades. Their fate was 
 learned at one of the Tigua pueblos; and Espejo also 
 
 61 Morfi, Dlario, 390-2, relates that Capt. Urdinola began a ditch to 
 monopolize the water for irrigation, but the governor of N. Vizcaya stopped 
 the work. Later, however, the governor married into Urdifiola's family and 
 the difficulties were thus effectually removed and the ditch completed. This 
 writer states that the mission at Parras was founded by P. Espinosa at the 
 same time as the villa, which must be an error. See also Dice. Vniv., vi. 
 2G2-3. 
 
 62 See Hist. JV. Mex. and Ariz., this series, for a full presentment of details 
 and authorities. 
 
128 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 heard of Coronado's ravages in this province. He 
 extended his explorations eastward to the border of 
 the buffalo-plains, northward to Cia and Galisteo, and 
 westward to Zufri and the region of the modern 
 Prescott. He heard of a great river in the north 
 west, and of a wealthy province on a great lake; 
 which reports in connection with the popular estrecho 
 and Ibarra's Copala did not fail to be utilized as ele 
 ments of the Northern Mystery. The return was 
 from Coronado's Cicuic down the Rio Pecos in 1583. 
 Espejo was disposed to call the country Nueva Anda- 
 lucia, but the name New Mexico soon became preva 
 lent. 
 
 The king in consequence of the reports brought by 
 Chamuscado's companions authorized the viceroy to 
 make a contract with some suitable person for the 
 conquest and settlement of the province. This was in 
 1583. Many deemed themselves fitted for the enter 
 prise, and became enthusiastic after Espejo's reports 
 were received. Espejo himself, Cristobal Martin, 
 Francisco Diaz de Vargas, Juan Bautista de Lomas, 
 and Francisco Urdinola were among those who in the 
 next few years made earnest efforts but without suc 
 cess on account of their character, poverty, or extrava 
 gant claims to secure the conqueror's contract. 
 
 Meanwhile Gaspar Castano de Sosa, governor of 
 Nuevo Leon, started in 1590, without authority as it 
 would appear, with a colony of nearly two hundred to 
 take advantage of Espejo's discoveries. He went up 
 the Pecos and crossed to the Rio Grande ; visited and 
 received the submission of thirty-three pueblos in 
 1591, and then he was arrested and taken back to 
 Mexico in chains by Captain Morlete, who had been 
 sent with fifty soldiers and Father Juan Gomez to 
 arrest Sosa for having undertaken an illegal entrada. 
 The colonists soon retraced their steps southward. 
 
 About 1595 Bonilla and Humana, sent by the gov 
 ernor of Nueva Vizcaya against some rebellious 
 natives in the north, extended their expedition with- 
 
OftATE'S CONQUEST. 129 
 
 out license to New Mexico. They marched far out 
 into the north-eastern plains in search of Quivira; 
 Humana murdered his chief in a quarrel; and was 
 himself killed with nearly all his men in a fight with 
 the savages, only one or two surviving to .tell the 
 tale. 
 
 At last in 1595 Juan de Onate, more fortunate per 
 haps than other claimants, was commissioned as gov 
 ernor and captain-general to effect the conquest. He 
 raised a large force of soldiers and colonists, and left 
 Mexico in 1596. Vexatious complications hindered 
 his progress and exhausted his funds; but he reached 
 the southern part of his province with several hun 
 dred men and took formal possession in the region of 
 El Paso in April 1598. All the pueblos submitted, 
 most of them without resistance; Franciscan mission 
 aries were stationed in the pueblos of six nations; 
 Onate visited all the towns and penetrated far west of 
 Zurii ; and the rebellious, or patriotic, warriors of the 
 Acoma penol were reduced to submission after a series 
 of hard -fought battles. All this was before the sum 
 mer of 1599. San Juan de los Caballeros was made 
 the capital. Santa Fe was not founded until consid 
 erably later. There is no foundation for the popular 
 idea that the latter is the oldest town in the United 
 States. 
 
 HIST. N. Mzx. STATES, VOL. I. 9 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 1540-1600. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS MARITIME ANNALS VOYAGE OF JUAN RODRIGUEZ 
 CABRILLO AND BARTOLOME FERRELO DEATH or CABRILLO DISCOVERY 
 or ALTA CALIFORNIA RESULTS RUY LOPEZ DE VILLALOBOS DISCOVERS 
 THE PHILIPPINES LEGASPI CROSSES THE PACIFIC PADRE ANDRES UR- 
 DANETA OPENS THE NORTHERN ROUTE ARELLANO'S TRIP FROM THE 
 WEST THE MANILA GALLEONS PIRATICAL CRUISE OF FRANCIS DRAKE 
 IN THE MAR DEL SUR VOYAGE OF FRANCISCO DE GALI CRUISE OF 
 THOMAS CAVENDISH CAPTURE OF THE GALLEON 'SANTA ANA' APOC 
 RYPHAL EXPEDITIONS TO STRAIT OF ANIAN BY LORENZO FERRER MAL- 
 DONADO AND JUAN DE FUCA CERMENON's VOYAGE THE 'SAN AGUSTIN* 
 IN SAN FRANCISCO BAY SEBASTIAN VIZCAINO EXPLORES THE GULF 
 UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT TO SETTLE CALIFORNIA A BATTLE AND A RO 
 MANCE OLD MAPS. 
 
 TURNING again to the coast, I take up the thread 
 of maritime discovery in the Mar del Sur where it 
 was dropped in a preceding chapter at the failure of 
 Pedro de Alvarado's schemes in 1541. So slight is 
 the connection between the progress of exploration by 
 water and the course of events on land in the coast 
 provinces, that it is found most convenient to treat 
 the two subjects separately down to the last years of 
 the seventeeth century. I therefore describe in this 
 and the two following chapters all voyages in the 
 north-western waters of ocean or gulf during the 
 period named, with the motives actuating and circum 
 stances attending them, and the results accomplished, 
 including of course the history of the temporary set 
 tlements effected by some of the explorers on the 
 Californian peninsula. 
 
 (130) 
 
NORTHERN MYSTERY. 131 
 
 Many details of local geography and adventure 
 connected with these voyages belong obviously to the 
 history proper of Alta California, and of countries to 
 the north, possessing little or no interest in connection 
 with the present subject in its general aspects. Such 
 details will therefore be briefly but none the less I 
 hope judiciously disposed of here, to be treated in 
 full when I come to narrate the annals of more north 
 ern regions in a future volume, where in their turn 
 generalities of the yarious expeditions may be in like 
 manner presented en resume*. 
 
 Still another phase of the subject may be. advan 
 tageously left for fuller treatment elsewhere. I allude 
 to fictitious narratives of voyages, or authentic narra 
 tives of fictitious voyages, to and into and through 
 the fabulous strait of Anian. Three only assumed 
 definite form of date or detail those of Maldonado, 
 Fuca, and Fonte each of which will be mentioned 
 briefly in its chronological order; but the minutise of 
 these expeditions and of others more vaguely recorded, 
 as well as the endless variety of tales growing out of 
 them, which were told and listened to in Mexico and 
 Europe, I defer with all the annals of impossible ad 
 venture and imaginary geography for future considera 
 tion in chapters devoted to the Northern Mystery. 1 
 
 It is well, however, to understand at the outset 
 that the fables and fancies alluded to had an element 
 of reality, inasmuch as they were implicitly believed 
 at the time, and exercised a marked influence on every 
 expedition despatched. But for this influence it may 
 almost be doubted that Spanish occupation at the end 
 of the seventeenth or even the eighteenth century 
 would have extended above Colima on the Pacific and 
 Panuco on the Atlantic side. I have already ex 
 plained how faith in a northern strait uniting the 
 oceans was gradually and naturally developed from 
 early cosmographical ideas respecting America as a 
 part of Asia. During the later period, now to be 
 
 ^ee Hist. Northwest Coast, i. chap, i.-iv. this series. 
 
132 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 considered, when expeditions by land and water were 
 greatly multiplied, both soldiers and sailors, imbued 
 with the prevalent expectation of wonders in the 
 north, shaped their reports as far as possible by what 
 they were desired to see rather than by what they 
 saw. The aborigines were not slow to comprehend the 
 ruling desire of the Spaniards and accordingly to fash 
 ion their stories of great rivers, and lakes, and straits, 
 always a little farther on, thus supplying explorers 
 with all the basis they needed for their marvellous re 
 ports. 
 
 Sailors found from time to time at the northern 
 limit of their voyage the mouth of a river, bay, or 
 inlet, and on each occasion doubted not they had at 
 last discovered the estrecho. It were a pity that be 
 cause circumstances did not permit them just then to 
 pass through to the other ocean, others should do so 
 a little later and thus rob them of a merited honor; 
 consequently their reports were made to include what 
 they would have seen, had weather, or health, or sup 
 plies allowed them to sail farther east or west. The 
 influence of this all-pervading geographical dogma of 
 Anian must be kept always in mind by the reader. 
 
 The voyages treated in this chapter have been 
 already put before the public many times in many 
 forms, often with accuracy and completeness. Both 
 individually and collectively they were in former years 
 the subject of much more research than the inland 
 annals of the same period, and later researches in the 
 Spanish and Mexican archives have brought to light 
 comparatively little new material. Hence it is that 
 here to a greater degree than elsewhere in my work, 
 I must be content to repeat an oft-told tale ; yet patient 
 investigation is none the less a duty and a pleasure to 
 the historian because comparatively barren of results 
 or not easily made apparent to the reader. 
 
 The threatened perils of a general uprising of native 
 American nations having been averted by a success- 
 
CABRILLO'S VOYAGE. 133 
 
 ful issue of the Mixton campaign, Viceroy Mendoza 
 was again at liberty to turn his attention northward. 
 Coronado had abandoned the conquest of Cibola, 
 Tiguex, and Quiriva, and was returning homeward 
 with the remnants of his grand army. By the voy 
 ages of Ulloa and Alarcon the gulf coasts had been 
 explored and California proved to be a peninsula. 
 Such results had evidently done much to cool Men- 
 doza's ardor for northern enterprise; yet he had a fleet 
 on his hands and one route for exploration still re 
 mained open the continuation of that followed by 
 Ulloa, up the outer coast beyond Cedros Island. Two 
 vessels of Alvarado's former fleet, the San Salvador 
 and Victoria, w r ere made ready and despatched from 
 Natividad on June 27, 1542, under the command of 
 Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, a Portuguese by birth, and 
 an experienced and adventurous navigator in the vice 
 regal service. 2 
 
 2 Cabrillo, Relation del df'scubrimiento que hizo Juan Rodriguez navegando 
 por la contracosta del Mar del Sur al norte, hecha por Juan Paez, published 
 in Pacheco, Col. Doc., xiv. 165 etc., is the original diary of Cabrillo's voyage. 
 The same document had been before published in Florida, Col. Doc., i. 173- 
 89, under the title Relation, 6 diario, de la navegacion que hizo Juan Rodriguez 
 Cabrillo con dos navios, al descubrimiento del paso del Mar del Sur al norte. 
 In this edition it is stated that a copy in the Munoz collection has the name 
 Juan Paez written several times upon it. Thus there is some uncertainty 
 about the authorship. Possibly the later editor has no better authority than 
 this for putting it under that name. This diary seems to be the source of all 
 that is known about the voyage, though Herrera, dec. vii. lib. v. cap. iii.-iv. 
 (followed by Marina Espanola, ii. 244-7), and Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., 
 introd. xxvii.-xxxvi., show a few slight variations of unexplained origin. 
 Evans 1 and Henshaw's Translation from the Sj>anish of the account by the pilot, 
 Ferelo of the voyage of Cabrillo along the west coast of North America in 1542 
 is the latest and best English version, with critical notes. Navarrete's 
 version was translated by Alex. S. Taylor, and published in San Francisco, 
 1853, under the title, The First Voyage to the Coast of California. A MS. 
 translation of the original diary from Buckingham Smith's Florida collection, 
 also by Taylor, is in the library of the California Pioneers. Other references 
 are: Mofras, Explor., i. 96, 328; Taylor's Hist. Sum., 18-20; Id., in Cal. 
 Farmer, May 4, 1860, April 18, 1862, Aug. 14, 21, 1863; Clavigero, Stor. Gal, 
 154-5; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 325-6; Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 
 180-3; Burners Chron. Hist., i. 220-5; Torquemada, Mon. Ind., i. 693-4; 
 Cavo. Tres Siglos, i. 135; Humboldt, Essai Pol, 329; TuthiWs Hist. Cal., 
 12-13; Greenhoiv's Or. and Cal., 61-3; Twiss' Or. Quest., 22; Capron's Hist. 
 Cal., 2, 121-2; Farnham's Life Cal, 127; Cronise's Nat. Wealth, 5; Laet, 
 Novvs Orbis, 306-7; Payno, i\\Soc. Mex. Gcog., BoL, 2daep. ii. 199-200; Dome- 
 nech's Deserts, i. 226; Foster'* Hit. Voy., 448-9; Montanus, N. Welt. 210-11; 
 Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 70-2; Findlatfs Directory, i. 314; Forbes' Cal., 9; 
 Frignet, La CaL, 9-26; Morelli, Fasti, 24; Mines' Voy., 352; Hist. Mag., Lx. 
 
134 
 
 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 The diary presents, at least in that part which now 
 concerns us, but a dry record of dates and of names 
 applied to points visited along the coast, most of which 
 have not been retained, and some cannot with any 
 degree of certainty be identified. I append in a note 
 a full list corresponding to the Lower California!! 
 coast, with equivalents in 1802 and 1879 as identified 
 by Navarrete and Evans. The former has, however, 
 done little more than adopt the names given by Viz 
 caino sixty years later, some of which are as hard to 
 find on modern maps as the originals. It will be noted 
 that the two commentators differ in identifying points 
 north of Canoas Bay; but without being very positive 
 as to details I prefer to follow Navarrete and to iden 
 tify Cabrillo's San Miguel with San Diego for reasons 
 that will be somewhat more fully given in another 
 volume of my work. 3 
 
 Reaching the southern point of the peninsula, now 
 
 148; Hutching*' Mag., iii. 146; iv. 116, 547; v. 265; Muhlenpfordt, Mtj., ii. 
 451; Murray's N. Amer., ii. 79-80; Norman's Hist. Cal., 26-7; Saint- Amant, 
 Voy. Cal., 393; Fedix, I'Orfyon, 55; Marchand, Voy., i. viii. ; Rouhard, 
 Regions Nouv., 26; Weik, Californie.n. 5; Ty tier's Hist. Discov., 78-9; Mayer's 
 Mex. Aztec., i. 142; Poussin, Puissance, i. 343. 
 3 See also next chapter for Vizcaino's names : 
 
 Date. 
 
 Cabrillo''s Names. 
 
 Dist. 
 
 Lat. 
 
 Navarrete^s Names. 
 [Evans' names in brackets.] 
 
 July 6. 
 
 Port San Lftcas 
 
 
 23 
 
 S Jose [B S Lucas] 
 
 8. 
 
 Pt and Port Trinidad 
 Port San Pedro 
 
 6? 
 
 25 
 25^ 
 
 Isl. Margarita. [C. Tosco Sta Ma 
 rina B.] 
 [Magdalena B.] 
 
 19. 
 
 Port Madalcna 
 
 Pt Sta Cat'Uina 
 
 61. 
 
 27 
 
 Magdalena B. [Pequena B.] 
 
 25. 
 
 
 171. 
 
 27^ 
 
 
 
 Habre Ojo 
 
 51. 
 
 
 [Abreojos shoals.] 
 
 
 Port Sta Ana 
 
 181. 
 
 28 
 
 Isl. Asuncion [Hipolito Pt]. 
 
 July 27. 
 
 Port Fondo 
 
 61. 
 
 
 [B. east of Asuncion Isl.] 
 
 Aug. 1. 
 
 Port S. Pedro Vincula 
 Isl S Est'van 
 
 181. 
 
 28i^ 
 
 San BartolomS. [Id.] 
 Natividad. [Id. and Pt Eugenio ] 
 
 5. 
 
 Isl . Cedros 
 
 
 29 
 
 Cerros. [Id.] 
 
 11. 
 
 Port Sta Clc'ira . . . 
 
 10 1 ? 
 
 30 
 
 [PlayaMariaB.] 
 
 15. 
 
 Pt Mai Abrigo 
 
 
 so y, 
 
 Canoas. [Id.] 
 
 19. 
 20. 
 
 Isl. S. Bernardo 
 Pt Engafio 
 
 101. 
 
 7 1. 
 
 30i| 
 31 
 
 S. Ger>".nimo. [Id.] 
 C. Bajo [no name]. 
 
 21. 
 
 Port Posesion 
 
 101. 
 
 31 /^ 
 
 Virgenes [S. Quintin]. 
 
 27. 
 
 Isl . S. Agustin 
 
 
 
 S. Martin. [Id.] 
 
 Sept. 8. 
 
 C. S. Martin 
 
 
 32]/j 
 
 S. Quiutin. [No name, past Todoa 
 
 
 C Cruz 
 
 171. 
 
 33 
 
 Santos.] 
 [Evans omits 6 1. of distance.] 
 
 17. 
 
 Port S Mateo 
 
 Cl. 
 
 00 1/0 
 
 lodos Santos [S. Diego]. 
 
 27. 
 
 Isl Desiertas 
 
 
 34 6 " 
 
 Los Coronados [S. Clemente and Sta 
 
 28. 
 
 Port S. Miguel 
 
 61. 
 
 34}xf 
 
 Catalina]. 
 San Diego [S. Pedro]. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
DISCOVERY OF UPPER CALIFORNIA. 135 
 
 Cape San Lucas/ on the 3d of July, Cabrillo followed 
 the coast in his two frail vessels until on August 5th 
 he arrived without accident at Cedros Island, the 
 northern limit of Ulloa's voyage. 5 Formal possession 
 was taken of the country on the 22d at what was per 
 haps the bay of Virgenes of modern maps, and here 
 the first natives were met, who claimed to have seen 
 other Spaniards in the interior, and were intrusted 
 with a letter for them. Nothing worthy of note oc 
 curred until the voyagers anchored at San Miguel, or 
 what is now San Diego harbor, on the 28th of Sep 
 tember. Here again the natives spoke of Spaniards 
 and their hostilities inland, and like reports were 
 received at other points on the coast and islands above, 
 doubtless founded on rumors of Diaz and Alarcon 
 which had reached the tribes of the coast. 
 
 Cabrillo's voyage derives its greatest importance 
 from the fact that it was the first exploration by Euro 
 peans of Alta California from San Diego to Cape 
 Mendocino, and perhaps beyond. A close examination 
 of this pioneer navigator's adventures and discoveries 
 will, therefore, be more appropriately given in a subse 
 quent volume on the earliest annals of California. 
 During the month of October the coast and islands 
 between San Diego and Point Concepcion were vis 
 ited at various points, observations of latitude were 
 made, and notes were taken of the country and its 
 inhabitants, intercourse with the latter being frequent 
 and friendly. In November, against contrary winds,, 
 Cabrillo continued his voyage, but without landing, to 
 a wooded point which he located in latitude 40, and 
 then returned to the islands of the Santa Barbara 
 Channel. He had broken his arm before leaving the 
 islands, and from the effects of this accident, aggra 
 vated by subsequent exposure, he died after his return. 
 
 4 Herrera and Navarrete say that he visited the port called by Cortes La 
 Cruz, and the latter adds that it was probably San Jose* (del Cabo). 
 
 5 Unless, according to Castillo's map, that limit be Cape Engafio, which. 
 Cabrillo locates 2 farther north. 
 
136 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 on January 3, 1543, leaving the command to his chief 
 pilot, Bartolome* Ferrelo. 
 
 In February the new captain started again north 
 ward, and after being tossed about for some days by 
 the ever changing winds and sighting again the cape 
 in 40, the vessels were, according to observations 
 made on the 28th, in latitude 43. Subsequently they 
 were put in great peril by a storm, and seem to have 
 been driven still farther north. The land was hidden 
 by a dense fog, but the navigators thought they ob 
 served signs of a great river entering the sea in this 
 northern region. It seems indeed to have been im 
 possible for any northern navigator to return without 
 a report of something that could be interpreted to 
 mean the strait of Anian. Returning, the fleet passed 
 on the 5th of March the island where Cabrillo had 
 died, named for him Isla de Juan Rodriguez, and the 
 two vessels were separated, to be again united at 
 Cedros Island on the 26th, the capitana having touched 
 on the way at San Miguel and other ports. The almi- 
 rante had been in imminent peril at one time, but on 
 a solemn promise from the sailors to go naked to 
 church, Our Lady had delivered them, though why 
 she fancied such a costume is 'not told. Sailing from 
 Cedros April 2d they anchored at Natividad on the 
 14th. 
 
 As Cabrillo's latitudes are all from 1 30' to 2 30' 
 too high, he may for his present purposes be supposed 
 to have passed Cape Mendocino, which, however, he 
 did not name; or even to have reached the present 
 line between California and Oregon ; but more of this 
 in other volumes. 6 Neither large cities, powerful 
 nations, nor rich islands were brought to light as had 
 been hoped. The only practical result was to make 
 known the general trend of the coast for some eight 
 hundred miles beyond the limit reached before. To 
 the few thinking men who knew this result it must 
 have given a comparatively accurate idea of the con- 
 
 6 See Hist. Cal, i. 69 et seq.; Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 137 et seq. 
 
VILLALOBOS AND LEGASPL 137 
 
 nection between America and Asia, especially when 
 studied in connection with the voyages made before 
 and immediately after, across the broad Pacific to the 
 Asiatic Islands. If the two continents were joined 
 it must be in the far north; but the "secret of the 
 strait" remained yet unrevealed. 
 
 During Cabrillo's absence two ships and three 
 smaller craft, also- remnants of Alvarado's fleet, were 
 despatched by order of Mendoza from the western 
 coast, and probably from the port of Natividad? These 
 vessels, sailing in November 1542 7 under the com 
 mand of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos, bore a large force 
 destined for the islands of the South Pacific. With 
 the discoveries and misfortunes of this expedition I 
 have nothing to do here. Suffice it to say that by it 
 Spain acquired no foothold in the East Indies. To 
 gain such a foothold was regarded as of primary 
 importance; but more than twenty years passed 
 before anything was accomplished in this direction; 
 and this period was also a blank in the annals of 
 north-western exploration by water, as also in the 
 record of events on the land, but for the continued 
 existence of the settlement at San Miguel de Culia- 
 can. 
 
 In 1559 Viceroy Velasco organized an expedition 
 under Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. Andres de Ur- 
 daneta, now an Austin friar, but formerly a skilful 
 navigator and companion of Loaisa and Saavedra, 
 was entreated and directed by a royal order to accom 
 pany Legaspi as councillor. There were many delays, 
 and Velasco died just before the preparations were 
 completed; but the fleet of four vessels, with four 
 hundred men, sailed from Natividad in the autumn 
 of 1564. It is unnecessary here to say more of this 
 expedition than that it accomplished the desired 
 
 7 Juan Fernandez de Ladrillero declared in 1574 that he and a company 
 were in California until called back to join Villalobos' expedition. Navarrcte, 
 Sutil y Mex., introd., xlii.-iv. This, if not pure invention, may be a vague 
 allusion to Ulloa or Alarcon. 
 
138 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 object, the permanent occupation of the Philippines 
 for Spain. 
 
 The orders of the audiencia required that as soon 
 as a settlement had been effected in the islands, Ur- 
 daneta should attempt with a part of the fleet to find 
 a practicable route back to the coast of America. 
 This return voyage had never yet been made by rea 
 son of the very winds that made the westward voyage 
 so easy, and it was regarded by the king and his ad 
 visers as an achievement by no means less important 
 than the conquest of the islands. Urdaneta had his 
 theories on the subject, which he had doubtless ex 
 plained to the authorities, and the accuracy of which 
 he was ordered to test. Accordingly the San Pedro, 
 capitana of the fleet, was made ready and sailed from 
 the island of Zebu on the 1st of June, 1565. Felipe 
 Salcedo, a grandson of Legaspi, only sixteen years 
 old, was in command, though instructed to be guided 
 entirely as to the route by Urdaneta, who took with 
 him as a companion Padre Andres de Aguirre. After 
 sailing eastward to the Ladrones, the course was 
 
 O 9 
 
 north to the coast of Japan, and still northward to 
 the latitude of 38, whence the prevailing winds bore 
 the vessel across to New Spain. 8 
 
 We have no further particulars of the route, but 
 passing Natividad, said to have been found abandoned, 
 the San Pedro arrived at Acapulco early in October. 
 It had been a long and hard voyage. The vessel had 
 been short-handed at the start; the pilot and master 
 died at the beginning of the voyage, and fourteen 
 others before it was ended; and so weak were the rest 
 from sickness that on arrival at Acapulco there was 
 not force enough to cast anchor. To Urdaneta, "aquel 
 famoso argonauta," with his friar companion, had 
 fallen the great work of the voyage, and right bravely 
 
 8 This is Grijalva's statement, Crdnica, fol. 122, and he adds, speaking of 
 this as a route followed by later navigators, that if the wind is not found in 
 38 they keep on to 40, or even 43, where they are sure to find it. Burney, 
 Cron. Hist. , 270, followed by many other writers, states that Urdaneta him 
 self reached these higher latitudes. 
 
URDANETA'S VOYAGE. 139 
 
 > 
 
 had they done it, steering the vessel, caring for the 
 sick, performing the last rites for the dying and dead, 
 making frequent and careful observations, and pre 
 paring a chart by which the Manila galleons sailed for 
 many a year. The worthy friar is entitled to all the 
 honor of having been the first to cross the Pacific 
 eastward. 9 He died in Mexico in 1568. 
 
 The route once found, the voyage eastward, though 
 long and tedious, and cold in its northern parts, pre 
 sented no great difficulty, or risk save that of scurvy, 
 short supplies, and a little later attacks of freebooters. 
 Each year one or more vessels laden with the rich 
 products of the east were wafted down the coast 
 before the winds, but we have no information about 
 any particular voyage. 10 They were no longer voy- 
 
 v Yet such is the blind injustice of fate that as it seems, Survey's Hist. 
 Chron., i. 270-1, and Grijalva, Cron., fol. 117, he did not actually make the 
 first passage. Alonso de Arellano deserted the fleet in command of the San 
 Lucas, made the trip from the Philippines across to the region of cape Men- 
 docino, and arrived at Acapulco three months before Urdaneta. The two 
 met at the court of Spain, whither each had gone to report his success. Are 
 llano reported the rest of the fleet as lost, and claimed a reward for his own 
 achievement. It is satisfactory to know that he was immediately sent back 
 westward to be tried as a deserter. Torquemada, Mon. Ind. , i. 693-4, states 
 that Mendoza sent a fleet to the Philippines which in returning came in about 
 42 to a point which they named cape Mendocino, following the coast down 
 to Natividad. The viceroy sent vessels again, to explore, but they could not 
 go beyond Magdalena in 25. Here is evidently confusion both of voyages 
 and viceroys. It is not stated that Urdaneta reached that point, and the 
 statement that Arellano did so is not entitled to great weight. In the absence 
 of any positive evidence it is more probable that the name was applied in 
 Mexico to a nameless cape of Cabrillo's narrative, or that the cape was named 
 later by one of the galleons in honor of the second Mendoza. Taylor, in 
 Browne's L. CaL, 20, takes his account apparently from Burney and not with 
 sufficient care. Anson, Voyage, 235, tells us that the Philippine trade was 
 first carried on from Callao, but the winds were unfavorable for the return, 
 which sometimes lasted a year, and therefore the route was changed and 
 trade diverted to Acapulco by the advice of a Jesuit, who persuaded naviga 
 tors to take the northern route. This is all erroneous. Torquemada, i. 690, 
 also speaks of Natividad as the port of the Philippine vessels before Acapulco 
 was opened. This is true, however, only of western voyages. Venegas, Not. 
 Cal. , i. 183, repeated in Sntil y Mex., p. xli., says that Viceroy Velasco sent the 
 San Arjmtin to establish a station for the Philippine trade on the outer coast 
 of California. The reference is doubtless to the later voyage of 1595. Nav- 
 arrete, Sutil y Mex., Ixxxvi., speaks of Urdaneta's voyage only to correct the . 
 impression given by Forster and others, that he discovered a passage from the 
 north to the south sea; for this voyage, like every other of the period, was 
 made to bear on the all-absorbing topic, about which Urdaneta was indeed 
 called upon to testify in Spain. 
 
 10 Burney, Chron. Hi#t. , i. 270-2, notes the sailing of a ship, the San Gero- 
 nimo, for the Philippines in 1566; also the San Juan for New Spain in 1567, 
 
140 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 ages of discovery, and there was no occasion that the 
 log-books or diaries should be made public; on the 
 contrary it was the policy of the government to 
 shroud the movements of the galleons with every 
 possible mystery. There were fears of foreign inter 
 ference. 
 
 The Spaniards' fears were not unfounded; they 
 were not to be left undisturbed in their South Sea 
 exploits; an English navigator appears upon the scene. 
 English navigators a better sounding term than ad 
 venturers, freebooters, privateers, or pirates had for 
 some years made themselves a terror to all the Span 
 ish main on the Atlantic side. The two governments 
 were still at peace ostensibly; but Spain in her 
 haughty arrogance showed no liberality or tolerance 
 to foreign traders in her Indies, treating all such as 
 intruders. The commercial spirit of England could 
 ill brook this monopoly of western wealth, and trad 
 ers came to regard the Spanish policy as a personal 
 wrong and insult to each one of themselves, to be 
 avenged upon the persons, and above all on the prop 
 erty of any Spanish subject wherever found. The 
 British government found that to leave the adven 
 turers to right their own wrongs was an easier way 
 to restore commercial equilibrium than to waste time 
 in appeals to King Philip. Moreover the Spaniards 
 were Catholics, and there was a prevalent sentiment 
 in England at this time that the poor deluded vic 
 tims of popery might be righteously robbed, and 
 killed if not altogether submissive to the robbing. 
 Thus does a holy faith ever prompt to grand efforts 
 freebooters no less than missionaries. 
 
 Francis Drake, at the time but little over thirty 
 years old, had already distinguished himself in mari 
 time exploits. He had several times visited the West 
 
 the arrival of two vessels from New Spain the same year, and orders to one 
 of the vessels in 1572 to take a course farther north than usual for purposes 
 of exploration. He takes these items from standard works on the Philippines. 
 
FKANCIS DRAKE. 141 
 
 Indies in a subordinate position as a slave-trader, and 
 had been instrumental in the sacking of divers towns 
 on the coast. The unholy papists had, however, pre 
 vented the complete success of some of his schemes for 
 gain, thus incurring his hatred and justifying, as he 
 thought, a life-long warfare on all that was Spanish. 
 In 1573, from a hill on the Isthmus, he had looked 
 upon the broad Mar del Sur, and kneeling had prayed 
 that he might be the first to navigate those waters in 
 an English bottom. His prayer was not quite literally 
 answered, for John Oxenham, another pirate, by cross 
 ing the Isthmus and stealing the bottom, gained for 
 himself the honor; still Drake cherished his scheme 
 and attached no more importance to his compatriot's 
 achievement than has the world since accorded it. In 
 1577 he fitted out a fleet of five vessels, with a force 
 of one hundred and six by- four men, and sailed from 
 Falmouth on the 13th of December. ' 
 
 His plans and the destination of his expedition were 
 kept secret from even his own men, both for fear of rivals 
 and of precautions on the part of his intended victims. 
 Yet his designs were well matured; he would explore 
 the Pacific for England, would either circumnavigate 
 the world or return by the long sought northern pass; 
 would attack Spanish commerce in a new and unpro 
 tected spot, and would return laden with booty and 
 honors. There is no reason to doubt that his scheme 
 was secretly supported by the favor and purse of 
 Queen Elizabeth. 11 
 
 Drake's operations on the coasts of South and Cen 
 tral America have been mentioned elsewhere. 12 With 
 one vessel, the Golden Hind, so laden with booty that 
 a continuation of his piratical cruise seemed a fool 
 hardy risk, a return to England by a southern route 
 being for several reasons hazardous, Drake at last 
 determined to seek a northern passage. With this 
 
 11 The Hakluyt Society's edition of Drake's World Encompassed contains 
 practically all that is known of this expedition; and is the only authority that 
 need be referred to in this connection. 
 
 12 See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. this series. 
 
142 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 view, after refitting on a southern island and taking 
 one or two additional prizes, he anchored at Guatulco 
 in Oajaca in search of supplies. After some further 
 outrages here, the freebooter, now adopting the role 
 of explorer, sailed in April 1579 out into the Pacific 
 north-westward. He did not touch the territory 
 treated in this volume ; yet the bearing of his expedi 
 tion on rny present subject is obvious. Details of 
 achievements in the north are fully treated in later 
 volumes. 13 
 
 The Golden Hind in June anchored in a bad bay 
 somewhere between latitudes 42 arid 48 according 
 to different versions. Here it was resolved to aban 
 don the attempt to find the northern strait. Excessive 
 cold was the obstacle which mainly forced the navi 
 gators to this course; and it was grossly exaggerated 
 with a view not only to account for their failure, but to 
 show that they had reached a very high latitude and 
 to deter others from similar attempts. Then they fol 
 lowed the coast southward until between latitudes 37 
 and 38 they found " a conuenient and fit harborow," 
 respecting the identity of which I shall have much to 
 say in the proper place, and where they remained six 
 weeks refitting. Drake also took possession of the 
 country for Elizabeth, and named it Albion, and then 
 started homeward across the broad Pacific, doubled 
 Good Hope in June 1580, and, having accomplished 
 the first circumnavigation of the globe, arrived at 
 Plymouth in November, to be soon made Sir Francis 
 for his achievements. 
 
 One effect of this expedition was to confine English 
 researches for the northern strait for a long time to 
 the Atlantic side of the continent. In Mexico it was 
 long before any even approximatively accurate idea 
 was formed of Drake's doings; but on the contrary 
 the most extravagant rumors were prevalent, and it 
 was for years supposed that the Englishman had 
 
 13 See Hist. CaL> i. 81 et seq.; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 139 et seq. 
 
FRANCISCO DE GALL 143 
 
 actually passed through the strait of Anian. Among 
 the popular tales of the time was that of a pilot named 
 Morena who claimed that, being sick and nigh unto 
 death, he had been put on shore by Drake either In 
 the strait or just before he entered it on his way to 
 England, that he had recovered and had wandered 
 through the country for four years until he came to 
 Santa Barbara in Nueva Vizcaya by way of New 
 Mexico. On the way, over five hundred leagues from 
 the starting-point, the wanderer reached an arm of 
 the sea separating New Mexico from a great -western 
 land where there were great towns and a nation of 
 white men using horses. Thus did all these narrators 
 of northern marvels unthinkingly "give themselves 
 away" for the distant future. Morena told his story 
 at the Sombrerete mines to Governor Rio, a man who 
 was deeply interested in the Northern Mystery and 
 therefore a credulous listener. 14 
 
 By chance a record has been preserved of a. Philip 
 pine voyage made a few years after Drake's departure. 
 Francisco de Gali, having sailed from Acapulco in 
 March 1582, left Macao on his return July 24, 1584. 
 Following the usual northern route he sighted the 
 American coast in latitude 37 30', and followed the 
 coast without anchoring to Acapulco. Gali made 
 some observations respecting the currents and winds 
 in the North Pacific; noted on reaching the coast a 
 high and fair land covered with trees and free from 
 snow; and in his course southward passed several 
 islands, among which may be identified perhaps San 
 Martin, Cedros, and the Tres Marias. The only im 
 portance of this voyage in the eyes of historical 
 students has resulted apparently from an error of 
 translation, by which the latitude given was trans 
 posed to 57 30', thus involving the question of pri- 
 
 14 Salmeron, Relaciones, 50-1, obtained his information from P. Ascension. 
 Drake's voyage is often confounded with that of Cavendish by Mexicans, as 
 in Cavo, Tres Siylos, i. 214^15. 
 
144 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 ority of discovery by Spain of a long stretch of 
 coast. 15 
 
 Another English voyage is next to be noted, simi 
 lar to that of Francis Drake in every respect save 
 that open war between England and Spain covered 
 with a kind of legal sanction many of the privateer's 
 least outrageous acts. Thomas Cavendish after a long 
 series of ravages on the southern coasts as far as 
 Colima, arrived at Mazatlan, so called at the time, 
 late in September 1588 with two ships well armed. 
 Here the British obtained fruits, and repaired their 
 craft at the islands near by, watched the while by a 
 party -of Spanish horsemen from the villa of San 
 Sebastian de Chametla. Then Cavendish crossed 
 over to Aguada Segura, later called San Bernabe, or 
 Puerto del Cabo; lying off and on near Cape San 
 Lucas in wait for the galleon. That unfortunate 
 vessel, the Santa Ana of seven hundred tons, - com 
 manded by To ma's de Alzola, and laden with rich silks 
 and other goods from the Indies besides 122,000 pesos 
 in gold, hove in sight the 4th of November. After 
 valiant defence the Spaniards were forced to yield; 
 and the prize was towed into the cape harbor to be 
 stripped of all her cargo that was worth the taking. 
 The surviving victims, nearly two hundred in number, 
 were put on shore while the Santa Ana was set on 
 fire; but enough of her hulk remained unburned to 
 carry the company to Acapulco. Meanwhile the 
 victors went on their way rejoicing, and one of the 
 ships being lost the other completed her voyage roumd 
 the world. 16 
 
 The apocryphal voyage of Lorenzo Ferrer de Mal- 
 
 15 The original Spanish diary not being extant, our only knowledge of the 
 voyage comes from a Dutch translation published in Linschotcn, Reys-Ghech- 
 rift, of which the first edition appeared in 1596 according to Brunet. See also 
 Jlist. Col., i. 94, this series. 
 
 16 Pretty's Admirable and Prosperous Voyage of the Worshipfull Master 
 Thomas Candish. In HaUuyfs Voy., iii. 803-25. Cavendish's exploits are 
 fully described in Hist. Hex., ii. 746 et seq., this series. 
 
MALDONADO AND FUCA. 145 
 
 donado is entitled chronologically to brief mention 
 here under date of 1588; although the claim seems 
 not to have been made publicly until 1609, and its 
 effect on the popular imagination with the discussions 
 it provoked the only reality connected with it 
 should perhaps be placed much later. Maldonado 
 professed to have entered the strait on the coast of 
 Labrador; to have followed its windings up to 75, 
 and down again to its Pacific mouth in 60; to have 
 followed the Pacific coast south-east to 55; to have 
 crossed the Mar del Sur westward one hundred and 
 twenty leagues until he saw land; and finally to have 
 returned by the same route. There was evidence to 
 prove the man a liar and his story a pure fabrication 
 long before actual exploration had demonstrated the 
 non-existence of the strait he describes. Now that 
 northern geography is no longer mysterious in navi 
 gable latitudes the voluminous reasonings of the past 
 respecting Maldonado's pretensions merit attention 
 only as a curiosity of literature. The narrative will, 
 however, claim some notice with other northern fables 
 in another volume. 17 
 
 The story of Juan de Fuca was similar to that of 
 Maldonado in many respects; but there have been 
 those in recent times who believed in its truth. As 
 told to Michael Lok at Venice in 1596 it was in sub 
 stance as follows: Fuca had long served Spain as 
 sailor and pilot, and had been on board the Santa 
 Ana when captured by Cavendish, losing $60,000 at 
 that time. Later he went as pilot in a fleet of three 
 vessels, with three hundred men sent by the viceroy 
 to find the strait of Anian and fortify it against the 
 English; but mutiny prevented success, and the fleet 
 returned from the California coast. A little later, 
 however, in 1592, he was sent out again by the viceroy 
 with two vessels manned by sailors only. He fol- 
 
 17 See Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 92 et seq. ; Maldonado, Relation. See also 
 for a good statement of the subject Navarrete, Viages Ap6crifos, 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 10 
 
146 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 lowed the coast northward until between 47 and 48 
 he found a strait about a hundred miles wide at the 
 mouth, through which he sailed in various courses 
 until he came to the Atlantic. Then having effected 
 his purpose he returned after ascertaining the coun 
 try on the strait to be rich in gold, silver, and pearls 
 to Acapulco in the same year. Failing to obtain a 
 reward for his services from Spain, he was willing to 
 give England the benefit of his great discovery, to 
 which end negotiations were opened but came to 
 nothing. 18 
 
 There is some evidence that Fuca was, like Mal- 
 donado, a real personage; but not a word respecting 
 either of the voyages described, though both are said 
 to have been fitted out by the authority of the vice 
 roy, has ever been found in the Spanish archives, or 
 elsewhere except in Fuca's own statement. Circum 
 stantial evidence is all against the truth of that state 
 ment. Similar tales were very common among Spanish 
 pilots at the time, when few doubted the existence of 
 a strait north of 43. Each desired an opportunity 
 to search for the strait and for fame at public expense, 
 and few hesitated at falsehood to gratify their ambi 
 tion. Fuca, old, poor, and disappointed like the rest 
 in this respect, was fortunate enough to fall in with 
 a man interested in promoting English discoveries. 
 To him he could make the claim, absurd to Spanish 
 ears, that he had discovered the strait in an official 
 expedition ; and shrewdly affirm that Spain was keep 
 ing the discovery secret through jealousy of England. 
 He had manifest advantages over his confreres in 
 New Spain, who had to invent stories of mysterious 
 shipwrecks on the Atlantic coast; but there is not 
 the slightest reason to suppose that this tale was any 
 thing but pure fiction. I shall be obliged, however, 
 to present the argument in full elsewhere. 19 The 
 pilot's fiction was in one respect a brilliant success; for 
 
 "Lok's note in PurfJias, Hi* Pilgrimes, iii. 849-52. 
 19 See Hist, Northwest Cocutt, i. 78 et seq. , this series. 
 
CERME^OX AND VIZCAINO. 147 
 
 has it not immortalized his name by attaching it to 
 an inlet of the Northwest Coast? 
 
 It is remarkable that, with one or more vessels 
 following each year the Philippine route and coming 
 regularly in sight of the California coast, more ener 
 getic efforts were not made to find an available port. 
 Nevertheless we have but one record of such an 
 attempt, that of Sebastian Rodriguez Cermefion, de 
 spatched from Manila in 1595 for the express purpose 
 of exploring the coast. Of the result we know only 
 that his vessel, the San Agustin, ran ashore in what 
 was named at the time San Francisco Port, since 
 known as Drake Bay. Whether the ship escaped 
 after being lightened of her cargo or was accompanied 
 by a tender on which the crew escaped is not recorded; 
 but Cermeiion's pilot Bolafios lived to visit the port 
 again with Vizcaino in 1603, and his statement is all 
 there is extant on the voyage. It is not impossible 
 that some additional results of the expedition were 
 intentionally kept secret by the government; at any 
 rate no record has ever come to light in the archives. 20 
 
 After the capture of the Santa Ana by Cavendish 
 the urgent necessity of occupying California for the 
 protection of the Manila trade became more than ever 
 apparent to the Spanish government. Not only were 
 measures adopted, as we have seen, for the exploration 
 of the northern coast, resulting in the voyage of the 
 San Agustin, but in 1594 Viceroy Velasco, probably 
 by royal instructions, contracted with Sebastian Viz 
 caino to explore anew and occupy for Spain the Islas 
 Californias. Velasco's successor, the count of Mon-. 
 terey, ratified the contract and despatched the expedi 
 tion in 1597. 21 
 
 20 Torquemada, i. 717-18; Ascension, Pel. Breve, 558; Cabrera Bueno, Nav. 
 Espec., 303. See Hist. CaL, i. 96, this series. 
 
 21 According to Vizcaino, Relation del Viaje, 1611-14, 101-2, Don Sebas 
 tian was a son of Viceroy Velasco. Torquemada, followed apparently by all 
 other writers, states that in 1596 the king ordered Viceroy Monterey to send 
 
148 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 Vizcaino sailed from Acapuleo with three vessels, 
 a large force, and four Franciscan friars. 22 He touched 
 at Salagua, where a part of his men were taken on 
 board, at San Sebastian, and at the Mazatlan isles. 23 
 At the latter place fifty men deserted, thinking the 
 supplies inadequate; and here also Father Balda turned 
 back, ill and dreading the voyage and prospective ex 
 posure. 24 Five days farther up they left the coast and 
 next clay sighted California, their land of promise. 
 A little later one hundred men were landed and were 
 well received ; but the spot did not seem suited to the 
 requirements of a colony, and the fleet passed on 
 apparently northward to a port named San Sebastian, 
 where a stay of fifteen days 25 was made, and where 
 after deliberation by a junta of officials it was deter 
 mined to take formal possession of the country. A 
 multitude of aborigines witnessed the hoisting of the 
 Spanish flag, and listened to an artillery salute. 
 
 One of the friars was sent with thirty soldiers to 
 explore the interior, finding the people well enough 
 disposed though unwilling that the strangers should 
 enter their dwellings, many of which were observed 
 to be underground. They furnished food and a few 
 pearls, and the rancherias near the camp showed no 
 signs of hostility while the Spaniards remained; but 
 fresh water was not plentiful, and it was deemed best 
 not to settle permanently at San Sebastian. Neither 
 
 Vizcaino to California, and that the expedition was made the same year. All the 
 evidence I have to the contrary is a royal cedula of Aug. 2, 1628, in Doc. Jlist. 
 Afex., series ii., iii. 442-3, in which the king states the facts as I have given 
 them, adding that Monterey ordered Vizcaino to fulfil his contract, ' no em- 
 bargante que en la sustancia y capacidad de su persona, hallo algunos incon- 
 venientes.' Greenhow, Or. and Cal., 89-91, tells us without any known 
 authority that Vizcaino had been on the Santa Ana captured by Cavendish. 
 
 22 Padres Francisco de Balda (comisario), Diego Perdomo, Bernardino Zamu- 
 dio, Nicolas de Saravia, and Br. Nicolas (or Cristobal) Lopez. Salmeron, R<-la- 
 ciones, 12-13, says all were Franciscans by royal order. Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
 Jesus, i. 311, tells us that both the viceroy ami Vizcaino preferred Jesuits, 
 but missionaries of that order were scarce and could not be obtained. A 
 Franciscan Cronira, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. xlviii.-ix., includes P. Tello, 
 the historian, in the number. 
 
 23 Niel, Ajjwit., GO, puts Matanchicr (Matanchel) in place of Mazatlan. 
 
 21 He was succeeded as comisario by Padre Perdomo, and later by Padi-e 
 Zamudio. 
 
 25 Torquehiada mentions both 15 and 8 days. 
 
VIZCAIXO IX LOWER CALIFORNIA. 149 
 
 the women nor the horses were landed at all, and after 
 some preliminary explorations by one of the vessels, 
 the fleet moved on to a port named from the peaceful 
 character of the natives La Paz, a name it has since 
 retained, being also identical probably with the Santa 
 Cruz of Cortes, since a tradition of former visitors was 
 retained, and even some material relics were found in 
 the shape of iron fragments and traces of an encamp 
 ment. 26 
 
 Immediately on landing temporary dwellings were 
 built of branches, and a little church, all projected by 
 a rude barricade of trees. The encampment was sol 
 emnly proclaimed capital of the new province, and the 
 work of permanent occupation was begun. The natives 
 came in great numbers and were kindly treated by the 
 friars, who succeeded in obtaining many of their chil 
 dren for instruction. The soldiers, as was not unusual 
 in these expeditions, were disliked and feared by the 
 people, whom, and especially the women, they took 
 but, little pains to treat with justice. Not much prog 
 ress was made in the work of conversion, since the 
 time, only two months, \vas too short to master the 
 language. 
 
 The almiranta with her boat was sent up the gulf 
 coast and is said to have advanced nearly one hundred 
 leagues. 27 The explorers landed frequently and were 
 for the most part kindly received, but at a few points 
 were threatened. At one landing about fifty leagues 
 above La Paz 23 arrows were discharged at the Span 
 iards, who replied with musket-shots, killing two or 
 three natives. The rest fled to the woods and the 
 navigators proceeded to reembark, one boat-load 
 
 26 Some suspected that the relics were left by Englishmen. The presence 
 of any Englishman at La Paz before this date is, however, very doubtful, and 
 the same remark may be made respecting all rumors of visits from Pichilin- 
 gues save those specially noticed in this and the next chapters. 
 
 27 Salmeron tells us that Lope de Argiielles (Qui nones) was in command 
 and that he reached 30. Niel, Apunt., 77, says he did not go beyond San 
 Bruno and the Coronados Isles. 
 
 28 Xavarrete and others imply that the fight was at the highest latitude 
 reached. 
 
150 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 going off safely to the ship ; but the remaining twenty- 
 four men just as they had entered the boat were 
 attacked by five hundred natives; nineteen of the 
 soldiers perished, the boat having been capsized in 
 the melee, while five, badly wounded with arrows or 
 stones, escaped by swimming to the ship, the crew 
 of which for want of a boat had been unable to render 
 any aid. 29 During this northern trip no better country 
 was found than that in the region of La Paz, although 
 some fertile isles, and good ports, and very rich come- 
 deros, or pearl-beds, were reported. The explorers 
 returned for want of food, and they found Vizcaino 
 and his men also living on short rations. There being 
 no reliable source of food-supply in the country, a 
 junta of officers advised a return to Mexico. Not a 
 few opposed this measure, probably willing to risk 
 hunger in view of the pearl prospects, 30 but before the 
 question was definitely settled there came a norther 
 and a fire which laid the camp in ashes and left barely 
 food enough for the return voyage. 31 
 
 Vizcaino sent the capitana with most of the colony 
 to Acapulco, the vessel touching at Chametla and 
 Colima on the way; while he with a few men set sail 
 in another direction with a view to further discoveries; 
 but he arrived at Acapulco only a few days later 
 than his companions. 32 Thus failed the second at- 
 
 29 According to Ortega, Relation, 438, the Indian attack was caused by the 
 act of one Gines, who seized a large pearl from the breast of a native girl. 
 He was afterward hanged in Mexico for other crimes. 
 
 30 Padre Zamudio told Salmeron, Rdaciones, 12-13, that the men secured 
 many pearls until Vizcaino forced them to show their gains that the king's 
 fifth might be separated, after which they refused to search further. 
 
 31 Aparicio, Conventos, 284-98, says the Spaniards were forced to evacuate 
 La Paz by the natives, who were rendered hostile by the act elsewhere attrib 
 uted (see note 29) to the troubles farther north. This author, moreover, adds 
 the charms of romance to his version. It seems that Don Lope, a page of the 
 viceroy, loved Dona Elvira, who at last promised him her hand if he could re 
 place a magnificent pearl she had lost. With this in view Lope joined Viz 
 caino's expedition, and at last saw the pearl which would bring him happiness 
 in the lip of a chieftain's daughter. Entreaties availed him nothing and he 
 took the treasure by force. By this act California was for the time lost to 
 Spain, but the lover gained his bride, who after the marriage naively con 
 fessed she had lost no pearl at all ! 
 
 32 Taylor, Hist. Summary, 23-4, says the return was in October. 
 
THE PENINSULA. 
 
 151 
 
 tempt to settle the arid peninsula, which, however, 
 lost by this voyage none of its mysterious and at 
 tractive attributes ; for the reports .of great riches in 
 pearls assumed more definite shape than ever before, 
 while the starved-out adventurers still talked of maize 
 in immense quantities a little beyond the limit of 
 their navigation. 33 Thus end the maritime and inland 
 
 ?^&^^^ 
 
 
 LOK'S MAP, 1582. 
 
 annals of the first century of north-western conquest. 
 It is to be noted that, notwithstanding the frequent 
 use of the term Islas Californias, the country was re 
 garded as a peninsula from the time of Ulloa and 
 Alarcon down to the end of the century and consider 
 ably later. Castillo's map of 1541 has been repro- 
 
 33 The standard authority for Vizcaino's voyage is Torquemnda, Mon. 
 Ind., i. 682-6. Navarrete, Sutily Hex., lvii.-x., adds nothing, although he 
 claims to have seen some original papers. Authorities which show some 
 slight variations have been mentioned in preceding notes; those who follow 
 lorquemada, giving his version in full, are: Veneyas, Not. CaL, i. 183-9; 
 Cla^gcro, Stor. CaL, 155-7; March y Labores, Marina Espanola, 488-91; 
 Zt' > ' : Es P afla ^ 326 5 Mofras, Explor., i. 100-1; Cavo, Tres Sighs, 
 i. 227;/>oc. Hist. Mcx., series iv., v. 8-9; Calle, Not., 108-9; Bumnjs Chron. 
 Jhst.ii. 182-5; Footer's Hist. Voy., 452-3; TuthUCs Hist. CaL, 28-9; Glee- 
 sons Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 78-80; Shea's Cath. Miss., 88. 
 
152 
 
 VOYAGES TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 duced in an earlier chapter. 34 Michael Lok's map of 
 1582, reproduced on the next preceding page, 35 con 
 nects the peninsula to the main by a narrow isthmus, 
 turning the coast abruptly eastward just above the 
 junction ; but the Wytfliet-Ptolemy map of 1597, with 
 
 WYTFLIET-PTOLEMY MAP, 1597. 
 
 a variety of curious geographical developments, leaves 
 no doubt as to the author's intention to make Cali 
 fornia a peninsula. 36 
 
 34 See p. 81 of this volume. 
 
 35 Ilakliiyt's Divers Voyayes, 55. 
 
 36 Wytfliet (Com.) Discriptionis Ptolemaicce Avgmentum. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 1601-1636. 
 
 i 
 
 VIZCAINO'S SECOND EXPEDITION OUTER PENINSULA COAST UP TO LATI 
 TUDE 43 LATER PROJECTS CALIFORNIA AN ISLAND INTEREST IN THE 
 NORTH-WEST VIZCAINO'S THIRD VOYAGE ONATE AT THE HEAD OF THE 
 GULF CARDONA'S CONTRACT AND VOYAGES JUAN DE ITURBE PICHJ- 
 LINGUES ON THE COAST SPILBERG'S CRUISE MEMORIAL OF PADRE As- 
 CENSION DUTCH MAP ARELLANO'S CLAIM PRIVATE PEARL VOYAGES 
 MKLCHOR DE LEZAMA PETITION OF BASTAN VIEWS OF SALMERON 
 THREE EXPEDITIONS BY FRANCISCO DE ORTEGA THIRD COLONY AT LA 
 PAZ ORIGINAL RECORDS FIRST OF THE JESUITS ESTEVAN CARBONEL 
 IN THE GULF D'AVITY'S MAP. 
 
 SEBASTIAN VIZCAINO had failed to found a permanent 
 settlement in California, yet he was deemed the best 
 man to put in command of the new expedition up the 
 outer coast, ordered by the king by cedula of Septem 
 ber 27, 1599, the special object being to search the coast 
 for a harbor, where the Manila galleon might anchor 
 and her scurvy- stricken crew find relief. 1 No ex 
 pense was to be spared in the effort; accordingly more 
 than ordinary care was exercised in the selection of 
 vessels and men. The fleet consisted of two navios 
 obtained from Guatemala, &fmgata built for the voy 
 age, and a lancha. Vizcaino as capitan general sailed 
 on the capitana, San Diego; Toribio Gomez de Cor- 
 van as admiral on the Santo Tornds; 2 while the Tres 
 
 1 According to cedula of Aug. 2, 1628, in Doc. Hist. Mex., series ii., iii. 
 443, and that of Aug. 19, 1606, in Ve.necfas, Not. Cat., i. 194-4, Vizcaino was 
 strictly forbidden to enter the gulf. Ascension, litlacion, f,4"2, says that he 
 had orders to explore the gulf on his return. 
 
 2 The vessels are usually spoken of as the capitana and almiranta, and not 
 a few modern writers have evidently mistaken these terms for their names. 
 
 (153) 
 
154 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 Reyes was under Alferez Martin Aguilar and Pilot 
 Antonio Flores. The force was nearly two hundred 
 picked men, many of whom were skilful sailors, and 
 also soldiers. 3 Three barefooted Carmelites had charge 
 of religious interests, padres Andres de la Asuncion, 
 Tomds de Aquino, and Antonio de la Ascension, 4 the 
 first serving as comisario and the last charged with 
 keeping the diary and serving with Palacios as cos- 
 mographer and map-maker. The leader having been 
 directed by the viceroy to consult his officers on all 
 matters of moment, and duly admonished respecting 
 his duties and responsibilities in other directions, left 
 Mexico on March 7th, and sailed from Acapulco 
 under the patronage of Our Lady of Carmen on 
 Sunday May 5, 1602, at 4. p. M. 5 
 
 3 Other officers were Capt. Alvaro, Este"van Peguero (Pesquero or Piquero), 
 Capt. Gaspar (or Pascual) de Alarcon, Capt. Geronimo Martin Palacios, cos- 
 mograplier; alfe"reces, Juan Francisco Suriano, Sebastian Melendez, and Juan 
 de Acebedo Tejeda; pilots, Francisco Bolanos, Baltasar de Armas, and Juan 
 Pascual; sergeants, Miguel de Legar and Juan de Castillo Bueno; corporals, 
 Este van Lopez and Francisco Vidal. 
 
 * Called also Asuncion in his own narrative as printed, but this is probably 
 a typographical error. 
 
 5 The most complete narrative is that given in Torquemada, i. 694-726, 
 probably almost identical with the original diary of Ascension. The only 
 printed account in the friar's words is Ascension, Relation Breve en que se da 
 noticia dd descubrimiento, etc., in Pacheco, Col. Doc., viii. 539-74. This is 
 dated Oct. 12, 1620, and was sent to the king in December of the same year. 
 It is an essay on the geography, people, and products of the Californias, 
 written with a view of promoting further attempts, but contains information 
 about the voyage itself. The author says he wrote a complete narrative and 
 made a map, besides a short account for the king. Casanate, Carta Rel., 27, 
 says Ascension wrote three papers on the subject besides one that was 
 printed. Navarrete found in the archives certified copies of the following 
 original papers: Record of the councils held during the voyage; a circum 
 stantial diary; an itinerary made in 1602 by Palacios, approved by pilots and 
 by Ascension (doubtless the one sent from Monterey), and 32 maps of the 
 coast explored. Considering his advantages this writer, Sutil y Mex. , introd. , 
 Ix.-lxviii., gives an account which is hardly satisfactory, containing some 
 errors, and very far from being complete; but he has published a reduction of 
 the charts, Atlas No. 4, which Burney has reproduced and which I give 
 herewith. Salmeron, Relaciones, 14-21, was personally acquainted with 
 Ascension and with others of Vizcaino's companions. In his ce"dula of Aug. 
 2, 1628, Doc. Hist. Alex., se"rie ii., iii. 443, the king gives some points con 
 nected with the voyage, and speaks of Vizcaino's letter from Monterey dated 
 Dec. 28, 1602. Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 193-201, gives a royal order of Aug. 
 19, 1606, which contains original information. And finally Cabrera Bueno, 
 in his Navegacion Especulativa, Manila, 1734, 302-13, has a Derrota de*de 
 el Cabo de Mendocino hasta el puerto de Acapulco por la Costa, which contains 
 the results of this expedition. 
 
 The above are the original authorities; the following accounts, more or 
 
SEBASTIAN VIZCAINO. 155 
 
 Explorations were to begin at the point of Cali 
 fornia, and the fleet anchored June llth in the port 
 of San Bernabe, 6 or Puerto del Cabo. Here began 
 the marvels inseparable from northern voyages. A 
 miraculous lighting-up of the air saved them from 
 wreck off the cape in a dense fog; the natives, pleased 
 to see a negro on board, said they were accustomed to 
 intercourse with people of that race; the country was 
 most fertile, the climate all that could be desired, and 
 indications of wealth were abundant. It is remarka 
 ble what charms the sterile peninsula had in these 
 times for all save such as were called upon to settle 
 there. The devil, to adopt the chronicler's opinion, 
 was averse to the Spaniards' departure, involving as 
 it did the invasion of his northern realms; but after 
 three vain attempts, a fourth was more successful, and 
 the long-boat having been abandoned, the three vessels 
 set sail on the 5th of July. 
 
 The outer coast of the peninsula having been already 
 explored by Ulloa and Cabrillo, arid the separation 
 of Vizcaino's vessels during a greater part of the 
 voyage causing no little confusion, I refer the student 
 of geographical details to a note and to Vizcaino's 
 map which accompanies this narrative. 7 A few well 
 
 less extensive, were taken from Torquemada, either directly or through Vene- 
 gas or his followers, a few writers having also consulted Navarrete: March 
 y Labores, Marina Espaucla, ii. 491-506; Vet/eyas, Not. CaL, iii. 22-139; 
 Claviyero, Stor.- Col., 157-9; Espinosa, in Soc. Mex. Geog., v. 429-46; Cavo, 
 Tres Stylos, i. 238-9; Cal. Estab. y Prog., 9-10; Navarrete, Viajes Apoc., 45; 
 Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist., 326-7; Taylor's Hist. Summary, 24-7; Barney's 
 Chron. Hist., ii. 236-59; Mofras, Explor., i. 100, etc., 328; HumboUlt, Ess. 
 Pol., 330; Greenhow's Or. ami CaL, 44-6; Times' Or. Quest., 63; Forster's 
 Hist. Voy., 452-3; TuthUVs Hist. CaL, 29-38; Friynet, La CaL , 13; Gleeson's 
 Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 80-1; Lardncr's Hist. Mar. Discov., ii. 285-6; Cronise's 
 Nat. Wealth, 6-9; Bartlett's Pers. Narr., ii. 88, 98-100; Shea's Cath. Miss., 
 88; Walpole's Four Years, ii. 212; Robinson's Life CaL, 2; Arner. Quart. Reg., 
 ii. 150; Cal. Past, Present, etc., 53-4; Campbell's Span. Amer., 84; Farn- 
 ham's Life CaL, 127-48; Sammluny der Reise, xvii. 159. 
 
 6 So named from the day. On the way they had stopped for repairs at 
 Natividad May 19th-22d, sighted Cape Corrientes May 28th, passed Mazatlan 
 June 2d, and arrived off C. San Lucas June 9th. Taylor, Hist. Summary, 
 24-5, makes the arrival at S. Bernab6 June 14th. 
 
 7 The points are given as nearly in the order in which they were visited 
 as possible, according to Torquemada 's text. The names italicized do not 
 appear on the map: 
 
 Cape San Lucas. 
 
156 
 
 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 VIZCAINO'S MAP, 1603. 
 
EXPLORATIONS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 157 
 
 known points may be identified; but the imperfections 
 of the best modern charts, frequent changes and con 
 sequent confusion in names, and the vagueness of 
 Torquemada's text render futile any attempt at geo 
 graphical exactitude. 
 
 In doubling the cape the fragata was separated from 
 her companions and was forced back to San Bernabe; 
 
 SierraddEnfado(\tl. a. E. | E. from B. Marinas in 23. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 13. Enganosa de Sta Marina, the southern entrance to Magdaleria B. (24. 
 
 Cabrer<i 
 
 B. de Magdelena, also called Puerto de Santiago and Puerto del Marque's 
 (25. Cabrera Bueno. The Pt Trinidad of Ulloa and Cabrillo was on the island 
 that forms this bay. Navarrete. Ulloa 's San Abad. Burney). Named Magda- 
 lena by Cabrillo, and also by Vizcaino from the day of arrival. 
 
 B. de San Cristobal at the mouth of a river (Taylor notes that there are 
 three winter streams N. of Magdalena). 
 
 B. de Ballenas, a part of Magdalena according to map, but not apparently 
 according to text (near Abreojos in 27 15'? Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 Sierra de losSlete Infantes 
 
 Isla de la Asuncion (Cabrillo's Santa Ana. Navarrete. A few leagues 
 below Turtle B. Taylor. 28 scant. Cabrera Bueno. ) Possibly the Inocentes 
 of Castillo's map. 
 
 Isla de San Roque. 
 
 Puerto de San Bartolome", just below Cedros Isl. (12 leagues from Nativi- 
 dad ? in 28 30'. Cabrera Bueno. Cabrillo's San Pedro Vmcula. Navarrete). 
 
 Isla de Natividad, Cabrillo's and perhaps Ulloa 's San Estdvan (G 1. s. E. 
 of C. San Agustin. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 Isla de Cerros, the Cedros of Ulloa and Cabrillo (middle of isl. in 29. 
 Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 Cape San Agustin on Cerros Isl. 
 
 B. San llipolito (San Francisco near Rosario. Taylor). 
 
 Ensenada de San Cosme y San Damlan. (San Quintin. Taylor. Opposite 
 San Bruno. Nlel, Apunt., 70.) 
 
 Mesas de San Cipriano (M. de Juan Gomez. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 Punta del Engaflo, so called by Ulloa and Cabrillo. (Cape Colnett. Taj/lor. 
 Navarrete identifies Cabrillo's Pt Engauo with the cabo bajo of Vizcaino's 
 map. ) 
 
 Isla de Cenizas (31 20' 4 1. s. E. s. of S. Marcos. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 B. de San Francisco, still so called (at foot of and s. E. of Mesas de Juan 
 Gomez. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 Isla de San Geronimo, Cabrillo's San Bernardo and still so called (31 30' 
 s. E. J s. from Virgin Bay. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 Isla de Pdjaros. 
 
 B. de Once Mil Virgenes (Cabrille's Puerto de Posesion. Navarrete. 31 
 40' 3 1. from San Marcos. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 Isla de San Hilario (36. Niel. Navarrete and Cabrera Bueno both mention 
 Isla de San Marcos here). 
 
 B. de San Simon y Judas (San Jude, near Mission San Vicente. Taylor. 
 S. Quintin. Cabrera Bueno). 
 
 B. de Todos Santos (Cabiillo's San Mateo. Navarrete. s. E. s. from S. 
 Martin, 32. Cabrera Bueno). Still called Todos Santos. 
 
 Idas Coronation, Islas Desiertas of Cabrillo. (San Martin, called by San 
 Bias Exped. Coronados. Sutil y Hex. , app., 14-15. S. Martin 61. from San 
 Diego. Cabrera Bueno. ) 
 
 San Diego. Cabrillo's San Miguel. 
 
158 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 but she rejoined the capitana at Magdalen a Bay 
 late in July, the almiranta having in her turn parted 
 from her consort at the entrance of that bay on July 
 20th, and the whole fleet not being reunited until Au 
 gust 31st at Cerros Island, 8 which the Santo Tomds 
 had reached as early as the 19th. Farther north a 
 furious storm caused imminent risk of shipwreck, 
 especially to the almiranta ; but all obstacles were 
 overcome; on November 5th the fleet entered Todos 
 Santos Bay; and five days later anchored in the port 
 of San Diego, formerly called San Miguel. 
 
 The voyage had been a long and tedious one, but 
 beyond the petty details incident to such navigation 
 there is nothing that calls for special notice. The 
 natives were for the most part shy and kept aloof; 
 but their signal -smokes were often seen in the moun 
 tains. At Cerros Island they refused all intercourse 
 with the Spaniards; at San Simon Bay they were 
 hostile, discharged their arrows, and received in return 
 a volley which killed several; but at Virgin Bay they 
 were exceedingly hospitable and spoke of other bearded 
 men armed with muskets then in the interior, referring 
 as the voyagers supposed to Ofiate's men in New 
 Mexico. An abundance of " ill-smelling bitumen," 
 doubtless asphaltum, was thought to be amber; and 
 so far as could be determined by a Peruvian miner on 
 board, the sierras seen at a distance seemed rich in 
 gold and silver! 
 
 The rest of this voyage, as in the case of Cabrillo's 
 earlier navigation of the same waters, belongs in its 
 minor particulars of geography and adventure to the 
 history of Alta California. 9 Only its main features 
 as a voyage to the north-west claim attention at pres 
 ent. The fleet left San Diego November 20th, several 
 men having already died and many being unfit for 
 duty from the effects of scurvy. Touching at Santa 
 
 8 Navarrete incorrectly states that the almiranta joined the capitana at 
 Magdalena Bay July 25th. 
 
 "See Hist. CaL, i. 97 et seq.; Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 146 et seq. for full 
 details of the northern voyage. 
 
RESULTS OF THE VOYAGE. 159 
 
 Catalina Island, and passing through the Santa Bar 
 bara Channel, so named at the time, the navigators 
 sighted the Santa Lucia range on December 14th at 
 a point where it had often been seen by the Manila 
 ships before; and on the 16th they anchored in Mon 
 terey Bay. From this port the almiranta was sent 
 back to Acapulco under Corvan, bearing the sick, 
 with reports and appeals for aid. The other ships 
 went on at the beginning of 1603. Vizcaino entered 
 Cermenon's San Francisco, and the vessels did not 
 meet again in the north. Both advanced, however, 
 beyond Cape Mendocino, and each reached a Cape 
 Blanco located in latitude 42 and 43 respectively. 
 Aguilar thought he saw a great river near that point. 
 They turned back in rough weather in the middle of 
 January. 
 
 The Santo Tomds from Monterey lost twenty-five 
 men from scurvy on the voyage to Acapulco, only 
 Captain Corvan and two companions landing in health. 
 The San Diego reached Mazatlan in February. Had 
 no relief been obtained here all must have perished; 
 but the general with five men who could walk started 
 inland with a hope of reaching San Sebastian de 
 Chametla, supposed to be about eight leagues distant. 
 He was so fortunate as to strike the Culiacan trail 
 and to meet a mule-train whose arrieros took him to 
 the presence of Captain Martin Ruiz de Aguirre, al 
 calde mayor of the province, who at once sent relief 
 to the afflicted in the way of fresh food, vegetables, 
 fruits, and especially the jocoliuitztles to which above 
 all else they attributed their cure. A courier hav 
 ing been sent overland to Mexico, the travellers set 
 sail March 9th, and on the twenty-first arrived safely 
 at Acapulco. Aguilar and Flores of the Tres Reyes 
 died on the southern trip, but Corporal Estevan Lo 
 pez with four men arrived at Navidad while Vizcaino 
 was at Mazatlan. The total of deaths on all the ves 
 sels was forty-eight. 
 
 With the exception of having discovered Monterey 
 
160 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 Bay, represented as a good harbor and well adapted 
 to the needs of the galleons, Vizcaino had in reality 
 as a discoverer accomplished less than Cabrillo sixty 
 years before; but the results of his expedition, unlike 
 those of Cabrillo's, were preserved and made known to 
 the world through the writings of Torquemada and 
 Cabrera Bueno. The general features of the coast 
 from San Lucas to Mendocino were now tolerably 
 well known; and the knowledge thus gained had to 
 suffice for a century and a half. 
 
 It is worthy of notice that Vizcaino's voyage, not 
 withstanding the careful survey of the outer coast, 
 instead of dispelling the popular fallacies of imaginary 
 northern geography, had rather the contrary tendency. 
 Torquemada contents himself with expressing the 
 opinion in general terms that the mouth of Aguilar's 
 river was at the entrance of the strait leading to the 
 North Sea; but Padre Ascension, both in his written 
 narratives and memorials, and especially in his con 
 versation with officials and friars after his return, 
 spoke of the existence and location of the strait as 
 facts no longer susceptible of doubt; and not only this, 
 but he stated that the gulf of California was in reality 
 a strait which opened into the Pacific at or near the 
 mouth of the Anian Strait in 43, thus making of the 
 Californias an immense island. These statements had 
 much to do with the long-lasting idea of California's 
 insular character, and they also serve in connection 
 with reports of pearl-fisheries to explain why subse 
 quent explorations were directed so exclusively to the 
 gulf, while the outer coast was neglected. 
 
 From Vizcaino's return down to the permanent oc 
 cupation of the peninsula, ninety-four years later, the 
 subject was kept almost constantly before the viceroy, 
 audiencia, and the court, by a succession of memorials 
 either offered voluntarily or in response to calls of the 
 government for information by men who were theoret 
 ically or practically acquainted with what had already 
 
NORTHERN PROJECTS. 1G1 
 
 been done. Friars worked for the extension of their 
 fields of missionary labor, with a view to increase the 
 influence and wealth of their respective orders; and 
 they never allowed the authorities to forget the thou 
 sands of natives awaiting spiritual aid, the superiority 
 of the northern tribes, and the civilized peoples to be 
 found a little farther on. Navigators, hungry for 
 fame and adventures, dwelt on the importance to every 
 royal interest of an accurate survey, and of precau 
 tions against foreign schemes ; being uniformly willing 
 to sacrifice their own to the nation's interests, and to 
 take command of a new expedition. Traders and 
 seekers for pearls and precious metals were enthusi 
 astic respecting the grand discoveries and grander 
 reports of northern wealth, and the prospective glories 
 of Spanish commerce; and they too were entirely 
 willing to undertake explorations, simply asking license 
 to pay expenses by pearl-diving on the way. 
 
 Thus all the classes mentioned, and others with 
 individual interests more or less clearly defined, urged 
 their own views; but each class warmly approved the 
 views of all the rest, and all devoted a very large part 
 of their memorials to the fables and vagaries of the 
 Northern Mystery. To these cosmographical fancies 
 a future chapter will be devoted; statements of the 
 memorialists respecting what had already been accom 
 plished in the direction of their aspirations are but 
 versions, often inaccurate and always incomplete, of 
 the narratives already before the reader, in the prepa 
 ration of which narratives they have been utilized; 
 and finally the several propositions in their real and 
 practical aspects are to be noticed in the following 
 pages, together with the expeditions that resulted 
 from them. 
 
 Vizcaino's share in the promotion of northern enter 
 prises is not well known. We are told that he retained 
 his faith in the practicability of settling the Califor- 
 nias, and applied to the viceroy for license to under 
 take a new entrada. The viceroy refusing to grant 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 11 
 
162 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 his petition unless supported by royal sanction, the 
 general went to Spain and urged his schemes at court. 
 The royal council, bearing in mind past failures and 
 timid about incurring expense, delayed its approval so 
 long on the plea of making additional investigations, 
 that the navigator came back disheartened to Mexico. 
 In 1606, however, the consejo and royal cosmographer 
 arrived at their tardy conclusion, and on the 19th of 
 August were issued the king's orders to Viceroy Mon- 
 tesclaros and to Pedro de Acuna, governor of the Phil 
 ippines, by the terms of which Vizcaino, if alive and to 
 be found, or if not his admiral, was to be put in com 
 mand of a new expedition. 
 
 The leader and pilots were to sail on the galleon of 
 1607 and to approach Monterey from the west for 
 additional survey, while the port was to be settled and 
 made a station for the Manila ships in 1608, also by. 
 a voyage from the west. 10 Don Sebastian was easily 
 found, and was disposed to accept the trust, but the 
 generally accepted version has been that, for some un 
 known reason, perhaps connected with the viceroy's 
 death in 1607, the king's orders were not carried out, 
 most writers also adding that Vizcaino died before 
 the preparations were completed. All this, however, 
 is erroneous. Vizcaino actually sailed from Acapulco 
 in March 1611 on the San Francisco. But mean 
 while reports of certain "Islas Ricas de Oro y Plata" 
 in the far west seem to have rendered the occupation 
 of the north-west coast for the time a secondary 
 consideration; and the general went as ambassador 
 to Japan to seek license for further explorations in 
 that region. Probably it was still intended to take 
 steps on his return for the occupation of Monterey; 
 but his experience in Japan was so disastrous, the 
 complicated details having no bearing on the present 
 
 10 Venegas, Not. CaL, i. 191-201, gives the ce"dula in full. Extracts also 
 in Frignet, La CaL, 14-18. The date is given as 1609 in CaL Estob. y Prog., 
 9-10, but Montesclaros was not viceroy in that year. See also Claviyero, Stor. 
 ,Cal., i. 159-00. 
 
ORATE AND CAKDONA. 103 
 
 subject, that Vizcaino was obliged in poor health to 
 give up all his projects and to return as a passenger 
 on his own ship in 1613. The return was by the 
 usual northern route, the California coast was sighted 
 in December, and finally the San Francisco arrived 
 at Zacatula in January 1614.. This seems to have 
 been the end of Vizcaino's career as an explorer. 11 
 
 It may be well to note in passing, that in 1605 
 Governor (Mate, with a party from New Mexico, 
 came down the Colorado and reached the head of the 
 gulf as elsewhere narrated. 12 His observations and 
 reports obtained by him from the natives seemed to 
 favor the theory of a strait from gulf to ocean. It 
 was in 1609 that Maldonado set forth his views 
 already noted. 13 They were not more absurd than 
 than those entertained by others at the time; but 
 while others aired their theories, he described what he 
 falsely claimed to have seen. His statements created 
 no sensation. A few were well acquainted with the 
 man's character; and to others it seemed not a very 
 great achievement to sail through a strait, the exist 
 ence of which was so well known. 
 
 ABout 1610 a contract seems to have been formed 
 between the king and Captain Tomds Cardona, by 
 which the latter undertook certain naval, exploring, 
 and pearl-seeking operations both in the Atlantic and 
 Pacific. Work was begun in 1613, and Captain Tomds 
 with his nephew Nicolas Cardona as second in com 
 mand, cruised for a year in the Leeward Isles and on 
 the coast of Tierra Firme. Francisco Basilio had been 
 
 n Vizcaino, Relation del Viage hecho para el descubrimiento de las islas 
 llamadas Bicas de Oro y Plata, 1611-14. In Packecoand Cardenas, Col. Doc., 
 viii. 101-99. The royal cddula of 1628, in Doc. Hist. Mex. , serie ii. torn. iii. 443, 
 is made to say that Vizcaino visited Spain in 1613. This must be a misprint, 
 but Cardona, Memorial, 46, says that Sebastian Vizcaino commanded at Sala- 
 gua in 1616, when the place was attacked by Dutch pirates, and that he, the 
 writer, served under him. 
 
 12 See Hist. New Mex. and Ariz., this series. 
 
 13 See p. 144 of this volume. 
 
164 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS, 
 
 in charge of the enterprise in the Pacific, but he died, 
 and Nicolas Cardona was sent in 1614 to take com 
 mand jointly with Juan de Iturbe and Sergeant Pedro 
 Alvarez de Rosales. Three ships were built at Aca- 
 pulco. The pichilingues, or foreign pirates, were, how 
 ever, reported to be on the coast, and an attack on 
 Acapulco was feared, so that Cardona with his men was 
 obliged to aid in preparations for defence, although no 
 pirates appeared. 
 
 March 21, 1615, the three vessels with a long-boat 
 sailed, bearing at least thirty soldiers and many negro 
 divers. Crossing from Mazatlan they landed two 
 Franciscan friars, set up a cross, and went through 
 the forms of taking possession in California. From 
 this indeterminate point they followed the coast to 27, 
 landing at several places, noting rich mineral prospects, 
 sometimes avoided but generally well received by the 
 natives. At the landing in 27 the same where Viz 
 caino had been, as proved by five Christian skulls and 
 the fragments of a boat 14 Cardona with thirty divers 
 was attacked by six hundred natives, and himself 
 wounded, but the warriors fled when two mastiffs 
 were set upon them, and came back next day in peace 
 to hear mass. 
 
 At 30 the vessels crossed over to a large island on 
 the eastern shore, or " contra costa de Florida," where 
 the adventurers remained three days, noted a small 
 island with many seals, heard " a noise on the main 
 as of dogs guarding stock," and then advanced, still 
 on the eastern side, up to what was deemed 34. At 
 this point, where was a shallow port named Santa 
 Clara, California seemed to be a peninsula; but on 
 crossing to the western shore the strait was seen that 
 made it an island. Rich mines were found on both 
 sides in this latitude. The weather being stormy and 
 food scarce, the voyagers turned southward, following 
 the " Florida coast." Touching on the way at the 
 
 14 See p. 150 of this volume. 
 
CAEDONA IN THE GULF. 165 
 
 Mayo River in 28, where was a Jesuit establishment 
 under Padre Pedro Mendez, Cardona's soldiers were 
 utilized by the padre to terrify certain Indians who, 
 a few months before, had killed and eaten his com 
 panion. 
 
 Iturbe remained with two vessels at Sinaloa or as 
 one narrative says, returned thither from Mazatlan 
 to winter and prepare for a new pearl- voyage; while 
 Cardona with the capitana and boat proceeded 
 toward Acapulco, but at Zacatula fell in with the 
 pichilingues under Spilberg, who took the vessel, crew, 
 padres, and pearls, only the captain and a few soldiers 
 escaping by jumping into the sea. The preceding are 
 Cardona's own statements, almost the only original 
 ones extant bearing directly on the voyage. 15 
 
 Other authorities do not mention Nicolas Cardona 
 at all. although Ribas and Ortega tell us that Iturbe 
 
 * O O 
 
 was agent for Tomas Cardona of Seville. 16 The best 
 known version of the affair is that Iturbe with a 
 license from the viceroy fitted out two vessels at his 
 own expense. One of them was captured by pichi 
 lingues before he reached the gulf; but in the other 
 he went up to 30, where the shores were observed to 
 approach nearer to each other. North-westers and 
 scarcity of food forced him to return, and his wants 
 were relieved on the way by Padre Ribas at the 
 Ahome Mission, at the mouth of what is now the 
 Rio Fuerte. He next touched at the Rio de Sinaloa, 
 where he was aided by Captain Hurdaide, alcalde of 
 San Felipe, but was ordered to sea to protect the 
 Manila galleon, and this service also attributed by 
 
 15 Cardona, Relation del descubrimiento del reino de la California, in Pacheco, 
 CoL Doc., ix. 30-42. This is a memorial of the class I have alluded to, 
 addressed to the viceroy about 1617, in which more space and attention are 
 devoted to the country and its prospects, and the writer's services and misfor 
 tunes, than to the voyage itself. Cardona, Memorial al Rcy, in Id., 42-57, is 
 a similar document presented in 1G33 or a little later. The two narratives are 
 not alike, one reciting events not mentioned in the other, yet in no instance 
 contradictory. 
 
 16 /t>i&os, Hist. Triumphos, 159-62, followed by A legre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 
 ii. 77-8, and Ortega, Relation de la Entrada, 437-40. The last very nearly 
 agrees with Cardona's account. 
 
166 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 Cardona to his almiranta performed, he went to 
 Acapulco and to Mexico with his pearls, most of them 
 spoiled by roasting, but many valuable, and one worth 
 forty-five hundred pesos. 17 
 
 It remains to notice briefly in this connection the 
 voyage of George Spilberg and his pichilingues. This 
 Dutch freebooter, having passed through the Strait of 
 Magellan in April 1615, and having ravaged the coast 
 of South America much after the fashion of Drake and 
 Cavendish, anchored October 10th before Acapulco, 
 and under a truce with the governor exchanged his 
 Spanish prisoners for provisions. Leaving Acapulco 
 on the 18th for the north-west the Dutchman captured 
 on the 26th a small pearl ship from California, doubtless 
 Cardona's capitana. She carried six guns, and yielded 
 only after a fight, part of the Spaniards escaping, but 
 two friars and a number of soldiers remaining as cap 
 tives. Spilberg subsequently had a battle with the 
 Spaniards at Salagua, a name applied to the bay of 
 Santiago, or to a part of it, in which several were 
 killed on both sides. 13 From Navidad he sailed No- 
 
 17 There are, however, some minor differences among the writers who give 
 substantially this version. Iturbe'a presence on the Sinaloa coast 13 note; I in 
 the Jesuit Anna of 1616. Siiialoa, Mem. Hist., MS., 569. See Veiicyas, Not. 
 Cal., i. 202-4, withref. to Acension's Relaciones; Claviyero, Stor. ('al.,i. 101; 
 Cal. Estab. y Prorj., 10; Lorenzana, in Cortts, Hist., 327; Esteva, in So:: Hex. 
 Gcoy., x. 674. Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex., lxix.-x., followed by Taylor, 
 Hist. Summary, 27, makes the date 1616, and the latitude reached SB , but 
 this probably means nothing more than that it was at the head of tlio gulf. 
 Pdbas, Hist. Triumphos, 159-62, implies that Iturbe's ships came from abroad 
 into the Pacific. He says the voyage up the gulf was in the spring of 1G15; 
 gives some particulars of Iturbe's arrival at Ahome; states that when he went 
 after the pirates he took with him Capt. Suarez and some soldiers; and finally 
 that before going to Acapulco he returned, built another vessel, and made a 
 new voyage for pearls, going up to 32. Ortega, Relation, 437-40, agreeing 
 with Cardona in many points, says that Iturbe had two ships, ll> negro 
 divers, and 50 soldiers and sailors; that he visited La Paz; that near the head 
 of the gulf the negroes refused to dive and the men mutinied; that "the larger 
 vessel came down to Salagua and was taken by pirates, the men escaping in 
 boats; that Iturbe remained in Sinaloa with the long-boat after his ship was 
 sent to the Philippines, and made another pearl voyage; and finally that 
 although only 14 marks of pearls were registered, yet, he, the writer, saw 
 large quantities in the hands of persons named. 
 
 18 Cardona, Mem., 46, says Sebastian Vizcaino was in command atSr.lagua, 
 was aided by himself, and that five Dutch men were captured and sent to Mexico. 
 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 272-3, names Vizcaino, calls the corsairs Eng 
 lish, the prisoners seven, and the date 1617. 
 
VIEWS OF PADRE ASCENSION. 16T 
 
 vember 20th, intending to watch off Cape San Lticas 
 for the Manila ship; but the winds were unfavorable, 
 and at the beginning of December he left the coast at 
 Cape Corrientes and steered for the East Indies. 19 
 
 Thus Cardona's narrative is corroborated, save in 
 the precise date in the autumn of 1615 when his vessel 
 was taken, by excellent authority, as is the other 
 account by Bibas. Some errors are evident in each 
 version, but the differences are irreconcilable and the 
 exact truth out of reach. Cardona relates that after 
 the return of Iturbe's vessel from seekmg the galleon, 
 he repaired her at great expense; but the viceroy 
 seized her for a trip to the Philippines, and the captain 
 was thus ruined. He, however, went to Spain, formed 
 ne\v contracts, obtained more money, and subsequently 
 made extensive preparations at Panamd for another 
 expedition to the gulf; but being delayed to aid in 
 that town's defence, he was too late for the season; 
 his capitana sprang a leak; two vessels were burned 
 at Chiriquiri; another was wrecked at Tehuantepec. 
 After setting about the building of two more vessels, 
 he was summoned to Habana, and thence went to 
 Spain in 1623. 
 
 It was in 1620 that Antonio de la Ascension, at the 
 Carmelite convent of San Sebastian in Mexico, wrote 
 his memorial on northern topics already referred to in 
 connection with Vizcaino's voyage. In it he gave his 
 views on the best methods to insure a permanent 
 occupation of the Californias. Two hundred soldiers, 
 also skilled as mariners, under virtuous- captains and 
 a general of Christian principles, and under the guid 
 ance of barefoot Carmelites, should, he thought, found 
 the first pueblo to be defended by a fort at San Ber- 
 nabe as the most accessible site. From this nucleus 
 the conquest would extend up the outer coast to San 
 
 19 Nicola, Neweund WarkafffeRel, 17-38; Purchas, His Pilgrimts, i. 20-6; 
 Gottfriedt, N. Welt, 472-5; (Boss), Leben der See-Helden, 393-402. Purchas 
 says the pearl-ship was on her way to California. 
 
168 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 Diego and Monterey by land on account of the winds, 
 but on the gulf coasts by water. On the main near 
 the mouth of the Rio del Tizon a station was perhaps 
 needed for the benefit of the New Mexican enterprise, 
 with a view also to the acquisition of the Seven Cities; 
 and opposite in California there should be another 
 station. Of course the kingdom of Anian across the 
 strait was not to be neglected, offering as it did a 
 broad enlargement of God's domain and that of Spain. 
 Pearl-diving, mining, and the working of the salinas 
 being encouraged, the royal quintets would doubtless 
 pay all outlay and perhaps leave a surplus with which 
 new colonists might be sent over. Kindness must be 
 the Indian policy, and no encomiendas or repartimien- 
 tos were on any plea permissible. The whole scheme 
 being thus practicable and easy, the good friar "knows 
 not what security the king finds for his conscience in 
 delaying the conversion of the Californians." 20 
 
 This document was forwarded to the king on De 
 cember 21st of the same year by Francisco Ramirez 
 de Arellano, who sent with it papers setting forth 
 his qualifications and past services, and asked that the 
 new conquest be intrusted to him. He seems to have 
 preferred a like request some three months earlier. 
 Arellano was, however, poor and could offer but his 
 person and earnest zeal to serve his sovereign; per 
 haps it was for that reason that no attention, so far as 
 appears, was given to his proposal. 21 
 
 From this time California began to be commonly 
 regarded as an island. Lok's map of 1582, as we 
 have seen, had connected it to the main by a very nar 
 row isthmus; Ascension's theories from 1603 tended 
 to favor an eastern turn of the coast and a northern 
 outlet to the gulf; Onate's reports of 1604 were still 
 
 20 Ascension, Relation, 560-74. The author alludes to another treatise 
 written by him 'on the mode of preaching to the pagans;' and Casanate, 
 Memorial, 27, says the same friar sent three different informes to the king 
 besides one that was printed. 
 
 21 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., viii. 537-8; Id., vi. 564-6. One copy 
 makes the date Sept. 21st. 
 
CALIFORNIA AN ISLAND. 
 
 169 
 
 more positive; Cardona in 1615 believed himself to 
 have reached a latitude of 34 in the gulf, and openly 
 declared his belief in the insular theory; and now a 
 rumor became current that certain adventurers in 
 
 ^feft ji&Lr 
 
 *<&^-4*&rr 
 
 (.(k'STLmUi LASMARIAs-^Cuth 
 
 tiau 
 SJCuthuacau 
 
 DUTCH MAP, 1624-5. 
 
 1620 had sailed through the passage. From this time 
 for more than a century most maps followed this idea, 
 but not all. I reproduce here a Dutch map of 1624-5 
 from Purchas. 
 
170 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 That there were pearl voyages undertaken during 
 this and later periods by private individuals, of which 
 no record has been preserved,, if any was ever made, 
 is not unlikely. On account, however, of the difficulty 
 of obtaining vessels and of fitting them out in secret, 
 such private voyages could not have been very nu 
 merous until the Sinaloa coast was more thickly 
 peopled, and small boats were found to suffice under 
 favorable circumstances for crossing the gulf waters. 
 At any rate we hear of no new efforts in this direc 
 tion until 1627, when the contador Melchor de Le- 
 zama, with the viceroy's permission, attempting to 
 build a vessel in the region of the modern San Bias; 
 but on account of mosquitoes and other inconveniences 
 lie abandoned the scheme and returned to Mexico, 
 leaving his men in the lurch. 22 Next year Captain 
 Antonio Bastan went to Spain and applied for a royal 
 license to undertake the conquest at his own cost; 
 and the consejo went so far as to refer the matter on 
 August 2d to the vice-regal authorities for further 
 investigation. 23 
 
 About the same time Padre Geronimo Zdrate de 
 Salmeron wrote his Jtelccciones, intended to awaken 
 new interest in northern enterprises. Although pro 
 fessing to write of New Mexico, where he had served 
 as missionary, he still included all that was known and 
 much that was only conjectured of all the north, in 
 cluding California. His only practical suggestion, 
 however, respecting that province was that the entrada 
 should be made with small vessels inside the gulf 
 rather than- with large ones outside.' 
 
 24 
 
 When Lezaina, as already related, abandoned his 
 men on the Jalisco coast, Francisco de Ortega, prob 
 ably one of the company, took up the enterprise on his 
 
 22 Ortega, Relation, 440-1. The locality named was the mouth of the To- 
 luca river in 22 probably the Tololotlan or Santiago. 
 
 23 Vent-gas, Not. Gal., i. 205; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii. 442-5. 
 ' M Salmtron, JRelaciones, passim. 
 
ORTEGA'S EXPEDITION. 171 
 
 own account, and, making but slow progress by reason 
 of his poverty, completed and fitted out the Madre 
 Luisa de la Ascension of seventy tons in 1631 at a 
 cost of 12,000 pesos, and came to Mexico to apply for 
 a license. Having received the king's order of August. 
 1628 asking for information, and being assured that 
 Ortega proposed to pay his own expenses, Viceroy 
 Cerralvo readily granted the desired permission, which 
 included authority to trade for pearls on condition 
 that no violence be done to the natives. With a cap 
 tain's commission, and instructions to" acquire all pos 
 sible information about the country, 25 Ortega returned 
 to the coast at the end of the year. 
 
 It took yet three months to put the new craft in 
 sailing condition ; but finally, after a formal inspection 
 by the alcalde mayor of Acaponeta, the expedition 
 sailed from San Pedro, at the mouth of the river of 
 that name, 26 on February 27, 1632. The priest Diego 
 de Nava was sent by the bishop of Guadalajara to say 
 mass; Estevan Carbonel de Valenzuela was master 
 with nine sailors; Alferez de Castro Tenorio com 
 manded six soldiers; and there were three servants. 
 Twice the Madre Luisa was obliged to return to San 
 Pedro for repairs, but made her final departure the 
 20th of March. She took in supplies at San Juan de 
 Mazatlan from the 1st to the 26th of April; crossed 
 over from Culiacan the 1st of May; and on the 4th 
 touched the peninsula opposite Cerralvo Island. Two 
 days were spent here, and twelve at a large bay above, 
 supposed to be San Bernabe in 24. Landings were 
 frequent for religious and exploring purposes, the na 
 tives showing no hostility. The 10th of June Ortega 
 entered the bay of Sacramento, supposed to be iden 
 tical with La Paz, and in the following days made an 
 examination of Espiritu Santo and Salina islands, 
 
 25 The viceroy's license and instructions are given under date of Nov. 22, 
 1G31, in Doc. Ili.^t. Mcx., se"rie ii. torn. iii. 445-S; also repeated several times 
 in the MSS. to be noticed presently. 
 
 26 She had been built at the mouth of the Toluca, or Tololotlan; and had 
 lain for a while at Matanchel. 
 
172 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 naming ports Gato, San Francisco, and Espiritu Santo. 
 Subsequently he continued his voyage up the coast to 
 latitude 27, discovering and naming many rich pearl- 
 beds; but on June 24th the vessel was driven by the 
 wind across to the port of Babachilato near the mouth 
 of the Sinaloa River. Here on July 3d a detailed 
 narrative of the trip was sworn to by the officers and 
 rnen; and the possession of this original narrative I 
 was fortunate enough to secure. 27 
 
 Nava was sent to Mexico with the report, carrying 
 also a quantity of pearls for the king. Meanwhile 
 preparations w r ere made for a new voyage ; but orders 
 came to send the ship under Carbon el on a trip to warn 
 the Manila galleon of danger. This service completed, 
 new preparations were made at Mazatlan, where at 
 different dates from April to August 1633, various 
 legal formalities were attended to by the alcalde 
 mayor Juan de Arriaran. Then the Madre Luisa 
 sailed the 8th of September and on October 7th 
 arrived at La Paz. 28 The natives were most friendly 
 and pearls plentiful; therefore twenty-eight men were 
 left here under Diego de Canedo, with Brother Juan 
 de Zuniga to say mass, while Ortega, Nava, and the 
 sailors sailed northward. An island named San Ilde- 
 fonso was the limit of the voyage, 29 from which, after 
 the discovery of rich comederos of pearls, the com 
 mander returned in less than a month to La Paz. 
 Here the natives were boasting of their Christianity, 
 and it was learned that Zuniga had baptized one 
 
 27 Orteya, Primera Demarcation de las Idas California^, hecJio por mi el 
 Capitan, etc., 1632, MS., fol. 10 1. This is an original certified copy made in 
 Mexico Nov. 22, 1C36. It includes not only the sworn account of July 3, 
 1632, but the viceroy's license, and a full record of the inspection at Sail 
 Pedro before starting, with a full list of the company. The printed account 
 Ortega, Relation de la Entrada, 449-53, is a brief re'sume' from the same 
 source. 
 
 28 The route was, Cerralvo Island, Port San Miguel, La Paz, Espiritu Santo 
 Island, San Francisco Javier Bay, San Ignacio Loyola Bay, San Pedro Bay, 
 and La Paz. 
 
 29 The islands named are: San Simon y Judas, San Jose 1 , Las Animas, San 
 Diego, Santa Cruz, Alcatraces, San Carlos Borromeo, Nra Sra de Monser- 
 rate, Nra Sra del Cdrmen, 29, Pitahayas, Coronados, San Ildefonso, and on 
 the return Nra Sra del Rosario. 
 
COLONY IN CALIFORNIA. 173 
 
 hundred of them, an act not approved by either 
 Ortega or Nava. After the erection of a fort the 
 Mad re Luisa was sent over to Sinaloa with de 
 spatches and to bring supplies. 
 
 All was couleur de rose with the little colony for a 
 time. King Bacari and his son Prince Conichi were 
 among the earliest and hungriest converts, baptized 
 as Don Pedro and Don Juan respectively. Early in 
 December, Conichi, while on a fishing expedition, was 
 killed, with his wife, son, and thirty companions, by 
 the hostile Guaicuri. The Spaniards took an active 
 part in the burial, and as all Bacari 's subjects from far 
 and near assembled to witness the ceremonies, an 
 excellent chance was afforded to establish the most 
 friendly relations. After this all of the nation deemed 
 themselves under the especial protection of the Span 
 iards, of God, and of the guns on the fort. They were 
 docile, submitting to chastisement for offences, free 
 from idolatry, content each with one wife, manifesting 
 real affection for their children "and for their food" 
 in fact model converts. 
 
 Thus successful at La Paz, Ortega wished to extend 
 his operations, and in February 1634 started westward 
 with Nava and twenty soldiers, leaving Hernando 
 Ortega in command, and intending to reach the Pacific 
 and to make friends of the Guaicuri. King Bacari 
 approved the expedition, but had, it seems, his own 
 views in connection with it; for no sooner had Ortega 
 reached the Guaicuri country, than the king joined 
 him with two hundred warriors, and insisted on 
 attacking his foes, slaying a large number of them, 
 despite the Spaniards, who could only save a few 
 children and baptize some of the wounded. Ortega 
 immediately returned to La Paz, where the natives 
 celebrated the victory and were thereafter more 
 ardent friends of the Spaniards than ever. On the 
 8th of April 1634, soon after the events just noted, 
 a detailed account of all that had been done was pre 
 pared and sworn to by Ortega and sixteen of his 
 
174 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 companions. This original document as before is my 
 authority. 30 
 
 Nothing more is known of this La Paz settlement 
 or of the circumstances under which it was soon aban 
 doned. The authorities, other than the one I have 
 followed, give but a bare outline of Ortega's two trips, 
 and tell us that the settlement was abandoned for 
 want of food. 31 It is very likely that even pearls and 
 affable natives may have lost some of their charms 
 both to the secular and ecclesiastical branches of the 
 enterprise when there was no longer anything to eat; 
 but it must also be remembered that Ortega's purpose 
 at this time was exploration rather than permanent 
 colonization. It is remarkable, however, that noth 
 ing is known of his operations for more than a year. 
 It is said that he made some efforts to have the pre 
 sidio of Acaponeta transferred to California, and also 
 to obtain funds for a renewal of his enterprise; but 
 without the original record writers have hitherto 
 known nothing of his third survey. 
 
 In January 1636 Ortega appears at the port of 
 Santa Catalina de Sinaloa, refitting the Madre Luisa 
 for a continuation of his explorations. Cosme Lorenzo 
 was now his sailing-master; Roque de Vega, a Jesuit, 
 his chaplain; and Gabriel Figueroa the clerk. His 
 force was about a dozen men. The visita, or inspec 
 tion, was made by Captain Francisco Bustamante of 
 the San Felipe presidio; and the vessel sailed on the 
 
 30 Ortega, Description y Demarcation de las Yslas Calif ornias, sondas y 
 catas de los comcderos de Pcrlas que ay en d'has Yslas, hecho por mi el Capstan 
 Francisco de Ortega, etc., MS., 91. This is the certified original record of 
 Oct. 11, 1G36. The title is meant to apply to the three expeditions. It con 
 tains not only the sworn statement of April 8, 1634, but the viceroy's instruc 
 tions and the documents connected with the inspection at Mazatlan in April- 
 August 1633. The latter documents and an abridged narrative, more 
 complete than that of the first voyage, are given in Ortega, delation, 452-71. 
 
 31 Venegas, Xot. CaL, i. 205-7; Clavigero, Stor. CaL, i. 162-3; Gal., Estab. 
 y Prog., 10; Calle, Not., 109-10; Payno, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da ep., ii. 200; 
 Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hint., 327; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 81; Taylor's 
 Hint. Summary, 27-8. Taylor calls the priest's name Nuna. Otondo, accord 
 ing to Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, i. 419, found in a cave near La Paz the wreck 
 of Ortega's vessel, or what was supposed to be such. Greeiihow, Or. and 
 CaL, 95, mentions Vicuna in connection with the voyage. 
 
ORTEGA'S THIRD VOYAGE. 175 
 
 llth of January. Three days later the explorers 
 anchored in a bay formerly called Pla}^a Honda, 
 four leagues below La Paz. A terrible storm lasting 
 eleven days drove the ship on the shore a complete 
 wreck. The men escaped to land on a fragment of 
 the wreck; and enough of the church utensils floated 
 miraculously to enable Father Vega to say mass regu 
 larly. A boat was made from pieces of the wreck 
 and such new timber as could be found, and the 27th 
 of February the adventurers set sail and went to La 
 Paz. Here they found fort, church^ and everything 
 as they had been left in the former visit. The natives 
 wished them to remain, which was of course imprac 
 ticable, and after Vega had baptized a few dying 
 Californians, the boat sailed on the 10th of March. 
 In this frail craft Ortega in about two months ex 
 plored the gulf up to what he deemed latitude 36 
 SO 7 , 32 but what was in reality perhaps 29 45'. Then 
 adverse winds prevented further progress and drove 
 the boat southward. On the 15th of May they 
 anchored at Santa Catalina; where next day a sworn 
 statement of the voyage with many details, especially 
 of pearl-deposits found, was made and duly wit 
 nessed. 33 Nothing more is known of Ortega as an 
 explorer. 
 
 It is stated also that Estevan Carbonel, Ortega's 
 former pilot, secured a license in some underhanded 
 way and made a trip to the gulf in 1536. He had a 
 theory that Ortega had failed because of the sterility 
 of La Paz; and that there were fertile sites to the 
 north where a colony must prosper. Of his voyage 
 
 32 The route was: Cerralvo Isl.; San Ildefonso, March 20; Tortugas Isl. 
 and Port San Andres, 33 15', March 22d; B. San Juan, 34; Pt Caiman, 34 
 45', April 4th; San Sebastian Isl., 40 leagues in circumference, 36 scant, 
 April 14th; Pt Buen Viaje, 35 30', May 4th. If we suppose S. Ildefonso and 
 Tortugas to be the islands still so named, S. Sebastian was probably one of 
 the two large islands, Tiburon or Angel de la Guarda, and Pt Buen Viaje 
 may have been Cabo Final. 
 
 23 0rteya, Copia de la Demarcation qne yo cl Capitan. . .salcjo d hacer de este 
 puerto de Santa Catalina Provincia de Sinaloa d las Yslas California-'?, 1636, 
 MS., G 1. Similar in character to the accounts of the first and second survey. 
 As I have said this part of the expedition has been entirely unknown. 
 
176 
 
 MARITIME EXPLORATIONS. 
 
 we only know that lie failed to find the place sought 
 and returned to Mexico in disgrace, perhaps as a pris 
 oner, not a little comforted nevertheless by the pos 
 session of certain pearls he had collected. In his 
 scheme Carbonel was aided by Francisco de Vergara, 
 who also obtained a license, and is said to have worked 
 in the interest of a French company. 34 .1 annex a 
 
 D'AviTY's MAP, 1637. 
 
 map of 1637 from D'Avity's cosmographical work of 
 that year, to show that not all even yet accepted the 
 insular theory, or rather it shows that the author 
 simply followed old models long out of fashion. 
 
 s *Navarrete, Viajes Ap6c., 221-4; Cardona, Memorial, 28; see also refer 
 ences in note 31. Car bonel's license bore date of Dec. 1, 1635; and Vergara 's, 
 transferred to Francisco Carbonel, that of Jan. 16, 1636. California*, Descubri- 
 miento, MS. In his royal ce"dula of Feb. 20, 1638, it is stated that when it 
 was known that Vergara had sold his license to the Frenchmen, a confisca 
 tion of his property was ordered by the king. Baja CaL, Cedulas, MS., 61. 
 
CHAPTEE VIIL 
 
 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 1636-1769. 
 
 PORTER Y CASANATE AND BOTELLO Y SERRANO MEMORIALS AND CONTRACTS 
 PRETENDED DISCOVERIES OF FONTE CESTIN DE CAN AS CASANATE'S 
 EFFORTS AND MISFORTUNES Two TRIPS TO CALIFORNIA PI^ADERO'S 
 PEARL-FISHING EXPEDITION LUCENILLA IN THE GULF ROYAL ENTHUSI 
 ASMA NEW CONTRACT SETTLEMENT OF CALIFORNIA BY OTONDO AND 
 THE JESUITS FOURTH FAILURE AT LA PAZ COLONY AT SAN BRUNO 
 BUCCANEERS AND PRIVATEERS SWAN AND TOWNLEY DAMPIER 
 WOODES ROGERS, COURTNEY, AND COOKE VICTORY AND DEFEAT 
 FRONDAC'S VOYAGE SHELVOCKE AT THE CAPE ANSON'S VOYAGE. 
 
 IN 1635 Captain Pedro Porter y Casanate, an ex 
 perienced naval officer, was authorized by Viceroy 
 Cerralvo to make a survey of South Sea coasts with 
 a view to the preparation of accurate charts for the 
 council of Indies; but when about to sail from Aca- 
 pulco, his ship was seized through the influence ap 
 parently of parties interested in the Vergara and 
 Carbonel schemes. 1 But he persevered in his enter 
 prise; and in 1636 renewed his offer to undertake the 
 work of northern exploration. On September 17th 
 of the same year, in connection with Captain Alonso 
 Botello y Serrano, he presented an elaborate report 
 intended to show how little was really known of the 
 north-west, notwithstanding too many rumors arid 
 theories afloat ; and to urge the importance of putting 
 an end to the prevalent uncertainty. It was a more 
 sensible view of the matter than was generally offered 
 
 1 Royal order of Feb. 20, 1C38, in Saja Cal, Cedillas, MS., 61; Navarrete, 
 in trod., Ixxi.-iii. It is said that Casanate had printed in 1034 ail account of 
 former services. 
 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 12 (177) 
 
178 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 in memorials on the Northern Mystery. 2 Offering to 
 undertake the enterprise at their own cost a license 
 was granted by the viceroy under date of September 
 2 3d. 3 It was also about this time that Cardona re 
 turned from Spain and presented his memorial, giving 
 his views, dwelling on his own past losses and mis 
 fortunes, and offering for the service his person and 
 the money of his friends. 4 Probably there were other 
 applicants attracted by the recent reports of pearls in 
 the gulf. 
 
 Thus in 1636 there were four persons who had 
 licenses for Californian exploration, Ortega, Carbonel, 
 "Vergara, and Casanate. From this state of things 
 trouble was sure to result. Ortega desired to continue 
 his expeditions and protested against other licenses 
 being granted in view of what he had actually accom 
 plished. The matter was brought before the authori 
 ties in Mexico, and the original expediente, or transcript 
 of record in the case, has furnished my authority for 
 Ortega's voyages, as it gives me also authority for the 
 final settlement. 5 The decision, contained in a decree 
 of Viceroy Cadereita of November 11, 1636, was to 
 the effect that Ortega's last expedition had been made 
 without legal authority, since Cerralvo's license had 
 expired with that viceroy's term of office; and that all 
 the other licenses should be considered as revoked, 
 pending new investigations and royal orders. Casanate 
 was thus obliged to suspend preparations on which he 
 and his friends had expended some eighteen thousand 
 pesos. On his way to Spain with complaints he was 
 captured by Dutch pirates and kept a prisoner for six 
 
 2 Botello y Serrano, and Porter y Casanate, Declaration que hitieron de las 
 convenicn'cias que seguiran de descubrir como se comunica por la California d 
 Mar del Sur con el del N. 1636. See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 107, this series. 
 
 3 Calif orniasy Descubrimiento. MS. 
 
 4 Cardona, Memorial, 40-7. 
 
 6 Calif ornias, Descubrimiento, MS., 28 1. This contains the royal regula 
 tions on discoveries of July 13, 1573, bearing among others the autograph 
 signature of F. Antonio de la Ascension ; a report of Alvarez Serrano, fiscal 
 of the audiencia, dated Oct. 30th; a decree of the audiencia dated Nov. llth; 
 and the final order of the viceroy of the same date. 
 
CASANATE'S MEMORIAL. 179 
 
 months in 1637; but after his escape he obtained the 
 royal order, which I have already cited under date of 
 February 20, 1638, requiring haste on the part of the 
 viceroy in forwarding papers and reaching a definite 
 settlement. Meanwhile, with a view to secure or 
 hasten the royal approval, a new memorial was pre 
 pared and presented, perhaps in 1638. In it the 
 author amplified all the points previously urged and 
 exerted all his ingenuity to suggest new ones. 6 In this 
 document he eulogizes in the most enthusiastic and 
 exaggerated terms California, its people, and its pro 
 ducts; its mineral, commercial, and spiritual wealth, 
 which can be lost to Spain only by the most inexcusa 
 ble negligence. All statistics of gold, silver, pearls, 
 coral, amber, and salt which were accessible in the 
 archives as supplemented by a lively imagination were 
 laid before the king. The need of a harbor for the 
 relief of the galleons; the ease with which the voyage 
 may be made from Sinaloa; the lessened cost of for 
 warding supplies to New Mexico by way of the gulf; 
 the impulse to be given to the Culiacan trade; the 
 geographical enigmas to be solved; the rumors of grand 
 cities, of golden lakes, of mighty rivers, of giants, of 
 white men, to be verified; facilitated intercourse with 
 Anian, Japan, Tartary, and China; the necessity of 
 precautions against foreigners; the avarice and incom 
 petence of former navigators; all are elaborated in a 
 series of twenty-seven articles, resting on the author 
 ity of all who have made expeditions to California. 7 
 The arguments employed were sufficiently forcible to 
 convince the king, and in 1640 Casanate received the 
 requisite commission with the exclusive right to navi- 
 
 6 Casanate, Memorial del Almirante D. Pedro Porter Casanate al Rey, recom- 
 endando una nueva espedicion d la California, etc., in Pacheco, Col. Doc., ix. 
 19-20. The original was a printed document in the Biblioteca Nacional. 
 
 7 Besides those already referred to in connection with different voyages, 
 there are named the following who have expressed their views: Capt. Juan 
 Lopez de Vicuiia, Gonzalo de Francia, Capt. Alonso Ortiz de Sandoval, Se 
 bastian Gutierrez, and several Mexican officials. It must riot be supposed 
 that all these made separate voyages to California. Perhaps all were simply 
 companions of the leaders that had been removed. 
 
180 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 gate the gulf. 8 No limit of time was fixed, and the 
 admiral was detained for several years in Spain on 
 other service. 
 
 It was in 1640 that Bartolome' de Fonte. admiral 
 of New Spain and Peru, made his famous voyage to 
 the north, starting from Callao on April 3d, according 
 to the narrative first made public in I708. d He had 
 four ships, but one of them, the Santa Lucia under 
 Diego de Penalosa, was detached to explore the gulf, 
 while the admiral went on up to the Rio de los Reyes 
 in 53. Above this point the continent seems to have 
 been a complicated net-work of islands, straits, lakes, 
 and rivers, where the navigators had but to choose a 
 route, and where they continued their explorations in 
 ships or boats from June to September. They did 
 not pass through into the Atlantic; in fact none of 
 the channels they tried would permit such a passage 
 to ships; but pressing on in boats they met a Boston 
 ship from the other side. They reached a latitude as 
 high as 86, and .they had on board Jesuits who had 
 previously established missions as high as 66! 
 
 In all the voluminous discussions on the authen 
 ticity of this narrative there never was produced the 
 slightest evidence in its favor. It rested entirely on 
 the prevalent ignorance of northern geography, not 
 withstanding which ignorance the best writers pro 
 nounced it a fabrication. The expedition demands no 
 farther consideration in a chapter of historical annals; 
 the narrative like that of Maldonado's achievements 
 will receive elsewhere some notice as a bibliographical 
 curiosity. 10 
 
 8 License dated Aug. 8th. Casanate also received the order of Santiago, 
 and space for eight tons of private merchandise. Galle, Mem. y &ot. Sac,* 
 110-12; Raja Gal., Cedulas, MS., 65. 
 
 tt Fonte, Letter from Admiral, in Monthly Miscellany, or Memoirs for the 
 Curiout, Lond., 1708. 
 
 10 See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 115 et seq., this series. There are some 
 slight indications in the use of Pefialosa's name and a scrap of evidence given 
 by Navarrete that the London perpetrator of the hoax may have based it re 
 motely on a Spanish original. 
 
CESTIN DE CAfrAS. 181 
 
 Viceroy Escalona in 1642 ordered Luis Cestin de 
 Canas, spoken of as governor of Sinaloa, but really 
 comandante of the presidio, to cross over and explore 
 California. He sailed from Babachilato in July, passed 
 the port of San Ignacio, noted a farallon some twenty 
 leagues from the latter port, and landed at the port, 
 or island, of San Josd. From this point he explored 
 the Calif ornian shore for forty leagues to La Paz, and 
 then returned, the voyage having taken but a month. 
 Canas was accompanied by Padre Jacinto Cortes, the 
 second Jesuit, not the first as has been supposed, to 
 visit the land his order was destined to occupy. There 
 was nothing of the marvellous in the reports brought 
 back either to viceroy or provincial. The natives 
 were well disposed, some pearls were obtained, but 
 the country was sterile and altogether unpromising. 11 
 
 In 1643 Porter y Casanate was ordered to fulfil 
 his contract in the New World. 12 With some men 
 and families he left Cddiz in June and arrived at Vera 
 Cruz in August, setting to work with zeal and much 
 success to gain friends, money, and recruits, greatly 
 aided by the ecclesiastical authorities who desired the 
 salvation of Californian souls. At the end of Novem 
 ber Alonso Gonzalez Barriga was sent with a force 
 of sailors and carpenters to build two vessels on the 
 coast of Nueva Galicia, one fragata, the Rosario, hav 
 ing been previously chartered. The intention was to 
 sail the next spring. 
 
 11 A letter of Padre Cortes in Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 441-2, seems to be 
 the original of all that is known of this voyage. Venegas, Not. Cal. , i. 209- 
 11, says the cause of this voyage was the loss of the journals and maps of 
 preceding ones. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 236-7, states that the results 
 caused Escalona to advocate in Spain the conquest of California. Lorenzana, 
 Cortes, I/ixt., 327, says that Cortes founded the mission of San Jose", evidently 
 confounding this M'ith a later expedition. Clavigero, Stor. Cal., i. 1G3-4, 
 and Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 12, make the date 1640, and the latter calls the 
 leader Luis Cestinos. See also Cal., Estab. y Prog., 19; Mofras, Explor., i. 
 102; Burners Chron. Hist.,iv. 357 ; Browne's L. Cat., 28; Shea's Cath. Miss., 89. 
 
 12 The leading authority from this point is Casanate, Carta Relation, in 
 Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. ,5-18, which is a fragment of a private 
 letter to a friend narrating the course of events down to May 1644, the 
 whole having extended down to June 24, 1649. 
 
182 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Now came news that the pichilingues were ravaging 
 the coast of Chile, and would soon come north to lie 
 in wait for the Manila galleon. To warn and protect 
 the galleon there was no craft available but the Rosario 
 which lay at the mouth of the Rio de San Pedro. 
 Casanate therefore hastened to the coast in December, 
 with the cosmographer Perez de Soto and the chap 
 lain Luna, to fit out the fragata for a cruise of three 
 months under Barriga. She passed out over the bar 
 on January 3, 1644, took ballast at Matanchel, 13 and 
 sailed on the 9th by way of Mazatlan and the Rio 
 Navito to Cape San Lucas, where she anchored on 
 the 25th probably in San Bernabe Bay. Sentinels 
 were posted on the hills to watch for the galleon, for 
 whose benefit signals of smoke or fire were constantly 
 displayed; but she passed without seeing or being 
 seen, and passed unmolested to Acapulco. 14 Barriga 
 also made a short trip of five days up the outer coast. 
 Like other visitors to the peninsula, he found friendly 
 natives greatly in fear of the Guaicuri, a few pearls, 
 and what were thought to be good mineral prospects. 
 The return was from the 21st to the 25th of February 
 to the mouth of the Rio Santiago. The chaplain 
 arrived in Mexico only fourteen days after having 
 said mass in California. 
 
 After despatching the Rosario Casanate located his 
 dock-yard with all his stores in six leagues up the Rio 
 Santiago, or Tololotlan, in a spot deemed secure from 
 pichilingues, but exposed to bats and mosquitoes and 
 Hoods, where he built dwellings and warehouses, set 
 his men to felling timber for the vessels, and returned 
 to Mexico. Soon after Padre Luna's arrival with the 
 notice of Barriga's return, there came news that cer 
 tain men had run away from the ship-yard with a 
 boat and such valuables as they could carry. A little 
 later came the more serious tidings that vessels, tim- 
 
 13 Navarrete says she sailed from Sintiqnipac (Centipac), an unknown port, 
 and was forced into Matanchel by the weather. 
 
 44 Several writers state that Casanate convoyed the galleon to Acapulco. 
 
CASANATE'S MISFORTUNES. 183 
 
 ber, stores, and everything at the Santiago station 
 had been burned on April 24th. A Portuguese, jeal 
 ous of Casanate's exclusive privileges, was the insti 
 gator of the deed, himself instigated, as the admiral 
 piously exclaims, by Satan. From the devil's oppo 
 sition, however, Casanate argued his fear and the 
 danger of his realms, and was therefore not discour 
 aged though his losses were twenty thousand pesos. 
 He renewed his preparations and by a third memorial 
 tried unsuccessfully to get the appointment of cornan- 
 dante of Sinaloa as a means of facilitating the con- 
 
 O 
 
 quest of the contra costa. 15 
 
 Meanwhile the king on October 11, 1645, had sent 
 his thanks through the viceroy for the zeal displayed 
 by Casanate; and after hearing of the latter's mis 
 fortune he sent orders November 10, 1647, that every 
 possible aid and encouragement should be afforded for 
 a resumption of the enterprise. With a letter from 
 Sinaloa dated April 13, 1649, Casanate sent a narra 
 tive of his voyage which I have not been able to find ; 
 announced his intention of continuing his efforts the 
 following summer; and asked for the office of alcalde 
 mayor of Sinaloa. The king's reply of August 6, 
 1650, was a recommendation that the explorer's 
 schemes should still be favored and his demands 
 granted if there was no serious objection; but he also 
 desired an explanation of the long delays, reminding 
 Casanate that his license was not unlimited in respect 
 of time. This is the last definite record I find on the 
 subject. Respecting the unfortunate admiral's voyage 
 and subsequent operations, we are told by Venegas, 
 Alegre, and others that he finally succeeded in com 
 pleting two vessels on the Sinaloa coast, 16 and with 
 
 15 Here ends the fragment of Casanate's letter. Navarrete says he ob 
 tained the desired comandancia with orders to the viceroy to aid his scheme, 
 but that the orders were not carried out. Introd. Sutil y Mex., Ixxiv.-v. 
 Alegre, I lift. Comp. Jevus, ii. 328-30, implies that the burning was the re 
 sult of carelessness rather than malice. Calle, Mem. y Not. Sac., 110-12, says 
 that Casanate notified the king of his misfortune in letters of Feb. 20th, 25th, 
 and 20, 1G25, and that the king's order for his relief was dated April llth. 
 
 10 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 328-30, copied also in Dice. Univ., viii. 
 
184 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 them made a trip to California in 1648, accompanied 
 by the Jesuit friars, Jacinto Cortes and Andres Baez, 
 originally named by the provincial for the service. 
 After seeking in vain on the peninsula coast a suitable 
 site for their colony the voyagers returned, the ves 
 sels were perhaps ordered again to act as convoys to 
 the Manila ship, and the enterprise was thus finally 
 abandoned. 17 
 
 After a blank of nearly twenty years in maritime 
 annals, two vessels were built at Valle de Banderas, 
 and in them Bernardo Bernal de Pinadero undertook 
 the reduction of California under a commission from 
 Felipe IV. Once in the gulf, however, he gave his 
 exclusive attention to the search for pearls, cruelly 
 ill-treating the natives, who were forced to serve as 
 divers, and thus well nigh destroying the favorable 
 impression left by some of the earlier Spaniards. The 
 harvest of pearls is said to have been rich, and in 
 dividing the spoil the adventurers quarrelled, with 
 some loss of life. Pinadero was not well received in 
 Mexico, but was nevertheless required to repeat his 
 voyage in fulfilment of his contract, as he did in 1667 
 with two new vessels built at Chacala, without any 
 practical results that are known. 18 
 
 The voyage of Captain Francisco Lucenilla y Torres 
 was made in 1668. Two Franciscan friars, Juan 
 Caballero y Carranco and Juan Bautista Ramirez, 
 accompanied the expedition, besides a chaplain who 
 did not cross the gulf. The two vessels sailed on May 
 
 633-4, is very enthusiastic over Casanate's pure life and pious example during 
 his stay in Sinaloa. He showed the greatest respect for the padres, aided in 
 decorating the streets for processions, and washed the feet of the poor. 
 
 17 Royal orders of Oct. 11, 1645, Nov. 10, 1647, and Aug. 6, 1650, in Baja 
 Cat., Cedilla*, MS., 63-6. See also ftibas, Hist. Triumphos, 162, 750; Cavo, 
 TresSiglos, ii. 33; CorMs, Hist., 327-8; Clavigero, Stor. Gal, 164-5; Gal, 
 Estab. y Prog., 10-11; Mofras, Explor. , i. 102; Browne's L. Gal., 28. 
 
 18 Venegas, Not. Gal., i. 216-7, seems to be the original authority, refer 
 ring, however, to a MS., by Padre Kino. Others follow Venegas in a mere 
 mention of the voyage: A leqre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 437-8; Gal. , Estdb. y Prog. , 
 ii.; Cavo, Trcs Stglos, ii. 47-8; Navarrc.te, Sutil y Mex., Ixxxiv. ; Browne's L. 
 Gal., 28; Payno 'in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da e>, ii. 200; Dice. Univ., x. 136-7; 
 JZamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 394. 
 
LUCEXILLA AND PIftADERO. 185 
 
 1st from Chacala, and on the 13th touched at Maza- 
 tlan. Crossing over a few days later they touched at 
 La Paz, Port San Bernabd, and one or two other 
 points, finding the natives well disposed; but as the 
 country seemed barren and inhospitable Lucenilla 
 decided to return, or possibly was driven to the main 
 in a storm. At any rate the usual sworn statement 
 of the trip was dated the 4th of July. The license 
 seems to have required a settlement in California; 
 but there are indications that Lucenilla's real aim was 
 pearl-fishing. 19 
 
 It is probable that several unrecorded expeditions 
 in quest of pearls were made in these years. The 
 government required each would-be conqueror to fit 
 out his fleet at his own cost, and imposed such condi 
 tions in connection with settlement, survey, and treat 
 ment of natives that the venture was deemed risky 
 notwithstanding the rich comederos. It was safer to 
 make private unauthorized trips in smaller vessels. 
 
 Pinadero's misdeeds in connection with his Cali 
 fornia trips depend mainly upon the statement of 
 Venegas, whose authority was Father Kino. Perhaps 
 they were exaggerated, as there was trouble between 
 the navigator and the Jesuits. At any rate they 
 were not made public for several years. Down to 
 1678 Pinadero considered his contract still in force, 
 and continued his efforts to carry out his schemes of 
 
 19 The most definite account is that in Robles, Diario, 61-2. The same 
 writer, 109, says this attempt of the Franciscans to obtain the Calif ornias was 
 one of the causes of a reprimand from Spain to the commissary in 1671. 
 Lorenzana, in Cortts, Hist. , 328, followed by Payno in Soc. Mex. Gcog. , 2da p., 
 ii. 200, attributes the failure to the opposition of the Jesuits. Clavigero, 
 Stor. CaL, i. 165-6, pronounces this a calumny,- as there were no Jesuits in 
 California at the time; but Lorenzana probably did not refer to Jesuits in 
 California. Clavigero gives scarcity of food as the cause of failure. Cavo, 
 Tres Siglos, ii. 48, adds the barrenness of the coast. Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
 Jesm, ii. 49-50, says the efforts of the friars were counteracted by the avarice 
 of the Spaniards. The padres passed from the Yaqui to Nayarit. Niel, Apunt. , 
 70, says Lucenilla explored from Conception B. to Cerralvo Island. Taylor, 
 Hist. Summary, 28-9, calls the name Lucinella; andGleeson, Hist. Cath. Ch.,i. 
 82-3, Luzan villa. See also Navarrete, Introd., Ixxxiv. ; CaL, Estab. y Proy., 
 11; Dice. Univ., ix. 750-1; Greenhow's Or. and Col., 95; Zamacois, Hist. 
 Alfj., v. 413; Vetancvrt, Chr6n. Sl Evan., 117. 
 
186 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 conquest, professing at different times to have vessels 
 in readiness. In 1671 he petitioned for the coman- 
 dancia of Sinaloa for a series of years, and for author 
 ity to found two Jesuit missions, one on the peninsula 
 and the other on the main, using for that purpose the 
 funds bequeathed to the company by Alonso Fernan 
 dez de la Torre. The king looked favorably on the 
 proposition; but the Jesuit provincial reported that 
 the Torre estate was in litigation and not likely to 
 yield funds for the proposed missions, though the 
 company would gladly furnish missionaries; and some 
 officials doubted the practicability of effecting the 
 permanent occupation of the peninsula by private 
 enterprise. The king, however, manifested increasing 
 interest in the matter; ordered the viceroy to make 
 new investigations; and insisted that a contract should 
 be made, if not with Pinadero, then with some other 
 responsible man, the expense to be borne if possible 
 by the contractor, but otherwise by the royal treasury. 
 In the investigations that followed in Mexico it was 
 decided by the audiencia not only that Pifiadero's de 
 mands were excessive and his sureties insufficient, but 
 that he deserved punishment for past irregularities 
 that had now come to light. But the project was 
 kept in view, and under the new financial conditions 
 it was not difficult to find an empresario to undertake 
 the conquest of California at government expense. 
 Late in 1678 a contract was made with Isidro Otondo 
 y Antillon, receiving the royal approval at the end 
 of 1679. Details of the contract are not extant, but 
 Otondo was not burdened with a large part of the 
 cost. 20 
 
 20 The best authority on these transactions is a series of four royal orders, 
 dated Nov. 11, 1G74, May 20, 1676, June 18, 1676, and Dec. 29, 1679, with 
 frequent allusions to other documents in Baja CaL, Ctdulas, MS., 67-75. See 
 also Montemayor Svmarios, 2, for a ccklula of Feb. 26, 1677; Veiiefjas, Not. 
 CaL, i. 218 et seq. ; Alcr/re, Hist. Comp. Jcsits, iii. 41-57, repeated in Dice. 
 Univ., viii. 278-81; Clavigero, Stor. CaL, i. 167-74. Some of the best authori 
 ties call the empresario Atondo; but the probabilities seem to favor the other 
 form. Niel, Apunt., 20, calls him Hondo. Burney, Citron. Hist., iv. 345-50, 
 followed by Taylor, says he was governor of Sinaloa. 
 
OTONDO'S EXPEDITION. 187 
 
 A fleet of three vessels was fitted out at Chacala 
 on the Sinaloa coast. It was expected to be ready in 
 the autumn of 1681; but delays were caused by the 
 necessity of transporting many needed supplies from 
 Mexico and Vera Cruz. 21 The Jesuits were intrusted 
 with the spiritual conquest, and the provincial named 
 for the duty, fathers Eusebio Kino, Juan Bautista 
 Copart, and Pedro Matias Goni, the first being supe 
 rior and also cosm6grafo mayor. Goni did not go to 
 California, however, at first, and Father Jose Guijosa 
 of the order of San Juan de Dios seems' to have made 
 the trip in his stead. 22 
 
 The Limpia Conception, capitana, and the San Jose 
 y San Francisco Javier, almiranta, with about one hun 
 dred men under captains Francisco Pereda y Arce, 
 and Bias de Guzman y Cordoba, and Alferez Martin 
 de Verastegui, sailed from Chacala on January 18, 
 1G83. 23 A sloop was to follow with supplies, and did 
 start, but never joined the fleet nor reached California. 
 Winds were at first contrary, and Otondo was forced 
 to touch February 9th at Mazatlan, and March 18th 
 at the mouth of the Sinaloa. But finally he crossed 
 over from San Ignacio and sighted Cerralvo Island 
 after one night's voyage. After three clays they were 
 able to approach the coast, which they followed north 
 westward for some eight leagues, and on March 30th 
 entered the bay of La Paz, 24 where they anchored on 
 
 21 King's Letters of Aug. 15th and Dec. 31, 1681, in Baja CaL, Ccdulas, 
 MS., 75-8. 
 
 22 According to Ale^jre, iii. 27-8, a secular chaplain for the expedition had 
 been appointed in 1681 by the bishop of Durango, but at the request of the 
 Jesuits this act was overruled by the government. P. Goni's name is* also 
 written Gogni, Gony, and Coqui. It is not unlikely that Gogni was the 
 original name. Mofras, Explor., i. 103, adds Salvatierra! 
 
 23 Royal communications of June 16, 1683, and March 28, 1684, in Baja 
 Cal., Cedulas, MS., 78-9. Several authorities make the date Jan. 18th; and 
 Venegas, followed by several, March 18th. 
 
 21 Otondo, Nouvflle Descente des Espacjnols dans VIsle de Califomie, at the 
 end of Voyages de C Empereur de la Chine, 81-110. This was doubtless the 
 first published account of the voyage, having been taken from Otondo's let 
 ters and printed in 1685. Otondo, Delation d'une Descente das Esjiagnofs dans 
 la Cal'ifornie en 1683. Traduite de Castillan, in Voiarjes au Nord, iii. 288-300, 
 is the same narrative; and the same appears in substance in Lockman's Trav 
 els of the Jesuits, i. 408-20. 
 
188 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 the 1st of April, landed next day, and on the 5th set 
 up the holy cross, and the royal standard saluted by 
 a volley of musketry, while all the company shouted 
 Viva Carlos II.! The province was named Santisima 
 Trinidad de las Californias, and the locality Nuestra 
 Sefiora de La Paz, the document of possession being 
 signed by the officers and padres before Diego de 
 Salas, the royal escribano. 25 
 
 No natives had been seen, a'nd this fact, considered 
 in connection with former hospitality, seemed strange, 
 and even suggested doubts as to the identity of La 
 Paz, about whose exact latitude authorities differed. 
 The bay was, however, the veritable La Paz; neither 
 had the people, as w T as feared, been annihilated by the 
 fierce Guaicuri; but the acts of pearl-seekers had 
 cooled the native friendship for Spaniards and made 
 the harbor no longer the Bay of Peace. Still the site 
 was deemed favorable, being well watered, and here the 
 camp was .fortified. The natives began to appear in 
 small numbers and in hostile attitude, expressing by 
 gestures their wish to be rid of the intruders. Trivial 
 particulars of the process by which very gradually the 
 good will of the natives was gained through appeals 
 to their palates are given at considerable length, and 
 with a few unimportant discrepancies in Otondo's ver 
 sion and that of the friars, 26 but require no extended 
 notice here. The inhabitants soon became so friendly 
 as to come freely to the camp, to accept gifts, and even 
 to steal such articles as struck their fancy ; but it does 
 not appear that they returned as a trite to the shores 
 of the bay. Wholesome fear was promoted by a pub 
 lic test of the musket as compared with the bow; a 
 church and cabins were built; the friars, after putting 
 
 25 The document is given in full in Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 43-5, and 
 from it the dates are taken, differing slightly from those given by other authori 
 ties. Otondo, Nouvelle Descente, states that possession was taken April 1st. 
 Kino, Diario, 440, afterward speaks of March 25th as the anniversary of 
 the arrival in California. 
 
 26 As represented by Venegas. Otondo naturally exaggerates, as the 
 padres underrate, the hostile movements of the Indians. 
 
OTONDO IN CALIFORNIA. 189 
 
 themselves in communication with the natives, devoted 
 themselves to the acquisition of the language; and, all 
 
 ?>ing smoothly, the Conception w.as sent over to Bio 
 aqui for supplies. 27 
 
 Two expeditions were made for short distances into 
 the interior, the first south-west to the home of the 
 Guaicuri, hostile to the end, and the second eastward 
 to the territory of the Coras, a gentle but very avari 
 cious people. On June 6th the former people ap 
 peared in arms before the fort at La Paz, bent on 
 carrying out their oft-repeated threats to drive out the 
 Spaniards; but the admiral sallied out and scattered 
 the assailants with shouts and wild gestures causing 
 much terror but no bloodshed. Peace reigned nomi 
 nally for a time, but later a mulatto ship-boy ran away 
 and the Guaicuri were charged by the Coras with his 
 murder. Their chief was therefore imprisoned, not 
 withstanding the entreaties, protests, and threats of 
 his subjects, who in their fury planned a general attack 
 for July 1st and invited the Coras to join them, but 
 were betrayed by that politic people, who desired 
 nothing more than the defeat of their foes. Extra 
 precautions were taken, and at the first appearance of 
 the hostile band, ten or twelve of their number were 
 killed by a volley from the pedrero and the rest fled 
 in terror. 23 
 
 This act of Otondo, like many later ones, was not 
 approved by the Jesuits, and subsequent misfortunes 
 were looked upon as a retribution. The soldiers, who 
 before the attack had shown a spirit of timidity almost 
 amounting to cowardice, now became more panic- 
 stricken than ever, insisting that the whole country 
 would be aroused to fall upon arid destroy them, and 
 tearfully praying the admiral to take them away even 
 
 27 Here, with a vague allusion to explorations inland, which may or may 
 not be those referred to by the padres, Otondo's narrative, the Nouvelie 2)e- 
 scen'e, ends abruptly, giving no information about subsequent troubles. 
 
 2b ln Salvatierra's report to the viceroy of May 25, 1705, it is stated that 
 Otondo killed some Guaicuri while eating boiled maize at a feast to which 
 .they had been invited. Venegas, Not. Cal., ii. 155. 
 
190 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 if it were only to land them on a desert island. The 
 remonstrances of officers and padres availed nothing; 
 supplies were becoming scarce from the non-arrival 
 of the vessels; and on July 14th the settlement was 
 abandoned. The Conception was met near the mouth 
 of the gulf, and the two vessels crossed together to 
 the main. 
 
 Otondo refitted his vessels in Sinaloa, largely at his 
 own expense it is said, and recrossed the gulf a few 
 months later, arriving on October 6, 1683, at a bay 
 north of La Paz, 23 which from the day was named San 
 Bruno. Here a site was chosen for the camp some 
 what less than a league from the shore, where there 
 was a supply of not very good water, in a sterile coun 
 try. A fort, church, and the required dwellings were 
 built with the aid of the natives, who were friendly 
 from the first, and were willing to work or to learn 
 the doctrina for a small daily allowance of pozole. Ten 
 days after landing the San Jose sailed with despatches 
 for the viceroy, reporting progress and asking for men 
 and money. A little later the Conception made a 
 trip to the Yaqui and returned November 20th with 
 food and some live-stock, including goats, horses, and 
 mules. 
 
 The San Bruno settlement was kept up about two 
 years, the admiral and his men occupying the time in 
 protecting the camp and in exploring the country, 
 while the padres devoted themselves to conciliating 
 the natives, learning their language, and the usual 
 routine of missionary duty. Padre Kino in his 
 diary 30 details most conscientiously the to us petty 
 occurrences of each day, and a more uneventful record 
 
 29 Possibly Ensenada de San Juan about 151. north of Loreto. Taylor, 
 Hist. Sum., 29-SO, incorrectly identifies it with Loreto. On Aug. 3cl, news 
 had reached Mexico of the former safe arrival in California. Robles, Diario, 
 381. 
 
 s Kino, Tercera Entrada (de. los Jesuitas en California), in Doc. Hist. Mcx., 
 se"rie iv. torn. i. 408-C8, although evidently but a fragment of the original, 
 is acomplete diary of events at San Bruno from Dec. 21, 1683, to May 8, 1G84. 
 Venegas refers to a MS. J/ixtoria de Sonora by Kino, referring perhaps to the 
 letters embodied in the Aposttilicos Afanes. Alegre also refers to Kino's jour 
 nal for some dates not included in the diary as printed. 
 
EVENTS AT SAN BRUNO. 191 
 
 it would be Lard to imagine. Prominent events were 
 the first rain on January 5th, a frost, and a temblor; 
 also the gathering and eating of the first corn, beans, 
 and melons of California production. The stocks were 
 continually brought into play to punish runaway ser 
 vants or thieving Californians. Difficulties of the 
 latter class usually resulted in a withdrawal from 
 camp of all the Edues or Didius, according to the 
 nationality of the unlucky culprit; and on such occa 
 sions there was great, terror among the Spaniards, 
 who, as we have seen, w T ere conquistadores of a very 
 mild type. But all these troubles terminated uni 
 formly in the return of the penitent and hungry prod 
 igals to prayers and pozole. In all their doings the 
 were mere children, crying to sleep in the same room 
 with the padre, sorrowful because the painted virgin 
 would not give them her baby to hold, begging for a 
 ride on the padre's mule, delighted with the move 
 ments of a rubber ball, and filled with wonder at the 
 coming to life of half-drowned flies, by the aid of which 
 the friars explained the resurrection. 
 
 There were, moreover, industrial agitations in those 
 primitive days, and on divers occasions the conflicting 
 claims of capital and labor had to be conciliated by 
 concessions a handful of maize wa added to a week's 
 rations. The food distributed was for the most part 
 from the stores given by the missionaries across the 
 gulf, and on one occasion the padres refused to dis 
 tribute gifts of clothing offered by Otondo in the 
 king's name. They were often displeased at what 
 they termed the admiral's needless severity; but for 
 an officer in those days to please the missionaries was 
 almost impossible. He must be a mere machine for 
 the preservation of order, an object of terror, like a 
 pedrero, feared but not loved by the natives, com 
 pletely under the control of the padres, and to be 
 conciliated only through their influence. Then we 
 read of the weather, and of the day when the sickness 
 of the tortillera cut off the supply of tortillas for the 
 
192 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 officers; of minor expeditions to neighboring ranche- 
 rias, to the shore for fish, or to a distant spring for 
 water needed by the sick; of the falling of the cross 
 on the shore of the bay, and of the day when one of 
 the padres found it necessary to take physic. On 
 the whole the missionaries were content with, the 
 country, their progress, and the prospects. Four 
 hundred converts were ready for baptism, but only to 
 the dying was the rite administered, for the danger 
 of having to abandon the country was foreseen. 
 
 Of the many trips into the interior, or up and down 
 the coast for short distances, we have no information 
 that seems of any geographical importance. One at 
 tempt was made to reach the South Sea, but the 
 roughness of the country and scarcity of food pre 
 vented success. Kino also speaks of two expeditions 
 to the south in search of the bay of San Dionisio and 
 of the Danzantes, both of which were seen from a 
 distance. 31 The admiral with his men was very much 
 less pleased with the prospect than w r ere the Jesuits. 
 Their exploration had revealed but a rough and sterile 
 country, with no mines, poor water, an unhealthy cli 
 mate, and unreliable, inefficient, though gentle, in 
 habitants. There was some suffering from want of 
 food and from sickness, before the San Jose arrived 
 on August 10th, bringing Padre Copart, twenty sol 
 diers, fresh supplies, and eleven months' pay for the 
 whole force. Kino, a little later, went over to the 
 Sonora coast, 32 and his absence doubtless accounts for 
 our limited information about subsequent events. 
 
 Copart and Goni continued their labors with great 
 zeal, but the Spaniards became daily more and more 
 disgusted with a land that promised neither fortune 
 
 sl Kino, Tercera Entrada, 411. The same writer describes a trip made by 
 him with Alfe"rez Nicolas Contreras and eight men to the N. and N. w., in 
 which some names of localities perhaps merit a record 3 leagues along, or 
 over, the Sierra Giganta to S. Isidro, 3 1. to San Pablo, 6 1. N. to Rio de Sto 
 Tomas, up the river w. and s. w. to the summit of the sierra, C 1. in the valley 
 of S. Fabiano in the Didiu country, rancheria of S. Nicolas, and return by a 
 different route to S. Bruno. This journey was made in December 1683. 
 
 *' z Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 56. 
 
ANOTHER FAILURE. 193 
 
 nor pleasure. Fate seems to have opposed the Jes 
 uits, for the season was unusually dry even for this 
 arid country. Otondo finally despatched the Conwp- 
 cion to the north with orders to find, if possible, a 
 better site, while he in the San Jose, after carrying the 
 sick to Sinaloa, sailed to make a more thorough search 
 for pearl comederos. Before his departure, however, 
 the question of remaining at San Bruno had been 
 discussed in a general junta, and the conflicting views 
 of the two parties were put in writing, and sent to the 
 viceroy. 
 
 In September 1685 the viceroy's reply was received 
 by Otondo at San Ignacio. Its purport was that no 
 additional settlements were to be formed, though the 
 establishment at San Bruno must be sustained if pos 
 sible until a more suitable site could be found; but 
 the capitana had returned without having been able 
 to find such a site; the survey of the almiranta for 
 pearls had been equally unsuccessful; provisions failed 
 again, and Otondo had to transfer his whole company 
 to Matanchel, probably at the end of 1685. Here he 
 received the order, so familiar to west-coast voyagers 
 of the period, and perhaps not altogether unwelcome 
 in this case, to escort the pichilingue-threatened gal 
 leon; 33 one more was added to the list of failures to 
 conquer California, a failure which in this instance 
 cost the government 225,400 pesos. 34 Subsequently, 
 during the same or the next year, although the gov 
 ernment refused pecuniary aid to Lucenilla, who was 
 disposed to renew his attempts, yet it retained confi 
 dence in Otondo, and ordered an advance payment of 
 
 33 Dec. 18, 1685, news reached Mexico from Acapulco that the China ship 
 had arrived on the 14th in company with Otondo's two vessels, which had 
 joined her on Nov. 28th. Robles, Diario, 442-3. 
 
 34 See also on Ortega's operations in addition to preceding references : 
 Navarrete, Sutil y Mex., lxxxiv.-v.; Cortes, Hist., 328; Cavo, Tres Siylo*, ii. 
 63; Col-., JSvtdb. ?/ Prog., 11-12; Lassepas, B. Gal, 165; Vetancvrt, C/irou. 
 Sto Evan., 117-18; Mofras, Explor., i. 103; Gordon's Hist. Mex., 92; Doyle's 
 Hist. Pious Fund, 2; Forbes' Gal, 12-13; Gal, Hist. Chret., 23-31; Dice. 
 Univ., i. 350; iv. 547; Ewudero, Not. Son., 12; Alvarez, Estudios, iii. 282-7; 
 Winterbotham'* Hist. Geog., iv. 109; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., i. 83-4; Tut- 
 hill's Hist. Cal. , 37-40. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 13 
 
194 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 30,000 pesos for a new voyage under that leader. 
 On account of the Tarahumara revolt, however, and 
 other pressing needs for money, the payment was 
 never made. 35 
 
 In 1685 two vessels under Swan and Townley, 
 separating themselves from the fleet of freebooters in 
 southern waters, came north for a plundering cruise, 
 the main purpose being as usual to capture the Manila 
 galleon. Their varied experiences and disasters 
 between Acapulco and Jalisco were not within the 
 territorial limits of this volume, and have been else 
 where noted. 36 In January 1686, however, Captain 
 Swan sailed north ward from Banderas Valley and his 
 ship reached a point just above Mazatlan, the explora 
 tion being continued in boats farther north in search 
 of Culiacan, which was not reached. Swan turned 
 about at the beginning of February to meet with 
 fresh disasters in the south, losing fifty men at the 
 Rio Tololotlan. After this discouragement to British 
 enterprise, the ship sailed for Cape San Lucas but 
 was driven back by the winds after passing the Maza 
 tlan Islands ; and at the end of March sailed from Cape 
 Corrientes for the East Indies. William Dampier, 
 historian of the expedition, does not quit the coast 
 without having his say about Californian geography 
 and the strait of Anian. I reproduce his map of this 
 region, and add in a note some geographical items 
 from his text. 37 
 
 Venegas, followed by later writers, barely mentions 
 a voyage to the gulf undertaken at his own expense 
 in 1694 by Francisco de Itamarra, who it seems had 
 been one of Otondo's companions. He accomplished 
 
 35 Gal, Estdb. y Prog., 12; Venegas, Not. Gal, L 238-9; Akfjre, Hist. 
 Gomp. Jesus, iii. 60; Clavif/cro, Stor. Gal, i. 175-6; Browne's L. Gal, 30-1; 
 Burners Ghron. Hist., iv. 350-1. 
 
 * 6 See Hist. Mex., iii., this series. 
 
 37 Dampier's New Voyage round the World, i. 237-78. See also Hist. 
 Northwest Coast, i. 112, this series. He puts C. Corrientes in 20 28'. The 
 northern point of Valle de Banderas is called Pt Pontique in 20 50'. Two 
 
PRIVATE VOYAGES. 
 
 195 
 
 nothing beyond ascertaining that the natives of San 
 Bruno had not forgotten the taste of pozole, arid 
 were clamorous for conversion. 38 This was the last 
 expedition of the century save those by which the 
 actual occupation of the peninsula was effected, and 
 which with subsequent explorations of the gulf will 
 be included in the annals of Baja California and So- 
 nora in future chapters. Private individuals it must 
 be supposed continued to despatch small craft from 
 the contra costa manned chiefly by Yaqui crews to 
 seek pearls, often with profitable reslilts; but it was 
 now well understood that more formal and extensive 
 expeditions including in their plan the settlement of 
 the country could not be undertaken except at a 
 serious loss. 
 
 There were, however, several foreign expeditions 
 into these waters during the first half of the eigh 
 teenth century, which require brief mention in con 
 nection with this subject, and which may be more 
 
 small "barren isles 1 1. west called Isle of Pontique (Las Marietas); Isl. of 
 Chametly, 6 small isles in 23 10' and 31. from main. (There are no such islea 
 off Chametla; by the map they must 
 be the Mazatlan group.) Six or 
 seven 1. N. N. w. from Chametly 
 Isles, in 23 30', is the mouth of a 
 lake which runs about 12 1. parallel 
 with the coast, and is called Rio de 
 Sal, Landing at the N. E. of this 
 lake they marched to Massaclan. 
 (The lake must be that at the 
 mouths of the Canas and San Pe 
 dro, but this does not agree with 
 either text or map.) Rosario, on a 
 river of same name, whose mouth 
 is in 2251',having near its mouth 
 a hill called Caput Cavalli. (This 
 would seem to be Rio Chametla, 
 and Rosario has preserved its 
 name.) Rio Oleta, eastward of Rio 
 Rosario, but not found (San Pedro 
 or Cauas) ; Rio St lago in 22 15'; 
 Santa Pecaque, 5 1. up the river 
 and four hours' march from the 
 bank; Santiago 3 1. off, and Com- 
 postela 21 1. DAMPIER'S MAP, 1G99. 
 
 3ri }'<>n<>r}a*, Not. Cat., i. 230-40; Ategre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 81; Clavi- 
 ge.ro, Star., CaL, 176; Gal., Estab. y Prog., 13. 
 
196 
 
 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 conveniently noticed here than elsewhere: those of 
 Dampier, Rogers, Frondac, Shelvocke, and Anson. 
 
 Captain William Dampier, a companion of Swan 
 eighteen years before, in 1704 entered northern waters 
 
 HARRIS' MAP, 1705. 
 
 on the St George with sixty-four men. On the Co- 
 lima coast in November and December he took several 
 prizes, one of them a bark from California carrying 
 a few pearls. On December 6th Dampier sighted 
 and attacked the Manila galleon; but the guns of that 
 
DAMPIER AXD ROGERS. 197 
 
 craft proved too strong for the St Georc/e, and the 
 
 A O -/ ' 
 
 discomfited British had to withdraw from the conflict 
 and lose the golden treasure they had come so far to 
 seek. This expedition did not reach the Sinaloa or 
 California coasts; but the author of the narrative 
 introduced some unimportant geographical material 
 from Swan's observations, 39 and a careless examina 
 tion perhaps of some Spanish authority. I reproduce 
 on the preceding page a map of 1705 from Harris' 
 collection of voyages. 40 
 
 Yet a third time Danipier returned to the coasts 
 of New Spain, on this occasion as pilot on Woodes 
 Kogers' fleet. The DuJze, of 320 tons and 30 guns, 
 with 117 men under captains Rogers arid Thomas 
 Dover famous for "Dover's powders" rather than 
 for his skill as a seaman and the Duchess of 260 
 tons, 26 guns, with 108 men under captains Stephen 
 Courtney and Edward Cooke, duly commissioned as 
 privateers, left England in August 1708. A year later, 
 having doubled Cape Horn, rescued from the island 
 of Juan Fernandez Alexander Selkirk of Robinson 
 Crusoe fame, and met with many adventures, the two 
 vessels with a companion prize, the Marquis, under 
 Captain Cooke, and a bark as tender, left Central 
 America and sighted Cape Corrientes on October 2,. 
 1709. 
 
 Most of October was passed at the Tres Marias,, 
 where a supply of wood, water, and turtles was ob 
 tained. The point of California was decided by a 
 majority vote and all movements of the fleet were 
 uniformly decided upon by vote in full council, the 
 record being preserved in the narrative to be the 
 best cruising-ground for the expected galleon, and 
 therefore in the first days of November the vessels 
 took the positions assigned them in a line stretching 
 
 from Cape San Lucas to the south-west, having dur- 
 
 
 
 Fnnneirs Voyacje round the World, Lond., 1707, 79-93. The author was 
 Dampier's mate. His reputation for accuracy is not good. The map makes* 
 California an island, but is on too small a scale to furnish details. 
 Harrix, Naviyalium. 
 
198 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 ing the next five or six weeks occasional communica 
 tion with the natives, described as a naked, miserable 
 people, without the slightest trace of missionary influ 
 ence. The galleon, however, seemed to have escaped 
 the blockade, or else was much later than usual, and 
 the hope of meeting her was at last abandoned. The 
 1 5th of December the Marquis was sent into Puerto 
 Seguro, or San Bernabe, to refit; and on the 20th it 
 was decided to refit the fleet and sail for the Ladrones, 
 supplies being barely sufficient for the voyage. 
 
 First a calm and then a gale prevented them from 
 entering the port, most fortunately for them, since 
 next day the Manila ship hove in sight, and on the 
 22d was taken after a sharp fight, for which the men 
 were fortified in the absence of liquors by a kettle of 
 chocolate and by prayers, which were interrupted by 
 the foe's first shot. The prize was the Nuestra Senora 
 de la Encarnacion del Desengano, commanded by Cap 
 tain John Pichberty, carrying twenty large guns and 
 the same number of pedreros, and manned by 193 
 men, of whom nine were killed and ten wounded. The 
 Englishmen had two wounded, one of whom was Cap 
 tain Rogers. 
 
 From the captives it was learned that the Desen 
 gano had sailed with a consort of still larger size; 
 consequently it was determined on the 24th that the 
 Duchess and Marquis should cruise for eight days in 
 the hope that she had not yet passed. They were so 
 fortunate as to see the intended prize and attacked 
 her at midnight of the 25th, keeping up the battle at 
 intervals until the next night, when the Duke came 
 up, and next morning all three united their efforts 
 against the monster foe, which was the Bigonia, 900 
 tons, carrying 60 brass guns, and as many pedreros, 
 with a force of 450 men. She was so strongly built 
 Manila ships were always superior to those built on 
 the Mexican coast that the 500 small balls poured 
 into her from the light guns of the buccaneers had no 
 apparent effect on her hull, although some damage 
 
DEFEATED BY THE GALLEON. 199 
 
 was done to her rigging. Besides her complement 
 of 450 men there were among the Bigonias passen 
 gers 150 " European pirates, who having now got all 
 their wealth on board were resolved to defend it to 
 the last." 
 
 The battle was continued until just before noon of 
 the 27th, when the attacking squadron, finding them 
 selves fast becoming disabled without making any 
 impression on the enemy, 41 drew off for a council, at 
 which it was decided to keep near the enemy until 
 night, to lose her in the darkness, and then to give 
 their whole attention to saving themselves and their 
 first prize. Rogers had again been wounded, as had 
 ten of his companions, and a still greater number on 
 the Duchess, where eleven were also killed. It was 
 Rogers' opinion that had all three vessels gone out to 
 the attack together, as he had wished but had been 
 overruled by the majority, the prize might have been 
 taken by boarding, though after her 'netting-deck' 
 and ' close-quarters' were made ready the attempt 
 would have been madness. The buccaneers submitted 
 with as good grace as possible to the decrees of a kind 
 providence which had given them one rich prize. 
 
 The fleet hurried back to Puerto Seguro, whence 
 the prisoners from the Desengano with others taken 
 as hostages in South America, were sent away in the 
 bark, Captain Pichberty, a French chevalier, having 
 given as a ransom bills of exchange on London for 
 6,000 dollars. The prize, was renamed the Batclielor, 
 manned from the other vessels, and, after a long 
 1 paper war' of argument and protest, put under the 
 nominal command of Captain Dover, but really under 
 the control of captains Frye and Stretton, with Alex 
 ander Selkirk as master. Cape San Lucas was last 
 seen on January 12, 1710, and the fleet arrived at 
 
 41 Rogers, however, afterward met in Holland a sailor who had been on 
 board the galleon and who said she was much disabled, and that the fight 
 had been kept up only by the gunner who went into the powder-room and 
 swore he would blow up the ship if she were surrendered, p. 331. 
 
200 EXPLORATIONS TO THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 the Ladrones in March. The profits of the voyage 
 are said to have been nearly 400, OOO. 42 
 
 Of the many French voyages made to the South 
 Sea during this period there are but two which call 
 for mention here; and indeed there is nothing beyond 
 a mere mention of either extant. In the summer of 
 1709 Captain Frondac in the Saint Antoine crossed 
 from China by the northern route. He went to 45, 
 a higher latitude than usual, and he also touched on 
 the California coast in 31, shortening his passage by 
 the former change and refreshing his men by the lat 
 ter, so that he suffered comparatively little from 
 scurvy, the scourge of these waters. 43 In 1721, as 
 Anson learned from what he deemed good authority, 
 another French vessel made the passage in less than 
 fifty days, but only five or six of the crew survived 
 the plague. 44 
 
 It was in 1721 also that Captain George Shelvocke, 
 after one of the typical privateering cruises on the 
 central coasts, came northward in the Sacra Familia, 
 a prize taken at Sonsonate. He had left England in 
 1719 in company with John Clipperton and the Suc 
 cess, but had soon parted from his consort, meeting 
 her again two years later on the Mexican coast, 
 where the two cruised for a time together off Aca- 
 pulco, hoping to intercept the galleon at her departure 
 for the west; but the two commanders were not on 
 good terms, and Shelvocke, when no longer needed, 
 was treacherously deserted by Clipperton. It was 
 chiefly with the hope of again meeting the Success 
 that he came so far north on his return to India, fall 
 ing in with Cape Corrientes early in August. Find 
 ing neither consort nor a supply of water after a three 
 days' search of the Tres Marias, the Sacra Familia 
 
 & Rogers' Cruising Voyage round the World, 266-312, 356-7. This is the 
 commander's own narrative. Capt. Cooke also seems to have written an ac 
 count which wag. consulted by the editor of Voyages, Hist. Acct., ii. 1-90, and 
 in Voyages, New CoL, iii. 122-335. The voyage is noticed in many collec 
 tions and in most of the general works referred to in this chapter. 
 
 & Burnerf* Chron. Hist., iv. 487; Venegas, Not. CaL, iii. 210-17. 
 Voyage, by Walter, ed. of 1756, 326. 
 
GEORGE ANSON. 201 
 
 crossed over to California, and on August 13th anch 
 ored in Puerto Seguro. Here they remained five 
 davs, watering, and sailed on the 18th for the south- 
 
 */' O ' 
 
 west, to the great sorrow of their native friends, who 
 had come in large numbers to the shore and even to 
 the ship, and had been feasted with unlimited quanti 
 ties of sweetmeats and hasty-pudding. The soil about 
 the port when "turned fresh up to the sun appears as 
 if intermingled with gold-dust." Thus did each suc 
 cessive visitor contribute his mite to the fund of pop 
 ular marvels respecting California. 45 - 
 
 Captain George Anson, later Lord Anson, cruised 
 in the Pacific from 1740 to 1742 with a fleet of pri 
 vateers duly commissioned by the British government. 
 He waited a long time off Acapulco for the westward 
 bound ship, but becoming discouraged, he crossed the 
 ocean and succeeded in capturing a rich galleon at 
 the Philippines. He did not reach the coasts which 
 form the territorial basis of these chapters. 46 Padre 
 Cavo tells us that a Dutch ship was driven by stress 
 of weather to the port of Matanchel in 1747, eighteen 
 of the officers and men were invited on shore to dine 
 by the alcalde mayor of Huetlan, who had been enter 
 tained on shipboard, and then treacherously arrested 
 and sent to Guadalajara. There, however, they were 
 released as soon as the treachery was known, and 
 hospitably entertained by the leading families until 
 an opportunity' occurred to send them home. 47 During 
 this century the Manila ships frequently touched on 
 the peninsula coast, chiefly at the cape port, as I shall 
 have occasion to mention in connection with the mis 
 sionary annals of Baja California. 
 
 45 Shelvoclx'a Voyage .round the World, 337-99. The author gives quite a 
 long account of California and its people, which Betagh, } 7 oyaf/e, 215-21 
 \vho accompanied Shelvocke, and writes chiefly to contradict and ridicule his 
 commander pronounces absurdly false where not plagiarized from Woodes 
 Kogers. The narrative more or less abridged from these two authorities is 
 given in most of the collections published. 
 
 Ansorix Voynrie, round the World, compiled by Richard Walter. 
 
 47 Cavo, Tres Sifjlos, ii. 159-GO. In some papers left by Ignacio Vallejo 
 the date of the arrival is given as March 1747, and the leader's name is 
 Wilhelm Maal. Vallejo, Hist. CaL, MS., i. 228-9. 
 
CHAPTEK IX. 
 
 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 1600-1650. 
 
 COAST PROVINCES CHAMETLA, COPALA, CULIACAN, SINALOA, OSTIMURI, 
 SONORA, AND PlMERIA VlLLAS OF SAN SEBASTIAN AND SAN MlGUEL 
 SAN JUAN DE MAZATLAN SAN FELIPE DE SINALOA COMMANDANTS on 
 GOVERNORS THE JESUIT ANUAS CAPTAIN HURDAIDE ? S RULE THE 
 GUAZAVES DEFEAT OF THE SUAQUIS CHIEFS HANGED EXPEDITION 
 TO CHINIPA SINALOAS PUT TO DEATH TEHUECO CAMPAIGN OCORONI 
 REVOLT CONVERSIONS FUERTE DE MONTESCLAROS SPANIARDS DE 
 FEATED BY THE YAQUIS TREATY OF PEACE BISHOP'S VISIT TEPAHUE 
 CAMPAIGN MAYO MISSIONS CONVERSION OF THE YAQUIS CHINIPA 
 MISSIONS DISTRICT OF SAN IGNACIO DISTRIBUTION OF PADRES 
 DEATH OF HURDAIDE PE*REA IN COMMAND MURDER OF PADRES 
 PASCUAL AND MARTINEZ SONORA VALLEY DISTRICT OF SAN FRAN 
 CISCO JAVIER DIVISION OF PROVINCE NUEVA ANDALUCIA JESUITS 
 VERSUS FRANCISCANS PADRES AND STATISTICS RIB AS' TRIUMPHS OF 
 THE FAITH CONDITION OF THE MISSIONS. 
 
 THE geography of the regions corresponding to the 
 modern Sinaloa and Sonora was in some respects not 
 clearly defined during the seventeenth century. Yet 
 while I shall name pueblos whose exact location cannot 
 be fixed, the prevalent uncertainty respecting precise 
 boundaries of provinces and districts, arising often 
 from the fact that they had no precise boundaries, 
 will interfere but little with the narrative of events, 
 as most of the confusing subdivisions of territory had 
 no real existence politically or ecclesiastically, being 
 simply geographical names in common and often care 
 less usage. Many of the difficulties would moreover 
 be removed did such a thing exist as an accurate 
 modern map. Glancing at the coast provinces in their 
 order from south to north, we find the names Cha- 
 
 (202) 
 
GEOGRAPHY. 203 
 
 and Rosario applied to the region lying between 
 the rivers Canas and Mazatlan. 1 Chametla was the 
 aboriginal name when Guzman arrived here in 1530; 
 was long applied to the port, to the river, and to a 
 real de minas; and it is still found on modern maps. 
 A small province east of Chametla on the slope 
 of the sierra was sometimes called Maloya. Next 
 northward, between the rivers Mazatlan and Piastla, 
 was Copala, comprising parts of the Quezala and 
 Piastla of Guzman's lime. The name rarely appears 
 in the annals of the country, and was represented in 
 later times by a mining camp in the mountains. 2 Cu- 
 liacan, the ancient Ciguatan, Land of Women, ex 
 tended from Piastla to the Rio Culiacan. It included 
 the site of San Miguel and the name is still retained 
 for city and river. 
 
 Next we find Sinaloa, often described as lying be 
 tween Culiacan and Rio Mayo, but whose limit was 
 more properly the Rio del Fuerte, or possibly the 
 Alamos. The name was originally that of a tribe 
 dwelling on the stream called Rio del Fuerte far from 
 the sea; thence it was extended from tribe and river 
 to province and capital; then from the capital over 
 several provinces within the governor's jurisdiction as 
 far north as the Rio Yaqui or even beyond; and it 
 has finally remained in use not only for city and for a 
 river south of that on which the Sinaloas lived, but 
 for the state extending from the Canas to the Ala 
 mos. 3 The provinces thus far named, or at least up 
 to the Rio Mocorito, or fivora, were confined to a 
 very narrow strip of coast, having on the east the 
 mountains of Topia, the annals of which I have in- 
 
 1 The latter stream is oftener called Hio del Presidio. Rio de las Caiias 
 was probably named for the reeds growing on its banks, but possibly in honor 
 of Gov. Canas. Torquemada says the province of Mazatlan was called Aca- 
 poneta or Chametla. See chapter xi. for map of southern provinces. 
 
 2 The Rio de Piastla was sometimes called Rio Elota, Rio de la Sal, and 
 also far up in the mountains Rio Humase. 
 
 3 Sinaloa was also called La Calimaya and Pusolana, and sometimes, in 
 connection with Culiacan and Ostimuri, Nuevo Reino de Aragoc. The Rio 
 del Fuerte was also called Tamotchala, Santiago, Ahome, Suaqui, and even 
 Sinaloa. The Rio de Sinaloa was originally the Petatlan. 
 
204 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 eluded in those of Durango. North of Sinaloa was 
 Ostimuri, which reached from the Alamos to the Rio 
 Yaqui, and up its eastern bank to the latitude of 
 Nacori or Sahuaripa.* A small pueblo bore, and per 
 haps originated the name, which in modern times was 
 still applied to the partido of Alamos. This province 
 and those to the north were separated on the east 
 from Nueva Vizcaya, or Tarahumara, or Chihuahua, 
 by the Sierra Madre. 
 
 All the country north of the Yaqui was sometimes 
 called Sonora 5 even at this time, a name which, aug 
 mented by Ostimuri on the south and deprived of 
 Arizona on the north, it still retains. Yet it was 
 more common among the Jesuits to restrict the name 
 to the valley where it originated; and the terms 
 Pimeria Baja and Pimeria Alta, 6 divided by a rather 
 vague line just below the rivers Altar and San Igna- 
 cio, w r ere the terms perhaps in most common use. 
 The provincial divisions thus indicated, except Sina 
 loa and Sonora in their broadest application, will 
 occur but rarely in the annals, and may for the most 
 part be disregarded. Throughout nearly the whole 
 century Sinaloa is the best general name for the 
 whole territory; 7 that is, there is no other single 
 name that can be properly applied to the whole terri- 
 
 4 Some writers give the Rio Mayo as the line between Sinaloa and Osti 
 muri; but Ostimuri evidently included Alamos. According to Orozco the 
 province extended across in the latitude of Nacori to the Rio de Oposura, or 
 west branch of the Yaqui. The Rio Mayo was called by Guzman in 1533 
 San Miguel; and the Yaqui, San Francisco; but the latter was also termed by 
 the Jesuits Espiritu Santo. Moto-Padilla in 1742 speaks of 'Ostimuri or 
 Alamos. ' 
 
 5 Of the origin of this name more hereafter. It was also called for a few 
 years only Nueva Andalucia. 
 
 6 According to AiiostoVicos Afanes and Arricivita, Pimeria Baja extended 
 from mouth of the Yaqui to Tecora mission; and Pimeria Alta from Caborca 
 east to Terrenate, and San Ignacio north to Rio Gila. New Mexico is often 
 named as the northern bound. 
 
 7 On the geography of the coast see Villa Seilor, Theatro, ii. 338, 385-93; 
 Mota-Padilla, Cong. N. GaL, 520-2; Calk, Mem. Noticias, 97; fiibcui, Hist. 
 Triumphos, 1, 2; Doc. Hist. Hex., serie iii. pt. iv. 494, 625, 703; Arricivita, 
 Cron., 396; Apostolkos Afanes, 230-1; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 92-3; 
 Orozco y Bcrra, G'eofj., 328-9, 337-8; Mange, Hist. Pirn., 392-3; Torqncmada, 
 Monarq. Lid., i. 697; America, Descrip., 120; Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 
 523. 
 
COAST PROVINCES. 205 
 
 tory, which was under one government; yet in view 
 of later divisions, and of the fact that even then 
 Sinaloa was commonly regarded as extending only to 
 the Yaqui, I have deemed it best to use the double 
 term Sinaloa and Sonora in the heading of this chap 
 ter. 
 
 It is to be remembered, however, that the coast 
 provinces were still in an important sense a part of 
 Nueva Vizcaya, being in this century as from the 
 first subject to the governor of that country residing 
 at Durango. Yet, as the original idea had been to 
 restrict Vizcaya to the region east of the Sierra 
 Madre, as the sierra still formed a natural bound and 
 barrier rendering communication difficult, and espe 
 cially as the governor's authority on the coast was 
 delegated to a military comandante, often spoken of 
 as governor of Sinaloa, it became a common usage 
 to apply the name Nueva Vizcaya to the eastern 
 country corresponding to the modern Durango and 
 Chihuahua; and this usage I find it most convenient 
 both for writer and reader to follow in the present 
 record. 
 
 The southern provinces from Chametlato Culiacan, 
 inclusive, a narrow strip of territory along the coast 
 not including the mountainous Topia district which I 
 have found it most convenient to include in Durango 
 for historical purposes, though a large part of it was 
 west of the sierra summit came as near having no 
 recorded history as is possible in a country where 
 some civilized men lived and where each year may be 
 supposed to have had its complement of days. There 
 \vere no missions proper here; but missionaries from 
 the adjoining districts on the south and east and north 
 made occasional visits, as did the bishop, for the spir 
 itual edification of the Spanish inhabitants and na 
 tives, all of whom were nominally Christians since 
 the early years of Franciscan efforts. 
 
 The villa of San Sebastian de Chametla seems to 
 
206 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 have maintained its existence under an alcalde mayor 
 and curate, with a presidial guard for defensive pur 
 poses. Of mining operations absolutely nothing is 
 known, though there are indications that the mines 
 were not altogether abandoned. In 1603 the explorer 
 Vizcaino touching at Mazatlan found a mule-train on 
 the road between Culiacan and Chametla, and obtained 
 aid from Captain Martin Ruiz de Aguirre, described 
 as alcalde mayor of the province. 8 At an unknown 
 date between this time and 1633 a town of San Juan 
 de Mazatlan was founded. Juan de Arriaran was 
 alcalde mayor of the town and military commandant 
 of the Rio Piastla at the time of Ortega's visit in the 
 year mentioned. 9 The name Mazatlan was originally 
 that of a native town on the river; and navigators 
 had several times touched at the port, but I find no 
 record of any Spanish settlement before Ortega's 
 visit; 10 and the later visits of gulf navigators recorded 
 in earlier chapters have left no information about the 
 place for a century and more. Calle tells us that in 
 1646 there were in this southern region four alcaldes 
 may ores all appointed by the governor of Nueva Viz- 
 caya; those of Piastla and Mazatlan, of Chametla 
 and Salinas, of the Maloya mines, and of San Sebas 
 tian, where was a presidio and captain. 11 
 
 At the north still existed the ancient villa of San 
 Miguel de Culiacan. Its alcalde mayor, unlike those 
 of other settlements, was appointed by the audiencia 
 of Guadalajara, at a salary of six hundred and ninety- 
 six pesos. There was also a curate in charge of the 
 parochial district. We have no names of officials, no 
 
 8 See p. 159 of this volume. 
 
 9 Orteya, Description. MS. Pedro de Pdbera is named as curate ; and Alf. 
 Juan Pardo, Martin Fernandez, and Francisco Martin were vecinos. 
 
 10 According to Mazatlan, JDatos Eslad., in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da e"p., iv. 
 65, there are no records extant on the earliest history of Mazatlan. 
 
 11 Calle, Mem. Not., 97-101. This author also names 16 corregimientos 
 yielding from 20 to 200 pesos of tribute in the province of Culiacan y Natoato. 
 They are Istlaxe y Guzmanilla, Tecurimeto, Navito y Naboato, Nabolato, 
 Chilobito, Cuspita y Tolobato, Cobota y Cocala, Culaca y Ognane, Vizcaino y 
 Tecolinuocimala, Acala y San Este"van, Alicama Abanito y Dato, Apacha y 
 Baila, Soloneto, Lauroto, Loto, Auilameto la Galga, Mobolo y el Nueyo y 
 Viejo Tepuche. All this is unintelligible to me. 
 
GOVERNORS. 207 
 
 record of local happenings, and no statistics of popu 
 lation. There were, perhaps, from thirty to fifty 
 Spanish families, besides a few Aztecs and Tlascal- 
 tecs. Nearly every year the Jesuits came down from 
 the north for a mission tour among the natives, by 
 whom they were always well received. 
 
 At San Felipe y Santiago de Sinaloa on the Rio 
 Petatlan was stationed a garrison of from thirty to 
 forty men, besides, a little later, a fort on the Rio 
 Fuerte farther north. The captain of the garrison 
 was appointed by the viceroy; but 'from the gov 
 ernor of Nueva Vizcaya he received the appointment 
 of alcalde mayor, and, as already stated, was often 
 called governor of Sinaloa. From 1600 to 1G26 the 
 position was held by Captain Diego Martinez de 
 Hurdaide; then by Pedro de Perea to 1641, ex 
 cept in 1636, when Francisco Bustamante held the 
 place; by Luis Cestin de Canas to 1644; and by Juan 
 Peralta y Mendoza perhaps for the rest of the half 
 century, he being succeeded by Porter y Casanate. 12 
 San Felipe had a population of some eighty families 
 de razon in the middle of the century, their spiritual 
 necessities being attended to by the Jesuits, whose 
 central establishment, or college, was here, and who 
 had also a school for native boys. By the missiona 
 ries the citizens are highly praised for their good char 
 acter and marked devotion to religion; but of events 
 and men from a secular point of view, we know prac 
 tically nothing. Indeed, were it not for the Jesuit 
 missionary annals, the record for the north would be 
 almost as meagre as that of the southern provinces. 
 
 Fortunately the Jesuit annals, especially in the 
 early years, are quite complete. In addition to the 
 standard chronicles of Ribas and Alegre, with occa 
 sional aid from other sources, I have before me the 
 regular anuas, or annual records of the provincial, 
 made up from the letters of the missionaries them- 
 
 12 Some slight references for dates of succession, etc., will be given later. 
 
208 
 
 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONOKA. 
 
 SlNALOA AND SoNOEA IN THE SEVENTEETH CENTURY. 
 
JESUIT ANNAIA 209 
 
 selves. These are very bulky and minute, but as in 
 the case of similar records for an earlier period already 
 noticed, only a small portion can be profitably util 
 ized for historical purposes. The primary object of 
 the missionaries was to convert gentiles f to the faith; 
 the struggle between divine and diabolic influences in 
 the case of some poor sick Indian girl must be re 
 corded in full. Other matters affecting events and 
 institutions and men were of secondary importance, 
 to be mentioned incidentally, if at all, and there were 
 as yet no controversies with secular" authorities or 
 settlers to claim space in their correspondence. 13 
 
 In 1600 five Jesuit missionaries, Perez, Velasco, 
 Yillafane, Orobato, and Mendez, had founded eight 
 missions with substantial churches, and were at work 
 in some thirteen towns on and near the rivers Sina- 
 loa and Mocorito, having also visited the tribes on 
 the Rio Tamotchala and beyond, but without found 
 ing as yet any mission there. Certain disturbances 
 in 1599 had caused Captain Alonso Diaz to send 
 Hurdaide his lieutenant to Mexico with a request 
 for reinforcements and for the comandante's relief 
 from office. At the end of the year Hurdaide came 
 back as comaridante with ten soldiers, thus increasing 
 the presidial force to thirty-six. He proved a model 
 captain in every respect, no less noted for the piety 
 and justice which endeared him to Jesuit and convert 
 than for the activity and valor which made him a 
 terror to unruly savages, to keep whom in subjection 
 by the aid of his small force, was a duty that left him 
 but little rest during his rule of nearly thirty years. 14 
 
 The new captain's first task was to quiet the Gua- 
 zaves, who had burned their church and fled to the 
 
 "The anuas are contained in Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 340-803. They 
 are for the years 1601-2, 1604, 1610-17, 1619-26, 1628-9. 
 
 u He conquered, according to Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 85-6, over 20 nations 
 and not one of his soldiers ever fell into the hands of the foe; but he spent all his 
 private fortune in the work, dying in debt. He had a peculiar way of sending 
 his orders, four seals of wax on a paper without writing forming the token 
 borne by his messenger, who wore it in a reed stuck in the hair. It was un 
 derstood that any interference with a messenger bearing this credential would 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. U 
 
210 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 woods. The offenders were hanged, but the chief, 
 Don Pablo, ordered his people back to Christian life, 
 and was pardoned. Both chief and subjects became 
 noted later for their faith, and the former once had 
 his sight miraculously restored. New and fine churches 
 of adobe -replaced the burnt structures, but were de 
 stroyed by floods a few years later. The Guazaves 
 quieted, the valiant captain deemed the time a fitting 
 one to humble the hostile Suaquis, who had exhibited 
 a threatening indifference to the salvation of their 
 souls by Spanish methods. He did it in an original 
 way. Wild cattle had, it seems, greatly multiplied in 
 the north since the abandonment of Carapoa, and 
 Hurdaide ordered a grand hunt for meat. Reaching 
 the Suaqui country he produced shackles and ropes, 
 explaining to his astonished company of twenty-four 
 that each man was required to seize and bind two of 
 the foe. The natives coming to make inquiries were 
 informed of the projected hunt and promised a share 
 of the meat; then the common people were sent to 
 gather wood for a grand barbecue, while the haughty 
 chiefs remained. At the word 'Santiago!' forty-three 
 were seized by the hair and secured with some diffi 
 culty, except two who escaped. The plebeians soon 
 came up with bows and arrows, but without leaders 
 could do nothing, and were finally persuaded through 
 a Christian woman, Luisa, that they would be much 
 better off without chiefs, and that no harm would be 
 done to them if they kept quiet. The masses retired 
 to their towns ; but the wives of the captives remained 
 and bravely attempted a rescue, attacking the Span 
 iards with stones. Fathers Menclez and Velasco came 
 up to prepare the victims for death; all but two be 
 came Christians; and all, save two killed in the skir 
 mish with the women, were hanged on two trees. Dona 
 Luisa was sent to the towns with the admonition to 
 
 be promptly and terribly avenged, and before long the seals were respected 
 by even the most distant and hostile tribes. A bloody knife was also sent 
 occasionally as a threat of punishment. See also Id., 81-2, 93, 97, 100; 
 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 387-8; Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 398. 
 
CHINIPAS AND TEHUECOS. 211 
 
 the people to be good Indians, and on no account to 
 take down the suspended bodies. 15 
 
 The viceroy had ordered an exploration of the Chi- 
 nipa country in search of certain rich mines reported 
 to exist there, and Hurdaide seems to have started 
 immediately after his exploit among the Suaquis in 
 the spring of 1601. Father Mendez accompanied him 
 in search of spiritual treasure, and Sinaloa guides were 
 taken who proved to be treacherous. The Spaniards 
 were attacked April 10th in a difficult pass and a part 
 of the company was besieged for a' day or two in a 
 mountain refuge ; but no lives were lost, and the pros 
 pectors were able to reach a Chinipa rancheria called 
 Curepo, where silver ore was indeed found, but not so 
 rich as had been expected. A native woman was 
 taken back for later use as a messenger or interpreter, 
 and on the return march the treacherous Sinaloas 
 were punished by having their fields ravaged and four 
 teen of their number put to death. 16 
 
 The Ahomes now complained that the Tehuecos 
 had come down the river to usurp their lands and to 
 maltreat their women. Hurdaide of course started 
 at once, desiring to encourage the friendly spirit of 
 the Ahomes; but on the way was opposed by the 
 united Suaquis and Sinaloas, who had apparently 
 forgotten their late chastisement. Taxicora, chief of 
 the Sinaloas, was seized at the first approach by the 
 captain's own hand, and his men retreated, fearing to 
 kill their leader. Again the Spaniards were attacked 
 in a forest where the horsemen could not operate. 
 Taxicora's orders had no effect to make his men desist, 
 but when Hurdaide rushed out single-handed, cap- 
 
 , 87-92. Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 398-9, says that 24 leaders of the 
 Suaques and inciters of revolt were hanged. 
 
 3 Velasn, Carta al Padre Provincial, 1601, MS., in Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., 
 t3-50. There was a pestilence this year which killed many, chiefly old 
 people, at Ocoroni and Nio. There were many marvellous cures. Of 128 
 adults baptized 58 died. The natives at first captured a few pack-mules, the 
 sacred utensils carried by the padre, and a copper kettle which they used as 
 a drum in the premature celebration of victory. The Chinipas lived within 
 the limits of the modern Chihuahua. Ribas, 95-9; Alegre, i. 388-9. 
 
212 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 tured one of the savages, and hanged him to a tree, 
 the rest retired. Advancing to the Matava Valley, 
 he drove the Tehuecos to the woods and captured 
 two hundred women and children, who were given up 
 on the promise of the tribe to return to their home 
 and let the Ahomes alone. The latter people were 
 not only grateful but clamorous for missionaries. Not 
 yet done with the Suaquis the comandante stopped 
 on his return at their town of Mochicavi. The war 
 riors fled, but sent by Luisa their apologies that the 
 Sinaloas alone had been to blame. Their lives and 
 town were spared, but they had to make certain pres 
 ents to the native allies, and, as a still more humili 
 ating penance, to lose their war-locks, the mark of 
 honor most prized by the braves. Taxicora was con 
 demned to the gibbet at San Felipe, and died a good 
 Christian. 1 ' There were now in the field four priests, 
 Father Orobato having disappeared from the list, and 
 one lay brother Francisco Castro. Baptisms in 1602 
 were 850, two thirds of which were in the new Gua- 
 zave district. The boys' school at San Felipe had 
 now thirty native pupils. 
 
 Padres and mission paraphernalia were needed in 
 order to take spiritual advantage of recent military 
 successes, and Hurdaide accordingly made a trip to 
 Mexico, apparently in 1603-4, with a party of native 
 chiefs. His requests were granted by Viceroy Montes- 
 claros. His Indians were feted and given fine clothing 
 and swords, and he brought back two new missionaries, 
 Cristobal de Villalta and Andres Perez de Kibas, the 
 latter subsequently famous as the chronicler of his 
 order in Nueva Vizcaya. At Zacatecas, on the re 
 turn, four of the native traders ran away and hastened 
 
 17 See Native Races, L, this series. In the Annas of 1602, 378-408, Taxi 
 cora is said to have had a compact with Satan, and to have been the inciter 
 of the attack of 1601. In a trip of the captain and Bro. Castro to the Suaqui 
 country for corn, the people are said to have been found friendly. Another 
 apostate native was put to death for inciting a revolt on the Evora River. 
 Two tours to Culiacan Valley this year, and Padre Santaren from Topia also 
 spent some time there. Alegre, i. 410-11, writes the names in Hurdaide's 
 entrada Matahoa Valley and Mochicauis pueblo; see also Ribas, 100-5. 
 
HURDAIDE'S CAMPAIGNS. 213 
 
 home, after committing three murders on the Topia 
 frontier, to preach revolt among the Tehuecos, some 
 of whom fled to join the Tepahues, fearing punish 
 ment for the crimes of their chiefs. At the same 
 time the Christians of Ocoroni and Bacoburito re 
 volted, not without provocation it is said, and burned 
 their churches. It was also during Hurdaide's ab 
 sence that the country was visited by floods which 
 destroyed crops, undermined adobe churches, did some 
 damage even in the villa, and drove neophytes and in 
 some cases even padres to the momitains. Father 
 Mendez was kept up in a tree for a day and night, 
 while Father Velasco was imprisoned for four days in 
 his sacristy. Hurdaide heard the bad news at Topia 
 on a day when he had taken a purge, but he felt that 
 providence was on his side and he could not be de 
 terred from hastening homeward. After a sharp fight 
 he defeated the Bacoburitos, put the leading rebels to 
 death, and forced the rest to rebuild their church. 
 The Tehuecos were easily quieted and induced to 
 pursue the four murderers, who were executed on the 
 very spot where their crime had been committed. 
 The Ocoronis gave more trouble; some young men at 
 school under Padre Mendez refused to join the revolt; 
 but the rest, four hundred strong, tied from their 
 pueblo and were scattered among wild tribes, some 
 forty families of the number taking refuge in the far 
 north among the Yaquis. By 1604 the Jesuits are 
 said to have baptized 40,000 natives, while Velasco 
 had prepared a grammar and vocabulary of one of 
 the leading languages. 18 
 
 The nations of the Rio Tamotchala wanted padres, 
 and as their promises were all that could be desired, 
 the superior, Padre Perez, announced the following 
 distribution: Ribas was to take charge of the Ahonies 
 
 "According to the Anna of 1004, 408-14, however, the total number of 
 baptisms is given as 10,000. Baptisms for 1604 were 1,000. Escudero, Not. 
 Son., 43, and Calle tells us that Queen Margarita sent golden tabernacles for 
 the new churches. See Ribas, 97-9, 105-9, 125-6; Alegre, i. 424-6; 
 Mem. Not., 98. 
 
214 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 and Suaquis, Mendez of the Tehuecos and allied bands, 
 and Villalta of the Sinaloas, all the tribes being thus 
 provided for in the order of their respective homes 
 from the coast up the river. 19 Ribas went to his sta 
 tion at once and seems to have met no obstacles from 
 the first. The Ahomes had always been peaceful and 
 friendly, and within a year every man, woman, and 
 child, two thousand or more, had been baptized, and 
 all were living in two towns, where handsome adobe 
 churches had taken the place of temporary jacales and 
 enramadas. The mountain Batucaris and the fish- 
 eating Bacoregues of the coast were induced to come 
 and join the Ahomes; while the wild Comoporis, speak 
 ing the Ahome dialect, were converted within two 
 years, although not willing to quit their old home. 
 Even the Suaquis kept their promises, built fine 
 churches in their three towns, and experienced a rad 
 ical change of character, largely through the influence 
 of Dona Luisa. Mendez went among the Tehuecos 
 probably in 1606 and met with equal success, although 
 there had been some fear about this people on ac 
 count of their polygamous customs. The padre took 
 with him no military escort and no attempt was made 
 to interfere with the civil powers of the native chief 
 tains. The Bacabachis were among his converts. At 
 the same time Villalta went up the river among the 
 Sinaloas, baptized four hundred children the first day, 
 and within a year reduced the whole tribe to Christi 
 anity and to village life in three towns. A deadly 
 epidemic caused a temporary relapse into superstitious 
 rites; but the reaction when these rites proved un 
 availing helped the new faith and the implements of 
 sorcery were burned. Suicide by poisoning is men 
 tioned as one of the worst habits of the Sinaloas, but 
 it was gradually abandoned with the old beliefs. 20 
 
 19 The river at this period was called most commonly Rio Ahome, Suaqui, 
 Tehueco, and Sinaloa, according to the tribe living in the territory referred to. 
 
 v!0 Alegre, i. 426-8, 460, says the Ahomes and Suaquis numbered over 1,000 
 vecinos each, the Tehuecos 5,500 warriors, and the Sinaloas over 1,000 fami 
 lies. See also Dice. Univ., x. 506-8. The Annas are missing for 1605-9. 
 
PADRES AND A FORT. 215 
 
 In 1607 some six thousand souls of the hostile 
 rancherias of Chicoratos, Cahuimetos, and Ogueras, 
 living in the mountains south-eastward from San 
 Felipe, were induced by Father Velasco to embrace 
 Christianity after Hurdaide had visited their country 
 and bought from their neighbors land for their towns 
 and milpas. Bibas also speaks of certain Toroacas 
 who revolted and took refuge on an island to which 
 the captain crossed on rafts, bringing back the fugi 
 tives, hanging seven leaders, and scattering the rest 
 among the Guazave towns, where they became the 
 best of Christians. 21 In these years, 1607-9, several 
 new missionaries were sent to Sinaloa, including per 
 haps Pedro Velasco, Laurencio Adauie, Alberto Cleri- 
 cis, Juan Calvo, and Luis de Bonifacio; at least these 
 names appear within a few years without other record 
 of their arrival. Several of them arrived by way of 
 Topia at the end of 1609. Padre Velasco was a rela 
 tive of the viceroy of that name, and in three years 
 he baptized 1,900 converts. 22 Another Jesuit of this 
 period, whose name I do not find in the annual records, 
 was Vicente de Aguila. 23 
 
 In 1610 the Fuerte de Montesclaros named for 
 the viceroy who had ordered its construction but had 
 ceased to rule in 1607 was built on the south bank 
 of the river called from this fort Rio del Fuerte. It 
 was built of adobes with a tower at each corner, and 
 located on a hillock surrounded on three sides by a 
 
 21 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 9-10, perhaps alludes to the same affair when 
 he speaks of coast Indians under P. Alberto Clericis, not before named, who 
 retired to a mountain nearly surrounded with water, and were coaxed back 
 by the padre. This was in 1608, and 3,238 persons were baptized that year. 
 Hibas, 125. 
 
 -Anna, 1610, 414-37. There are some letters from Velasco, who seems 
 to have come in 1607; also a letter from another of the new-comers not named. 
 According to a biographical sketch in Dice. Univ., i. 654, Padre Bonifacio was 
 a native of Jaen, born in 1578, who became a Jesuit in 1598. came to America 
 in 1602, and served 20 years in Sinaloa. He afterward became provincial, 
 and died at the college of Valladolid in 1644. 
 
 '-' Who, as will be seen later, died at Ahome in 1641, after 35 years of ser 
 vice in Sinaloa. He wrote several artes, vocabularies, sermones, doctrinas, 
 etc., in native dialects. 
 
216 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONOKA. 
 
 broad grassy plain, which furnished food for the 
 soldiers' horses, and prevented secret attacks by the 
 natives. Here were stationed ordinarily a corporal 
 and a few soldiers. The site was in the Tehueco 
 country and almost identical with that of the ancient 
 San Juan Bautista de Carapoa. 24 
 
 It was also in 1610 that peace was made with the 
 Yaquis after several serious reverses. Some years 
 before the Ocoronis had revolted, and forty families 
 under the apostate chief Lautaro seem to have taken 
 refuge among the Yaquis. Lautaro, and Babilomo a 
 Suaqui cacique, attempted without success to arouse 
 the Mayos, who were hostile to the Yaquis, and for 
 that reason, perhaps, well disposed toward the Span 
 iards. Hurdaide pursued the Ocoronis in 1609 up to 
 the country of the Yaquis, who made no attack, but 
 strong in spirit and number, there being thirty thou 
 sand in eighty rancherfas, they disregarded alike 
 threats of punishment and offers of pardon, absolutely 
 refusing to give up Lautaro and his party. Unpre 
 pared for war the captain returned to Sinaloa. It 
 seems, however, that there was a party in favor of 
 peace, for the chief Anabailatei soon came to San 
 Felipe 25 with an offer to make peace and give up the 
 fugitives if Christian Indians were sent to receive 
 them. A party of Tehuecos was therefore sent with 
 two converted Yaqui women; but the latter were 
 seized and the former plundered, and with few excep 
 tions killed, Anabailatei having been treacherous, or 
 perhaps having been overpowered by Lautaro in the 
 savage councils. 
 
 Again Hurdaide hastened northward with forty 
 soldiers and two thousand allies, including some gentile 
 Mayos. The army reached the river, encamped, and 
 had even received some overtures for peace, when the 
 
 24 Some description in Anna, 1610, MS., 428; Ribas, 178-9; Alegre, ii. 30; 
 Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 534; Dice. Univ., ix. 88G-7. 
 
 25 Or to Hurdaide's camp on theYaqui according to Alegre, who represents 
 these events as having occurred before his return southward, as is perhaps 
 more likely. 
 
WAR WITH THE YAQUIS. 217 
 
 camp was assailed at daybreak by eight thousand 
 warriors. The battle raged nearly all day and the 
 loss of life was great among the Indians on both sides. 
 Hurdaide took a few prisoners, but many of his sol 
 diers were badly wounded, and he was forced to order 
 a retreat. 26 The Yaquis were naturally exultant and 
 continued their preparations and drill under the in 
 struction of Lautaro, who claimed ability to teach the 
 most effective tactics against horses and muskets. 
 The Spaniards at Sinaloa and in the missions were 
 correspondingly despondent; but Hurdaide fitted out 
 a third expedition, obtained aid from San Miguel de 
 Culiacan, and marched northward at the head of fifty 
 mounted Spaniards and four thousand allies, the 
 largest army that had trod the soil since the days of 
 Guzman and Coronado. Again was the brave co- 
 mandante attacked at dawn, and again after a battle of 
 several hours was he forced to retreat, losing most of 
 his supplies and this time hotly pursued by the Yaqui 
 warriors. Fighting as they retreated the Spaniards 
 were hard pressed in a difficult pass, where the savages 
 were protected by trees and horsemen could not op 
 erate advantageously. With a view to gain time and 
 to prevent a threatened panic among the allies, Hur 
 daide with the vanguard charged back upon the foe, 
 who yielded a little at first, but then rallied with such 
 effect that the allies broke and ran away, while the 
 rear-guard, panic-stricken, fled also southward to re 
 port the death of all their companions. 
 
 The captain had five arrow wounds, and most of 
 his twenty-two men were wounded, as were most of 
 his horses; but after prodigies of desperate valor they 
 reached a high bare hill, which they held till night 
 fall in spite of attempts of the savages to burn or 
 smoke them out by firing the grass and shrubbery. 
 The situation was critical; but at night many of the 
 
 2G The Anna of 1609 with a detailed account of the earlier transactions is 
 missing; but in that of 1G10, p. 429-34, is given a re"sume\ In this account, 
 however, this second expedition and defeat are not mentioned. 
 
218 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONOKA. 
 
 foe withdrew to defend their rights in the distribution 
 of the spoils, when the Spaniards by an ingenious 
 ruse and much good luck were able to escape. They 
 let loose a band of wounded horses, which as was 
 expected stampeded for the river; and while the 
 Indians gave their whole attention to the capture of 
 these animals and their supposed riders, the soldiers 
 gained a start which enabled them to reach the Mayo 
 country and finally the San Felipe. The Spaniards 
 who had abandoned their leader in the Yaqui country 
 were pardoned at the intercession of the padres and 
 by the advice of the comandante, though the governor 
 was disposed to deal severely with them. 27 This 
 disastrous defeat seems, in some manner not quite 
 clear, to have been as effectual in promoting the 
 objects of the Spaniards as a victory could have been. 
 Ribas tells us that Hurdaide was much troubled at 
 his failure, knowing that his campaign was not 
 approved by the governor, and that he could not 
 renew his efforts without aid from the viceroy; but he 
 caused reports to be circulated of three grand expedi 
 tions being organized, expeditions which had no 
 existence save in the boasting, but which frightened 
 the Yaquis into suing for peace. . Alegre on the 
 other hand claims that the Yaquis were impelled to 
 submit by their admiration of Spanish valor in the 
 last campaign; 23 while Mange's theory is that God 
 humbled gentile obstinacy in this instance by a 
 miracle, causing the report of fire-arms, whizzing of 
 balls, and all the noise of conflict to haunt the ears 
 of the savages until frightened and worn out they 
 were forced to yield. However this may be they 
 soon opened negotiations for peace, first through 
 
 27 'God forgive the men who forsook me and put the whole province in such 
 jeopardy,' wrote Hurdaide in his letter to the padre from the Mayo. Some 
 of the soldiers died from the effects of their wounds. Alegre says that some 
 Indians remained with the captain, of whom about 100 escaped. 
 
 28 This is also the view taken in the Jesuit A nua, except that Hurdaide's 
 defeat is not admitted. After all his allies and half his soldiers had deserted 
 him, he won a glorious and miraculous victory. Why under these circum 
 stances he retreated is not explained. 
 
TREATY WITH THE YAQUIS. 219 
 
 female ambassadors and the Mayos, and later through 
 a deputation of chieftains. They agreed to deliver 
 the fugitives who had in a measure caused the late 
 troubles, to return all plunder, and to remain at peace 
 with the Mayos and all other tribes who were friendly 
 to the Spaniards. This treaty was ratified with great 
 festivities on April 25, 1G10, and very soon the 
 Yaquis were asking for padres, sending also fourteen 
 children for instruction. Lautaro and Babilomo were 
 condemned to death. . The submission of the Yaquis 
 led to the establishment of friendly" relations with 
 many other tribes, and eighty thousand souls were 
 this year brought to the very doors of salvation. 29 
 
 Bishop Juan del Valle of Guadalajara in a tour 
 through his diocese visited Sinaloa in 1610, accom 
 panied by Father Juan Gallegos. On his arrival he 
 was entertained, and perhaps somewhat terrified as 
 well, by hordes of natives who went through the 
 manoeuvres of a sham attack on the episcopal party. 
 The bishop was at San Felipe for five days at Christ 
 mas, and in that time confirmed over eight thousand 
 persons, Spanish and natives. He subsequently ex 
 pressed himself as delighted with the condition of 
 affairs in this country, and with the Jesuit manage 
 ment. 30 
 
 On account of the new fort, the Yaqui treaty, and 
 the bishop's visit, the missionaries regarded their pros 
 pects as in every way encouraging; baptisms were 
 over seventeen hundred for the year ; but the destruc 
 tion of certain idols by Padre Mendez aroused the 
 native sorcerers and caused a revolt among tlxe Tehue- 
 
 29 On the Yaqui wars see R'tbas, 283-301; Alegre, ii. 31-8; Mange, Hist. 
 Pimeria, 398-9; Stone's Sonora, 15. Urreain5oc. Mex. Geoff., ii. 42-4, gives 
 a curious and for the most part fictitious narrative of Hurdaide's campaigns 
 in 1025-30, full of particulars, and involving the massacre of a padre and a 
 body of troops. There are a few slight indications that the story is based on 
 the Yaqui wars of earlier times. Ribas implies erroneously that the conquest 
 was as late as 1615 and that Iturbe's arrival had an influence in subduing 
 the Indians. 
 
 Anua, 1611, MS., 449 et seq.; Alegre, ii. 53; Ribas, 175-6; Calle, 98. 
 
220 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 cos in 1611. Enough of the neophytes, however, 
 remained faithful to save the life of the padre until a 
 guard of four men was sent up from Sinaloa. The 
 padre, old and feeble, was transferred to Ocoroni, re 
 tiring next ^year to Mexico. Laurencio Adarne took 
 his place; but the troubles could not be checked, the 
 church was burned, other towns, as Nacori and Siviri- 
 joua, joined the revolt, the Tehuecos took refuge with 
 the Tepahues of the sierra, and Father Adame retired 
 to San Felipe in 1612. What the garrison of Fort 
 Montesclaros was doing all this time does not appear. 
 Captain Hurdaide after vain efforts to bring about a 
 friendly settlement marched to the Tepahue country 
 with his forty soldiers and two thousand allies. To 
 such of the latter as were not yet Christians Hur 
 daide had to grant the privilege of beheading or 
 scalping the foe; yet in the interests of humanity 
 he offered a horse for each living captive. 31 This 
 was in 1613, and Padre Hibas went with the 
 army. The foe counted on having to resist only a 
 short campaign, and were much disconcerted by a 
 message from Hurdaide that he was coming prepared 
 to spend a year in their country if necessary. Accord 
 ingly the Spaniards on entering Tepahue territory 
 deliberately encamped to wait for the natives to devour 
 their accumulated supplies. This course, with Hur- 
 daide's discovery and disregard of a plotted ambush, 
 induced the Conicaris, one of the hostile bands, to sue 
 for peace. Soon after the captain moved forward, and 
 met the fugitive Tehuecos returning en masse to beg 
 for pardon. He was very severe at first, threatening 
 flogging for the women and more bloody retribution 
 for the men; but finally Father Bibas interceded as 
 had been agreed upon beforehand, and the rebels, 
 burning their weapons and giving up certain leaders, 
 were pardoned and sent home. The Spaniards en- 
 
 81 The statement that some encomenderos were required to join the expe 
 dition or to arm for the protection of the villa is the only indication that the 
 encomienda system was in vogue here at this date. 
 
TEHUECO REVOLT. 221 
 
 camped again near the Tepahue strongholds, were 
 reduced for a week to the terrible hardship of eating 
 beef though it was Lent, and allowed the allies to 
 ravage the enemy's cornfields. All overtures for 
 peace were rejected with scorn. A series of well 
 contested battles ensued, in which the allies took 
 many Tepahue heads for their bloody orgies, and the 
 Spaniards were uniformly victorious, despite unusual 
 obstacles in the shape of sharp and poisoned stakes 
 concealed in the grass- over which they had to march. 
 The country was devastated and seven chiefs, some 
 of them apostate Christians, were taken and executed. 
 The foe did not formally surrender, and Hurdaide 
 retired when his provisions were nearly exhausted; 
 but the surrender, together with the usual petition for 
 missionaries, the best means of conciliation as the 
 wily savages well knew, arrived at San Felipe but 
 little later than the army. The Tehuecos, eight 
 thousand in number, were reduced from three villages 
 to two, and soon became exemplary Christians. A 
 padre was sent to the Tepahues, who came down and 
 settled in a town on the Rio Mayo, where they built 
 a fine church and remained quiet for more than thirty 
 years. 32 
 
 The conversion of one tribe was tediously like that of 
 another in these years. To feel a deep interest in such 
 missionary annals one needs, whether he be historian 
 or reader, all the padres' faith in the incalculable benefit 
 conferred by conversion on each savage. It was about 
 1612 that Father Villalta, from his station among the 
 Sinaloas, added the Huites and Zoes to the list of con 
 vert tribes, without incident requiring notice. There 
 were also at this period disorders, burning of churches, 
 abandonment of towns, and killing of several natives, 
 
 32 Amias, 1611-13, 437-80, where the Tehueco expedition is described 
 in a letter of Padre Andre's Perez. Padre Calvo also writes of another slight 
 revolt jit San Iguacio. Four new churches were completed in 1612. Alegre, 
 ii. 46-7, 55, 60-2, gives a letter from Ribas describing the campaign somewhat 
 less fully than in his Hist. Triumphs, 180-91. See, also, Rivera, Gob. de 
 Mex., i. 103; Dice. Univ., x. 530. 
 
222 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONOBA. 
 
 vaguely recorded as having occurred among the Chi- 
 coratos and Cahuimetos south of the Rio Sinaloa, who 
 were in charge of Father Calvo and Juan Bautista 
 Velasco. The latter, a pioneer in this field, where he 
 had served for over twenty years, died in 1613. 83 
 The Tepehuanes are said to have had some influence 
 in fomenting these disorders. 
 
 In 1613 also a mission was founded among the 
 Mayos, who, thirty thousand in number according to 
 Ribas' estimate, lived on the river of the same name, 
 their country being bounded on the north by that of 
 their foes, the Yaquis. They had always been friendly 
 to the Spaniards; had done good service as allies 
 against hostile tribes ; and had of late been clamoring 
 for padres. The matter was referred to Viceroy Gua- 
 dalcazar, and the venerable Padre Mendez,.who had 
 retired to Mexico but was tired of inaction, was sent 
 again into the field. With a guard of thirty men 
 under Hurdaide, he entered the Mayo territory where 
 his success was immediate, extraordinary, and perma 
 nent. Seven large towns with a population of twenty 
 thousand, or nine thousand as Alegre states, were 
 founded within a space of eighteen leagues, while 
 three thousand one hundred children, to say nothing 
 of the sick and aged, were baptized within fifteen days. 
 A famine raging at the time contributed to the padre's 
 success, and his influence was felt beyond Mayo limits 
 among the Nevomes and Nuns. Thus 1613 may be. 
 regarded as the date when missionary work began in 
 the modern Sonora. 34 
 
 33 Juan Bautista Velasco was a native of New Spain, and was 29 years of 
 age when he came to Sinaloa. Though always delicate he was a zealous 
 worker. He excelled all the other Jesuits in his knowledge of the native 
 languages, and prepared several grammars and vocabularies for the benefit of 
 his associates. It was his pride that he had never sinned carnally and never 
 told a lie. His illness was a slow fever lasting three months, and he died on 
 July 29, 1613. His body was carried to the villa eight leagues from his mis 
 sion, escorted by all his neophytes, and received with unusual honors by the 
 citizens and soldiers under Captain Hurdaide. Father Luis Bonifacio gives a 
 sketch of Velasco's life and a eulogy of his character in a letter to the provin 
 cial. Anna, 1613, 474-80. 
 
 Zi Anua, 1613-J4, MS., 480-522. Letters of Padre Mendez and Capt. Hur 
 daide about the Mayo mission. Nine thousand registered, 3,000 baptized, 
 
MISSION PROGRESS. 223 
 
 It would seem to have been in 1615 that mission 
 aries first visited the Nevomes and Nuris, and a large 
 party of the former came down from their northern 
 home to join their countrymen who had been settled at 
 Bainoa since the time of Cabeza de Vaca's arrival. 35 
 In the same year also the pearl-seeking craft of Iturbe 
 or Cardona arrived on the coast, the presence of their 
 crews having a salutary effect on the natives. 36 The 
 revolt of the Tepehuanes in Durango caused much 
 uneasiness in Sinaloa from 1616 to 1618, the great 
 fear being that the rebels would effect an alliance with 
 the Yaquis ; but nothing of the kind occurred, and the 
 only open disturbance was experienced in the south on 
 the Topia frontier, where Padre Calvo's pueblos of 
 Chicorato, Cahuimeto, and Yecorato were repeatedly 
 threatened. The neophytes, however, resisted temp 
 tation and even went so far as to cut off the heads of 
 certain Tepehuane emissaries. The unconverted but 
 friendly Tubaris also refused all aid to the apostates, 
 and soon embraced the new faith. 37 According; to the 
 
 o 
 
 annual record of 1616 there were now eleven priests 
 and three brothers in the Sinaloa field, working in 
 nine partidos. The fourteen have been named in the 
 text and notes, besides Father Aguila, a doubtful 
 
 seven churches. See also Ribas, 113, 200, 237-53; Alegre, ii. 55, 62-3, 69- 
 72, 78-9. In the Anua of 1614, 481, the missionary force is stated to be 
 3 priests and 4 brothers, working in 8 partidos; but this is unintelligible as 
 there must have been at least 12 men instead of 7. 
 
 83 Letter of Padre Diego de Guzman in Anna. 1615, MS., 522-39. One 
 hundred and sixty-four Nevomes came down at this time. Sec also Alegre, ii. 
 79; Ribas, 119-21, 162, 241, 299, 369-70. The Nevomes are said to have 
 been of Tepehuane race. Alegre, ii. 72-3, speaks of the reduction at this 
 time of the Yamoriba natives. 
 
 36 See p. 165 of this volume. Cardona says he touched at Rio Mayo where 
 Mendez was serving, and where his companion padre had been lately killed 
 and eaten by the natives (as was not true); but others, including Ribas, say 
 that Iturbe's vessel was relieved by Ribas at Ahome. 
 
 37 Anua, 1616, MS., 539-79. It is said, however, that Hurdaide made a 
 tour to the Cahuimeto sierra, recovering 1,500 fugitives. P. Diego de la Cruz 
 in a letter describes a visit to the Tepahues. A chapel was completed this 
 year on the spot where Padre Tapia was killed. Baptisms of the year were 
 1,800 children and 2,332 adults. Hernandez, Comp. Geog. Son., 14-15, says 
 the Tepehuane revolt extended to Sinaloa, but that after two years some com 
 panies of marines were sent there and restored order. See also, Ribax, 115/- 
 18, 303; Dice. Univ., x. 539-43; Alegre, ii. 82-92. 
 
224 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 name. Which was the third lay brother with Castro 
 and Martin Ugarte is not apparent. 
 
 Not only did the Yaquis abstain from Tepehuane 
 alliance, but in 1617 they received missionaries in their 
 own territory. Ribas had gone down to Mexico on 
 this business the year before, and now he came back 
 with Padre Tomas Basilio. In May he started with 
 Father Perez from the Mayo towns escorted by four 
 Suaquis and two Yaqui caciques. Four thousand 
 children and five hundred adults were baptized during 
 this first tour, very slight opposition and no open 
 hostility being encountered, though for years the 
 padres in this district were deemed in constant danger, 
 and once at Torin a plot to kill Ribas was frustrated 
 by a faithful Indian. The missionaries remained 
 among the upper Yaquis, who were more docile than 
 those nearer the coast. Eight large towns were 
 founded, and a very large part of the nation were 
 converted within a few years by the two pioneers and 
 by padres Juan de Cardenas, Angel Balestra, and 
 others who were sent later to the Yaqui field. 33 The 
 Nevomes who lived above the Yaquis, chiefly in the 
 towns of Comuripa, Tecoripa, Suaqui, and Aivino, 
 part of which tribe had previously gone south to live 
 on the Rio Sinaloa, received padres in 1618-19. Padre 
 Diego de Guzman first made a successful tour of 
 baptism, and was followed by Diego Vandersipe, Mar 
 tin Burgesio, Francisco Olinano, and Bias de Parecles, 
 the latter dying six days after taking charge, probably 
 at a much later date. 39 
 
 It will be remembered that at the beginning of the 
 century Captain Hurdaide visited the Chinipa region 
 in search of mines. About 1620 the Chinipas came 
 down of their own accord with a store of maize for 
 
 z * Anna, 1617, MS., 579-86. Letter of P. Andres Perez narrating his 
 tour of 40 days to the Yaquis. Sec also Ribas, 301-40; Alegrc, ii. 92-4, 113- 
 14. Stone, Notes, Sonora, 15-16, says the Yaquis always respected the padres 
 but disliked other white men. 
 
 Anua, 1619, MS., 586-606. Baptisms of the year in all Sinaloa 5,096 
 .children, 1,506 adults. Great prosperity. Ribus, 301-72; Alegre, ii. 117. 
 
CONVERSION OF CHINIPAS. 225 
 
 the starving Sinaloas, and to ask in return for padres. 
 On their return they built a church and made other 
 preparations for the expected change of faith. One 
 chief, as a proof of zeal, having shot a female relation 
 in a drunken brawl, bared his back publicly in the 
 church and received two azotes from each prominent 
 man of the tribe as a penance. The next year Padre 
 Pedro Juan Castini visited this field, baptizing four 
 hundred children, and taking back with him for in 
 struction several of' the tribe. Other visits were 
 exchanged, and the Guazapares and Varohios adjoin 
 ing the Chinipas on the south and north, together 
 with the Ternoris and Hios of the same region, seemed 
 to join in the enthusiasm of their neighbors, making 
 peace among themselves and giving their children for 
 baptism. Whether or not Castini ever came here to 
 live is not clear, but six or seven years later Padre % 
 Julio Pascual came, and in four years reduced two 
 thousand families, it is said, of Chinipas, Guazapares, 
 and Varohios to three towns called by the tribal 
 names. The same padre worked also among other 
 tribes, the Hio and Temori converts being included 
 perhaps in the towns referred to. It was in 1620-1 
 that Padre Miguel Godinez entered among the Coni- 
 caris, reducing also the bands known as Basiroas, 
 Tehatas, Huvagueres, and Tehuicos; and Father Men- 
 dez founded a mission among the Sisibotaris, or Sa- 
 huaripas, who had been visited before by Guzman, 
 including also in his conversion the Batucos and suc 
 ceeded finally by Bartolome Castano.^ 
 
 4 a 
 
 Father Bibas retired in 1620 after sixteen years of 
 service in Sinaloa, to accept the office of provincial in 
 Mexico, being succeeded at the Yaqui mission of 
 Torin by Father Villalta. Mendez went with him, 
 but returned the next year to resume his labors, being 
 
 *Anua, 1620-2, MS., 606-95. Baptisms of 1620-21, 17,182. Alf. Lucas 
 Valenzuela is named as a resident and benefactor of San Felipe. Also ltibas t 
 179, 216-17, 254-6, 384-92; Alegre, ii. 31, 121-4. 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 15 
 
226 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 received with great festivities. In 1G21 converts 
 numbered 86,340 in fifty-five villages ; seven new mis 
 sionaries had come in 1619; and it was deemed best 
 to organize the northern missions into a new district 
 called now or a little later San Ignacio, under Father 
 Villalta as superior. The district embraced in round 
 numbers 21,000 Mayos, 30,000 Yaquis, and 9,000 
 Nevomes, each including kindred bands under other 
 names, and was put in charge of eleven missionaries. 41 
 For five years the records show a missionary force of 
 twenty-seven priests, sixteen of them in the south, 
 and four lay brothers. Of the thirty- one I have 
 named twenty-nine, but have no clue to the others. 
 Baptisms in 1621 were over nine thousand. 
 
 In 1622, the Aivinos were led by their sorcerers to 
 apostatize, and in the trouble Padre Basilio received 
 , an arrow wound. Captain Hurdaide came north and 
 found the rebels fortified in an adobe house furnished 
 with port-holes, from which protection they sallied 
 out two thousand strong, but were driven back after 
 a bloody fight. Many were suffocated by fire thrown 
 in through the ports at Hurdaide's command, but at 
 last the famous seals were thrown in as a token of 
 peace, and surrender followed as did conversion, for 
 Basilio and Olinano within a few days baptized four 
 hundred children at Matape and Teopari. 42 
 
 Villalta, superior in the north, died in 1623 while 
 on his way to accept the rectorate of the Guatemala 
 college. 43 Varela seems to have become superior in 
 his stead. Pestilence and famine were prevalent and 
 
 41 The distribution seems to have been: Yaquis and Sisibotaris; Villalta, 
 Mendez, Burgesio, Basilio, and another. Mayos in three partidos; 1st, or 
 eastern, including Tepahues, Miguel Godinez; 2d, or central, Diego de la 
 Crux; 3d on coast, Juan Varela (or Barera) and Juan Angel: Nevomes, 
 Olinano, and Vandersipe. The distribution in the south is not given; but 
 Padre Oton is mentioned in the Anna of 1621 as among the Tehuecos; and 
 also the name of Gasper de Varela appears. 
 
 ** Anita, 1622, MS., 671-95; Ribas, 371-80; Alegre, ii. 139-40; Mange, 
 Hist. Pirn., 399. 
 
 i3 It is because of his death not having occurred in Sinaloa I suppose that 
 there is no mention of it in the Anua. His successor is later called Julio 
 (instead of Juan) Varela. There may have been such a padre. 
 
A NEW GOVERNOR. 227 
 
 deadly; yet in 1624 the number of Christian natives 
 is estimated at over 100,000. 44 In 1626 Martin Perez 
 died, the pioneer Jesuit of Sinaloa, having come with 
 Tapia in 1591. For ten years he had been unable to 
 rise from his chair without help, ar\d he is said to have 
 left a manuscript narrative of events down to 1620. 45 
 In 1626 Sinaloa was also called upon to part with the 
 valiant, pious, and popular comandante and alcalde 
 mayor Captain Hurdaide, 48 who was succeeded by 
 Captain Pedro de Perea, said to have been a relative 
 of the viceroy. 
 
 During Perea's rule at San Felipe and -Fort Mon- 
 tesclaros the records become meagre after the first few 
 years, and are confined for the most part to the north 
 ern district. The new captain's first act was to detain 
 on suspicion certain Nevome chiefs, who had come to 
 offer allegiance to the successor of Hurdaide. This 
 caused a revolt among the Nevomes, who threatened 
 Father Olinano, and inflicted upon Vandersipe a 
 wound with a poisoned arrow, that afflicted him dur 
 ing the rest of his life. It was also in 1526-7 that 
 the Cliinipas missions were founded by Father Pas- 
 cual as already related. In 1628 the Huites were 
 converted by Padre Castini; a new pueblo of Hios 
 was added to the Cliinipas mission; mines began to 
 be worked in the same region; Captain Perea made a 
 tour with sixty soldiers and two thousand allies to 
 restore order in the northern district; the Ai vinos, 
 
 44 Annas, 1623-4, MS., G95-710. Villafafie was now rector. Brother 
 Martin Ugarte died in 1624 after 20 years' service in Sinaloa. Hurdaide also 
 had occasion to make one of his raids this year. Also Alcgre, ii. 141, 143, 
 153. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 297, says the pestilence was in 1625 and killed 
 8,500. 
 
 * 5 Martin Perez was born February 2, 1560, at the villa of San Martin, his 
 father being a rich mine owner, and was educated in Mexico. He became a 
 Jesuit in 1577, and had a varied experience as teacher and pi'eacher before he 
 came to the north. He died April 24, 1626, at San Felipe. A detailed 
 sketch of his life and many virtues is given in the Anna, 1625, MS., 711-29. 
 See also Ribas, 341; Ato/rc, ii. 169-70; Ramirez, Hint. Duranqo, 70-1. 
 
 *Anua, 1626, MS., 750. According to Ribas, 362-3, and Mange, Hist. 
 Pirn,, his death was several years later. See Urrea, in Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bol. y 
 ii. 42-4. 
 
228 ANNALS OF SIKALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 Toapas, Matapes, Batucos, and Sisibotaris were clam 
 orous for padres; and finally the conversion of the 
 latter was undertaken by the veteran Mendez. The 
 Anna of 1629, consisting of a letter from Padre Guz 
 man on the Nevomes and their ninety rancherias, is 
 the last of the original records in rny collection. 47 
 
 In 1630 fathers Martin Azpilcueta and Lorenzo 
 Cardenas went to live among the Aivinos and Batu 
 cos, where Basilio and Olinano had already baptized 
 children. The Christian ardor of the Aivinos had 
 'cooled somewhat through the influence of apostate 
 Nevomes. Cdrdenas increased the spirit of hostility 
 at first by removing a vault containing the body of a 
 dead chief, and frequented by the people as a shrine 
 for their protection against lightning. Almost im 
 mediately a woman was struck by. the dreaded thun 
 derbolt; still, as a baptized child in her arms escaped 
 injury, and as another woman at the point of death 
 recovered on the reception of the rite, the padre 
 was able to restore quiet. Azpilcueta was not well 
 received either at Batuco; but by patience and kind 
 ness as usual gained the good will of the people. 
 Home troubles once overcome, a new danger threat 
 ened from abroad in the form of a hostile band from 
 Sonora Valley, who thought to frighten all padres 
 from their country by killing this one. Azpilcueta 
 was, however, equal to the emergency, adopting a 
 policy almost unheard of in Jesuit annals. He sent 
 a message to the foe, asking" them to make haste as 
 he was ready and would soon behead them all, and 
 then, surrounded by a murderous array of machetes 
 and fire-arms, coolly awaited their approach. This 
 novel attitude on the part of a missionary surprised 
 and disconcerted the savages to such an extent that 
 when the padre discharged a musket and brandished 
 a machete they turned and fled, and troubled the 
 
 *Anua, 1626-9; MS., 730-803; Baptisms in 1625-6, 8,530; Kibas, 362-3; 
 Alc.rjre, ii. 172*-6; Mange, 399. 
 
CHINIPA REVOLT. 229 
 
 mission no more; on the contrary they soon became 
 the best of converts. 43 
 
 The revolt of 1631-2 in the Chinipa region was the 
 most notable event of the period. Here, where we 
 left Father Pascual toiling with flattering success in 
 his three towns, the Guazapare chief Camabeai fell 
 from grace, gained a following, and plotted to take 
 the missionary's life. The faithful Chinipas, finding 
 that Pascual would take no precautions, obtained 
 from the fort a guard which for a time impeded the 
 rebel designs; but the malcontents were so fervent in 
 their pretended devotion as to disarm all suspicion 
 until the soldiers were sent back, when they resumed 
 their plottings and gained adherents from the Varo- 
 hios. 
 
 On January 23, 1632, Padre^ Manuel Martinez 
 arrived as a co-laborer with Pascual; on the 31st the 
 two, with a small band of neophytes, were attacked 
 at Varohio; arid next day, after their house and 
 church had been burned, were killed. Brutal indig 
 nities were offered to their bodies, which were recov 
 ered and buried at Conicari by P. Marcos Gomez on 
 the 14th of February. Fifteen Indians perished with 
 their martyred masters. Captain Perea made a raid 
 into the mountains, and with the aid of native allies 
 is said to have killed eight hundred of the rebels. 
 New padres were sent here, apparently Juan Varela 
 and Francisco Torices, and the Chinipas were victo 
 rious in several encounters with their apostate neigh 
 bors; but it was soon deemed best to abandon the 
 mission, and the Chinipas, with many faithful families 
 of Varohios and Guazapares, came to live in the 
 country of the Sinaloas, being distributed among the 
 different towns. The surviving rebels fled to the 
 mountains, resumed their wild life, and mingled to a 
 considerable extent with the Tarahumares, although 
 
 48 Alcyre, ii. 185-8. Mange, Hist. Pimerta, 400, speaks of an apostate 
 who entered a church with two knives to kill P. Mendez, and who, after being 
 shot, was quartered by Capt. Perea for his sacrilege. 
 
230 AX1STALS OF S1NALOA AXD SONORA. 
 
 many years later, as we shall see, the Spaniards found 
 them back in their old homes. 49 
 
 During this period also the conversion was extended 
 over into Sonora Valley, the region of the modern 
 Ures and of the ancient and ill-fated San Geronimo. 
 Padre Bartplome Castano first came here to live 
 among the Opatas in 1638, though Mendez may have 
 visited the country some years earlier, and Madre 
 Maria de Jesus Agreda is supposed to have extended 
 her miraculous tour of about 1630 up through this 
 country to the Rio Colorado. 50 Within a year three 
 or four thousand of the natives were baptized and 
 settled in three towns with fine churches. Early in 
 1639 Padre Pedro Pantoja came to aid Castano, and 
 new towns were founded. 51 The Opatas never gave 
 the Spaniards any^t rouble in later years. In 1639 
 a new mission district was formed in the north by the 
 visitador Leonardo Jatino, acting in the name of Ribas 
 the provincial. It was called San Francisco Javier, 
 and embraced the missions, or partidos, of Comuripa, 
 Aivino, Batuco, Ures, and Sonora. This left to the 
 central district of San Ignacio the Yaquis, Mayos, 
 Tepahues, Conicaris, Onabas, and Mobas. 52 
 
 Brother Francisco Castro, said to be a relation of 
 Viceroy Villamanrique, died in 1527 after thirty-four 
 years of service in Sinaloa. 53 Bishop Hermosillo of 
 Durango visited the province in 1631, going as far 
 north as Nacori among the Tehuecos. He confirmed 
 some twelve thousand persons at San Felipe, where 
 he said the first pontifical mass; but he died soon after 
 setting out on his return and his body was carried 
 
 ^ Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 399-400; Rdadon de la Nueva Entrada, 77'9-80; 
 Alegre, ii. 190-3; Bibas, 256-68. 
 
 50 Stone, Sonora, 9-10, says erroneously that P. Mendez established a mis 
 sion at Ures in 1635. 
 
 31 S. Pedro Aconchi, Concepcion Babiacora, Remedies Banamichi, S. Ig 
 nacio Sinoquipe, and Rosario Nacameri are named, some of them not founded 
 probably before 1646, or even later. In Sonora, Estadistica, 627, it is stated 
 that P. Gastaiio entered in 1640 and was soon joined by P. Lorenzo Flores. 
 
 ^Alcgre, ii. 222-3; iii. Ill; Ribas, 392-7; Mange, 400; Alccdo, Dice., iv. 
 574; Hernandez, Comp. Geoff. Son., 15-16; D'Avity, Descrip., ii. 85^7. 
 
 ** Alee/re, ii. 173-4; Hibas, 231-5. 
 
MISSIONARY CHANGES. 231 
 
 back to San Felipe for burial. 5 * About 1632 Father 
 Pedro Zambrano is named as one of the missionary 
 force, and in 1633 Padre Juan de Albieuri was at the 
 mission of Bamupa, where he completed his history 
 of Father Tapia's life and services. 55 In 1634 Villa- 
 fane who had come to the country before 1595, but 
 had been absent several times on visits to Mexico and 
 Europe, died at his old post. 56 This death left Father 
 Pedro Mendez the oldest pioneer; but he retired in 
 1635 weighed down with age and infirmities, 57 leaving 
 Father Vicente de Aguila the oldest resident mission 
 ary. In 1636 the province had to lose by death four 
 of its Jesuits, Paredes, Azpilcueta, and the brothers 
 Varela. 58 Floods in 1639 afflicted the country, and a 
 pestilence in 1641, strengthening according to the 
 Jesuit version the hold of the padres on the natives. 
 In 1641 also the veteran Father Aguila died at the 
 age of seventy years. 59 All the deceased of the period 
 receive from the chroniclers eulogies which it is to be 
 hoped were entirely deserved; but it is to be regretted 
 that Jesuit eulogies are so like one another as to be 
 of comparatively little use to the historian. 
 
 Captain Perea seems to have held the command 
 from 1626 to 1640. Captain Francisco Bustainante 
 signed himself in 1636 lieutenant-governor and captain 
 of San Felipe presidio; 60 but this is all we know of 
 
 , 177-8; Calk, Mem. Not., 95, 98; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., 
 i. 248; Alcgre, ii. 176. The last author implies that the visit was earlier, but 
 is in error. 
 
 , 281 ; Albieuri, Hist. Mis., MS., 12-13. 
 
 , 349-57; Alegre, ii. 201. Villafaue was a native of Leon, Spain, 
 and the son of noble parents. He was serving in Michoacan when the news 
 of Tapia's martyrdom called him to Sinaloa. He was rector at San Felipe for 
 years; and also served a term as rector in Mexico, subsequently visiting 
 Koine as procurador. His service in Sinaloa amounted to thirty years. He 
 wrote an arte of the Guazave language. 
 
 ^Alcgre, ii. 209. Mendez had come before 1595 and had once before re 
 tired for a time to Mexico. 
 
 58 Alcgre, ii. 188, 203-4. 
 
 l!iba$, 397-402; Alegre, ii. 235. Aguila came to Sinaloa about 1606, 
 being a Spaniard by birth, and having served a few years at San Luis de la 
 Paz. He left several MS. works. Backer, iv. 4. 
 
 W 0rteya, Copia de la Demarc., MS. Another captain, Matias Lobo Pe- 
 
232 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 his rule, and the records are in other respects some 
 what confused. In 1640 or 1641 Luis Cestin de 
 Canas succeeded Perea; 61 whereupon the latter ob 
 tained from Viceroy Escalona, with royal approval, a 
 division of the province and a new command for him 
 self. This temporary division was the most important 
 event of the decade, but little is known about it. 
 Perea obtained half of the presidial force, agreed to 
 pacify and convert the natives *north of the Yaqui, 
 and established himself in the Sonora Valley, styling 
 his new province Nueva Andalucia and his capital San 
 Juan Bautista, 62 It is possible that he began ^opera 
 tions here several years earlier, and that the confusion 
 already noted respecting rulers at San Felipe pertains 
 to the officers left in temporary command. 63 Perea 
 seems also to have visited Mexico, or at least to have 
 reached his province from Parral through the Tara- 
 humara country in the autumn of 1641, taking with 
 him at first Padre Geronimo Figueroa. 
 
 Dissensions ensued between the two comandantes, 
 the particulars of which are not known, but during 
 which Perea had to submit to a reduction of his force 
 and obtained twelve men from New Mexico to fill up 
 the number to twenty-five. His rule was also marked 
 by a quarrel with the Jesuits and a consequent at 
 tempt to put the spiritual interests of Nueva Anda 
 lucia, or Sonora, into the hands of another order. 
 Four or five Franciscans under Padre Juan Suarez 
 were brought in for 'this purpose. According to 
 Mange's statements these friars were stationed among 
 
 reira, is named by Niel, Apnnt., 67-8, as having conquered Sonora in 1636. 
 I have no idea what this can mean. 
 
 61 Alegre, ii. 235-6, implies that the change was in 1641. Zamacois, Hist. 
 Mej. , v. 326, calls the new ruler Luis Cestinos. Nothing seems to be known 
 of his rule except his trip to California mentioned elsewhere in this volume. 
 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 481-2, tells us that Peralta y Mendoza succeeded Perea 
 in 1640; and even Alegre, ii. 244, speaks of Padre Canal about 1644 having a 
 commission to investigate the acts of the ' defunct governor Peralta. ' 
 
 Gz According to Zapata, Relation , 363, San Juan was a mining town seven 
 leagues from Oposura and was still called capital in 1678. 
 
 63 Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 183, says Perea made a contract for northern re 
 duction with Viceroy Cadereita in 1636. He was to obtain from the governor 
 of Nueva Vizcaya the titles of justicia mayor and capitan u guerra. 
 
PEREA'S GOVERNMENT. 233 
 
 different tribes and raneherias, 64 where they did good 
 service as missionaries for some years; but this au 
 thor's narrative on the subject ends here vaguely and 
 abruptly. According to Alegre, however, the only 
 other writer who speaks of the matter at all, when 
 the Franciscans arrived and the comandante attempted 
 to station them, particularly in the Cumupas Valley, 
 the Jesuit visitador Pantoja protested and sent Padre 
 Geronimo Canal to Mexico with a report to the pro 
 vincial and viceroy. Pending a decision Perea en 
 deavored to locate his friars in the valleys of the wild 
 Imuris, by whose warriors he was forced back. His 
 disappointment -laid him on a sick-bed. Recovering 
 somewhat he started from Banamichi to Toape, but 
 died on the way, October 4, 1644. A little later 
 Padre Canal returned with a decision favorable to the 
 Jesuits. He brought an order for the Franciscans, 
 waiting at Babispe, to relinquish all claims to the 
 mission field, 60 and perhaps for Perea to quit his office 
 and his province, thus putting an end to the exist 
 ence of Nueva Andalucia as a separate province. 
 Rivera tells us, however, that after Perea's death 
 Simon Lasso de la Vega was appointed to succeed 
 him as alcalde mayor and comandante of Sonora, and 
 becoming involved in quarrels with the comandante 
 of San Felipe, was treacherously killed and succeeded 
 by Juan Fernandez de Morales. This officer's au 
 thority was also disputed by Admiral Casanate, who 
 had succeeded to the command of Sinaloa. 63 This 
 
 64 Potlapigua, Babispe, Baseraca, Guazava, Optito, Techico de Guachi, 
 Batepito, Teuricachi, Cuquiarichi, Arizpe, Chinapa, Bacuachi (Bacatu de 
 Guachi), Cucurpe, and Toape are named, the orthography being somewhat 
 modified by me. Mange, JJist. Pirn., 401-2. The same writer gives a cer 
 tificate of P. Suarez at Chinapa, without date, to the effect that Francisco 
 Perez Granillo, teniente de justicia mayor y capitan d guerra de esta nuestrct 
 conversion y de otra* de la Compailia de Jesus, had served for five years, and 
 that by his aid the Franciscans had baptized over 7,000 souls, running great 
 risks in the Potlapigua valleys, at Teuricachi, and at 'our convent' at 
 Chinapa; 
 
 63 Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 242-4, 235-6. Yet the some author, 404, speaks 
 of disturbances among the Franciscans of Teuricachi district in 1049-50, 
 caused by the disgraceful retreat of the Sinaloa comandante who marched 
 against the Sumas with a strong force. 
 
 Jfoera, Gobernantea de Mex., i. 183. 
 
234 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 must have been as late as 1650; 67 and between the 
 terms of Canas and Casanate at a date not exactly 
 known Juan Peralta y Mendoza seems to have held 
 the position. About the middle of the century, how 
 ever, it is certain that the two provinces were practi 
 cally reunited under the authority of the captain at 
 San Felipe; yet the "captain of Sonora" was still 
 vaguely mentioned, a garrison being generally main 
 tained at San Juan for the protection of the Sonora 
 Valley. 
 
 ' 
 
 Father Luis Bonifacio retired in 1640 to succeed 
 Ribas as provincial in Mexico, dying in Michoacan 
 four years later. Pedro Caslini retired about 1644 
 after twenty-four years of service, and Jose Collantes 
 after twelve years. The same year occurred the 
 death of Miguel Godinez and of Angel Balestra. 
 Bartolome Castano, the pioneer missionary of Sonora 
 proper, retired about 1645 after serving twenty-five 
 years. Baltasar Cervantes was another of the Jesuit 
 band, about whom nothing appears, except that he 
 died at Mexico in 1649. Pedro Velasco, who held 
 the post of provincial in 1646, also died in 1649. He 
 had probably retired long before, as the term of his 
 service is given as fourteen years. 63 The only hostil- 
 
 67 It was in a e<dula of August 1650 that the king recommended the 
 appointment of Casanate, if there were no serious objections. Baja CaL, 
 Cetlulas, MS., 63-6. Navarrete, Introd., Ixxiv., also implies that Casauate 
 obtained the post, though it would seem to have been a few years earlier. 
 
 68 Bonifacio, or Bonifaz, was born at Jaen in 1578; became a Jesuit in 
 in 1598, and came to New Spain in 1602. His service in Sinaloa was 20 
 years; but was interrupted by long absences as master of services at Tepozo- 
 tlan, rector at Mexico, and provincial, w T hich office he held twice. Castini 
 was born in 1587 at Plaisance; came to Mexico in 1602; and died in Mexico 
 in 1663. Godinez, whose original family name was Wading, was born at 
 Waterford in 1591, and joined the society in 1609. After leaving Sinaloa, or 
 perhaps before, he taught philosophy and theology in Mexico and Guatemala. 
 He died in Mexico, the date of his departure from the missions not appearing. 
 I have his Prdctica de la Teologia Mystica, Sevilla, 1682. Castano was famous 
 for his humility, his musical talent, his dark skin, and his linguistic skill. 
 He was known as the Indio Sabio of Sonora. He was a Portuguese, born in 
 1601, and died in Mexico in 1672. His biography by P. Tomas Escalante 
 was published in editions of 1679 and 1708. Pedro Velasco, born in Mexico 
 1581, became a Jesuit in 1596. After the close of his missionary career, he 
 was professor of theology in Mexico and procurador in Madrid and Rome, 
 
TRIUMPHS OF THE FAITH, 235 
 
 ity on the part of the natives was that of the Guaza- 
 vas, whom Perea was unable to subdue after a bloody 
 battle, but whom he finally brought to terms by 
 threats of destroying their cornfields. Once con 
 quered they became faithful allies. 
 
 In 1646 the northern district of San Francisco 
 Javier under Father Pantoja as superior residing at 
 Babiacora, consisted of seven mission partidos with as 
 many jpadres. 69 Cristobal Garcia had begun the con 
 version of the Guazavas in 1645. ^ Over two thousand 
 persons were baptized in the district in 1646, and the 
 total number down to 1647 was over twenty thou 
 sand. Also in 1647 it was proposed to convert the 
 Imuris, on what was later Rio San Ignacio, and two 
 padres were about to start with good prospects, but 
 the comandante deemed it unsafe, and ordered a sus 
 pension of the entrada. This conversion was reserved 
 for Kino in later years. 70 
 
 In 1645 was published the Triumphs of the Faith 
 of Ribas, the standard authority, followed necessarily 
 by all later writers, on Jesuit annals in the north 
 west down to about that date. 71 At this time there 
 
 besides being provincial. See Backer, Bib., ii. 245; iv. 60, 106-7, 113, 721, 
 with mention of the different MS. and printed works written by the padres 
 named. Collantes died in Mexico in 1003. His service is said to have been 
 among the Chinipas. Aleyrc, ii. 433; Dice. Univ.,vui. 611. 
 
 CD Thc distribution was as follows: Ger6nimo Canal, Huepaca with Bana- 
 michi,. Sinoquipe, Arizpe, and Teuricachi; Francisco Paris, Ures and Naca- 
 nieri; JuanMendoza, Batuco; Egidio Moiitepio, Comuripa; Miguel (or Marcos) 
 del Rio, Guazava, with Oposura and Nacori; and Pedro Bueno, Matape. 
 
 ~'Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 247, 237-8, 265-7, 359, 461-2. 
 
 n llistoria de los Trivmphos de Nvestra Santa Fee entre gentes las mas bar- 
 baras y fie.ras del nueuo Orbe ; cons?(jitidos por los soldados de la militia de 
 la Comjiania de lesvs en las missione.s de la Prouincia de Nueua-Espana. 
 Refierense assimixmo las costvmbres, ritos, etc. Escrita por el Padre Andres 
 P< rcz de Ribas, Prouincial la Nueua-Espana, natural de Cordoua. Madrid, 
 1645, fol., 16 1., 756 pp. The author, a native of C6rdova, came to the 
 New World in 1602, only 12 years after the Jesuits begun their labors in the 
 north-west; served, as we have seen, in the Sinaloa missions, much of the 
 time as superior, from 1604 to 1620; and then became provincial of his order 
 in Mexico. His book was completed in 1644. It is a complete history of 
 Jesuit work in Nueva Vizcaya, practically the only history the country had 
 from 1590 to 1644, written not only by a contemporary author, but by a 
 prominent actor in the events narrated, who had access to all the voluminous 
 correspondence of his order, comparatively few of which documents have 
 been preserved. In short, Eibas wrote under the most' favorable circum 
 stances and made good use of his opportunities. His style is diffuse, his plan 
 
236 ANNALS OF SINALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 were thirty-five missions in Sinaloa and Sonora, each 
 including from one to four towns, and each under the 
 care of a Jesuit. The missions were divided into 
 three districts: that of San Felipe in the south, ex 
 tending practically from Mocorito to Alamos; San 
 Ignacio on the rivers Mayo and lower Yaqui; and 
 San Francisco Javier to the north. Each district 
 was under a superior, who at San Felipe was also rec 
 tor of the college, at which two or three padres were 
 constantly employed in giving instruction. The cabe- 
 cera of each mission and many of the visitas had fine 
 churches of adobe suitably decorated and cared for. 
 The mission books showed a total of over 300,000 
 baptisms down to date. The presidio had a force of 
 only forty-six soldiers, which fact of itself is sufficient 
 proof how completely and easily the natives had sur 
 rendered themselves to missionary control. Each 
 padre as a rule lived alone in his mission, protected 
 by a military escolta only when threatened by some 
 special danger. He was visited at long intervals by 
 the superior, or visitador, and usually managed once 
 a year to visit his nearest neighbor for confession, 
 social intercourse, and to avoid forgetting his own 
 language. 72 
 
 - clumsy according to modern ideas, and he is at times not sufficiently exact in 
 the matter of chronology; but many of his errors in this respect have either 
 been corrected by Alegre or may be corrected from original documents yet 
 extant. He left two manuscript volumes on the foundation of Jesuit colleges 
 in Mexico, which have never been printed. He died March 26, 1655, at the 
 age of 79 years. Pinelo and Brunet cite a letter of his on the death of Padre 
 Ledesma, printed in Mexico in 1C36. See also Backer, Bib., ii. 485. 
 ^llibas, Hist. Triumphos, 65-70, 125-9, 157-9, 196, 340, 358, 435-6. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 AXXALS OF SONORA AXD SIXALOA. 
 
 ,1650-1700. 
 
 / 
 
 RULERS IN SIXALOA COAST EVENTS TAJO MINE SPANISH SETTLEMENTS 
 MISSIONARY ANNALS IN THE SOUTH MINOR ITEMS, STATISTICS, AND 
 NAMES or JESUITS THE OLD SONORA DISTRICTS THE NAMESONORA 
 TABLES OF 1658, 1678, AND 1688 TROUBLES WITH THE BISHOP CHINI- 
 PAS DISTRICT LABORS OF SALVATIERRA REVOLTS OF 1690 AND 1697 
 MAP CONQUEST OF PIMERIA ALTA FATHER KINO AND HIS LABORS 
 AT BAC AND CABORCA, 1692-3 JIRONZA LN COMMAND MANGE'S DIARIES 
 KINO ON THE GULF COAST, 1694 BOAT-BUILDING TRIP TO THE GILA, 
 1694 REVOLT, MURDER OF FATHER SAETA, AND MASSACRE OF PIMAS 
 KINO IN MEXICO SECOND, THIRD, FOURTH, AND FIFTH ENTRADAS TO 
 THE Rio GILA, 1697-1700 VAIN EFFORTS TO OBTAIN MISSIONARIES FOR 
 THE FAR NORTH MISSIONS OF DOLORES, SAN IGNACIO, CABORCA, TUBCJ- 
 TAMA, AND COCOSPERA MILITARY OPERATIONS IN APACHERIA DON 
 PABLO'S REVOLT PIMAS DEFEAT THE APACHES SERIS AND TEPOCAS. 
 
 THE territory from Chametla to San Felipe, corre 
 sponding to the modern Sinaloa, has for the second as 
 for the first "half of the seventeenth century practi 
 cally no recorded annals. I cannot give even a com 
 plete list of the commandants, or governors, at the 
 presidio. The California explorers seem to have been 
 in command much of the time. Casanate as we have 
 seen probably held the post in 1650. Miguel Cal- 
 deron is named as the alcalde mayor at San Felipe in 
 1671. Rivera tells us that Bernardo Bernal Pina- 
 dero obtained the command in 1674. Pedro Hurtado 
 de Castilla was captain in 1680. And in 1684 Isidro 
 Otondo y Antillon is said to have been in charge of 
 the government, leaving Juan Antonio Anguis in 
 command during his absence. 1 In earlier chapters on 
 
 1 Rivera, Gobernantea de Mex., i. 242; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 456; 
 iii. 25, 54. ( 237) 
 
238 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 gulf explorations we have had occasion to notice the 
 touching of different craft from time to time at main 
 land anchorages, the records of these voyages afford 
 ing no information respecting the state of affairs at 
 the settlements. 2 In a later chapter on the Jesuit 
 occupation of the peninsula in the last years of the 
 century we shall notice other similar arrivals revealing 
 nothing of mainland annals and being also for the 
 most part north of the Rio del Fuerte. 3 The only 
 definite record of mining industry is the statement 
 that the famous Tajo mine at Rosario was accidentally 
 discovered by a peasant named Leon Rojas in 1655. 4 
 Doubtless other mines were worked in the south, and 
 in the north a few reales de minas will be mentioned 
 in mission statistics. San Sebastian, Mazatlan, and 
 San Miguel maintained their municipal existence on 
 a small scale; and in 1678 the villa of San Felipe de 
 Sinaloa had a Spanish and mixed population of about 
 twelve hundred, with a garrison of forty men. 
 
 The closing of Ribas' record with the year 1645 had 
 an effect on the written missionary annals of the 
 country which is the best evidence of how valuable 
 that record was and how closely other writers have 
 followed and must follow it. With the. exception of 
 one or two statistical statements of mission progress 
 and condition, the recorded history of the old mission 
 districts, the subject of the preceding chapter, is ex 
 ceedingly meagre, in fact almost a blank during the 
 last half of the century, and it is only the exploration 
 and conquest of new lands and the conversion of new 
 tribes, especially in the far north, that will furnish 
 material for a continuous narrative, and that only for 
 
 2 See chap, vii.-viii., this volume. 
 
 3 See chap. xi. , this volume. 
 
 4 Dice. Univ. , x. 452 et seq. See also mention of mines of Mazatlan and 
 Rosario in JDampier's Voy., i. 265-9; Budna, Compen., 39 et seq.; Ogilby's 
 Amer., 285-6. When Father Salvatierra from California was visiting the 
 mining camp of Los Frailes in 1700 the miners were engaged in a lawsuit at 
 Guadalajara on which their future prospects depended. Salvatierra sum 
 moned all to devotional exercises in honor of Our Lady of Loreto, and as they 
 left the church news came that the suit was won. Salvatierra, Cartas, 112. 
 
 J &-j o '}iwi\{ ~^yy^o '^y&r j^^^&td *7tf / *7i tittsir^<) 'i 
 
 
ZAPATA'S REPORT. 239 
 
 the last years of the period. Yet even in the south 
 we may almost evolve from nothingness and bring 
 before thfe eyes of the mind the mission annals from 
 year to year, feeling sure, as is indicated by the 
 scattered documents of the archives, that nothing 
 happened out of the dull routine, and that we have 
 lost little more than names of padres, statistics of 
 baptisms, instances of miraculous intervention, 5 and 
 puerile anecdotes of neophytic doings. 
 
 The Chicuris, neighbors of the Chicoratos, were 
 converted in 1671, at which time Father Gonzalo 
 Navarro was rector, Tomds Hidalgo was at work 
 among the Ahomes, and Jacinto Cortes among the 
 Tehuecos. Melchor Paez, said to have been for twenty 
 years a missionary in Sinaloa, died near Mexico in 
 1G76; and the next year Andres Egidiano, or Engi- 
 diano, died, after long service at Bacum. 6 In 1677 
 also Matias Goni visited the Chicoratos, but did not 
 remain. 7 In 1678 Father Juan Ortiz Zapata made a 
 general inspection of all the Jesuit establishments of 
 Nueva Vizcaya; and by his report, the statistics of 
 which for Sinaloa I append, 8 it appears that the 
 
 6 0f such interference we are not left wholly in ignorance, but the instances 
 are not very brilliant or extraordinary ones. At S. Pedro Guazave an image 
 of the virgin wrought many miracles; 27 Indians were at the point of death 
 in a time of pestilence, and the image was implored to save life; 16 recovered 
 instantly, 10 within two hours, and one next morning after special prayer. 
 A hurricane destroyed the church, but the image in its niche was not harmed. 
 While the church was being rebuilt water failed, but the virgin sent a shower 
 to fill the reservoir, so that it remained full till the ehurch was done. An 
 image at Mocorito was unwilling to be moved; the man who tried to remove 
 it broke his saw; another who carried it away fell dead; and the padre who 
 gave the order was thrown from a mule and died within a year ! JV. Vizcaya, 
 Doc., 403-4, 410; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 457-8. 
 
 6 Life and eulogy in Dice. Univ. , in. 229-30. 
 
 7 Alegre, iii. 14. 
 
 8 Zapata, Relation de las Misiones que la Compaiiia de Jesus tiene en el Re'mo 
 y Provincia de la Nueva Vizcaya, 1678. In N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iii. 301- 
 419 (Sinaloa matter, p. 392-411); also MS. I shall further utilize this impor 
 tant report in this and other chapters on the missions of Sonora, Durango, 
 and Chihuahua. 
 
 Mission of San Felipe y Santiago, 9 partidos, population; 9,689. 
 
 (1.) Concepcion de Vaca, 25-30 leagues Conicari, 30 1. s. w. Temoris, 35 1. 
 K. S. Felipe (?), on Rio Carapoa, pop. 584. Santiago Guires, 5 1. N. E. Vaca, on 
 same river, pop. 304; Partido under Padre Gonzalo Navarro, rector, with 
 888 persons. 
 
 (2.) San Jose" del Toro, 4 1. s. w. Vaca, on same river, pop. 360. S. Ignacio 
 
240 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 southern mission district, or modern Sinaloa, under 
 the old name of San Felipe y Santiago consisted of 
 twenty-three villages, with a population of nearly ten 
 thousand, divided into nine partidos, and served by 
 the same number of Jesuits. The largest military 
 force was now sixty men at Montesclaros, w r hile San 
 Felipe presidio had only forty. The Spanish popula 
 tion according to some rather uncertain indications 
 may have been five hundred exclusive of the one 
 hundred soldiers. 
 
 In 1681 an effort was made by the bishop, in con 
 nection with the preparations for Otondo's expedition 
 to California, not only to send a clerigo as chaplain 
 on the fleet, but to station a provincial vicar at San 
 Felipe. The Jesuits, however, were prompt with 
 their protests and the threatened secularizing inter 
 ference with their missions was stayed. 9 Nothing 
 
 Zoes, 6 1. N. E. Toro, on arroyo running into same river from Tubares, pop. 
 ,380; Sta Catalina Baitrena, 6 1. S. E., pop. 1C5. Partido under Josd Tapia 
 with 910 persons, includes estancia S. Pedro belonging to college, 5 1. s. Toro. 
 
 (3.) Tehueco, on Rio Carapoa, pop. 782. Villa de Carapoa, or Fuerte 
 Montesclaros, or S. Ignacio, 5 1. N. Tehueco, pop. 304, 60 soldiers; Asuncion 
 Sivirijoa, 5 1. S. Tehueco, pop. 624; S. Jose" Charay, 10 1. S. w. Tehueco, pop. 
 636. Partido under Jos6 Jimenez, to be succeeded by Francisco Sepiilveda, 
 with 2,456 persons. 
 
 (4.) San Ger6nimo Mochicagui (Mochicavi), 4 1. s. w. Charay, on Rio 
 Carapoa, pop. 559. S. Miguel Suaqui, 4 1. w. Mochicavi on river, pop. 674; 
 Asuncion Hoomi (Ahome?) 8 1. S. W., pop. 626. Partido under Josd Jimenez 
 with 1,855 persons. 
 
 (5.) Santiago Ocoroni, 14 1. Charay, 16.1. s. E. Mochicavi, 61. N. w. S. 
 Felipe, pop. 150. Bauria pueblo destroyed, under Francisco Renter. 
 
 (6.) San Pedro Guazave, 141. s. w. Ocoroni, pop. 531. Reyes de Tama- 
 zula, 3 1. S. Guazave on river, 5 1. from sea, pop. 265; S. Ignacio Nio, 1| 1. 
 K. E. Guazave on river, pop 308. Partido under Juan Bautista Anzieta with 
 1,101 persons. (See in Jesuitas, Papeles, no. 23, an autograph letter of this 
 padre as visitador in 1681 to Salvatierra. Pecoro was then rector.) 
 
 (7.) Conception Bamoa, 5 1. w. S. Felipe, 4 1. Nio, on river, pop. 240. S. 
 Felipe Villa, pop. 1,200 (partly Spanish), 40 soldiers; S. Lorenzo Oguera, 61. 
 E. S. Felipe on river, pop. 185. Partido under Antonio Urquisa with 1,625 
 persons. 
 
 (8. ) Concepcion Chicorato, 7 1. E. Oguera on river, pop. 228. S. Ignacio 
 Chicuris, 5 1. N. Chicorato, pop. 99. Partido under Ger6nimo Pistoya with 
 327 persons. 
 
 (9.) Sari Miguel Mocorito, 121. s. E. S. Felipe, 121. from sea, pop. 243. 
 S. Pedro Bacoburito, 7 1. s. Chicorato, 10 1. N. Mocorito, pop. 152. Partido 
 under Pedro Mesa, with 712 persons. Includes 43 ranches, estancias, etc., 
 with 43 Spanish families or 21 4 persons. 
 
 For the missions of Topia lying farther south and east see chapter xiii. 
 
 9 Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 27-8. 
 
THE NAME SONORA. 241 
 
 more is known of Sinaloa down to 1700, if we except 
 the miraculous movements of a cross at Rosario in 
 1683, as certified by twenty-three witnesses whose tes 
 timony is recorded in the parish records.' 
 
 10 
 
 The origin of the name Sonora is a curiously com 
 plicated subject, respecting which the truth cannot be 
 known. The two derivations suggested with some 
 plausibility are the Spanish word senora and the na 
 tive word sonot, forming in its pblique cases sonota; 
 but the matter is further confused by the claim that 
 the two words were identical in meaning, or that the 
 latter was merely an attempt of the <)patas to pro 
 nounce the former. I append a note which brings out 
 the various aspects of the problem, and shows that 
 while a connection is probable between Sonora and 
 Senora, it is not easy to decide whether the present 
 name is a Spanish corruption of a native word or the 
 reverse. 11 
 
 10 Diccionario Universal, viii. 735. 
 
 11 Coronado in 1540 named the valley of Senora, near the one called Cora- 
 zones by Niza a few years earlier. Here was founded, or hither was transferred, 
 a little later San Geronimo. Coronado, Relation, 147-9; Jaramillo, Relation, 
 156; Castaneda, Relation, 44; Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. xi. It seems 
 that the name was Senora and not Nuestra Senora. Arricivita, Crdn. Seraf. , 
 prologo, 4, says the valley was named for a rich native widow who entertained 
 the army, adding that it was perhaps in order to forget her kindness that 
 the name was changed to Sonora! Mange, Hist. Pirn., 392, tells us that the 
 word senora heard by the Spaniards (in 17th century) was an attempt to say 
 sefiora and thus to show that they had not forgotten the teachings of Cabeza de 
 Vaca about the virgin. They could not pronounce the 'n,' and the Spaniards 
 changed Sefiora to Sonora in order to be able to derive it from sonota, a 
 'maize-leaf.' Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 392, on the contrary seems to imply 
 that the original native word was Sonora, and that the Spaniards corrupted 
 it into Senora. 'El valle de Sonora, de que tuuieron noticias los primeros 
 descubridorcs de la Prouincia dc Cinaloa, y corrompiendo el vocablo, llamauau 
 valle de Seiiora.' Alcedo, Dice. Geofj., iv. 574, regards Sonora as a corrup 
 tion of Sefiora. According to the author of Sonora, Estad. , in Sonora, Materi 
 als, 625, writing in 1730, the oldest Indians said that a rancheria of natives 
 living about a muddy spring near Huepaca built their huts of reeds and 
 maize-leaves, and called them sonota, which the Spaniards changed to Sonora. 
 Hernandez, Gcog. Son., 5-6, favors the last derivation, but notes an opinion 
 of some that the settlers called the country son-ora, wishing to express in 
 one word the richness of soil and the sonorous quality of gold! The author 
 of Sonora, Descrip. Geog., 493-4, in 1764, also writes: 'Oeo que no mo 
 engaiiare" si me inclino a pensar que por lo mucho que ha sonado en Mexico y 
 ami en Europa su prodigiosa riqueza se haya merecido el iiombre de Sonora. ' 
 'Sunora, as the Indians say, or Sonora as the Spaniards call it.' Nkl, Apunt., 
 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 16 
 
242 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 In the north, the territory of the modern Sonora, 
 we find that in 1653 the district of San Francisco 
 Javier included twenty-three towns with over twenty- 
 five thousand neophytes, of whom eight thousand had 
 been baptized within the last few years. Since 1650 
 the final conversion of the natives of Arizpe and Sino- 
 quipe had been accomplished by fathers Canal, Ignacio 
 Molarja, and Felipe Esgrecho, the latter remaining 
 in charge. This conversion involved several failures 
 and serious obstacles, even threats of personal violence. 
 One native argued so eloquently and skilfully against 
 Christianity as to show clearly that he was inspired 
 by Satan. During this period also a band of one 
 hundred and sixty Imuris from Pimeria Alta had 
 been added to the Nacameri mission under Padre 
 Francisco Paris; while others of the same tribe had 
 settled at Bacobichi. Moreover Padre Marcos del 
 Rio of the Guazava mission accomplished by gentle 
 ness and zeal what military force had utterly failed to 
 do, bringing some of the wild Sumas to Oputo to 
 make peace and prepare the way to conversion. Yet 
 1651 was a year of famine and much suffering, and 
 the Jesuits lost also one of their veterans, Padre 
 Vandersipe, who had toiled nearly thirty years among 
 the Nevomes. 12 
 
 For 1658 we have the puntos de anua of the 
 Nevome mission of San Francisco Borja, a doc 
 ument that the Jesuit historian Alegre seems not 
 to have consulted. 13 The mission, or district, had 
 sixteen pueblos, in seven partidos each with its 
 
 79. Mowry, Arizona, 41-2, supposes ih&tSonot or Scnot was the native name 
 for seiiora, or madam. Velasco, Sonora, 17, and Id., in Soc. Max. Geoy., 
 viii. 216, admits the derivation from sonot, but thinks the \vord was merely 
 a native attempt to say sefiora. Orozco y Berra, Geog., 337, expresses no 
 opinion. In Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 506, it is printed 'Tzonora,' but not 
 so in the MS. p. 1104. 
 
 12 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 383-4, 402-5, with a letter from Padre 
 Canal. 
 
 13 Puntos de Anna, 1G58, in Sonora, Materiales, 767-72. It is not im 
 possible that there is an error in the date of this document, as in the case 
 of another important one to be noticed a little later, or that Alegre has dis 
 regarded both papers, as I have been tempted to do, because he could not 
 reconcile them. 
 
PESTILENCE AND MIRACLES. 243 
 
 padre. Three, Sahuaripa, Onabas, and Mobas, with 
 seven towns, were in the mountains and known 
 as Nevomes Altos; while four, Tecoripa, Comuripa, 
 Mutape, and Batuco, were in the plain. Four differ 
 ent languages, Cahita, Eudeve, Pima, and Ure, were 
 spoken. No names of padres are given; but the 
 baptisms for the year were seven hundred and sev 
 enty-two, and the marriages two hundred and two. 
 Spiritual condition and prospects were all that could 
 be desired, and miracles were not wanting. A terri 
 ble pestilence enabled many to show their predestina 
 tion to salvation by being more anxious about their 
 souls than their bodies. Despite the devil's efforts 
 through two old women to persuade the people that 
 the pest was his own work, they chose to believe that 
 it came from God as a punishment, and believing muy 
 de veras that the author could give relief, resolved on 
 a grand rogativa and procession, which took place in a 
 pouring rain and all were healed. This was at Nuri ; 
 the same expedient was tried elsewhere, but as faith 
 was weaker and superstition stronger, the result was 
 less satisfactory. At Comuripa where the long-con 
 tinued embustes of native sorcerers were powerless to 
 produce rain, the prayers of innocent children gath 
 ered for doctrina brought down a copious shower as 
 they left the church. At Onabas a relic of the dead 
 Padre Bernardino Realino cured a dying paralytic in 
 a night. The spirit often moved gentiles to come in 
 from distant regions for baptism, and the slightest ill 
 ness caused the padre to be summoned, no matter how 
 far away he might be. 
 
 In 1673 a new difficulty arose between the Jesuits 
 and ecclesiastical authorities. The bishop having 
 died, Brother Tomas de Aguirre was sent in his place 
 to ' visit ' the establishments of Sinaloa and Sonora. 
 He was kindly received at Matape college by the rec 
 tor Daniel Angelo Marras, by the Jesuit visitador 
 Alvaro Flores de Sierra, and by other padres; but he 
 was refused access to the mission books, and was shown 
 
244 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 royal orders in justification of the refusal. On Feb 
 ruary 5th Aguirre in writing refused obedience to the 
 cedulas on the grounds that they were in conflict with 
 ecclesiastical authority, had never been confirmed by 
 later kings, and had never been enforced. The same 
 day Father Marras replied, also in writing, claiming 
 that the orders exempting Jesuit missions from the 
 bishop's visitas did not conflict with episcopal author 
 ity, having been issued with the sole view of promot 
 ing conversion and Christianity; that they were not 
 invalid per non usum since in sixty years the missions 
 of Sinaloa and Sonora had been inspected only once, 
 the Jesuits having submitted under protest in 1G68 to 
 save quarrels; and that they required no confirmation. 
 He calls upon Aguirre to refract his auto. Next day 
 the w T ould-be visitador in his turn replied that while 
 lie could not grant the correctness of the rector's 
 arguments, yet to prevent hard feelings and dissension 
 he would suspend his inspection and leave the question 
 to be settled by superior authorities. 14 
 
 In 1677, as Alegre tells us, a small beginning was 
 made in the conversion of the Seris, so troublesome 
 in later years. The first, and perhaps the only con 
 vert, was an old man of one hundred years, who came 
 to Banamichi to be baptized by Padre Burgos. Then 
 we have for 1678 Padre Ortiz Zapata's valuable re 
 port, according to which the northern mission districts 
 were three in number: San Francisco Borja with ten 
 partidos and twenty-seven pueblos; San Francisco 
 Javier de Sonora with eight partidos and twenty-two 
 pueblos ; and San Ignacio de Yaqui with ten partidos 
 and twenty-three pueblos. Thirty padres were serv 
 ing about forty thousand persons, of whom perhaps 
 
 u Testimonio autentico de lo sucedido en la Visita, etc., in torn. xvi. of 
 Archlvo General, printed in Sonora, Materiales, 773-8; Alegre, ii. 466-7. 
 The latter implies that the Jesuits objected only to a visitafrom an official of 
 lower rank than the bishop; but the original documents show that they dis 
 puted the right of the bishop himself to inspect the books, asserting that on 
 past visits he had never insisted on such an inspection, but had taken it for 
 granted that all was correct. 
 
CATALOGUE OF MISSIONS. 245 
 
 five hundred were Spanish or of mixed race. 15 There 
 is another similar document extant, which both in my 
 manuscript and printed copies bears the date of 1658, 
 which must be an error, since some towns are cor 
 rectly stated in the document 16 to have been founded 
 as late as 1679. From several circumstances which 
 it is not necessary to name I suppose the date to have 
 been 1688. This catalogue omits the Yaqui district 
 in the south, but out of the other two forms three 
 districts, or rectorados, ' as follows : San Francisco 
 Borja, with nineteen pueblos in 'seven partidos; San 
 Francisco Javier with fourteen pueblos in six par 
 tidos; and Santos Martires de Japon, with eighteen 
 pueblos in six partidos an increase of one padre, one 
 partido, and three pueblos in ten years. The new 
 district, formed chiefly from the old San Francisco 
 Javier, included the towns from Batuco and Nacori 
 northward. In a note I give the statistical substance 
 of Zapata's Relacion, and add such variations, except 
 ing minor ones of orthography, as are found in the 
 Catdlogo. I omit, however, in most cases distances, 
 because the Sonora towns with few exceptions can be 
 definitely located on the map. 17 
 
 15 Zapata, Relation, 344-92. 
 
 16 ,S'oor, Catdlogo de los Partidos contenidos en los rectorados de las 
 JMisionex de Sonora por el ailo de 1658, in torn. xvi. of Archivo General, and 
 printed in Sonora, Materiales, 790-4. 
 
 17 Mission of San Francisco Borja de Sonora, 10 partidos (rectorado with 7 
 partidos in 1G88. Cdtalofjo): 
 
 (1.) San Ildefonso Yecora, population 356, founded 1673; S. Francisco 
 Borja Maicoba, pop. 153, founded 1676. Padre Pedro Matias Gori (Gofii?) 
 with 509 persons. Manuel Sanchez in 1688. 
 
 (2.) San Francisco Javier Arivechi, pop. 466, founded 1627; S. Ignacio Baca- 
 nora, pop. 253, founded 1627; Sta Rosalia Onapa, pop. 171, founded 1677; 
 Padre Natal Lombardo (or Sambrano) with 890 persons. (I have in Jesuitas, 
 Papeles, an autograph letter of Lombardo to Salvatierra of 1677.) A few 
 small mining camps, the Spaniards going to Sahuaripa for religion. 
 
 (3.) Sta Maria Sahuaripa, pop. 682, founded 1627; Teopari (S. Jose), pop. 
 369, founded 1676; San Mateo (Malzura), pop. 596, founded 1677; P. Domingo 
 Miguel (rector in 1688), with 1,749 persons. 
 
 (4.) Santos Reyes Cucurpe, pop. 329, founded 1647 (belonged before and 
 after to S. Fran. Javier mission); S. Miguel Toape, pop. 240; Asuncion Opo- 
 clepe, pop. 320. P. Gaspar Tomas with 989 persons. P. Pedro Castellanos in 
 1688. 
 
 (5.) San Miguel Ures (in S. Fran. Javier rectorado in 1688), pop. 904, 
 founded 1636; Santa Maria Nacameri, pop. 362, founded 1638; Xra, Sra del 
 Populo Valley, no mission in 1678, but P. Fernandez ready to found one; 
 
246 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 In the mountain district stretching north and south 
 from Chinipa, a part of modern Chihuahua, any at 
 tempt with the data extant to clear up the confusion 
 in pueblo geography would be utterly vain. Few of 
 the towns can be even approximately located, and we 
 must be content to know that they were in the sierra 
 about the head- waters of the rivers Mayo and Fuerte. 
 
 founded 1679, P. Francisco Javier Soto with 1,266 persons. P. Juan Fernan 
 dez in 1688. 
 
 (6. ) S. Jose" Matape, college town, pop. 482, founded 1629; Sta Cruz (Nacori), 
 pop. 394; Asuncion Alamos, pop. 165; S. Fran. Javier Reboico, pop. 330, 
 founded 16,73. P. Jose Osorio (also in 1690), with 1,431 persons; P. Daniel 
 Angel Marras, rector of college. P. Marras not named in 1688. (He died 
 in 1689 in Mexico, Alegre, in. 66, and was succeeded by Cavero. Sonora, 
 Mat., 795.) 
 
 (7.) Sta Maria Batuco (partldo in new rectorado in 1688, pueblo Asuncion 
 Batuco), pop. 428, founded 1629; S. Francisco Javier Batuco, pop. 480; S. Joa- 
 quin y Sta Ana Tepachi, pop. 388, founded 1678. P. Juan Fernandez Cavero, 
 rector, with 1,296 persons. Some mining camps. P. Fernando Pecoro. 
 
 (8.) San Francisco Borja Tecoripa, pop. 269. founded 1619; S. Ignacio 
 Subaque, pop. 415; S. Pablo Comuripa, pop. 450 (called S. Pedro in Catdloyo). 
 P. Nicolas Villafane, with 1,141 persons. 
 
 (9.) San Ignacio Onabas, pop. 875, founded 1622; Sta Maria del Populo 
 Tonichi, pop. 510, founded 1628; P. Juan Almoniza, or Almonacir, with 1,365 
 persons, visitador in 1688. 
 
 (10.) Santa Maria Mobas, pop. 308, founded 1622; S. Joaquin y Sta Ana 
 (Nuri), pop. 180. P. Alouso Victoria with 488 persons. (P. Juan Meneses in 
 1690.) 
 
 Mission of San Francisco Javier de Sonora, 8 partidos (rectorado with 6 
 partidos in 1688. Catdloyo): 
 
 (1.) San Miguel Oposura, pop. 334, founded 1644 (in new rectorado 1688); 
 Asuncion Amipas (or Comupas), pop. 887; P. Juan Martinez, rector, with 
 1,621 persons. P. Manuel Gonzalez in 1688. 
 
 (2.) San Francisco Javier Guazava (in new rectorado 1688), pop. 632, 
 founded 1645; S. Ignacio Opotu, pop. 424 (also Sta Gertrudis Techicode- 
 guachi, in 1688). P. Jos< Covarrubias, with 1,146 persons. P. Antonio Leal, 
 rector, in 1688. 
 
 (3.) Sta Maria Nacori (in new rectorado 1688), pop. 450, founded 1645; 
 S. Luis Gonzaga Bacadeguachi (written many ways), pop. 370; Sto Tomaa 
 Sereba (Setusura), pop. 262. P. Luis Davila. 
 
 (4.) Sta Maria Baseraca (in new rectorado in 1688), pop. 399, founded 
 1645; S. Juan Guachinera, pop. 538; S. Miguel Babispe, pop. 402. P. Pedro 
 Silva, with 1439 persons. P. Juan Antonio Estrella in 1688. 
 
 (5.) San Ignacio Cuquiarachi (in new rectorado in 1688), pop. 380, founded 
 
 1653; Guadalupe Teuricachi, pop. 224; Sta Rosa Tibideguachi, pop. 214; S 
 
 , pop. 227. 
 sons. On frontier. P. Marcos Loyola in 1688. 
 
 Fran. Javier Cuchuta, pop. 227. P. Juan Antonio Estrella, with 1,050 per- 
 
 s. On frontier. P. Marcos Loyola in 1688. 
 
 (6.) Asuncion Arizpe, pop. 416, founded 1648 (no pueblos in 1688); S. 
 Jose Chinapa, pop. 393 (separate partidowith a pueblo of Vescuachi in 1688); 
 S. Miguel Bacuachi, pop. 195. P. Felipe Esgrecho, with 1,004 persons. Chi 
 napa under P. Carlos Celestri in 1688. 
 
 (7.) San Lorenzo Huepaca, pop. 268, founded 1639; S. Ignacio Sinoquipe, 
 pop. 367, founded 1646; Remedies Banamichi, pop. 338, founded 1639; P. 
 Juan Muiioz de Burgos, with 1,043 persons. 
 
 (8.) San Pedro Aconchi, pop. 580, founded 1639; Concepcion Babiacora, 
 
MOUNTAINEER CONVERTS. 247 
 
 The conversion and revolt of these mountaineers in 
 1620-32 have been already narrated. In 1670 Padre 
 Alvaro Flores de la Sierra of Toro mission converted 
 a few Varohios of Yecarome, and with them founded 
 a pueblo of Babuyagui half way between the mission 
 and their home, sending for padres to continue their 
 work. Alcalde Miguel Calderon also asked for padres 
 for the Tubares whom he found well disposed during 
 his mining explorations. In 1673 five new padres 
 came, and one was stationed at Babuyagui by Sierra, 
 who was now visitador. But Sierra died in 1673 ; the 
 pueblo became a mere visita; the Maguiaguis were 
 troublesome; the devil placed a tree across the trail, 
 thus causing the padre's mule to jump with its vener 
 able rider into a deep barranca; and the new conver 
 sion had to be temporarily abandoned. 18 
 
 Many Babuyagui converts, however, came to Toro, 
 and were instructed by Padre Jose Tapia. In April 
 1676 Nicolas Prado arrived and was followed a few 
 
 pop. 445. P. Juan Fernandez, with 1,025 persons. P. Fran. Javier Soto in 
 1688. 
 
 Mission of San Ignacio de Yaqui, 10 partidos (not in Catdlogo}: 
 
 (1.) Sta Rosa Bahium (Bacum), pop. 337; Espiritu Santo Cocorin, pop. 
 510; P. Antonio Orena, with 847 persons. 
 
 (2.) San Ignacio Torin, pop. 1,070; Trinidad Bicam, pop. 1,271. P. 
 Andres Cervantes, with 2,349 persons. 
 
 (3.) Asuncion Rahum, pop. 3,231; Trinidad Potan, pop. 1,133; Nra Sra 
 Belen, newly founded among Guaymas, pop. 564. P. Diego Neazquina, with 
 4,958 persons. 
 
 (4.) Sta Cruz de Mayo, pop. 2,803; Espiritu Santo Echonoba (Ehojoa?), 
 pop. 2, 164. P. Antonio Diego Sabanzo with 4,967 persons. 
 
 (5.) Natividad Nabohona, pop. 172; Concepcion Covirirapo, pop. 1,141. 
 P. Luis Sand oval, with 1,313 persons. 
 
 (6.) San Ignacio Tesia, pop. 497; Sta Catalina Cayamoa, pop. 420. P. 
 Antonio Leal, with 917 persons. 
 
 (7.) San Andrei Conicari, pop. 413; Asuncion Tepahue, pop. 368, with 
 ranehcrias Batacosa and Macoyahui. P. Antonio Mendez with 1,335 per 
 sons. Mining camp of Piedras Verdes with 30 Spaniards. 
 
 (8. ) Sta Ines Chinipa, pop. 580; Guadalupe Boragios (Tayrachi), pop. 290. 
 P. Nicolas del Prado. 
 
 (9.) Nra Sra Loreto Varohios, pop. 269; Sta Ana, pop. 300; P. Fernando 
 Pecoro, with 569 persons. 
 
 (10.) Sta Teresa Guazapares, pop. 814; Magdalena Temoris, pop. 585; Nra 
 Sra del Valle Umbroso,pop. 235. P. Bautista Copart with 1 ,634 persons. Many 
 other places where missions are proposed are vaguely located in the sierra. 
 
 18 lidaclon de la Nucva Entruda de los padres de la Compania de Jesus alas 
 Nacioncs de Chinipa, etc., in Sonora, Hateriales, 779-83; also MS.; Alegre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 455-7, 465-6. 
 
248 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 months later by Fernando Pecoro. In June both 
 padres, with a party of the Varohio converts, started 
 for the land of the gentiles and arrived in six days at 
 Chinipa, where the ruins of the old church were still 
 to be seen. Prado remained here and founded Santa 
 Ines Chinipa among the Guailopos; while his compan 
 ion went on in July to visit the Varohios, who had 
 killed Pascual and Martinez, and who seemed at first 
 likely to do as much for Pecoro, but soon became 
 friendly, and were gathered in the towns of Guada- 
 lupe, Valle Umbroso, and Santa Ana. The Guazd- 
 pares next submitted, their pueblo being Santa Teresa; 
 and then the Temoris at Santa Maria Magdalena. 
 The bands known as Husarones, Cutecos, and Teca- 
 voguis were also influenced more or less to give up 
 their hostilities and immoralities. The two pioneer 
 missionaries attended for four years to the whole field, 
 baptizing more than four thousand persons, until June 
 1680, when Juan Maria Salvatierra, afterward famous 
 as the apostle of California Baja, but now fresh from 
 his studies in Mexico, came and took charge of Santa 
 Teresa and Magdalena. Eager to convert gentiles he 
 started at once on a visit to the frontier Jerocavis 
 and Husarones, baptizing many of the former and only 
 prevented from baptizing all the latter by an order 
 from his rector to proceed slowly as that people were 
 notoriously of bad faith. 19 
 
 In 1681 or a little later the conversion of the Tu- 
 bares, hitherto well disposed, was undertaken on a 
 very novel plan. One of the secular clergy, whom 
 the bishop had not succeeded in settling as curate at 
 Sinaloa, resolved to become the Tubare apostle, and 
 tried it with a guard of five or six soldiers. His suc 
 cess for the first few days not coming up to his expec 
 tations he adopted the ingenious expedient of shackling 
 the pagans and releasing them only when they begged 
 for baptism. This naturally irritated the natives, who 
 revolted, drove out the clerigo, and retained for years 
 
 19 Relation de la Nueva Entrada, 84-9; Alegre, iii. 12-15, 25-7. 
 
REVOLT OF 1G90. 249 
 
 a prejudice against the true faith. It is well, how 
 ever, to bear in mind that this story is told by the 
 Jesuits. In 1684, when Salvatierra had added to his 
 Guazapare mission the pueblo of San Francisco Javier 
 de Jerocavi, he was called to Mexico; but so incon 
 solable were his neophytes and so eager the padre for 
 missionary work that he was soon permitted to re 
 turn. Back again his first work was to visit the 
 rancheria of Cuteco and the barranca of Hurichi, where 
 he made a good impression, though the Tubares 
 worked against him. Then he went after the Tubares 
 themselves, removing largely their prejudices and 
 obtaining their aid to build roads from Yaca to Jero 
 cavi. 
 
 The disaffection of the Tubares is claimed by the 
 Jesuits to have caused indirectly the revolt of 1690, 
 which, chiefly affecting Chihuahua, is to be recorded 
 in another chapter; yet through Sal vatierra's influence 
 the Tubares themselves did not engage in the rebel 
 lion, neither did the other bands under his personal 
 care. Vague as are the records of this revolt east of 
 the mountains they are still more so on the west. 
 Alegre states that the Chinipas, or part of them, 
 were near causing the death of Salvatierra, who was 
 protected by the majority; also that on April 2d the 
 savages fell upon the missions, mines, and haciendas, 
 ravaging and burning everything as far as Ostimuri. 
 There was much alarm also in the north about Base- 
 raca and Babispe; but I find no clear indication that 
 any lives were lost, churches burned, or towns aban 
 doned west of the sierra. Salvatierra had just been 
 appointed visitador, 20 and not only did he keep his 
 own former subjects quiet, but he crossed the sierra 
 to the Tarahumara missions in the Yepomera region, 
 where the padres had been killed and the converts 
 for the most part had run away, doing more, it is said, 
 to restore peace than could be effected by the military 
 
 20 We have seen that, according to the Catdlogo, Padre Copart was in 
 charge of the Guazapare mission. 
 
250 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 force. Again in 1696-7 there was trouble in the 
 northern regions of the sierra, and the Guazdpares 
 and Cutecos not only did not join the rebels, but 
 marched bravely against them and contributed largely 
 to their defeat, greatly to the delight of Salvatierra, 
 who was at the time visiting his old flock while wait 
 ing for a vessel to take him to California. He relates 
 that each Christian warrior wore a rosary hung to 
 his neck, and that not one thus protected was wounded 
 above the waist. 21 In 1697 it seems that Prado was 
 still in this field; Manuel Ordaz was in charge of 
 Jerocavi and Cuteco; and two others were Martin 
 Benavides and Antonio Gomar. Again in 1700 Sal 
 vatierra had the pleasure of revisiting for a day or 
 two his old mission with a party of California Indians 
 whom he had brought across to study the advan 
 tages of pueblo life. He was received with triumphal 
 arches, and every demonstration of joyful welcome. 
 Benavides and Gomar were yet here, but Prado and 
 Ordaz had been replaced by Guillermo Ming and 
 Francisco Javier Montoya. 22 
 
 With the exception of the statistics already placed 
 before the reader, the history of the old Sonora mis 
 sion districts, as already stated, is a blank during the 
 last quarter of the century. It is only in the north 
 west, in Pimeria Alta, from the San Ignacio to the 
 Gila, that the course of events has left any definite 
 trace. Here Father Eusebio Francisco Kino was 
 the central figure and moving spirit in all that was 
 done. 23 We have seen him as priest and cosmogra- 
 
 21 Salvatierra, Cartas, 109-12; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 50-4, 70-3; 
 Cavo, Tres Siylos, ii. 91. 
 
 22 Salvatierra, Relaciones, 113. 
 
 * 3 Eusebius Kiihn, as his name was doubtless written in his early years 
 Kino being a Spanish compromise between the original and Quino was born 
 at Trent in the Austrian province of Tyrol about 1C40, and was educated in 
 the same country at Ala college, and subsequently in Bavaria, where he was 
 connected with the university at Ingoldstadt. Attributing his recovery from 
 serious illness to the intercession of San Francisco Javier, patron of the 
 Indies, he adopted the name Francisco and vowed to devote his life to the 
 conversion of American gentiles. With this view whether he was already 
 
FATHER KINO. 
 
 251 
 
 pher under Otondo in California, and learned that 
 he left the colony at San Bruno in the autumn of 
 1684, crossing over to the Yaqui. He probably re 
 mained in Sonora a year, attending to supplies for 
 the colony, making the acquaintance of missiona 
 ries, studying the country and the people, and espe 
 cially seeking information about the gentile Pimas in 
 
 PlMERIA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
 a Jesuit or now became one does not clearly appear he resigned a professor 
 ship of mathematics at Ingoldstadt, or perhaps simply declined that position 
 tendered him by the Duke of Bavaria, and came to Mexico in 1080 or 1681. 
 He first attracted attention in scientific circles by engaging in an astronomical 
 discussion with the famous Siglienza y Gongora, and was soon after attached 
 to the expedition of Admiral Otondo as cosmografo, as well as priest for Cali 
 fornia, where his services have already been narrated. See p. 187 etc. of 
 this volume. It was perhaps in California that he made his final profession as 
 a Jesuit on Aug. 15, 1G84. See Apostdlicos Afanes, 230, 328-30; Aleyre, IJi*t. 
 Comp. Jesus, iii. 155-6; Vencyus, Not. Cat., ii. 3-4; Clavicjc.ro, Storia Cal., i. 
 263^4; Dice. Unit'., iv. 547. His Explication del Comcta was printed in 
 Mexico, 1681. For a list of his MS. writings see Backer, Bib., v. 367-8. 
 
252 ANNALS OF SOXORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 the northern region; for it was by that way that he 
 hoped yet to reach the wonderful California^ lands 
 in whose existence he believed, like others of his time, 
 and which it seemed impossible to reach by any other 
 way. He doubtless knew all that was to be known 
 about Sonora, when, at the end of 1685, Otondo came 
 over and took the cosmogrqfo on a voyage to warn 
 the Manila galleon. 
 
 Most of 1686 was spent in Mexico in perfecting 
 plans for the spiritual conquest of Pimeria. No one 
 had any objections to his converting gentiles as far 
 north as he pleased; the only difficulty was to get 
 money from the royal coffers. Yet as the sum re 
 quired was small, and the absence of so persistent and 
 logical a beggar was very desirable, the viceroy gave 
 him at last an allowance for two new missions, one 
 to be founded among the Seris of the gulf coast, and 
 he started northward the 20th of November. During 
 his stay in Sonora he had noted a prevalent disregard 
 of royal orders bearing on repartimientos and native 
 laborers, which was one of the greatest obstacles en 
 countered by the padres. He therefore stopped at 
 Guadalajara on his way, where he demanded and 
 obtained from the aucliencia an order exempting new 
 converts for five years from all work in mines and 
 haciendas. About the same time arrived the royal 
 cedula of May 14th, of like tenor, but extending the 
 exemption to twenty years, 2 * a cedula strictly obeyed 
 perhaps in districts where there were neither mines 
 nor haciendas. 
 
 Armed with these documents and clothed in Jesuit 
 zeal, Kino reached Ures early in 1687, obtained in 
 terpreters, and on March 13th as a beginning of his 
 apostolic career founded the mission of Nuestra Senora 
 de los Dolores just above Cucurpe, at the source of 
 the river since called San Miguel, or Horcasitas. His 
 subsequent movements for several years are not re- 
 
 24 p re vious ce"dulas of 1607 and 1618 had prohibited such labor for ten years 
 after baptism. Recop. de las IiuL, tit. i. 20, v. 3. 
 
PIMERf A ALTA. 253 
 
 corded in detail; but he founded the towns of San 
 Ignacio 25 and San Jose Imuris on the Rio San Ignacio 
 some twenty -five or thirty miles across the mountains 
 from Dolores, and also Remedios between Dolores 
 and Imuris. Imuris would seem to have been aban 
 doned some years later. The natives were the most 
 intelligent and docile yet found in Sonora; but from 
 the very first years exaggerated and absurd rumors 
 of their ferocity are vaguely alluded to as having kept 
 away other padres and greatly troubled the pioneer, 
 who nevertheless kept on alone and before 1690 had 
 fine churches in each of his villages. 26 
 
 The Apaches, Jocomes, Sumas, Janos, and other 
 savages in the north-east were constantly on the war 
 path, 27 and by the authorities in Sinaloa and Mexico, 
 in fact by everybody but Father Kino, the Pimas 
 
 25 It seems to have been called S. Ignacio Caborca at first, but as the native 
 name was rarely applied later, and then with a great variety of spellings, and 
 as there was another pueblo known as Caborca, I have contrary to my usual 
 custom used the Spanish name exclusively. The pueblo of Imuris was oftener 
 written Hymeris or Himeris. 
 
 25 Apostolicos Afanes de la Compama de Jesus escritos por un padre de la 
 misma sayrada religion de su Provindade Mexico, Barcelona, 1754. This im 
 portant and rare work was completed in Mexico in 1752 and published by P. 
 Francisco Javier Fluvia as above. The writer modestly claims that his book 
 is only a collection of original memorias from the pens of different Jesuit mis 
 sionaries, arranged in chronological order with here and there slight modifica 
 tions to insure a certain uniformity of style. No special lack of uniformity 
 is, however, noticeable, and the style is perhaps equal to that of other similar 
 chronicles of the time. Certain passages in the work show that the editor 
 was probably Padre Joseph Ortega of the Nayarit missions. See also Backer, 
 Bib., iv. 497-8, from Beristain; and Id., v. 354. The work is full of miraculous 
 happenings, but the author protests that in recording divine intervention in 
 behalf of persons not canonized by the church, he claims no other credit than 
 such as is awarded to a 'purely human' and diligent historian. The copy 
 consulted by me is in the library of the Jesuit college of Santa Clara. Libros 
 ii. and iii. relate to the Jesuit work in Pimeria, and the former almost exclu 
 sively to Kino's achievements down to 1710, being in substance as is believed 
 Kino's own letters on the subject. It may be regarded probably as the Ilis- 
 toria de Sonora vaguely alluded to by several writers as having been left in 
 MS. by Kino. It is of course an authority of the very highest class, having 
 iii fact only one rival to be mentioned later. See also on the beginnings of this 
 conversion Aler/re, Hist. Comp. Jcsut, iii. 60-2; Kedelmair, Relation, 843-5; 
 Vcneyas, Not. Cal., ii. 87-90; Clavirjero, Stor. Cal, i. 176-7; Velasco, Sonora, 
 139; Id., in Soc. Mex. Geocj., viii. 658. 
 
 Padre Osorio, writing Feb. 24, 1690 from Ma tape, where Juan Fernandez 
 Cavero was now rector since the death of Marras, states that the Pimas are 
 anxious for conversion and desire that Padre Juan Meneses at Mobas be sent 
 to them. Sonora, Materiales, 795-6. 
 
 27 According to Sonora, Descrip., 605-6, the savages attacked Sta Rosa and 
 Cuquiarachi in May and June 1688, driving out the Opatas. Fifteen soldiers 
 
254 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 were supposed to be implicated in their outrages. This 
 caused great annoyance all through his career to Kino, 
 who insisted that the Pimas were innocent, as they 
 doubtless were now and for some years. Salvatierra 
 in his tour as visitador met Kino at Dolores in the 
 spring of 1691, and these two kindred spirits fairly 
 revelled in their apostolic castle-building and plans for 
 spiritual conquest on both sides of the gulf up to the 
 latitude of Monterey, if not to the strait of Anian 
 or the North Pole. Kino took the visitador on a 
 tour not only to his villages of converts, but far be 
 yond among the gentiles, intent on showing how well 
 disposed they were for Christianity. They went to 
 Tubutama and Saric, possibly crossed the modern 
 Arizona line to Tumacacori, 28 and returned to Cocos- 
 pera after having met a large delegation of Sobaipuris 
 who begged for padres. At Cocospera they parted, 
 Kino remaining awhile in this vicinity, and Salva 
 tierra continuing his visita southward after exacting 
 a promise from his companion to build a vessel on the 
 coast with a view to further exploration. 
 
 Again in 1692 Kino returned to Suamca, and is 
 said to have gone as far north as Bac, near the mod 
 ern Tucson; 29 and at the end of the same year, or more 
 likely early in 1693, he explored for the first time the 
 country from Tubutama westward down the river to 
 a point within sight of the gulf. Four thousand peo 
 ple, called Sobas, from the name of their cacique, were 
 found round about Caborca, willing to be converted 
 and to make peace with their eastern neighbors, for- 
 
 were sent up from Sinaloa and founded in 1690-1 the presidio of Fronteras, 
 or Corodeguachi, though the site was afterward changed. 
 
 28 The route according to Apost. Afanes, 248-52, was Dolores, Magdalena, 
 Tupo, Tubutama, Saric, Tucvbavia, S. Cayetano Tumacacori ((see note 35), 
 Sta Maria Suamca, Cocuspera. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 73-4, names 
 Guevavi as the place where the Sobaipuris were met; and he strangely speaks 
 of Tubutama, Saric, and other rancherias as missions already founded, 
 although at most they could only have been visited by Kino and a few chil 
 dren baptized. Still more strangely he speaks of the padres being ordered to 
 retire from Remedies and Imuris, although there had been no padres there at 
 all. Velasco, Sonora, 139, speaks of Tubutama as re-established and Guevavi 
 as founded during this trip. 
 
 29 Apost. Afams, 251 j Alec/re, iii. 82. 
 
JIRONZA IN COMMAND. 255 
 
 merly their foes. Padre Agustin Campos had now 
 come up to take charge of San Ignacio, and he was 
 one of this party. 30 
 
 In 1693 Sonora was again separated, practically and 
 perhaps formally, from Sinaloa, or from the jurisdic 
 tion of the comandante at San Felipe. At the petition 
 of the inhabitants, a new " flying company" of fifty men 
 was organized for the defence of Sonora, and Domingo 
 Jironza Petriz de Crusate, ex-governor of New Mex 
 ico, was in February put in command with the title of 
 capitan-gobernador. He is called in documents of the 
 time, governor, general, or captain, and his authority 
 in Sonora was apparently the same as that of the 
 comandante of Sinaloa, there being nothing to indi 
 cate that he was in any way subordinate to that official. 
 He also held after March the office of alcalde mayor 
 in place of Melchor Ruiz. His capital and ordinary 
 place. of residence was at San Juan Bautista. He 
 came up to Sonora probably in 1693, obtaining recruits 
 for his company on the way, including six at Sinaloa 
 presidio; and at once proceeded to initiate his men 
 into active service by two successful campaigns against 
 the savages who had recently attacked Nacori and 
 Bacadeguachi. In 1694 the work was zealously prose 
 cuted in at least four campaigns on the north-eastern 
 frontier against the Apaches, Jocomes, Janos, and 
 allied bands. In the first Jironza killed thirteen and 
 captured seven of the band that had stolen 100,000 
 head of horses in the vicinity of Terrenato and Bate- 
 pito. This was in the spring. Again in* September 
 he repulsed with great slaughter six hundred savages 
 at Chuchuta, being aided by three hundred Pinias 
 with poisoned arrows. In November also the Pimas 
 aided in an entrada made by the combined forces of 
 
 Sedclmalr, Relation, 844; Manrje, Hist. Pirn., 226-31; Velarde, Descr'tp. 
 Hist., 375. The author of the Apoat. Afanes, followed by Alcgre, says that 
 Kino and Campos ou this occasion ascended the Nazareno Li J, and this may 
 be so; but probably not, for Mange implies that it was at least named on a 
 later trip when he was present. According to the Apost. A fane a, Kino made 
 a second visit to the coast in July 1693. In Magdatena, Llbro t.'e Bautismoa, 
 MS., Padre Campos writes: ' Entr6 en esta mision el aiio de 1G93.' 
 
256 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 Jirpnza and Captain Juan Fernandez de la Fuente of 
 the Janos presidio; but little or nothing was accom 
 plished after much hard marching and not a little 
 fighting. Subsequent raids were of frequent occur 
 rence, but are for the most part very imperfectly re 
 corded. 31 
 
 Juan Mateo Mange was a nephew of Governor 
 Jironza, who had left Spain in 1692 to join his uncle, 
 and had been appointed by the latter ensign in the 
 compania volante. At the beginning of 1694, being 
 made lieutenant, alcalde mayor, and capitan d guerra, 
 he was detailed to accompany the padres on their 
 expeditions, with orders to write official reports of all 
 discoveries. His reports have fortunately been pre 
 served, and are the best original authority on the 
 exploration of northern Sonora, being often more sat 
 isfactory than even Kino's letters as embodied in the 
 Apostolicos Afanes. 32 On the 1st of February Mange 
 left San Juan, the capital, arriving the 3d at Dolores 
 
 81 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 227-59; Alegre, iii. 84. 
 
 32 Mange (Historia de la Pimeria Alia. Diarios originales y qficialcs 
 por D. Juan Mateo Mange, capitan d guerra y teniente de alcalde mayor). 
 Thus shall I refer to a work without title preserved in MS. in torn. xvii. of 
 the Archive General in Mexico, of which I have a MS. copy. It was also 
 printed in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iv. torn. i. 226-402, to which of course my 
 notes refer. The work is composed of Mange's diaries given literally, but 
 connected apparently with remarks by some editor whose name is not known. 
 It is divided into 12 chapters, giving a very complete history of northern 
 Sonora and southern Arizona from 1692 to 1721. Chapters ix.-xii. pp. 344- 
 90 were written by P. Luis Velarde, the successor of Kino at Dolores in 
 1716. These chapters contain an account of the people and the country with 
 some historical information. Chapter xii., written either by Mange, or more 
 likely by the unknown editor, is chiefly descriptive, but also contains a 
 resume of history before 1692. I shall cite Velarde's part of the work as 
 Description Histtirica de la Pimeria, with the page of the printed edition. 
 
 Under the title Sonora, Materiales para la Historia de la Provincia, may 
 be noted the contents of torn, xvi.-xvii. of the MSS. of ihe^Archivo General, 
 copies in my Library from the collection of the late E. G. Squier, printed in 
 Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. torn. iv. 489-932; s^rie iv. torn. i. 1-468. This is 
 an invaluable collection, the very foundation of Sonora annals; but I have not 
 very frequent occasion to refer to its general title, because many of its docu 
 ments are worthy of being cited as separate works under their own titles. 
 See in list of authorities Sonora, Descrip. Geog. ; Id. , Descrip. Suscinta; Id. , 
 Catdlogo; Id., Resumen; Salvador, Consulta; Noticias de lisped.; Lizasoin; 
 Infcrme; Sedelmair, Relation; Id., Entrada; Gallardo, Instrucciones ; Vildo- 
 sola, Cartas; Keller, Consulta; Quijano, Informe; Gancio, Noticias; Croix, In 
 strucciones; Reyes, Notitia; Testimonio Autentico; Relation de la Entrada; 
 Bernal, Relation; and Kino, Tercera Entrada. 
 
A TRIP TO THE COAST. 257 
 
 ready for the duties of his new position. On the 7th 
 Kino and Mange, armed with faith and with a picture 
 of the celestial apostle San Francisco Javier, crossed 
 over the Sierra del Comedio to Santa Maria Magda- 
 lena, where after a day of preaching and baptizing 
 they were joined by Padre Antonio Kappus from 
 Opodepe, and two Spaniards. Starting on the 9th 
 they took a turn north-westward through the moun 
 tains, returning to the river near the junction of the 
 two branches, and reaching Caborca in two days. 33 
 They followed the river down to its sink, and the 
 general course of its dry bed westward, turning 
 aside on the 14th to cross a range of hills, from the 
 highest peak of which, named Cerro Nazareno, they 
 looked out upon the waters of the gulf, its isles, and 
 the contra costa. 84 Next day Kino and Mange went 
 on in advance of the rest, and were the first to reach 
 the coast from the interior of Pimeria Alta. The 
 return to Dolores, where they arrived on the 23d, 
 was by the same route, save that they kept nearer 
 the river between the junction and Magdalena. It 
 does not seem desirable in this or other similar entra- 
 das to describe the petty incidents of the march or 
 of intercourse with the natives, whom they found 
 always friendly and willing to hear their preaching. 
 Caborca, in a fertile region artificially irrigated by 
 the Soba inhabitants, seemed to all the best spot for 
 a mission. 
 
 With a view to visit other Soba rancherias, with 
 certain reported salinas, or salt-beds, and especially 
 to build a boat for exploration as had been agreed 
 with Salvatierra, another trip was made almost imme- 
 
 u Magdalen* was called by the natives Buquibava. The route \vas: Tu- 
 pocuyos, 8. Miguel Bosua, Laguna S. Bartolome Oacue (to which point Capt. 
 Fuente and Alcalde Castillo had penetrated three years before in pursuit of 
 runaways from Opodepe. On the return march Toape and Mastuerzos were 
 named in this region nearer the river), Pitiqui, on river; Caborca, sink of 
 river, 3 leagues; S. Valentin, 9 1.; Cerro Nazareno, 6 1.; Ollas, 3 1. ; coast, 9 1. 
 
 31 Four hills on the California coast were named the Santos Evangelistas; 
 an island in the N. w. with three hills, Tres Marias; and the island of the 
 Seris, or Tiburon, in the s. w., San Agustin. 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 17 
 
258 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 diately. Kino and Mange left Dolores the 16th of 
 March with twenty native servants and carpenters 
 bearing tools and even some of the more complicated 
 parts of the proposed craft. This time they crossed 
 over by Magdalena to San Pedro Tubutama, which 
 was now a regular mission pueblo, with four hundred 
 inhabitants, under Daniel Januske, who had taken 
 charge in 1693. Thence they went down the river, 
 passing Santa Teresa, San Antonio Oquitoa, and a 
 place they named El Altar, which name has since 
 clung to locality and river. The boat, thirty feet 
 long, was to be built at Caborca and dragged to the 
 sea. A large poplar was selected for the purpose, and 
 after a certain amount of machete work at the base, 
 Captain Mange climbed the tree to attach a rope by 
 which it was to be pulled down. The tree fell some 
 what prematurely, bringing down with it the valiant 
 captain, who was saved from serious injury only by 
 the prayers of the pious Kino kneeling on the ground 
 below. Mange went to the coast again by the same 
 route as before, finding some fine salinas and a little 
 port which he named Santa Sabina. The natives 
 were tractable as before, and each chief received a 
 badge of office from the representative of the Spanish 
 crown. Eighty children and sick persons were bap 
 tized, and the list of registered candidates for salva 
 tion was increased to 1,930. The timber must be 
 seasoned before the boat could be built, and the party 
 returned to Dolores on the 4th of April, to return 
 again in June. This time Mange left Kino at Tubu 
 tama, and went up the river to a rancheria named 
 Cups some twenty-three leagues beyond Tacubavia, 36 
 where he heard of large tribes, and particularly of 
 casas grandes, five days' journey north-eastward on a 
 great river flowing from east to west. Rejoining 
 Kino at Caborca he found that the padre had received 
 
 35 Mange says that Tacubavia was the limit of Salvatierra's visifa. so that 
 if he went on to Tumacacori, as reported, he must have turned back and 
 taken a more eastern route. The route at this time was: Tubutama, Entubur, 
 2 leagues; Saric, 5 1. ; Busanic, Tacubavia, 3 1. ; Gubo, 9 1. ; Cups, 14 1. 
 
KINO REACHES THE GILA. 259 
 
 from the visitador Juan Munoz de Burgos an order to 
 suspend his boat-building, an order which he obeyed 
 although acting under the orders of his provincial. 
 Mange was left sick at San Ignacio under the care 
 of Father Campos. The patient craved cold water, 
 which the padre medico denied him ; but one night in 
 his thirsty delirium he reached the shelf on which 
 the water was kept, and by tipping over the tinaja 
 drenched himself from head to foot. The padre rushed 
 in at the noise, but too late; the sick man was cured 
 and was soon able to go to the capital. 36 
 
 Kino was not at first disposed to credit the report 
 of casas grandes and a great northern river; for there 
 is nothing to show that he had any definite knowledge 
 of Coronado's explorations in the past century; but 
 some natives from Bac visited Dolores and confirmed 
 the report. Consequently in the autumn of 1 604, while 
 Mange was with General Jironza on an Apache cam 
 paign, he started on alone to ascertain the truth, reach 
 ing and saying mass in the now famous Casa Grande 
 of the Gila. No diary w r as kept, and our knowledge 
 is limited to the bare fact that such an entrada was 
 made. 37 Reports to the provincial and viceroy on the 
 disposition of the Sobas brought Padre Francisco 
 Javier Saeta from Mexico, and he went in January 
 1695 to his mission of Concepcion Caborca. Planting 
 a cornfield, and repairing the house already built, he 
 began his work with the most flattering prospects. 33 
 Trouble was, however, brewing in Pimeria, largely it 
 is believed by the fault of the Spaniards. I have al 
 luded to the prevalent suspicions of Pirna complicity 
 
 36 Manrje, Hist. Pirn., 230-55; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 82-3; Apos- 
 ttiliros A fanes, 252; Venegas, Not. Cat., ii. 91, erroneously states that Kino 
 completed the boat, and in it discovered the port of Santa Sabina, a state 
 ment repeated in Calif ornie, Hist. Chret., 97. 
 
 37 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 259; Scdelmair, Relation, 845-6; Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
 Jesus, iii. 83-4. In Apost. Afanes, 253, it is implied that Kino on this trip 
 named two Pima rancherias on the Gila Encarnacion and S. Andre's. See also 
 Vdasco, Sonora, 140. 
 
 38 According to Apost. Afanes, 254, Kino accompanied Saeta to Caborca in 
 Oct. 1694, before he went on his northern trip, and Saeta's arrival in Jan. 
 was on his return from a tour of begging for supplies. 
 
200 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 in the raids of savages, suspicions which neither Kino's 
 assurances nor the conduct of the Pimas had removed ; 
 at least the Spanish officers and soldiers were careless 
 and committed many hostile acts on unoffending 
 natives. For instance Lieutenant Solis, finding some 
 meat in a ranch eria, killed three Indians and flogged 
 all he could catch on a charge of cattle-stealing. The 
 meat proved to be venison! Again a Spanish major- 
 domo, 33 with Opata assistants introduced at Tubutama 
 to instruct the neophytes, became overbearing and 
 cruel, resorting to the lash for every trifling offence, 
 and thereby incurring the hatred of natives whom the 
 padres had always found tractable under kind treat 
 ment. The result was a revolt. On March 29th, in 
 the absence of Father Januske, the Pimas not only 
 rescued one of their number about to be flogged, but 
 killed one or more of the Opatas, burned the padre's 
 house and the church, and profaned the sacred images 
 and vessels, the very depth of iniquity in the eyes of 
 the chroniclers. Then the malecon tents started down 
 the river, obtained some recruits at Oquitoa, failed to 
 do so at San Diego Pitiqui, and on April 2d, holy 
 Saturday, arrived at Caborca. Here they attacked 
 the native servants, and when Saeta came out to 
 restrain them with gentle words two arrows pierced 
 his side. Falling on his knees he crawled to his 
 room and bed, where, after suffering a thousand 
 indignities and torments, he was despatched with 
 twenty-two arrows and blows of clubs, the assassins 
 then proceeding to the same excesses and destruc 
 tion as at Tubutama. 40 Four servants were killed, 
 and the rest of the people fled, apparently with- 
 
 39 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 84-8, is, however, the only authority who 
 mentions a Spaniard as one of the offenders at Tubutama. 
 
 40 According to Velarde, Hist. Descrip. , 375-82, Saeta had heard of danger 
 but preferred martyrdom to flight. It had been his intention to go to Cali 
 fornia and found there a mission of Sta Rosalia de Palermo. An Indian burned 
 the body, swollen from the effects of poisoned arrows; bub the ashes were 
 saved and deposited at Toape or Cucurpe r whence in 1714 they were removed 
 to Sicily. A very rare flexible crucifix embraced by the dying martyr was 
 kept at Arizpe as a most precious and sacred relic. See sketch of Saeta's life, 
 in Dice. Univ., vi. 732-3. 
 
REVOLT OF THE PIMAS. 261 
 
 out having taken any active part in the outbreak. 
 Jironza and Mange, with padres Campos and Beyerca, 
 and an armed force, hastened to the spot, but found 
 all the villages abandoned. The country was scoured 
 and a few fugitives were killed or captured. Taking 
 with him the ashes of the martyr, with the arrows 
 that killed him, Jironza returned to Dolores; while 
 Solis with the main force was sent to Tubutama. 
 Here a few natives were killed, and the rest begged 
 for peace, which was promised on condition that they 
 were to give up the guilty and come unarmed to the 
 Spanish camp. Fifty of them did so come and were 
 treacherously massacred. 41 
 
 On the supposition that the natives would be in 
 timidated by this wholesale murder, called by the 
 despicable Solis a victory and not very much disap 
 proved it would seem by the governor, the army was 
 now sent to Cocospera en route for Apachena, except 
 a guard of three men at San Ignacio under Corporal 
 Escalante, and also three men under Mange at Do 
 lores. But the Pimas hardly waited for the soldiers 
 to get out of sight, when, having completed the work 
 of destruction in Tubutama Valley, they crossed over 
 and meted out the same fate to all the towns on the 
 Rio San Ignacio. Padre Campos saved his life by 
 running away to Cucurpe, protected by the four sol 
 diers, who fought as they ran. After it was all over 
 the padre " felt very sad to think that martyrdom 
 had twice escaped him," }^et he bore this misfortune 
 bravely. Father Januske had not attempted to 
 return to his mission. Of Kino during the whole 
 trouble we only know that he hid the sacred utensils 
 in a cave and calmly awaited death at Dolores, a mis 
 sion which, however, was not attacked, on account of 
 the padre's popularity, or his prayers, or perchance 
 
 "Mange, lilt. Pirn., 2G1-71, says some trouble occurred while the guilty 
 were "being tied, and all were killed without any one knowing exactly how it 
 happened ; some say by order of Solis. The Jesuits condemn the act as an 
 uncalled-for murder, except Velarde, who does not mention this part of the 
 afiaii- at all. 
 
262 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 because the soldiers came up too soon. Governor 
 Jironza called upon all the presidios for aid, and with 
 a large force ravaged the whole country in a campaign 
 respecting which no details have been preserved, until 
 the people were compelled by hunger and fear of 
 annihilation to come in crowds to beg for peace and 
 pardon and food and work. By missionary influence 
 a general pardon was granted on August 17th, and 
 the padres set to work to recover lost ground. 42 
 
 From the middle of November 1695 to the middle 
 of May 1696 Kino was absent from Pimeria on a visit 
 to Mexico, where he went to defend the Pimas from 
 unjust charges, to explain the true causes of the revolt, 
 and to obtain missionaries with license to explore and 
 convert in the far north. In Mexico life again met 
 Salvatierra and labored without immediate success to 
 advance their mutual plans for the reduction of Cali 
 fornia. He obtained a nominal apportionment of five 
 padres for Pimeria; but for some not very clearly ex 
 plained reason only one, Padre Gaspar Varillas, came 
 back with him. On the homeward journey, by way 
 of Tarahumara, the Jesuits turned aside to visit a 
 missionary just in time to save their lives, for the 
 whole company of attendants including some Span 
 iards were killed by savages. Crowds of Pimas, Sobas, 
 and Sobaipuris came from far and near to welcome the 
 returning apostle at Dolores, loading him with gifts 
 and promises and petitions; but he had no aids to 
 undertake his favorite schemes, and had to be content 
 with slow progress. The devil seems to have given 
 his particular attention to the creation of obstacles by 
 circulating false reports about the Pimas, who were 
 
 42 In the Magdalen a, Lib. Bautismo*, MS., Campos writes: * Se perdieron 
 los papeles cle los bautismos al ano de 1695 en el alzamiento y queimizon de 
 estos tres pueblos. Y la gente esparcida no se agreg6 hasta este aiio de 1G9S.' 
 The author of Apost. Afaites, 255-63, mentions another masscre of 1C Pimas 
 without any inquiries about their guilt. The leaders M'ere given up and sen 
 tenced to death, but by the influence of PP. Kino and Polici their lives were 
 spared. Sedelmair, JKdacion, 844-5, says Saeta was killed March loth, and 
 that peace was not finally declared until Nov. 1696. Niel, Apunt., 67, attri 
 butes the murder to Sobaipuris. See also mention in tionora, Descrip. Geoy., 
 583; Vdasco, Sonora, 140. 
 
A FIESTA AT DOLORES. 263 
 
 accused of being at the bottom of every hostile move 
 ment, no matter how far from their country. Father 
 Campos, who had served at Dolores during Kino's 
 absence, now rebuilt San Ignacio, and the three, with 
 Captain Mange, revisited Tubutama and Caborca, 
 Varillas chosing the latter, though it does not appear 
 that he went there to live permanently for some years. 43 
 Of Januske nothing more is heard in Pimeria. 44 
 
 In 1696-7 Kino revisited most or all of the places 
 that have been named, perfecting arrangements for 
 future work especially in the north, baptizing children, 
 and leaving some live-stock. 45 Early in 1697 Padre 
 Pedro Ruiz de Contreras arrived and was put in 
 charge of Suamca, with Cocospera as a visita. Strong 
 as was Kino's attachment for Pimeria it had by no 
 means extinguished his first love for California, and 
 when in 1697 Salvatierra at last got his license, Father 
 Eusebio at once announced his intention to join him; 
 but so great was the grief of the Pimas, and so urgent 
 the protest of Jironza and Polici, declaring his pres 
 ence absolutely necessary to the peace of the country, 
 that he either consented or was ordered by his supe 
 riors to remain, a course of which time proved the 
 wisdom even for the interests of California, for whose 
 missions he did much more on the. main than he could 
 have done on the peninsula. 46 On September 15, 
 1698, a grand religious fiesta was held at Remedios, 
 a visita of Dolores, on the occasion of dedicating in 
 her new church a beautiful image of Our Lady sent 
 
 43 According to Apost. Afanes, 263-70, P. Kino conducted the new padre 
 to Caborca in Feb. 1097. 
 
 "Velarde, Descr'ip. Hist., 375, says that before 1695 Pimeria had five 
 padres and was formed into the rectorado of Dolores. These were those 
 already named: Kino, Campos, Kappus, Januske, and Saeta. Horacio Polici 
 was now superior of the Sonora missions residing at Baseraca. 
 
 45 S. Pablo Quiburi, S. Javier del Bac, S. Luis, S. Cayetano Tumacacori, 
 S. Ger6nimo, Sta Maria Suamca, and S. Pablo are named. 
 
 * 6 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 89, 99-100. According to Apost. Afanes, 
 282, the arrangement was that Kino should stay alternately six months in 
 Pimeria and six months in California. See also on mission 'progress of the 
 period Manye, Hist. Pimeria, 271; Seddmair, delation, 844-5. 
 
264 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 from Mexico. It was a time of joy and enthusiasm, 
 of processions and church rites, of bell-ringing and 
 salutes and music, of speech-making and preaching, 
 in the presence of Spaniards and neophytes from the 
 south and of native chieftains from the country as 
 far north as the Gila Valley. The pen of the pious 
 Kino fairly revels in the narrative of the day's 
 glories. 47 
 
 The suspicions respecting Kino's gentiles led in the 
 autumn of 1697 to the first military expedition to the 
 Gila, the object of which was to ascertain the real 
 disposition of the natives and to search for a general 
 repository of the stolen goods accumulated during the 
 raids of the past thirteen years. On November 5th 
 Lieutenant Cristobal Martin Bernal, with Alferez 
 Francisco Acuiia, Sergeant Juan B. Escalante, and 
 twenty soldiers of the compama volante, marched by 
 order of General Jironza from Corodeguachi by Ter- 
 renate, Suamca, and San Joaquin, to Quiburi on the 
 river now known as San Pedro. Here Bernal was 
 joined on the 9th by Kino and Mange, who with ten 
 servants, thirty horses, the vidtico, and a few trifling 
 gifts for the Sobaipuris, had left Dolores on the 2d. 43 
 At Quiburi lived Captain Coro, a Sobaipuri cacique 
 who instead of being a confederate of the Apaches 
 was found engaged with his warriors in a dance round 
 thirteen Apache scalps, and who joined the expedition 
 with thirty natives. Kindly received by the people 
 of every rancheria and meeting with no adventures 
 worthy of mention they marched down the river, called 
 Rio Quiburi, to the junction of the Gila, a stream 
 whose aboriginal name is perhaps recorded for the 
 first time in the diaries of this journey, it having been 
 called before Rio Grande, or by Onate in 1604-5, Rio 
 
 "Kino, Relation de Nra Sra de los Remedies en su nueva capiUa de su 
 tmevo puebh de las nuevas conversions de, la Pimeria. Letter of Sept. 16th, 
 from Dolores, in Sonora, Materiales, 814-16. 
 
 43 Kino's route had been Dolores; Remedies, 8 leagues x. ; Cocospera, 6 1. 
 N.; S. Lazaro, 61. N. ; Sta Maria (Suamca), 6 1. E. up river: S. Joaquin Baso- 
 suma, 14 1. N.J Sta Cruz Gaibauipetea, 6 1. E. on river; Quiburi, 1 1. N. on river. 
 
EXPLORATIONS ON THE GILA. 265 
 
 de Jesus. 49 From the 16th to the 21st of November 
 they explored the Gila Valley westward somewhat 
 beyond the Casa Grande, of which monument of more 
 ancient times, since famous, the diaries of this trip 
 contain the first definite description, showing that the 
 condition of the ruin has been but little changed since 
 that time. 50 One group of ruins was examined by 
 Escalante on the north side of the river. Many ran- 
 cherias were visited by detachments wandering in 
 different directions, and reports were received of quick 
 silver mines, and of white men bearing fire-arms and 
 swords who sometimes came to the Colorado. Of 
 course no record of northern exploration at this period 
 could be complete without such tales. The party 
 started back on the 21st up the river since called 
 Santa Cruz, by way of Bac, Tumacacori, Guevavi, and 
 Cocospera, to Dolores, where they arrived the 2d of 
 December. 51 The journey out and back was estimated 
 at 260 leagues; the explorers had been received with 
 triumphal arches and every token of welcome; 4,700 
 natives had been registered, and, so far as time would 
 permit, instructed; and 89 had received the rite of 
 baptism. Badges of office had been given, as the cus 
 tom was, to many chieftains; and so far as the mem 
 bers of the party were concerned all doubt of Pima 
 fidelity was dispelled. 52 
 
 49 The rancheria names in their order down the Rio Quiburi were: Quiburi; 
 Alamos, 10 leagues; Causac, 15 1. (a point previously reached by Capt. Ra 
 mirez); Jiaspi or Rosario, 2 1. ; Muiva, 1 1. ; S. Pantaleon Aribaiba, G 1. ; Tutoida, 
 3 1.; Comarsuta, 3 1.; Victoria Ojio, 31.; Gila River, 6 1. 
 
 50 Coronado had perhaps visited this ruin in 1540, calling it chichflticale or 
 'red house;' and Kino as we have seen said mass in it a few years before this 
 visit. For a complete description, with cuts of the Casa Grande, with a 
 chronological history of all visits to it, including quoted descriptions from 
 these diaries, see Native Races of the Pacific States, iv. C21-32, this series. 
 The original MSS. obtained since the publication of my former work contain 
 some simple drawings of the Casa not reproduced in the printed copy. I 
 have also photographs of the ruins. 
 
 51 Route: S. Andres, Sta Catalina, S. Agustin, S. Javier del Bac or Ba- 
 tosda, S. Cayetano Tumacacori, Guevavi, Cocospera, Remedies, Dolores. 
 
 "jBtemai, Relation del Estado de la Pimeria, que remite el P. Vizitador 
 Horatio Pclici, per d ano de 1G07, in Sonora, Jtfateriales, 797-SC9; also MS. 
 This Relation is made up of 1st a letter of Lieut. Bernal, mentioned by Mange 
 always as Capt. Martin, to P. Polici, dated Dec. 3d, speaking in general terms 
 of his journey beyond the Gila 4 to the confines of the new nations of the 
 
266 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 After an illness of several months Kino started 
 north again on September 22, 1698, with seven or 
 eight natives and sixty horses, accompanied by Captain 
 Diego Carrasco instead of Mange, an unfortunate sub 
 stitution for the historical student as the original diary 
 is not extant. Reaching the Gila by way of Bac, he 
 found the natives friendly as before at the rancherias 
 of Encarnacion and San Andres, some distance below 
 the Casa Grande and perhaps near the Pima Villages 
 of modern maps. From San Andres he went on to 
 the gulf, where "to the leeward of the mouth of the 
 great river" he found a good port with fresh water 
 and wood. Thence he went down the coast to Caborca, 
 and returned to Dolores by way of Tubutama before 
 the 18th of October, having counted forty rancherias 
 with over four thousand souls, baptized four hundred 
 children, and given out some badges of office. This 
 is Kino's own statement in a letter to the visitador, 
 and writers who have apparently seen other original 
 documents have not been able from them to satisfac 
 torily define the exact route followed. 53 The evidence 
 
 6patas and Cocomaricopas; and even to near the Moquis'! and 2d, a detailed 
 diary, signed on Dec. 4th by Bernal, Acuiia, Kino, Escalante, and Francisco 
 Javier Barsejon. Strangely Mange's name is not mentioned at all. The other 
 diary is that given by Mange, Hist. Pirn., 274-91. Kino, Breve Relation, in 
 Sonora, Mnteriales, 811, also briefly notices this entrada 'hasta cerca de los 
 Moquis.' See also A legre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 101-2; Sedelmair, Relation, 
 84G; Apost. Afanes, 268-9; Villa Senor, Theatro, ii. 204. 
 
 ^Kino, Carlo, (Oct. 18th), in Sonora, Materiales, 817-19. This is a hasty 
 letter written before he had time to copy his regular diary, which was sent 
 on Oct. 20th. He states that Carrasco also wrote a report. He implies that he 
 reached the gulf near the mouth of the river, and that he found the 40 ran 
 cherias on the coast which he followed for the greatly exaggerated distance 
 of 80 leagues. He names two, S. Francisco and S. Serafin. According to 
 Apost. Afanes, 272-4, Kino went from S. Andre's 80 1. s. w. to the gulf, and 
 supposed the port discovered to be the Sta Clara of former voyagers. This 
 writer says also, that although it is not mentioned in the relation before him, 
 Kino elsewhere states twice that in 1698 he saw from the top of Sta Clara 
 mountain (this mountain was near the mouth of the Rio Papago, though 
 the author evidently supposes it farther north) that the gulf came to an end 
 at the mouth of the river. From the port he examined the coast for 90 1. 
 southward to Caborca. He names S. Andre's, S. Francisco, S. Serafin, 2 1. ; 
 Merced, San Rafael (Actun), S. Marcelo Sonoydag (Sonoita), 15 1. w. ; Caborca, 
 40 1. Alegre, Hint. Comp. Jesus, iii. 203-4, saw Kino's diary and quotes from 
 it to the effect that he at S. Mateo Soroydad (S. Marcelo Sonoita?) ascended 
 a hill which he called Sta Brigida, and from the top made his survey of the 
 gulf, seeing the port \vhich he supposed to be Sta Clara, and the mouth as he 
 thought of the Colorado ; but could not see the California coast on account of 
 
NEW TRIP TO THE NORTH. 267 
 
 and probabilities favor the supposition that Kino 
 passed from the region of the Pima Villages south- 
 westward to the latitude of Adair's Bay, which was 
 probably his Santa Clara, made his observations from 
 the hills between Sonoita and the mouth of the Rio 
 Piipago, and returned homeward not along the beach 
 but keeping east of the hills, and obtaining perhaps 
 from their summits occasional glimpses of the gulf. 
 
 The worthy apostle could by no means keep his 
 thoughts or his steps from turning northward, and 
 February of 1699 found him ready for a new entrada. 
 This time he was accompanied by Mange, who came 
 up from San Juan for the purpose, and by Padre 
 Adan Gil. The route was by way of Tubutarna, now 
 a visita of San Ignacio under Father Campos ; Sonoita, 
 where the worn-out horses and fifty cows were left as 
 a base of supplies for the reduction of this region, and 
 for California if the padres should come over to Port 
 Santa Clara; and thence to the Gila at a point about 
 three leagues from the Colorado junction, arriving the 
 21st of February. 54 It was the intention to go on to 
 the Colorado river and down that river to its mouth; 
 but the natives refused to serve as guides in that 
 direction where their enemies lived. On the way the 
 travellers heard of a giant from the north, who had 
 bitterly oppressed the people till they suffocated him 
 with smoke in a cave ; and here on the Gila there were 
 strange tales of white men who had once passed down 
 to the sea and returned eastward perhaps a tradition 
 of Oiiate and of a very wonderful white woman, 
 
 fog. Thus he shows the earlier writer to be in error in the statement that 
 Kino at this time discovered that California was a peninsula. The two state 
 ments referred to were simply that he hud twice seen the gulf and not its 
 head, not from Sta Clara Mt in 1698, but from Nazareno Hill in 1694. Vene- 
 gas, Not, Cal, ii. 91-2, tells us that Kino explored the coast south from Sta 
 Clara to Sta Sabina Bay; and Gobien, in Lockmaii's Trav. Jesuits, i. 355, that 
 he advanced northward along the coast as far as Sta Clara mountain. 
 
 54 Full route: Dolores; S. Ignacio, 10 leagues w. ; Magdalena, 3 1.; Laguna 
 Tupo (with good flax), 6 1. N. w. ; Tubutama, 12 1. N. w. ; Saric, 7 1. N. up river; 
 Tacubavia, 3 1.; Guvoverde, 10 1. w.; Sta Eulalia, 5 1. w.; arroyo, 5 1. N. w. 
 5 1. w.; mud-holes, 13 1. w.; Actun (S. Rafael), 5 1. N. w.; Laguna, 6 1. w. ; 
 Soiioita, 4 1. K. w.; Carrizal, 10 1. w. down stream; Luna, 6 1. N. w. and 14 1. 
 s . ; Gila, 12 1. N. w., 15 1., and 6 1. K. w. 
 
268 ANNALS OF SONOEA AND SINALOA. 
 
 doubtless Sor Maria cle Jesus Agreda, who had 
 preached in an unknown tongue, and had twice risen 
 from the dead when shot by the Colorado tribes; also 
 of white and clothed men living in the north and on 
 the coast, who sometimes came to trade for skins. 
 Mange counsels investigation, since foreign heretics 
 may be trading with and corrupting the natives. 
 
 On the 24th they started up the Gila, named by 
 Kino Rio de los Apostoles/ 5 leaving the river at the 
 big bend and striking it again on March 2d a few 
 miles beyond the junction of the Salado and Verde, 
 which streams they had discovered and named the 
 same day from a hilltop. 56 Ten leagues farther over 
 a sterile desert brought the explorers to San Andres 
 Coata, the western limit of previous exploration. 
 They had registered thus far 3,600 new gentiles, and 
 were now on familiar ground. Passing Encarnacion, 
 San Clemente,and Agustin Oiaur,they were welcomed 
 at Bac the 7th of March by 1,300 natives who 
 entertained their visitors for two days, and pointed 
 with much pride to their adobe warehouse full of 
 corn and their live-stock and other things made ready 
 in the hope of having a real live padre to live with 
 them. On the journey southward 57 Kino was seri 
 ously ill. Cocospera mission had been destroyed by 
 Apaches in 1698, and Padre Contreras had retired. 
 At Remedies the new church, lacking a roof, had 
 filled up with water like a tank and burst, and at 
 Dolores where they arrived on the 14th, some damage 
 had been done by heavy rains; yet many new candi- 
 
 " 5 He also named the Colorado Rio de los Martires, and the Salado and 
 Verde with the southern branches (S. Pedro and Sta Cruz) Los Evangelistas. 
 
 56 The Salado at the time of discovery is mentioned simply as ' otro rio 
 sdlobre'' which joins the Verde; but is named elsewhere in the diary. The 
 Verde was so called or by an equivalent in the vernacular by the natives 
 because it passed through a sierra of many green stones. 
 
 The rancherias passed were: S. Mateo Cant, San Tadeo Vaqui, S. Limon 
 Tucsani, S. BartolomcS Comae, the last being a Pima town 3 leagues from the 
 Salado junction. An racoria of silver-bearing ore was found west by the big 
 bend, supposed to have been washed down from N. Mexico by the current. 
 
 57 Bac, Tamacacori, 20 leagues; Guevavf, 6 1.; Bacuancos, 7 1.; Coc6spera, 
 16 L; Remedies, 6 1.; Dolores, 8 1. 
 
HOME OF THE WINDS. 269 
 
 dates for salvation had been found, marvellous reports 
 had been heard in the north, and the heart of the 
 missionary was exceedingly glad. 58 
 
 Foes of conversion or of the Jesuits or dupes of 
 the "enemy of souls" were not wanting who refused 
 entire credit to Kino's reports of rich lands and docile 
 Indians. It was suspected that his enthusiasm served 
 as a magnifying lens transforming "worms into ele 
 phants. " Absurd rumors were in circulation respecting 
 the Gila tribes now that the more southern Pimas 
 were partially relieved of suspicion and calumny. 
 The Jesuits themselves were in doubt, and it was 
 impossible to get new padres; yet the apostle was 
 indefatigable in his efforts to set things right. Any 
 one who came to Dolores was sure to be taken on a 
 tour to the Gila so long as the padre could walk or 
 sit on a mule. Antonio Leal, now visitador of Sonora, 
 resolved to make the tour, and Father Francisco 
 Gonzalez had a mind to be one of the party. Accord 
 ingly Kino and Mange made ready, and all left 
 Dolores October 24, 1699, going up to San Javier del 
 Bac by the route of the recent return. Here a strange 
 thing occurred. On the summit of a hill the Spaniards 
 found a white stone of somewhat regular shape, which, 
 fearing it might be some kind of an idol, they over 
 turned, leaving a small round hole in the ground. 
 No sooner had they come down than a violent gale 
 began, so strong that a man could not stand before it; 
 and it blew all night, filling the natives with dismay, 
 for they declared that the "home of winds" had been 
 opened. Next morning they went up and stopped the 
 hole, whereupon the wind ceased. Leal and Gonzalez 
 remained at Bac, while Kino and Mange went some 
 what farther down the river. Leal was very favorably 
 impressed with the prospect, counted three thousand 
 souls, and promised to send Gonzalez to be their 
 missionary. The 5th of November they crossed over 
 
 , Hist. Pirn., 292-310; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 110-12; 
 Velasco, Sonora, 140; Apost. Afanes, 275-8. 
 
270 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 to the Sonoita region, 59 and returned to Dolores on 
 the 18th, having registered eighteen hundred Papa- 
 botes, and baptized thirty-five persons. It was hoped 
 this trip might banish the prevailing ignorance and 
 prejudice in Mexico, and cause padres to be sent. 60 
 
 Two other tours to the north were made before the 
 end of the century, one to San Javier del Bac, and 
 the other to the junction of the Gila and Colorado. 
 In March 1700 Kino received a new present of blue 
 sea-shells sent down by the Cocomaricopas, which 
 directed his attention anew to the mysteries of Cali 
 fornia geography and to the importance of clearing 
 up those mysteries. It was with this object in view 
 that he started the 21st of April. At Cocospera he 
 found the church rebuilt. At Los Reyes he was re 
 ceived by Captain Coro, who had recently come down 
 to Dolores to be baptized, and at Bac he was induced 
 to remain awhile and to give up for the present his 
 explorations. Here he was visited by delegations 
 from many rancherias far and near; but his chief at 
 tention was given to laying the foundation of a large 
 church, the building of which the natives seemed en 
 thusiastic to undertake. There was an abundance of 
 tetzontli, a light porous stone, in the vicinity, which 
 was largely used in the structure. 61 It is said that 
 Kino would have remained permanently at Bac could 
 he have obtained any one to take his place at Dolores. 
 He returned in May, and the 24th of September 
 started for the Gila by a route for the most part new, 
 striking the river east of the bend, 62 and following it 
 down to the Yuma country, where he succeeded in 
 
 59 Bac, Tupo, 16 leagues; Cups, 3 1.; Actun, 81. In Apost. Afanes. S. 
 Serafin is also named. 
 
 60 Mange, hist. Pirn., 311-20. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 112-13, gives 
 the date of starting as Oct. 21st, and says that Padre Gonzalez was actually 
 sent to Bac but did not stay long. The author of Apost. Afanes, 27o, 279-80, 
 speaks of S. Luis Guevavi and S. Cayetano de Bac ! 
 
 61 It is possible, but not probable, that this was the beginning of the fine 
 church which still stands at San Javier. 
 
 62 Route: Dolores, Remedies, S. Simon y S. Judas, S. Ambrosio Busanic, 
 28 leagues; Tacubavia, Sta Eulalia, Merced, 121.; S. Geronimo, 201.; Gila, 
 5, 12, 101.; down Gila 501. 
 
ON THE COLORADO. 271 
 
 making peace between the Yumas and their neighbors. 
 Climbing a high hill he could see nothing but land 
 for thirty leagues south and south-west, land which 
 the natives said was occupied by Quiquimas, Bagi- 
 opas, Hoabonomas, and Cutganas. From this point 
 Kino was invited by the Colorado Yumas to visit 
 their country, which he did by crossing the Gila and 
 going down the north bank to the junction, where he 
 named the chief Yuma rancheria San Dionisio from 
 the day of arrival, and preached to cro\vds of gentiles, 
 many of whom, of especially large stature, came from 
 across the Colorado by swimming. Kino speaks of 
 the lands in this region as Alta California; 63 and he 
 thought that by going up the river some thirty-six 
 leagues he might reach Moqui without passing through 
 Apacheria. Returning to his former point of obser 
 vation he ascended a higher mountain, and at sunset 
 clearly saw the river running ten leagues west from 
 San Dionisio and then twenty leagues south into the 
 gulf. From another hill to the south he saw the 
 sandy shore of California, and thence returned home 
 by way of Sonoita and Caborca, 64 reaching Dolores 
 the 20th of October. On his return he was thanked 
 by the governor and by Salvatierra for his discoveries. 
 What he had seen had strengthened his opinion that 
 California was not an island, but had by no means 
 settled the question as some authors imply. 05 
 
 Of military operations from 1695 to 1700 we have 
 no continuous record; but the nature of the warfare 
 
 e3 This may be the first use of the name ; but it is attributed to Kino's 
 Relation, which may have been written some years later. 
 
 64 Route: Gila, Trinidad, Agua Escondida, 12 leagues; watering-place, 12 1.; 
 creek, 18 1.; Sonoita, 81.; S. Luis Bacapa, 12 1.; S. Eduardo, 20 1.; Caborca, 
 1G 1.; Tubutama, 12 1. ; S. Iguacio, 17 1. 
 
 ^Apost. A fanes, 282-5; Salvatierra, Relaciones, 152-3. Venegas, Not. 
 CaL, ii. 94^7, and Alegre, I/ist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 117-18, imply that Kino's 
 discoveries at this time settled the geographical question by proving Cal 
 ifornia to be a peninsula, and that it was for this he was thanked by the 
 authorities. See also Gobien, in Lockman's Trav. Jesuits, i. 356, and Kino's 
 map, in Id., 395. Escudero, Not. Son., 12, taking his information from 
 Frejes, evidently confounds this with a later trip. 
 
272 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 waged against the Apaches and other savages of the 
 north-east was of the same type as that carried on 
 against the same tribes well nigh down to the present 
 day. The comandante, often called governor, resided 
 usually at San Juan, and a garrison of armed men 
 was kept constantly at Fronteras, or Corodeguachi. 
 It does not appear that there was any other perma 
 nent presidio in Sonora during the century; but this 
 garrison acted in concert with that of Janos in Nueva 
 Vizcaya, and reinforcements were often obtained from 
 more distant points. The soldiers were almost con 
 tinually on the move in pursuit of savages who had 
 attacked some frontier pueblo and fled with the plunder, 
 chiefly live-stock, to their northern retreats. The 
 booty was often recovered, a few of the raiders were 
 killed, and numbers of women and children captured ; 
 but a decisive victory resulting in a long period of 
 quiet was impossible, as it has been for the most part 
 ever since. I have already noticed some military 
 expeditions in connection with mission work, but there 
 were others that may be briefly mentioned. 
 
 In September 1695, after the suppression of the 
 Caborca and Tubutama revolt, the three comanclantes, 
 or generals, Jironza, Teran, and Fuente, united in a 
 campaign against the Apaches, Jocomcs, and Janos. 
 The result was the killing of sixty savages and the 
 
 O / O 
 
 capture of seventy "pieces of chusma," w liich, or who, 
 were divided among the soldiers of the three com 
 panies. General Teran de los Bios died in this cam 
 paign, and most of the men were made ill by drinking 
 the water of a spring supposed to have been poisoned. 
 Father Campos served as chaplain. Early in 169G 
 Lieutenant Antonio Solis marched against the Con- 
 chos, who had committed outrages at Nacori, where 
 Padre Carranco was missionary. Three chiefs were 
 shot and quiet was restored. In March the Apaches 
 raided Tonibavi, taking two hundred horses, of which 
 on pursuit one hundred had been recovered, the rest 
 having died, and eighteen of the raiders having been 
 
APACHE CAMPAIGNS. 273 
 
 killed. Immediately after the return of the soldiers 
 the Apaches attacked and killed in the sierra of San 
 Cristobal a party from Arizpe consisting of Captain 
 Cristobal Leon, his son Nicolas, two other Spaniards, 
 and six Indian arrieros. Jironza pursued with his 
 compania volante but killed only three of the foe. 
 Then General Fuente was summoned from Janos, and 
 the Apaches were driven to the Sierra Florida up in 
 the Gila region, where thirty-two were killed and 
 five piczas de chitsma taken. 66 
 
 Later in 1696 the safety of the' province was again 
 seriously threatened, and this time not by savages but 
 by neophytes. Pablo Quihue, an intelligent native, 
 ex-governor of Baseraca, planned a revolt, and exerted 
 himself with much diplomatic skill and no small 
 chances of success to make the movement a general 
 one. His arguments were not only eloquently ex 
 pressed but as may be believed well grounded. He 
 claimed that the Spaniards had taken their lands, 
 filled the country with soldiers, often made the natives 
 virtually slaves, and had in return brought no benefit. 
 Nominally protecting the Pirnas, Opatas, Conchos, 
 and Tarahumares from the savage Apaches, they had 
 in reality killed more of their proteges than they had 
 of the Apaches or than the Apaches could have killed. 
 The savages generally escaped after their raids, but 
 the submissive natives on the most absurd and frivo 
 lous pretexts were accused of apostacy and rebellious 
 designs, and were hanged, enslaved, or flogged. The 
 success of Quihue's plans for a general rising was pre 
 vented perhaps by the precipitate action of the people 
 at Cuquiarachi, Cuchuta, and Teuricachi, who before 
 the leader was ready seized the church ornaments and 
 other portable mission property, and ran away from 
 their pueblos. The forces of Jironza, Fuente, and 
 Zubiate were soon on the ground, and with the aid 
 of faithful allies, among whom were the Guazdpares 
 of Salvatierra's former flock as already narrated, suc- 
 
 ^, Hist. Pirn., 270-2. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 18 
 
274 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 ceeded by operations not clearly described, after two 
 new hegiras of the neophytes and the hanging of ten 
 rebels, in restoring order before the end of the year, 
 although Don Pablo with a small party of followers 
 kept up a show of resistance until the middle of 1697. 67 
 
 Early in 1698 the savages directed their raids 
 chiefly against the Pimas Altos of the frontier, either 
 converts or at least friendly to the Spaniards, and, 
 what was much more important to the Apaches, well 
 supplied with corn and live-stock. Three pueblos 
 were plundered and burned, with considerable loss of 
 life, including Cocospera, where Padre Contreras 
 barely escaped with his life after being wounded. 
 The soldiers killed thirty of the foe; but it was re 
 served to Coro of Quiburi to strike the most decisive 
 blow. Immediately after an Apache attack on Santa 
 Cruz del Cuervo, or Jaibanipitca, Coro with five hun 
 dred warriors fought against the enemy all day, killed 
 sixty men on the field, and fatally wounded a hundred 
 and sixty-eight more with poisoned arrows. 68 The 
 Pimas received many compliments and some contri 
 butions of money for their brave conduct in this affair; 
 but the slanders against them were not long checked, 
 neither could they get the instructors which above 
 all things they desired. Again in 1699 a native cap 
 tain Humari distinguished himself by killing thirty- 
 six savages in battle, and capturing some boys whom 
 he sent to Kino for baptism. 69 
 
 At the end of 1699 Padre Melchor Bastiromo, in 
 charge of Cucurpe and Toape, had been ordered to 
 found a mission among the Tepocas, and had made 
 some progress with a pueblo of Magdalena; but the 
 
 67 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 272-3, says that Pablo and four companions escaped 
 to Janos where God sent a thunderbolt and killed them at the very door of 
 the presidio. Aleyrc, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 92-4; SalvcUierra, Cartas, 109-12. 
 
 6S Kino, Breve Relation, 810-13, says all but six of the attacking party 
 were killed, and 54 dead bodies were found on the field. The author of 
 Apost. Afanes, 270-1, says that 10 warriors were chosen on each side to 
 decide the battle, and the savages all fell, whereupon 300 of the flying survi 
 vors were killed by the Pima arrows. This writer ami Alcgre. HisL Comp. 
 Jesus, iii. 100-1, make the date 1697. See Mange, Hist. Pirn., 290-1. 
 
 69 Aposttlicos, Afanes, 277-81. 
 
TROUBLE WITH THE SERIS. 275 
 
 Seris became troublesome, extending their plundering 
 incursions in some instances as far as Cucurpe. Al- 
 ferez Escalante was sent with fifteen men in January 
 1800 to Magdalena, Populo, and to the coast. This 
 may be deemed the beginning of the Seri wars which 
 so long desolated the province. Escalante killed and 
 caught a few Seris, but most escaped in balsas to 
 Tiburon Island. In February he repeated the ex 
 pedition, finding no Seris but bringing back one hun 
 dred and twenty new Tepocas for the pueblo; but on 
 a third attempt in Match he killed nine of the foe, 
 also bringing in a few captives for Padre Gil at 
 Populo. Father Maires is named as in charge of 
 Magdalena a little later. Escalante, before returning 
 to the capital, captured and returned over a hundred 
 runaways from Father Campos' mission of San Igna- 
 cio, besides making a successful hunt for apostates 
 do\vn as far as the Rio Yaqui. 70 
 
 70 Mange, Hist. Pirn., 320-2; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 118-19. In 
 addition to the authorities I have cited on the conquest of Pimeria, the fol 
 lowing may be mentioned as containing nothing original: Dice. Univ., iv. 
 547-51, chiefly from Alegre; Californic, Hist. Chret., 97-102; Gibson's Hist. 
 Cath. (7/4., i. 366-70; TvtMU'tffut. CaL, 50-2; Farnham's Life in Col., 161-7; 
 Alvarez, Estudios Hist., 288-327. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 JESUIT OCCUPATION 6F BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 1697-1700. 
 
 DISCOURAGEMENT FROM PAST FAILURES KINO'S EFFORTS SALVATIERRA EN 
 LISTED BRIGHTER PROSPECTS AT LAST BEGGING ALMS FOUNDATION 
 OF THE Pious FUND LICENSE FROM THE VICEROY FULL CONTROL IN 
 JESUIT HANDS VENEGAS, CLAVIGERO, AND THEIR FOLLOWERS SALVA- 
 TIERRA'S JOURNEY TO THE NORTH VOYAGE ACROSS THE GULF CASTING 
 LOTS AT SAN DIONISIO FOUNDING OF LORETO CONCHO LINGUISTIC 
 STUDIES THE PORRIDGE QUESTION LEADS TO HOSTILITIES A BATTLE 
 COMING OF PICCOLO SALVATIERRA'S LETTERS A NEW FORT NEW 
 CHURCH FOR CHRISTMAS THE NEW YEAR MOVEMENTS OF VESSELS 
 THE NATIVE PRIESTS MAKE TROUBLE A SECOND FIGHT A NEW SHIP 
 PEARL-FISHERY A MIRACLE EXPEDITION TO LoND6 VIGGE BiAUND6 
 MENDOZA SUCCEEDS TORTOLERO AS CAPTAIN VIEW OF THE PACIFIC 
 INDIAN POLICY NEW MISSION OF SAN JAVIER MISFORTUNES Loss OF 
 THE ' SAN FERMIN ' SALVATIERRA VISITS THE MAIN VAIN APPEALS TO 
 GOVERNMENT FOR AID DISTRUST OF THE JESUITS MENDOZA AND THE 
 GARRISON DISCHARGED SALVATIERRA AGAIN CROSSES THE GULF. 
 
 FROM the time of Cortes to that of Otondo, we have 
 followed the successive attempts of Spain to occupy 
 California. All had resulted in failure, and several 
 in disaster. Obstacles, chief of which was the fact 
 that the country was not worth occupying, seemed 
 insurmountable by the ordinary methods. Had Cali- 
 fornian coasts been lined with rich and fortified cities, 
 the problem would have presented fewer difficulties. 
 The Spanish conqueror, an invincible hero with the 
 prospect of hard fighting and plunder before him, with 
 out that incentive became too often a mutinous male- 
 content. The pearls of the gulf could be obtained 
 better by private venture than by colonizing expedi 
 tions; and the arid peninsula, if it was a peninsula, 
 
 (270) 
 
PRELIMINARIES. 277 
 
 had no other attraction to the soldier of fortune. 
 After Otondo's failure in 1683 the government was 
 discouraged, resolving that no more costly expeditions 
 should be fitted out. Yet the geographical position 
 of California made its acquirement important if not 
 indispensable to Spain. A council, summoned for the 
 purpose, resolved in 1686 to intrust the conquest to 
 the Company of Jesus; and wisely, for often where 
 the mettle of the soldier had failed missionary zeal 
 had triumphed. 
 
 But the Jesuits, though offered an annual subsidy 
 of 40,000 pesos, declined the task, on the ground that 
 the undertaking would involve temporal concerns for 
 eign to the purposes of the company. They did not 
 regard California as a very desirable field for mis 
 sionary operations; or perhaps they hoped for more 
 favorable terms at a later date. 1 A proposition of 
 Lucenilla to conquer the country partly at his own 
 expense was declined; but later it was decided to ad 
 vance to Otondo 30,000 pesos as a year's expenses for 
 a new attempt. Just as the money was to be paid 
 over, there came to the viceroy a royal 'demand for 
 funds, with an order to defer all Californian enter 
 prises while the Tarahumara war lasted. The govern 
 ment made no more efforts; though Itamarra in 1694 
 was permitted to make an entrada at his own cost, 
 which resulted in failure. 2 
 
 Father Eusebio Kino, who had accompanied Otondo, 
 never forgot California or the promise of missionaries 
 to its people. He even became an enthusiast on the 
 
 1 The offer was declined during the absence of Provincial Bernabe" de Soto, 
 who on his return is said by Salvatierra, Informe al Virey, 25 Mayo, 1705, to 
 have regretted the decision. Forty thousand pesos is the subsidy named in 
 Venerjas, Not. Cal.,ii. 1GO-1. Alegre, hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 60, makes it 
 30,000. Father Kino and Admiral Otondo are said to have been members of 
 the council. I have found no original record of its proceedings. 
 
 2 California, Ettab. y Prog., 12-13; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 60, 81; 
 Veneijas, Not. Gal., i. 238-40; Clavigero, Storia delta Gal., 40, 175-6. It was 
 
 said that over 40 vessels had now failed; 6 entradas had been ordered by the 
 king; 4 had been attempted by Cortes at a cost of over $300,000; and 12 had 
 been made by private persons. Itamarra brought back the information that 
 the natives were awaiting the promised return of the missionaries. 
 
273 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 subject, vowing to devote his life to the work. As 
 the heart of the conqueror is elated at the prospect of 
 a new kingdom to vanquish, so the heart of the Ingold- 
 stadt votary glowed with pious rapture as he contem 
 plated the spiritual conquest of this virgin field of 
 paganism in the far north-west. It was with this 
 object in view that Kino obtained a transfer to the 
 Sonora missions. His heroic efforts in Alta Pimeria 
 are recorded in other chapters of this volume; and 
 while he was not able to reach California either by 
 water or land to serve personally, yet as we shall see 
 he rendered no less effectual service in his chosen 
 cause. In the north Kino met Father Juan Maria 
 Salvatierra on his tour through the missions as visi- 
 tador. 3 This missionary of ardent and sanguine tem 
 perament was quickly carried away by the eloquent 
 fervor of his friend. The mantle of Kino had fallen 
 upon him, and from that day forth the conversion of 
 California was the object of his life. 
 
 Without delay Father Juan Maria put his hand to 
 the plough, nor looked back till the task was ended; 
 but it was to cost him many a trial and disappoint 
 ment, and could hardly have been accomplished by a 
 man of less patient persistence. He met opposition 
 from all quarters. The society, through more than 
 one provincial, looked coldly on the scheme as im 
 practicable; the audiencia of Guadalajara, the viceroy 
 of New Spain, the king turned successively a deaf ear 
 
 3 Salvatierra, originally written Salva-Tierra, was born, as Clavigero says, 
 at Milan in 1044, of noble parentage and Spanish descent. His first studies 
 were at the seminary of Parma. Becoming a Jesuit, full of zeal for the con 
 version of heathen, he set out for Mexico in 1G75, and was sent to the Tara- 
 humara missions of Nueva Vizcaya, where he did good service for several 
 years. Returning to Mexico he was honored by his superiors with high posi 
 tions; but all his emoluments he gave up, declining still higher places even 
 the post of provincial, the goal of every Jesuit's ambition when he had 
 undertaken the California enterprise. No eulogium on Salvatierra's charac 
 ter is needed here; the pages that follow will recount his deeds, and these will 
 tell more eloquently than words what manner of man he was. Alegre, Hist. 
 Comp. Jesu*, iii. 9u, gives his portrait, which is reproduced in Gleeson's work. 
 Melchor cle Bartiromo in an autograph letter of my collection, Popdes dc Jesul- 
 tas, no. 24, communicates to Salvatierra in 1694 kind remembrances from the 
 Princess Doriaand other prominent persons in Italy. Salvatierra's autograph 
 occurs several times in the collection just cited. 
 
SALVATIERRA'S EFFORTS. 279 
 
 to the enthusiast's entreaties. This discouragement 
 only impelled Salvatierra to fresh efforts; and he was 
 cheered by a letter from Father Juan Bautista Zappa 
 who assured his old friend that he was chosen by God 
 to plant the faith in California. Zappa promised a 
 speedy visit, and it is even said that he paid it the 
 next year in spirit form just after his decease. By 
 his advice Our Lady of Loreto, the invincible conquis- 
 tadora, was made by Father Juan Maria his spiritual 
 queen and patroness of his great enterprise. Still 
 the years dragged on,, and the end seemed no nearer. 
 Salvatierra was transferred from the college at Gua 
 dalajara to that of Tepozotlan; and in 1696 he visited 
 Mexico, where he met Kino, and the two vainly ex 
 hausted their powers of argument, each returning in 
 disappointment to his labors. 
 
 But the general of the company, Tirso Gonzalez de 
 Santaella, had become interested, and visiting America 
 
 ' O 
 
 openly espoused the cause. The crown solicitor, Jose 
 de Miranda Villaizan, had long been Salvatierra's 
 friend; and the provincial, Palacios, had been won 
 over. 4 Under such influences the audiencia saw the 
 scheme in a different light, and represented it favor 
 ably to the viceroy. The sky looked brighter. Sal 
 vatierra was released by his provincial from other 
 duties to seek pecuniary aid from private sources, it 
 being understood that nothing could be expected from 
 the crown. He went to Mexico for that purpose early 
 in 1697. There he met Father Juan Ugarte, pro 
 fessor of philosophy in the Jesuit college, a man as 
 shreWd as he was pious, with a remarkable address in 
 the management of temporal affairs, who with unlim 
 ited zeal joined Salvatierra in the work of collecting 
 funds, and consented to act as general agent of the 
 enterprise in Mexico. 
 
 4 The story is that Palacios, an opponent of the scheme, was attacked by 
 a serious illness at Tepozotlan, and begged the intercession of the rector and 
 his novices. Salvatierra, however, said he could hold out no hope unless the 
 sick man would promise the virgin his aid to the California mission; whei'e- 
 upon the frightened provincial vowed to urge the matter, and Salvatierra 
 
280 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 The first fruit of their united efforts was a promise 
 of 2,000 pesos from the count of Miravalles and the 
 marquis of Buena Vista. The generous example was 
 quickly followed, and soon the contributions amounted 
 to 15,000 pesos. Then the congregation of Dolores 
 in Mexico gave 8,000 pesos to endow a mission, after 
 ward increasing the sum to 12,000 or an annual reve 
 nue of 500 pesos. To crown all, Juan Caballero y 
 Osio, a wealthy priest of Queretaro, subscribed 20,000 
 pesos as a fund for two other missions, promising, 
 moreover, to honor all drafts bearing Salvatierra's sig 
 nature. These generous contributions were the foun 
 dation of the famous fondo piadoso de Calif ornias. 
 Pedro Gil de la Sierpe, treasurer at Acapulco, gave a 
 lancha, or long-boat, and promised to lend a galliot to 
 cross the gulf. 
 
 There was a royal cedula forbidding expeditions to 
 California; but it was urged that the Tarahumara 
 war, the foundation of that order, was ended ; and an 
 argument of still greater weight was that the royal 
 pocket was not to be touched. After much discussion 
 the viceroy, Conde de Moctezuma, granted a license 
 on February 5, 1697. It empowered Salvatierra and 
 Kino to undertake the conversion of the Californians 
 on two conditions; first, that it should be at their own 
 expense, and second, that the country should be taken 
 possession of in the name of the king. They might 
 enlist and pay soldiers, appoint and remove officials; 
 indeed the whole affair was left in their hands. 
 
 Thus the boon so long and patiently sought was 
 obtained permission to enter at their own risk and 
 cost a poor and unattractive country for the purpose 
 of converting the heathen; and no conqueror ever 
 craved more persistently leave to invade and plunder 
 a rich province. It has been the fashion to see sinis 
 ter and selfish designs in all Jesuit undertakings ; but, 
 however much Loyola's followers in other parts of 
 
 brought an image from the Casa de Loreto which effected a cure. Alegre, Hist. 
 Comp. Jesus, iii. 90-1. 
 
SUCCESS AT LAST. 281 
 
 the world may have merited this opprobrium, no just 
 person will suspect that the founders of the California 
 missions were actuated by any but the purest motives. 
 That the founders in serving God sought to advance 
 the glory of their order, and that the Jesuits not only 
 
 O i/ 7 
 
 dreamed of undiscovered wealth in the north-west, 
 but attached an otherwise inexplicable importance to 
 the arid peninsula in comparison with other missionary 
 fields by reason of the exclusive control given -to the 
 society, are facts that by no means detract from the 
 credit due to Salvatierra and his associates. Nor is it 
 strange that Jesuit and other Catholic writers have 
 exaggerated the difficulties overcome and the magni 
 tude of the achievement. 
 
 Leaving Ugarte to collect and invest the promised 
 funds, 5 Salvatierra hastened to Sinaloa to make prep 
 arations for his voyage. He spent some time in a 
 fruitless search for two Californians brought over by 
 Otondo, who would have been most useful as inter 
 preters, but who were concealed by their master lest 
 their services as slaves might be lost. 
 
 o 
 
 5 The standard authority on the early history of the missions has always 
 been Venegcu (Miguel), Noticia de la California, y de su conquista temporal, 
 y (spiritual hasta el tiempo presente. Sacada de la historia manvscritaforma-ia 
 en Mexico aiio de 1739, por el Padre Miguel Venegas, de la Compafiia de Jesus; 
 y de otras Noticias, y Relaciones antiguas y modernas. Anadida de algunos 
 inapas particular es; y uno general de la America Septentrional, Asia Oriental 
 y Mar del Sur inhrmedio, formados sobre las Memorias mas recientes, y exactas, 
 que se publican juntamente. Dedicada al Rey N tro Senor por la Provincia de 
 Nueva-Espafia, de la Compania de Jesus. Madrid, 1757, 3 vols. The author 
 never visited California, but wrote in Mexico, using as his material letters of 
 the missionaries and other documents, including a manuscript history by 
 Padre Taraval. About 10 years after its completion, in 1739, it fell into the 
 hands of Padre Andre's Marcos Burriel, a learned Jesuit of Madrid, who made 
 extensive additions from Spanish archives, improved it in form and style, 
 and finally published it, adding several maps and illustrations. Some of the 
 maps I reproduce in their proper place. The work is in four parts, of which 
 the first treats of the country and its inhabitants; the second, of voyages to 
 California before 1697, as already utilized in this volume; the third gives the 
 mission history down to 1752; and the fourth discusses the latest northern 
 explorations and to some extent the Northern Mystery. An English transla 
 tion, marked by numerous errors and omissions, was the Natural and Civil 
 J/ixttn-i/ of California. London. 1759, 2 vols.; and this, retranslated into 
 French, was the Histoire Naturelle et Civile de In California. Paris. 1767, 3 
 vols., 12mo, containing in the preface a bitter attack on the Jesuits, with 
 muck incorrect information on the mission system. There was also a Ger- 
 
282 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Having to wait for the craft promised by Sierpe, 
 Salvatierra made a visit to the scene of former labors 
 in the mountains; and later a revolt in Tarahumara 
 Alta required his presence, so that he was delayed till 
 the middle of August. Back at the Yaqui he found 
 
 man translation and a Dutch one. The work of Venegas and Burriel deserves 
 nothing but praise both for matter and style. It is a straightforward state 
 ment of facts derived from the best sources; notably free from the bigotry, 
 tedious dissertations, and other defects that often marred missionary chroni 
 cles. It \vas well nigh the first work to apply common sense to the solution 
 of northern geographical problems. Doubtless there may be some truth in 
 De Pauw's statement, Recherchcs Phil., i. 158-9, that the work was intended 
 by the Jesuits as a refutation of charges by An son and others; but it was the 
 most legitimate of defences, a plain record of what the Jesuits had clone in 
 California, valid in the absence of evidence against them. De Pauw's charge 
 that after reading it, 'on ne sait absolument rien: on reste dans 1'illusion ou 
 1'ignorance, and on s'tftonne qu'on ait pu tant parler d'un pays, sans en rien 
 dire,' is a very unjust and stupid one. 
 
 Foremost among the followers of Venegas is Francesco Saverio Clavigero, 
 a native of Vcra Cruz of Italian extraction, of whom in connection with his 
 famous work on Mexico much is said in other parts of this work. He, like 
 Venegas, never visited California; but he collected much material in Mexico, 
 and after the expulsion -went to live in Italy, where he wrote his book, pub 
 lished two years after his death. Storia delta California. Opera postuma del 
 Nob. Sig. Abate D. Francesco Saverio Clavigero. Venezia, 1789. 12mo, 2 vols. 
 A Spanish translation was the Ilistoria de la Antigua 6 Baja California. . 
 Traducida por el-presbitcro D. Nicolas Garcia de San Vicente. Mexico, 1852. 
 An English translation from the Spanish of all or part of the work was pub 
 lished in the S. Diego Herald, 1858; and an abridged translation of fragments 
 was the Historical Outline of Lower Cat., San Francisco, u.d. (after 18G2). 
 Clavigero's record for the first half century is little more than a copy of Vene 
 gas; but for later years he used the manuscript histories of padres Barco and 
 Ventura, both missionaries in California for many years, who revised his 
 work and made additions. Though not the result of much original research 
 the work is based upon excellent authority; and it is besides clearly and ele 
 gantly written. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jews a work noticed elsewhere in 
 that part relating to California, follows Venegas very closely, omitting noth 
 ing, but condensing greatly. 
 
 The authorities cited, and chiefly Venegas, have been followed, at first or 
 second hand, by modern writers, who have added nothing but inaccuracies, 
 some of them not even those. There are other original authorities consulted 
 by me, to be mentioned in later notes of this and other chapters; but these 
 have had no influence on modern works. It must be noted that most works, 
 other than Spanish, have consulted the English translation of Venegas or the 
 secondary French translation, and have thus perpetuated many errors. Many 
 sketches of the Jesuit era have been written as prefatory matter to the an 
 nals of Upper California, without original research or much regard for accu 
 racy; but there have also been carefully prepared accounts. California, by 
 * D. P. E. P., 'is an account published In 1799 in Viagero Universal, xxvi. 
 1-189. Lassepas, De la Colonization de la Bfja California. Mexico, 1859, 
 though mainly devoted to events of a later period, gives an able review of 
 the earliest missionary period. Histoire Chretieune de la California. Par 
 Madame la Comtesse ***. Plancy, 1851 ; also in Spanish California, Hist. C'rw- 
 liana, Mexico, 1864, giving Jesuit annals down to 1740, has nothing original, 
 having been drawn apparently from the inaccurate French edition of Vene 
 gas, and the writer having added divers inaccuracies of her own. Gleeson's 
 
MISSIONARIES AFLOAT. 283 
 
 the lancha and galliot, and was greeted by the com 
 mander with a harrowing tale of perils escaped by Our 
 Lady's aid on the way from Acapulco. 6 The vessels 
 were kept waiting for nearly two months longer; and 
 after all there was great disappointment, chiefly be 
 cause Father Kino was prevented by Indian troubles 
 from joining the party as he intended, and also because 
 for the same reasons only a small quantity of pro 
 visions could be obtained. Francisco Maria Piccolo 
 had been appointed in Kino's place, but was not waited 
 for. With a military escort of six men, a motley army 
 with which Cortes himself might have hesitated to 
 undertake a conquest, Father Juan resolved to embark 
 without further delay, a step characteristic of the 
 man. 7 
 
 History of the Catholic Church in California, San Francisco 1872, 2 vols., is 
 largely devoted to the peninsula missions. The author closely follows Vene- 
 gas and Alegre. He is somewhat over-anxions to defend the missionaries 
 from all accusations, devoting to this subject much space that might be more 
 profitably utilized for a plain record of events. An important part of J. 
 lioss Browne's Sketch of the Settlement and Exploration of Lower California, 
 San Francisco, 1S69, is Alex. S. Taylor's Historical Summary of Lower Cali 
 fornia, 1532-1867. This is probably the best of the works that have resulted 
 from the untiring zeal and limited opportunities of the author. It is largely 
 confined to voyages, but gives a concise review of mission history. Navar- 
 rete in his introduction, tiut'd y Mexlcana, Viaje, gives a brief review of the 
 founding of the missions; and there is some information in JExctidero, Noticias 
 Estad. de SoHora, Mexico, 1849. See also statements en re'sume' in Frejes, 
 Historia Breve, 244 et seq. ; D'/ccionario Universal dc Hist, y Georj. , passim, 
 being largely biographical sketches of the missionaries; Soc. Hex. Georj., BoL, 
 v. 443; viii. 058; ix. 235; Hernandez, Compend. de Georj., no. ii. ; Humboldt, 
 Essai Politique, 310 et seq.; Williams (Mrs E.) Catholic Missions in Cal. In 
 Hesperian, ix.-x.; Delaporte, Voyarjeur Frangois, x. 361 etseq.; Ansoii's Voy 
 age, 327 ct seq. , Leese's Hist. Outline; Lockman's Travels of the Jesuits, i. 395 
 et seq. ; Kip's //& Scenes, 50, etc. ; Hughes 1 Cal. of the Padres, etc. There is 
 also a re'sume' in Forbes* Hist. Cal.; an excellent one in Tuth'dVs Hisl. Cal.; 
 and others of varying degrees of accuracy in many works on Upper Califor 
 nia which it is not necessary to name here. All the works cited follow Vene- 
 gas and Clavigero as already explained. Other authorities, original in the 
 sense of not following the writers named, will be noticed in note 15 of this chap 
 ter; and elsewhere some will be mentioned as belonging to special topics or to 
 later events exclusively. 
 
 6 The commander was Juan Maria Romero de la Sierpe, cousin of the 
 treasurer. Venegas, ii. 16, says the trip had lasted seven months, which 
 must be an error. Clavigero, i. 183, makes it one month and seven days. 
 The vessels ran on a rock near Navidad; at Chacala the men were mutinous 
 on learning that there was to be no pearl-fishing; they were also in great dan 
 ger while waiting at Yaqui; but the virgin led them to a hidden anchorage 
 as she had rescued them from previous perils. Ralvatierra, Cartas, 112. 
 
 7 The padres at Yaqui gave 30 cattle, one horse, 10 sheep, and four pigs, 
 which were put on the lancha. Salvatierra, Cartas, 15. Something was done 
 
284 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 In the evening of October 10, 1697, the vessels 
 left the port of the Yaqui, anchoring outside; and 
 next morning spread their canvas for the voyage. 
 The missionaries on shore watched their venturesome 
 brother depart, expecting never to hear of him again 
 alive, and perhaps envying his prospective crown of 
 martyrdom. It seemed as if these forebodings were 
 to be speedily fulfilled; for hardly had the galliot 
 sailed a league when a squall drove her aground on a 
 sand bar ; but with strenuous exertions on the part of 
 all she was again set afloat. By night they had ad 
 vanced ten leagues; next morning the Californian 
 coast was sighted; and at dusk they anchored in San 
 Bruno Bay. Fearful of shoals they put to sea again; 
 and in the night the lancha lost sight of her consort 
 and was driven back to the main. The galliot was 
 driven next day up to Concepcion Bay, where the 
 voyagers landed the 15th to say mass, returning south 
 ward in the night and landing on the 16th at San 
 Bruno. A few natives were met here who kissed the 
 Christ and were most friendly. Salvatierra with Tor- 
 tolero and others proceeded to Otondo's old camp at 
 some distance, where they spent the night; but here 
 was only desolation; water was scanty and brackish; 
 it was no place for a mission; and they returned to 
 the shore much disheartened. Then Captain Romero 
 bethought him of a pleasant cove at San Dionisio 
 some ten leagues farther south which he had visited 
 before. 8 By the casting of lots the matter was left 
 to the virgin patroness, and the decision was in favor 
 
 toward having a small vessel built for the California service, but it was never 
 finished. Id., 155-6; Apost. A fanes, 250. The force was composed of Alfdrez 
 Luis de Torres Tortolero; Este"van Rodriguez Lorenzo, a Portuguese who later 
 became captain; Bartolom6 de Robles Figueroa, a Creole of Guadalajara; Juan 
 Caravaiia, a Maltese; Nicolds Marquez, a Sicilian, and Juan, a Peruvian 
 mulatto. Also three Indians, Francisco, Alonso, and Sebastian, from Sinaloa, 
 Sonora, and Jalisco respectively. Romero commanded the vessels, and there 
 were six sailors on the lancha. 
 
 8 'Dos aiios antes,' says Salvatierra. Cartas, 121. This may be a misprint 
 for ' doce anos,' which might make the statement agree with that of Venegas, 
 ii. 19, that Romero had been with Otondo; or he may have accompanied some 
 private pearl expedition. 
 
FOUNDING OF LORETO. 
 
 285 
 
 of a change. Accordingly the adventurers reembarked 
 and arrived safely the 18th at San Dionisio. It 
 proved to be a desirable spot, well wooded and watered, 
 and inhabited by tractable natives. Beginning on 
 the 19th it took four days to pitch their camp on a 
 mesa at a little distance from the shore and to bring 
 there the galliot's cargo. 
 
 The stores in a triangle round the camp formed an 
 impromptu fort; a pedrero, or swivel-gun, mounted on 
 a mezquite stump, was their artillery. The natives 
 
 LORETO AND VICIXITY, 1700. 
 
 helped willingly enough for a daily allowance of pozole, 
 or porridge, and a handful of maize for each special 
 task. Familiarity soon diminished their fear and 
 respect for the strangers, resulting in thefts and im 
 pudent disregard for rebuke; but a strict w r atch Avas 
 kept. A smart shower fell on the 23d, much to the 
 damage of exposed stores and to the surprise of the 
 new-comers, who had supposed it never rained in Cali 
 fornia. Next day the image of Our Lady of Loreto 
 was landed, and carried in procession with great cere 
 mony to the camp, where a cross had been set up and 
 
286 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 a tent prepared as a church. On the 25th mass was 
 said and formal possession of the country taken for 
 Spain. Such was the founding of the first California 
 mission, named Loreto in honor of the holy patroness. 9 
 The native name of the place seems to have been 
 Conch6, or at least early letters were generally dated 
 at Loreto Conch6. 
 
 Of the lancha, bearing six men and the best part 
 of the supplies, nothing had been heard for two weeks. 
 The loss, if she was lost, must be made good without 
 delay; and the 26th the galeota sailed in quest of men 
 and provisions. Meanwhile Salvatierra, besides serv 
 ing as priest, officer, sentry, and even cook, had found 
 some spare moments to study the native tongue. He 
 had a vocabulary and catechism made by Copart at 
 the time of Otondo's visit. Children were his chief 
 instructors, and his pronunciation caused much merri 
 ment among his little fellow-students; but by dint of 
 infinite patience a kind of jargon of Spanish, Indian, 
 and gestures was formed to meet present needs. It 
 is wonderful with what facility the New World mis 
 sionaries acquired the native languages. It is not 
 uncommon to find them a few days after arrival in a 
 new country giving religious instruction in the ver 
 nacular. Great as was their zeal and skill, however, 
 it is likely that a literal rendering of what was said on 
 both sides at these early conferences would be more 
 amusing than instructive. Salvatierra soon had regular 
 hours for teaching prayers to the more tractable of 
 his flock, distributing after lessons extra allowances 
 of pozole. This pleased the recipients ; but there were 
 many others, averse to prayers and work but fond of 
 porridge, who, when they saw that only the pious and 
 industrious were to be supported, waxed wroth and 
 helped themselves to whatever they could lay hands 
 on. They did not fail to note the diminished force 
 
 9 Salvatierra's letter to Ugarte of Nov. 27th, Salvatierra, Cartas, 115-28, 
 gives a much more detailed account of events down to this point than do 
 Vcnegas, Clavigero, Alegre, and the host of lesser lights reflecting those 
 luminaries. On these letters, see note 15. 
 
ATTACK ON THE FORT. 287 
 
 of the strangers after the vessel's departure. Besides 
 constantly pilfering from the maize-sacks they on one 
 occasion drove off the sheep and goats, and on another 
 stole the only horse. Fortunately the convert favorites 
 served as informers and the stolen property was gen 
 erally recovered. 
 
 October 29th there appeared a chief, "a great eater" 
 says Salvatierra, whose body was half consumed by 
 -cancer, who said he had been named Dionisio by 
 Otondo's party, and who revealed a plot of the Mon- 
 quis to attack the catap that night. Preparations 
 were hastily made to give the foe a warm reception, 
 and a careful watch was kept. At midnight a gun 
 was heard at sea in the direction of the Monqui ran- 
 cheria, and was answered by a discharge of the pedrero. 
 At dawn a departing vessel was seen, but from a 
 native who had boarded the craft it was learned to be 
 the galliot still bound for Yaqui, and not the lancha 
 as had been hoped. The sail and the guns had 
 frightened the hostile natives; but the 1st of Novem 
 ber they carne to the mission in large numbers, armed 
 with stones and wooden swords, demanding pozole. 
 Being given food they became more insolent and were 
 finally driven away by the threats of the Spaniards 
 after discharging a volley of stones at the fort. 10 Next 
 day they came back for pozole as if nothing had 
 happened, received it, and were allowed to hang about 
 until evening, when with the aid of a fierce dog they 
 were again dismissed. This state of affairs lasted 
 several days till the fatigue of watching began to tell 
 on the little force, provisions also becoming scarce to 
 make their condition desperate. 
 
 But worse was yet to come. November 12th Dio 
 nisio, baptized the day before by reason of his increas 
 ing illness, gave warning of a new attack. Next day 
 
 10 One Indian threatened to kill Salvatierra if he did not give him a sack 
 of maize. The padre, however, pretended to mistake the word lui 'to kill,' 
 for Luis, the name of an Indian carried away by Otondo, and thus while talk 
 ing found his way out of the jostling crowd into the intrenchments. Salva 
 tierra, Cartas, 13o-G. 
 
288 JESUIT OCCUPATION OP BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 the Indians were more insolent than ever. Some of 
 them managed to pick a quarrel with the guard, and 
 were driven off by the fiery Tortolero. Live-stock 
 was driven in, and even while it was being done a few 
 arrows fell round the camp like the big drops preceding 
 a tempest. Everybody stood to arms, Salvatierra 
 with the rest, and in a few moments they were as 
 saulted on all sides. 11 For two hours a storm of 
 arrows, stones, and dirt raged against the camp, doing 
 but slight damage; then there was a lull, followed 
 by a renewed assault. It was time to teach the bar 
 barians a lesson, and the pedrero, the great hope of 
 the pilgrims, was trained upon the screaming mob 
 and discharged. Where was Our Lady of Loreto! 
 The gun burst, knocked the gunner down, and came 
 near annihilating the rest of His Catholic Majesty's 
 force in California. Seeing the enemy thus hoist 
 with his own petard, and expecting to find nothing 
 left in camp but pozole, the savages rushed forward, 
 and retreated with no less alacrity on being met 
 with a shower of bullets which killed three of their 
 number and wounded many more. At sunset a mes 
 senger came to beg for peace, and women brought 
 children as hostages. They were surprised to find no 
 one hurt; for Figueroa and Tortolero concealed the 
 fact that they were wounded. 
 
 The cry of 'A sail!' startled the Loreto pilgrims on 
 the 15th, and soon the lost lancha came to anchor, 12 
 with welcome supplies and reinforcements, which put 
 the garrison in high spirits and stimulated Salvatierra 
 to renewed efforts. The arquebuse had proved mightier 
 
 11 The Monquis had induced three other tribes, Edues, Didues, find Lay- 
 mones, to join them. According to Clavigero, Storia delta CaL, 188, the as 
 sailants were 500. The garrison numbered 10 men. 
 
 l ' 2 Salvatierra, Cartas, 148; California, Estcb. y Prog., 17; Alcgre, Hist. 
 Comp. Jesus, iii. 98. Venegas, ii. 32, and Clavigero, 191, make the arrival 
 on the 14th, the day after the battle. The crew related that after the sepa 
 ration on Oct. 12th they had beaten about for some time in search of the gal 
 liot, and then returned to Yaqui. They said the galeota on her return had 
 been in great peril on the mainland coast but had escaped. 
 
ARRIVAL OF PICCOLO. 289 
 
 than the missal in teaching submission, and now the 
 natives became clamorous for baptism, which Father 
 Juan Maria discreetly refused to administer without 
 further proofs of conversion. 13 There was a quarrel 
 between the factions of the formerly hostile natives, 
 but the missionary with his customary tact contrived 
 to patch up a peace. Religious lessons were resumed, 
 and pozole was again doled out to those who attended. 
 In a general assembly Salvatierra read the viceroy's 
 instructions, made an eloquent harangue on the glo 
 rious future of the enterprise, and formally appointed 
 Tortolero captain of the garrison, also regulating 
 minor concerns of the young colony. 
 
 The galliot came back November 23d, bringing, to 
 the inexpressible joy of the missionary, his old friend 
 and co-worker Father Piccolo. 14 Success now seemed 
 assured; and in the fulness of his heart Salvatierra 
 at once wrote to his friends and benefactors in Mexico 
 of what had been done, the letters being sent by the 
 galliot, which sailed the 27th for Acapulco by way of 
 Chacala. 15 The seven months for which the vessel 
 had been lent had expired, and she was to be returned 
 to her owner Sierpe. 
 
 13 Dionisio had been the first to receive the rite; and now three children 
 were baptized. Dionisio was called Bernardo Manuel, and one of the children, 
 his son, Manuel Bernardo, in accordance \vith the wish of the viceroy and his 
 wife that the first two converts should be so named. 
 
 14 Francisco Maria Piccolo was a native of Sicily, born in 1650. He came 
 to Mexico shortly before 1686, when he went to the Tarahumara missions of 
 Chihuahua, where he labored most efficiently until permitted by his superiors 
 to go to California. 
 
 15 The letters written on this occasion are those I cite as Salvatierra, Car- 
 tas. They are four in number, printed in Doc. Hist. Mex., se"rie ii. torn. i. 
 103-57. The first to the viceroy, dated erroneously Nov. 28th, briefly re 
 counts late events, praising the soldiers, and Sierpe for his generous loan of 
 the vessel. The second, Nov. 26th, is addressed to the viceroy's wife, the 
 Duquesa de Gesar, a patroness of the enterprise. The need of more funds is 
 the key-note of this communication. The third letter of Nov. 27th, ad 
 dressed to Ugarte, is the most important of all, being a detailed account of 
 all proceedings from the writer's arrival in Sinaloa down to date. The fourth 
 letter is a religious rhapsody addressed to 'My Father, Brother, Friend, Com 
 missioner and my Captain, Senor Don Juan Caballero y Osio,' the Quer6taro 
 priest, who it will be remembered gave 20,000 pesos for the missions, and who 
 here gets nearly the worth of his money in extravagant eulogy and promises 
 of future beatitude. These four letters and another to Ugarte of July 9, 1699, 
 are found also in Morfi, Coleccion de Documentos, MS., 276-321. 
 
 Another and still more important collection of the venerable Jesuit's let- 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 19 
 
290 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 There were jiow eighteen men at Loreto; two 
 padres, seven soldiers, five sailors, and four natives. 
 They were well supplied with arms and ammunition, 
 and when the ship had gone applied themselves to 
 the erection of new fortifications, a double line of pali 
 sades bound together with reeds and banked with 
 earth, forming a wall three feet thick and five feet 
 high. Within the enclosure were built a little wooden 
 church, dwellings for padre and captain, and barracks 
 for the soldiers. A magazine and other buildings 
 were added later. 16 The galliot had left a four- 
 pounder and two pedreros. These were conspicuously 
 mounted, though it would have required a brave gun 
 ner to fire them; while two blacksmith's bellows were 
 also placed upon the works, their nozzles crammed 
 with bullets. They inspired more fear than the 
 
 ters is hat which to which I give the title, Salvatierra Relaciones, 1697-1709. 
 It contains principally three long letters to Ugarte dated July 3, 1G98; April 
 1st and July 9, 1699; and one to the provincial Francisco de Arteaga written 
 late in May 1701. These form a continuous and detailed narrative from 
 November 1697, the date of the Cartas, to. 1701. They fill 127 printed pages; 
 and to them are added nine extracts from other letters of different dates down 
 to 1709, addressed to Bishop Legaspi, Juan Miranda, fiscal at Guadalajara, 
 and Father Kino. 
 
 These Relaciones, with extracts from reports of padres Tamaral, Barco, and 
 others of 1730 and later years; with California, Memorias para la IRstoria 
 Natural de Cal. escrifas por un rdigiosode la Provlnciadel Santo Evangeliode 
 Mexico, ano de 1790, 220-55; and with a concise chronological resume of events 
 from 1530 to 1762, filling about 70 pages, and interspersed with the letters and 
 extracts make up the work entitled California, Establedmento y Progresos 
 de las Misiones de la Antigua California. Dipuestos por un re/.igioso dd Santo 
 Evanr/elio de Mexico (1791-2). It was compiled by a Franciscan after the 
 expulsion of the Jesuits; formed torn. xxi. of the Archivo General de Mexico, 
 MS.; and was printed in Doc. Hist. Mrx., se"rie iv. torn. v. 
 
 I may mention here also Salvatierra, Escritos Auttigrafos, 1677-1703, a 
 collection of four original autograph letters in my possession. Two of them 
 were written in Tarahumara before the writer came to California. Two are 
 dated at Loreto Conch6, one Nov. 21 (or 27th), 1698, to Ugarte, the other April 
 21, 1702, to Nicolds de Aroca secretary of the provincial. All are routine 
 communications of no value except as relics of so famous a man, who was also 
 perhaps the worst penman of his order. Salvatierra's letters cited in this note 
 constitute by far the best authority extant on my present subject. Their 
 superiority over the authorities cited in note 5 of this chapter is apparent. 
 They correct many errors of Venegas and his followers, though chiefly in 
 matters of detail too minute to find place in my work. 
 
 16 Venegas, ii. 39, says the church was of stone and clay with thatched 
 roof. While the work was going on the men occupied the old triangular bar 
 ricade, strengthened on the outside by thorny bushes. Salvatierra, Rdaciones, 
 18. Venegas says the new fort was merely an enlargement of the old; but 
 the subsequent destruction of the latter not mentioned by him shows this to 
 be an error. 
 
KEENTORCEMENTS. 291 
 
 swivel-guns, and were much less dangerous to the 
 gunners. The natives worked well on the structures 
 without an idea of their intended use ; but one cold 
 night after their departure the Spaniards by vigorous 
 efforts destroyed the old works, transferred all their 
 effects, and much to the astonishment of the Indians, 
 were found next morning in secure possession of their 
 impregnable fortress. Christmas eve Father Piccolo 
 consecrated the new church, and next day after six 
 masses all indulged in a general merry-making. 17 
 
 The 1st of January 1698 the lancha was sent across to 
 Yaqui. This lessened the force, and some of the natives 
 became unruly, but were not bold enough to revolt 
 openly with the terrible bellows threatening from the 
 rampart; and when on the 10th the boat returned to 
 take a fresh start, having been driven some fifteen 
 leagues up the coast to a little bay among hostile tribes, 
 the Indians believed the crew had been called back in 
 some mysterious way, and became correspondingly 
 respectful. Every precaution was taken, however. 
 Piccolo taught the children in the church; Salvatierra 
 instructed adults in a hut outside, covered by one of 
 the guns; while the dusky students might have noted 
 that Captain Tortolero and a soldier, fully armed, 
 attended the services with exemplary regularity. The 
 lancha was seen again the 6th of February in a furious 
 gale that for two days prevented her anchoring; but 
 the trip had been successful, and she brought besides 
 provisions a reenforcement of six volunteers one of 
 them an Englishman for the garrison. 18 
 
 Thus strengthened the pilgrims were confident they 
 could repulse all the savage foes the devil could send 
 against them. For every page of the record shows a 
 
 17 Letter of July 3, 1698, in Salvatierra, Rel, 17-24. Dec. 25, Salvatierra 
 wrote to Bishop Legaspi a re'sume' of all that had occurred. Id., 15-17. 
 
 18 The new-comers were: Alfe"rez Isidro Figueroa, from Seville; Antonio de 
 Mendoza, a Castilian from Pdoja; Jose"Murguia, from Vizcaya; Juande Arce, 
 an Englishman brought up in Mexico; Francisco de Quiroga, a mestizo ; and 
 Marcos, a Yaqui Indian; all experienced soldiers. Salvatierra, Eclaciones, 29. 
 
292 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 belief that the powers of hell were arrayed on the side 
 of the heathen. The story as told by Salvatierra and 
 the rest sounds like a christianized echo from the 
 Iliad. The most trifling incidents of daily life were 
 attributed to the direct influence of one or the other 
 of the supernatural powers. If an Indian pilfered a 
 handful of maize, Satan held open the mouth of the 
 sack. If an arrow narrowly missed a padre, it was 
 the hand of Our Lady that turned it aside. 
 
 Still the natives acted more and more suspiciously, 
 gathering in large numbers near the fort, and holding 
 secret meetings, the meaning of which could not at 
 first be learned. But when the lancha had started 
 March 1st on another trip to the main, they became 
 less careful and the secret leaked out. The native 
 sorcerers, or medicine-men, were at the bottom of the 
 trouble. The new faith was weakening their influence, 
 and they were in danger of being regarded as ordinary 
 men. Something must be done, and quickly, if their 
 prestige was to be retained, so thought these wise 
 men of California, and forthwith they banded together 
 and used all their influence and eloquence to stir up 
 the people against the invaders. Where were their 
 countrymen whom Otondo had carried aw^ay ? they 
 asked significantly, reminding their hearers also that 
 those who had been friendly to Otondo had been 
 roughly treated after his departure, thus warning the 
 timid of what might be expected when the padres 
 should be driven away, as they soon would be. These 
 arguments had their effect; attendance at prayers and 
 lessons grew smaller; and on Palm Sunday only two 
 of the people who were to represent the twelve apostles 
 at table could be found. These two, however, enjoyed 
 the meal so much that Salvatierra thought there 
 would be no lack of apostles the next year. No actual 
 hostilities occurred until after the boat returned with 
 a small supply of provisions the 21st of March. 
 
 The 2d of April, while the Spaniards were engaged 
 in religious exercises of easter, a mob of Indians broke 
 
A NEW SHIP. 293 
 
 in pieces the lancha's boat drawn upon the beach. 
 The hot-headed Tortolero, California's Miles Standish, 
 at once sallied forth, drove away a body of natives 
 who made a show of resistance, and sent half his men 
 in pursuit by a by-path under Figueroa, while he fol 
 lowed the beach. Figueroa fell into an ambush, but 
 Tortolero came up, and a fierce struggle ensued. The 
 natives were defeated with several killed and many 
 wounded, learning the much needed lesson that the 
 Spaniards, only two of whom were slightly injured, 
 could fight without the protection of their fort and 
 cannon. There were no more hostilities for several 
 months. The first Christian Indian had been buried 
 in March, and, says Salvatierra, "we now felt repaid 
 for all our hardships, for the cemetery was no longer 
 without a tenant." 
 
 The lancha having gone in quest of supplies, the 
 natives being for the most part absent in the moun 
 tains engaged in the festivities of the pitahaya season, 
 eleven days after provisions had been reduced to 
 three sacks of bad flour and three other of wormy 
 maize, in answer to redoubled prayers a vessel arrived 
 the 19th of June. It was the ship San Jose, a new 
 cedar craft worth 14,000 pesos, which, less a debt of 
 826 pesos, was a gift from Caballero y Osio. She 
 was commanded by Manuel Gadaro, bringing a large 
 supply of necessaries collected by Ugarte, and a reen- 
 forcement of seven more volunteers. To aid in mak 
 ing up the deficiency Salvatierra imposed on the sol 
 diers a light fine for each oath uttered. Let us hope 
 that those brave fellows did not allow their young 
 colony long to feel the burden of debt. 19 In August 
 the mission navy was still further increased by the 
 San Fermin and a new lancha called the San Javier, 
 
 19 About the vessel, as for all events since Nov. 1697, I have followed Sal- 
 vatierra's letter of July 3, 1GU8, to Ugarte. Salvatierra, Rdaciones, 17-50. 
 The letter was probably sent across in the ship, which was about to go after 
 horses for the mission. The padre's letters of October to Ugarte are not 
 extant, so that in the original authorities there is a gap from July to October. 
 Venegas, ii. 47-8, and Clavigero, 198-201, say nothing about the San Jos6 
 being a gift. 
 
294 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 both sent from Acapulco by Sierpe. The former was 
 sent about the middle of October to the main; and 
 the San Jose, which had turned out very leaky and 
 unseaworthy, was careened for repairs. It would 
 seem that Sierpe sent another cargo of supplies by 
 a galliot, which sailed on her return on October 21st, 
 carrying also some soldiers who went to bring their 
 families. 20 
 
 Soon the San Jose went to Coronados Island, near 
 by, where the crew, under pretence of putting the 
 ship in order, engaged in the pearl-fishery with the 
 aid of Indians. The padres heard of it and were 
 filled with dismay. They regarded pearl-fishing as 
 the most dangerous of all evils threatening the mis 
 sion work. Unscrupulous adventurers had created 
 among the natives a distrust which it had required 
 long efforts to partially remove. Moreover there 
 was great danger that all the soldiers and sailors of 
 Loreto might become uncontrollable through avarice. 
 In their trouble the padres appealed to the holy 
 patroness, and that very night the only three real 
 pearls in the necklace of Our Lady's image dropped 
 to the ground, showing that the country under her 
 protection needed no pearls for its prosperity. 21 
 
 The 1st of November Father Salvatierra with Cap 
 tain Tortolero and six soldiers, all mounted,' 22 and 
 twelve Indians on foot, set out on their first explora 
 tion beyond the immediate vicinity of the mission. It 
 was directed towards the north some ten leagues to 
 the Canada de Londo, or San Isidro, where Otondo 
 was supposed to have been, though no traces of his 
 
 20 Relado-nes, 51. The repairs of the S. Jose cost 6,000 pesos according to 
 Venegas, Clavigero, and Alegre; and after all the ship lost her cargo 011 the 
 first trip, and was stranded at Acapulco in the second, being sold for $500. 
 
 21 lfelacioes, 52-3. 
 
 22 There is no definite record of the coming of the horses, though it would 
 probably appear in the missing letter to Ugarte. In July 12 horses had been 
 offered, and the shii 
 
 ip was about to be sent for jbhem. Salvatierra, Relationes, 
 
 . t. 
 
 expedition. Id., 57. 
 
 49. They probably came in July or August. Eight more horses and 10 cows 
 were brought by the San Fermin just after Salvatierra's return from this 
 
FESTIVITIES. 295 
 
 visit were found. The Indians of a rancheria in that 
 region had expressed a desire to see the padre, but 
 the place was deserted. On the return a letter in the 
 Monqui language was sent to Piccolo, the first mail 
 service in the country and a most wonderful thing to 
 the natives. The journey was completed in eight 
 days without accident or noteworthy adventure. 23 
 
 Soon there arrived the San Fermin with horses, 
 cows, and other aid from friends in Sinaloa. One of 
 the cows at once distinguished herself by wandering 
 off and discovering a new spring of water four leagues 
 south of the mission. At the end of November the 
 two vessels went to Carmen Island for salt, the San 
 Jose to continue her voyage to New Spain. 24 Decem 
 ber was marked by the fiestas of the Immaculate 
 Conception, San Francisco Javier's day, and Christ 
 inas, celebrated with all possible pomp. During the 
 festivities a cJiino sailor saw fit to start with his hat 
 full of powder for one of the lanchas, and had his 
 face terribly mangled by an explosion; but a holy 
 relic of San Javier applied by Father Piccolo effected 
 a speedy cure. 25 In the last days of the year Piccolo 
 and Tortolero, with eight mounted soldiers, made an 
 expedition southward ten or twelve leagues to the 
 rancheria of Chuenqui, near Danzantes Bay. They 
 were well received, baptizing some children. 26 There 
 came also from Londo an appeal for baptism and a 
 church. 
 
 Feeling themselves securely established at Loreto 
 the Jesuits now began to think of extending their 
 influence, by founding new settlements, their horses 
 
 23 Salvatierra's letter of April 1, 1698. Relaciones, 53-7, with full details. 
 Bahuli, 4 leagues, Nienchu, Piedra Molar, ami Cuesta de Juan de Arce are 
 the names given between Loreto and Londo. Vcnegas, ii. 48-9, Clavigero, 
 201-2, and Alegre, iii. 113-14, represent this expedition to have been early 
 in 1G99, but of course Salvatierra is the best authority. 
 
 ' zi The autograph letter in my collection, of Nov. 27th. Salvatierra, Escritos, 
 Autog., MS., was doubtless sent to Ugarte at this time. 
 
 25 Itelaciones, 58. The chino was probably not a Chinaman, though he 
 had a narrow escape from being a celestial. 
 
 26 llelaciones, 59-61. Vhonci was an intermediate rancheria. 
 
296 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 and their approved knowledge of the native dialects 
 rendering their tours of exploration much less labori 
 ous than before. It was a very wet season, unfavor 
 able for travelling in January and February of 1699; 
 but in March, after one or two unsuccessful attempts 
 by the vessel, Salvatierra with his party went again 
 by land to Lond6, and to San Bruno a few leagues 
 farther on the coast. He was kindly received by the 
 natives, of the Cochimi tribe, baptizing many chil 
 dren, but having some trouble in making peace between 
 hostile rancherias. At Loreto it was a prosperous 
 season, the natives becoming more and more submis 
 sive to missionary rule, so much so that flogging was 
 now resorted to as a penalty for minor offences. With 
 the rains the grass sprang up; the cattle fattened; 
 the number of converts rapidly increased ; the soldiers 
 gave no cause for complaint; and all was prosperity. 
 Such was the purport of the correspondence sent by 
 the lancha at the beginning of April. 27 
 
 It was customary to send a few Indians to the 
 mainland at each trip of the transports, whenever 
 any could be induced to go, that they might see how 
 their brethren de la otra banda were living in mission 
 communities, planting corn, and submitting to the 
 padres' gentle but firm rule. Now it chanced that 
 the people of an interior rancheria of the western 
 mountains heard these things from one of the native 
 Sindbads who had visited Sinaloa; arid they sent 
 word that they would like to raise crops in their fer 
 tile vales. Accordingly in May Piccolo started with 
 his captain and mounted guard to make explorations. 
 The way soon became so rough that they had to leave 
 the horses. The difficulties of the later march were 
 much increased by the curious error of inquiring 
 always for Vigge, which they understood to be the 
 name of the rancheria, but which really meant 'high- 
 
 27 Letter to Ugarte, April 1st. Salvatierra, Pelaciones, 50-74, The writer 
 is always prolix, and the letter is full of trivial occurrences for which of course 
 I have no space. 
 
FIRST VIEW OF THE OCEAN. 297 
 
 lands/ so that they were guided to the top of the 
 highest peaks. But finally they reached a fine large 
 Canada named San Francisco Javier Vigge de Biaundo*, 
 where they remained four days, erecting a cross and 
 baptizing children. 
 
 After his return Captain Luis Tortolero y Torres 
 was forced by an affection of the eyes to resign the 
 command, much to the sorrow of all, especially of the 
 missionaries, as he had proved himself a notable 
 champion of the cause. He started a little later for 
 Guadalajara with a letter of recommendation for the 
 audiencia. Adjutant Antonio Garcia de Mendoza, 
 an old soldier from Fuenterabfa, who had served in 
 San Luis Potosi, was made captain in Tortolero's 
 place. 
 
 On May 23d, with Captain Mendoza and nine men, 
 Salvatierra started again for Londo. A band of 
 Monquis went with him, hoping through his influence 
 to make peace with the Cochimis, and get permission 
 to gather pitahayas in their country. Many natives 
 were found assembled at what was now called San 
 Juan de Londo. Much was accomplished, and the 
 party returned to Loreto before the end of May. 
 
 Then Piccolo set out early in June with a large 
 force of Indians to open a road for horses to San Ja 
 vier, where it was intended to plant a new mission. 
 By the 12th the horses were ridden triumphantly into 
 the valley and turned out to graze on richer pastures 
 than they had ever known in California. Soon after 
 their arrival, Captain Mendoza and a few soldiers 
 climbed a lofty height, and were rewarded for their 
 toil by a magnificent view, which included both gulf 
 and ocean coasts, this being the first discovery of the 
 Pacific from the interior. A great bay was also seen, 
 perhaps that of Magdalena. So elated were the dis 
 coverers that they fired a salvo with their arquebuses, 
 which caused some alarm at the camp below, but 
 Piccolo joined in the rejoicing when he knew its 
 cause. They returned to Loreto on the 14th. 
 
298 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 At the end of June the whole force set to work to 
 clear a space for a new church some hundred paces 
 from the fort. 28 Provisions had again run low, and 
 it had been proposed on that account to postpone 
 work on the church, but Piccolo's zealous exhorta 
 tions overcame this resolution; and this devotion was 
 rewarded by one of those singular coincidences or 
 "special dispensations" so often recorded in the annals 
 of missionary work. On the very day that work on 
 the church began, the Santa Elvira arrived from the 
 mainland with a large stock of supplies; and about 
 the same time the San Fermin also brought six more 
 volunteers for the garrison, which with this addition 
 numbered thirty soldiers. The missionaries take pride 
 in noting that volunteers for California are abundant, 
 while other districts had difficulty in obtaining sol 
 diers. 29 
 
 The Indians were controlled by a two-fold policy, as 
 ingenious as it was generally efficient. Force and 
 severity, as represented by the captain and his men- 
 at-arms, were combined with persuasion and kindness 
 as practised by the padres. While the church was 
 being built, some natives were induced by their priests 
 to withdraw to the mountains for the performance of 
 certain pagan rites. Their chief priest was arrested, 
 bound, and sentenced by the captain to be flogged to 
 death. After some blows the padres, by a precon 
 certed plan, appeared, and in presence of the crowd 
 begged that the wizard's life might be spared, which 
 request was of course granted. In this particular 
 
 28 Veneyas, ii. 53-4, who also mentions a chapel in the camp begun at the 
 same time and consecrated in 1700, the church being completed in 1704. 
 Salvatierra does not speak of the chapel; but in May 1701 he writes of tho 
 virgin's 'Casa de adobes, blanqueada y adornada con cuadros, etc., que parecs 
 un paraiso, y se halla menos de tiro de arcabuz del presidio.' Relacwnes, 103. 
 
 29 By the return of the vessel was sent the letter of July 9th, to Ugart3, 
 which narrates happenings since April. Salvatierra, Rdationes, 74-93. The 
 same ground is covered by Veneyas, ii. 48-55; Clavigero, 202-4; and Aleg*e. 
 iii. 113-15. By the same vessel was sent a memorandum of supplies necced 
 from Nueva Galicia, of which I have the original in Papeks de Jesultas, M Q ti 
 no. 27. 
 
FOUNDING OF SAN JAVIER. 299 
 
 instance, however, the stratagem did not succeed as in 
 many others. The sorcerer's friends, incensed at the 
 indignity of flogging their leader, made many threats ; 
 and it was not until Captain Mendoza had exhibited 
 the head of one of them on a stake as a warning that 
 their anger was cooled. 80 
 
 Salvatierra made another vaguely recorded trip to 
 Londo; the lancha brought on September 7th an image 
 of Our Lady, which next day was carried in procession 
 to the new church, and in October Piccolo went with 
 his escolta to found a new mission at San Javier. Dur 
 ing his absence the galliot sailed' with the ex-captain 
 on board. 31 A few days later, at the end of the month, 
 Salvatierra went over to Biaundo to assist at the 
 consecration of the church of San Javier, where he 
 was received with ceremonious demonstration, includ 
 ing athletic sports by the inland natives. The conse 
 cration, or founding of San Javier, was apparently on 
 the 1st of November, though we have no original 
 narrative of details. 32 While Piccolo had been engaged 
 in preparing buildings for the new mission, Mendoza 
 had made an exploration to the shore of 'the Pacific 
 south-westward from Biaundo. He was disappointed 
 in his chief object, that of finding a safe harbor for 
 the galleon; but found a large rancheria of friendly 
 natives, which was named Santa Rosalia. Piccolo did 
 not yet remain permanently at his new establishment; 
 but returned and accompanied Salvatierra on a tour 
 to Londo, returning by a new way along the base of 
 the great Sierra Giganta, as the main range of the 
 peninsula was called. Besides much success in mak 
 ing friends and converts in the north, the fathers suc- 
 
 30 California, Extdb. y Prog., 93-5. There is no narrative letter of Salva 
 tierra, only two brief extracts to the fiscal Miranda, of events from July to 
 November. A report for this period was sent to the provincial, but is not 
 extant. 
 
 31 Salvatierra, Relacioms, 97-8, 103. Letter to Miranda of Oct. 2Gth, dur 
 ing Piccolo's absence: ' para la contra costa a plantar en el la la santa cruz, y 
 puede ser topen algim puerto para el abrigo de la nao de China. ' 
 
 32 It was described in the letter to the provincial of Nov. according to a 
 later letter. Relaciones, 106. The reception is described in California, Estab. 
 y Prcg., 98. Venegas, ii. 56, gives the date Nov. 1st. 
 
300 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 ceeded in making a peace between the Edues and 
 Cochimis by a treaty which was ratified at Lore to in 
 connection with Christmas festivities. Thus in pros 
 perity ended the year 1699. 
 
 The last year of the century and the third of mis 
 sion annals was to bring many troubles to the Jesuit 
 pioneers. The first blow was the loss of the San Fer- 
 min, which was grounded at the Sonora port of Ahome 
 in the spring of 1700. The crew and some cattle were 
 saved. This misfortune was so serious that Salva- 
 tierra thought it best to cross over to the main in per 
 son. He sailed in the San Javier, taking with him 
 five Californians. There had lately been some trouble 
 because of the murder of a native by a Sonora Indian 
 named Marcos; and it was thought that by closer 
 acquaintance with the mainland tribes the quarrel 
 might be healed. The arrival of the missionary and 
 his companions created quite a sensation in the Sonora 
 missions, where the party were feted to their hearts 7 
 content, and extended their travels to Salvatierra's 
 old mission-field of Chinipas. It does not appear that 
 anything was effected toward repairing the loss of the 
 wrecked vessel; but the lancha was repaired and filled 
 with supplies at Yaqui, and the Californian pilgrims 
 sailed for home on June 19th, arriving at Loreto two 
 days later. 33 The reports of the returning natives had 
 a good effect ; but Marcos continued to make trouble, 
 and it was not until he had been shot that quiet was 
 entirely restored. During Salvatierra's absence Pic 
 colo had employed himself in visiting new rancherias 
 in the region of San Javier, and in establishing ami 
 cable relations with his neighbors; and the good work 
 went on after the superior's return. 
 
 In September the San Jose arrived with a much 
 needed cargo of supplies; but she brought also the 
 unwelcome news of the death of Sierpe at Acapulco. 
 
 33 Letter of May 1701 to the provincial. Salvatierra, Jtelaciones, 110-15. 
 No dates for 1700 are given before June 19th. 
 
APPEALS TO VICEROY AND ICIXG. 301 
 
 In October Salvatierra went up to Londo and made 
 explorations in the Cerros de San Jose de la Giganta 
 farther west, saying mass in a fine Canada named Las 
 Animas, and reaching Piccolo's mission by a new way 
 through the mountains. There was never a time 
 when there was not an impending scarcity of food, 
 and the San Jose was soon despatched to the main for 
 a cargo. 
 
 Salvatierra had in 1698-9 addressed more than one 
 communication to tlie viceroy, reporting progress, 
 soliciting protection, and intimating that the growth 
 of the missions would soon call for government aid. 
 But the viceroy had other urgent demands upon his 
 attention and funds, and he merely forwarded the 
 papers to the court at Madrid. There they seem to 
 have excited a degree of interest and sympathy for 
 the far-off province; but beyond the offer of 1,000 
 pesos per year for the mission expenses, an offer re 
 jected by Ugarte as totally inadequate, nothing was 
 done and weightier matters soon drowned all thought 
 of California. In 1700 Salvatierra renewed his en 
 treaties. In March he sent a memorial signed by 
 both padres and thirty-five others; and while in Sina- 
 loa he prepared another. Pointing out how foolish it 
 would be for Spain to lose the province after so much 
 had been done, he asked that the x soldiers should be 
 paid by government here as elsewhere. True it had 
 been stipulated that the Jesuits were to occupy the 
 country at their own expense, and they had done so; 
 but could not be expected to hold it permanently on 
 such terms. Dwelling on the loss of the San Fermin 
 and the ruinous condition of the San Jos6, he asked 
 for the gift of a vessel; but he announced the un 
 changeable determination of himself and Piccolo to 
 remain on the ground even without a boat or a sol 
 dier. 
 
 These appeals met with no response in Mexico or 
 Spain. Besides the ordinary reasons for apathy in 
 
302 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 responding to such demands, reasons growing out of 
 the constant drains on the treasury for old-world ex 
 penses and New World conquests, there was a growing 
 animosity against the Jesuits. The general grounds 
 of this feeling, destined to culminate in the expulsion 
 of the society from all Spanish dominions, do not con 
 cern us here. There were, however, some special 
 phases of the general distrust that affected California. 
 
 Amongr the adventurers who had sought licenses with 
 
 . . . 
 
 government aid to occupy the country with a view 
 
 mainly to the pearls of the gulf, there was much 
 jealousy on account of Salvatierra's success both in 
 occupying the province and in obtaining liberal con 
 tributions from benefactors. Naturally it was rep 
 resented by these men, and there was a constantly 
 growing number willing to take that view of the mat 
 ter, that the Jesuits had found some rich treasure; 
 that but for the pearl-beds they would never have 
 left comfortable positions in New Spain for a misera 
 ble existence on the arid peninsula. There was a 
 general outcry when it became known that they were 
 extending their palms toward the royal treasury. 
 
 As if the cause had not foes enough abroad, a for 
 midable one now appeared at home in the person of 
 Captain Mendoza. This man, put in command by 
 Salvatierra himself, though a brave soldier and com 
 petent officer, chafed under the restraints imposed 
 upon him by the padres. His hot temper could ill 
 brook the treachery and pusillanimity of the natives, 
 and after the manner of his class he would have dealt 
 with them more summarily than Salvatierra permitted. 
 The prohibition of pearl-fishing was another griev 
 ance in the eyes of this worldly-minded trooper, and 
 in this he had the sympathy and support of his men. 
 They thought themselves entitled to profit by the 
 resources of the country they defended, more especi 
 ally as they got but little pay from any other source. 
 Accordingly the discontented captain wrote several 
 doleful letters to his friends and to the viceroy. In 
 
FEELING AGAINST THE JESUITS. 303 
 
 one of the letters, dated October 1700 he discreetly 
 took higher ground than the question of pay or author 
 ity, and praised the zeal of the fathers, while con 
 demning their schemes as costly and impracticable. 
 Yet his spite overcame his diplomacy when he sug 
 gested that the padres should be punished for their 
 presumptuous demands; and like a petulant school-boy 
 that he himself should be cast into a dungeon as a 
 warning to others not to be deluded into such a ser 
 vice. 
 
 These reports, coming from one who had been an 
 eye-witness of all that had occurred in California, made 
 an impression even on the benefactors of the missions, 
 whose alms became noticeably smaller in consequence. 
 Salvatierra, with characteristic promptitude, resolved 
 to get rid of the worst of the malecontents, even at 
 the risk of leaving the country without defenders; and 
 accordingly eighteen soldiers were discharged, reduc 
 ing the garrison to twelve men. 34 
 
 In the autumn of 1700 the San Jose returning from 
 Yaqui with a cargo of supplies brought also important 
 orders from Provincial Arteaga. The Sinaloa anchor 
 ages had proved very unsafe for the California service ; 
 a good port that of Guaymas had been found some 
 fourteen leagues above the Yaqui; and it had been 
 decided to put the Guaymas and other tribes near 
 the port in. charge of the Californian missionaries. 
 Salvatierra was therefore instructed to go in person 
 to make a preliminary examination with a view to 
 the subsequent foundation of a mission. It was a 
 somewhat critical time for the padre to be absent; 
 but there was consolation in the thought that he 
 
 34 On the troubles of 1700 see Venegas, Noticia, ii. 56-73. A letter is 
 quoted in which Salvatierra, announcing the discharge of the 18 men, says he 
 awaits only the receipt of news from Mexico to discharge the rest. Then 
 'we will think of paying debts; and if before that is done our California!! 
 children send us to report to God, for lack of a military guard, there remains 
 the Seiiora Lauretana who doubtless will pay. ' It must be understood, how 
 ever, that letters of this tone were written largely for effect. The Jesuits 
 had no idea of failure yet. See also Bustamante, Defensa Comp. Jesus, 10. 
 
304 JESUIT OCCUPATION OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 might obtain some succor from friends during his visit, 
 and he sailed on the San Jose for Yaqui. 35 That 
 unlucky craft could not enter the port in an unfavor 
 able wind; nor by reason of her rotten cables wait 
 outside for a change, so they put back to Loreto. 
 The San Javier had just arrived, reporting that on 
 the beach at Ahome were many useful fragments of 
 the wrecked San Fermin ; and accordingly the desti 
 nation was changed to Ahome at the mouth of what 
 is now the Rio del Fuerte. Salvatierra's plan was to 
 proceed northward by land, seeking alms by the way; 
 and in January 1701 he started from Ahome. 36 I 
 have had access to the original mission registers of 
 Loreto and of several other missions, from which a 
 few items will be taken from time to time. The only 
 record down to the end of 1700 is to the effect that 
 there had been thirty-five deaths, a few being of gente 
 de razon. 37 
 
 35 At the end of October according to Venegas; but I think it may have 
 been later. * . - 
 
 36 Salvatierra, Reladones, 124-5, letter to Arteaga of May 1701. Venegas, 
 Noticia, ii. 74r-5, represents Salvatierra's motive to have been the obtaining 
 of aid, without mentioning the provincial's order respecting the annexation and 
 exploration of Guaymas. In addition to the authorities already mentioned I 
 may cite Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 27 Die., 1793, sobre el Estado actual de las 
 Misiones de la Nueva Espana, MS. , as containing some general information on 
 the missions during the Jesuit period, though mainly devoted to later times. 
 
 37 Loreto, Libros de Mision, 1700-69, MS. These fragmentary records, 
 containing the autograph entries of Salvatierra, Piccolo, Ugarte, and many 
 later missionaries, are in the possession of Colonel 0. Livermore of San Fran 
 cisco, who has kindly allowed me to examine them. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 1600-1640. 
 
 GOVERNMENT LIST or RULERS SEE or GUADIANA BISHOPS GEOGRAPHI 
 CAL LINES AND DISTRICTS PROGRESS IN THE SOUTH-EAST SUPERSTITION, 
 FAMINE, AND RIGHTEOUSNESS AT PARRAS ACAXEE MISSIONS OF TOPIA 
 REVOLT THE SABAIBO BISHOP CONVERSION AND REVOLT OF THE Xixi- 
 MES GOVERNOR'S CAMPAIGNS THE TEPEHUANE DISTRICT REVOLT OF 
 1616-17 MASSACRE OF TEN MISSIONARIES AND Two HUNDRED SPAN 
 IARDSPEACE RESTORED HUMES AND HINAS VIRGEN DEL HACHAZO 
 CHIHUAHUA DISTRICTS JESUIT BEGINNINGS IN TARAHUMARA BAJA 
 FRANCISCAN ESTABLISHMENTS REPORT OF 1622 CONCHO MISSION 
 PARRAL FOUNDED COAHUILA. 
 
 IN the seventeenth century the kingdom of Nueva 
 Vizcaya, for like its southern neighbor it was com 
 monly termed a reino, included the territory consti 
 tuting the modern states of Durango, Chihuahua, 
 Sinaloa, Sonora, and the southern parts of what is 
 now Coahuila. 1 . For reasons already explained, how 
 ever, I have presented separately the annals of the 
 coast provinces, nominally subject en lo politico to the 
 governor at Durango; and I now have to record in 
 this chapter and the next the history of Nueva Vis- 
 caya proper, substantially Durango and Chihuahua, 
 from 1600 to 1700. 2 
 
 The governor of Nueva Vizcaya, residing for mere 
 than half the century at Durango, regarded as capital 
 
 *Not until 1785 was the Parras and Saltillo region attached to Coahuila 
 proper as a separate province. 
 
 2 See chap. v. of this volume for 16th century annals of the country, and as 
 an introduction to what follows. My space does not permit much repetition, 
 and the territorial peculiarities of my subject in this volume especially do 
 not allow a continuous chronological connection from chapter to chapter. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 20 ( 05 ) 
 
303 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 from the first and made a ciudad in 1621, with a sal 
 ary of two thousand pesos, was appointed by the 
 king, holding also by royal appointment the rank of 
 captain-general. So far as can be ascertained from 
 the records, the rulers down to 1G40, the period cov 
 ered by this chapter, were as follows: 1600, Jaime 
 Herrades de Arriaga; 1601-2, Rodrigo de Vivero; 
 1602-11, Francisco Urdinola; 1615-18, Gaspar de 
 Alvear y Salazar; 1630, Hipolito de Velasco; 1631-3, 
 Gonzalo Gomez de Cervantes; to 1639, Luis de Mon- 
 salve; from 1639, Luis Valdes. 8 These men are for 
 the most part merely named incidentally as holding 
 the position; and of their life, character, services, and 
 troubles nothing further is known except a brief men 
 tion of official acts in the case of some in connection 
 with mission annals. The somewhat complicated 
 relations of provincial rulers to crown, viceroy, and 
 audiencia have been sufficiently explained elsewhere. 4 
 In the exercise of political power the governor was 
 responsible to the king alone, and he appointed alcaldes 
 mayores and other civil officials; in some phases of 
 his military power and in matters pertaining to the 
 exchequer he was subordinate to the viceroy, there 
 being at Durango a branch of the caja real, or treas 
 ury, under royal officers; and the audiencia of Guada 
 lajara, holding judicial jurisdiction over all the north, 
 had cognizance of official misconduct on the part of 
 the governor, and might appoint a temporary governor, 
 whose appointment ad interim came from the vice 
 roy. 5 In all its minor and local details the govern- 
 
 s Alerjre, i. 418; ii. 184-5, 220; Torquemada, i. 691; Apost. Afanes, 31; 
 Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 554; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col Doc., ix. 244-5; 
 Noticias de Esped., 673; Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., v. 286; Ddvila, Continuation, 
 MS., 224; 6rdcnes dela Corona, MS., ii. 189. 
 
 4 See Hist. Hex. , iii. this series. 
 
 5 N. Vizcaya independent of viceroy in political and military matters, but 
 not in exchequer. Instrucciones de los Virreyes, 276; Mancera, Instruc., 1673, 
 489-90; subject to viceroy in matters of war and exchequer. Calle, Mem. 
 
 de 
 
 obtained from the viceroy an order in favor of native laborers. Veneyas, Not. 
 
BISHOPRIC OF GUADIANA. 307 
 
 ment was identical with that of Nueva Galicia. The 
 most notable difference lay in the fact that Nueva 
 Vizcaya was still for the most part a tierra de guerra; 
 the military took precedence of the civil; comandantes 
 of presidios were more powerful than alcaldes or cor- 
 regidores; mission establishments requiring an annual 
 outlay in stipends filled the place of the southern 
 towns paying tribute and tithes. Both civil and politi 
 cal government were confined chiefly to large towns, 
 presidio garrisons, and mining camps. 
 
 In 1620 the bishopric of Guadalajara was divided, 
 and the northern region, including all of Nueva Viz 
 caya in its broadest limits, was formed by a bull of 
 Paul V., dated October llth, into a new bishopric of 
 Guadiana, 6 under the patronage of Saint Matthew, 
 receiving as its share in the apportionment of tithes 
 16,000 pesos. 7 Fray Gonzalo de Hermosillo, a native 
 
 CaL, ii. 89-90. The governor objected when Ribas asked for padres in 
 Mexico. Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 303-5, June 18, 1624, governor ordered to 
 obey orders of the viceroy as the representative of the king. Montemaior, 
 Sum., 164. Audiencia of Mexico severely reprimanded by the king for its 
 course in late troubles between Gov. Monsalve and an oidor of Guadalajara. 
 Cwdeiics de la Corona, MS., ii. 189. Dec. 23, 1637, ceklula ordering governors 
 to reside at Durango, and not at the Parral mines or elsewhere. Recop. de Ind., 
 ii. 123. Temporary governor appointed by viceroy. Calle, Mem. Not., 165. 
 List of 20 offices filled by the governor at a salary of 250 pesos ; lieutenant- 
 governor; alcaldes mayores of Saltillo, Laguna y Parras, Gunaval, mines of 
 8. Antonio cle Cuencame", S. Juan del Rio, mines of Coreto, mines of Mapimi, 
 mines of Chindea, Sta Barbara, mines of Guanacivi, mines of Topia, mines 
 of San Andres, mines of Panuco, San Bartolom6, and San Francisco de Mez- 
 
 Siital; besides those in Sinaloa named elsewhere. Id., 100-1. Nombre de 
 ios in 1608 had not yet been finally adjudged to either N. Galicia or N. 
 Vizcaya. It had an alcalde may or appointed by the viceroy; besides alguacil, 
 alferez, and notary, offices sold for 1,000, 1,400, and 8,000 pesos respectively; 
 the alferez having besides a salary of 15,000 maravedis; and also two alcaldes 
 electing their successors annually. Nombre de Dios, Descrip., 218-42. 
 
 6 See authorities in notes 7, 8. Calle, Mem. Not., 91, gives the date 1619, 
 and p. 95 says the first bishop was chosen Jan. 27, 1020. Alegre, ii. 124, 139, 
 269, dates the bull June 14, 1620. By decree of Gregory XV. , March 14, 1621, 
 according to Villa Scnor, Theatro,ii. 339; N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 15-16; Escu- 
 dero, Not. Dnr., 22. Frejes, Hist. Breve, 272. makes the date 1631. 
 
 7 Mofa-Padclia, Conq. N. Gal, 279-80. This author calls the diocese 
 X. Yizcuya, and gives the boundaries, the Rio de las Canas being that on 
 the coast. The see was suffragan of Mexico, and of immense extent. Beau 
 mont, Cron. Mich., v. Revenue cf see in 1646, 5,000 pesos. The dean got 
 1,2CO pesos; thearcediano and chantre, 1,000; and two canonigos, 300. In 
 1645 the king allowed one canonigo to be made doctoral, and the bishop was 
 allowed to uee 3,OCO pesos from the noveno surplus on the church building. 
 Calle, Not., 95. Income of bishop formerly 5,000 pesos, with 4,800 for five 
 prebendaries. Escuc'.tro, Not. Lur., 24-6. Six thousand pesos in tithes in 1C97. 
 
308 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 of Mexico, professor of theology in the university, and 
 a member of the Augustinian order, was made the first 
 bishop. His appointment was confirmed by the pope ' 
 on October 12, 1620; he took possession of the see by 
 proxy a year and ten days later, and in person on Sep 
 tember 1, 1623; and ruled to the satisfaction of all 
 concerned until 1631, when he died in Sinaloa on Janu 
 ary 28th while engaged in a tour of confirmation. 
 His body was buried at San Felipe, but in 1668 was 
 transferred to the cathedral at Durango. His suc 
 cessor was Don Alonso Franco y Luna, a native of 
 Madrid, university professor at Alcalii, and curate. 
 He was appointed by Felipe IV. December 3, 1631; 
 approved by the pope June 6, 1632; consecrated in 
 October of the same year, and took possession by 
 proxy November 9, 1633. Bishop Franco travelled 
 extensively in his diocese; spent large sums on different 
 churches; obtained a royal limosna for his cathedral; 
 and was transferred to Peru in 1639. He left Du 
 rango in 1640, but died the same year before receiving 
 the bull confirming his new office. The third bishop 
 was Francisco Diego de Evia y Valdes, a native of 
 Oviedo in Spain, educated at Salamanca, and friar of 
 the order of San Benito. His appointment of May 
 17, 1639, was confirmed the 1st of August; he took 
 possession in January 1640; and in April he started 
 out on his first episcopal tour of inspection and confir 
 mation. All the bishops are eulogized; but it is im 
 possible to form any clear idea of their respective 
 characteristics. In episcopal as in political govern 
 ment there seem to have been no troubles or contro 
 versies in these years. 8 
 
 In the missionary record now to be presented it 
 must be noted that only in a general sense can the 
 
 Arlcgni, 108. Curacy of Nombre de Dios in 1608 obtained COO or 700 pesos 
 for novenos. Pachcco and Cardenas, Col. Doc., ix. 246. In 1687 all the 
 prebendaries died. lylesias y Convento*, Relation, 317. 
 
 8 On the bishopric of Guadiana and its bishops, see Concilios Prov., 1555- 
 65, 368 etseq.; Nucva Espaiia, Breve Rewmen, MS., ii. 322-47; Ramirez, 
 
MISSION DISTRICTS. 809 
 
 Sierra Madre be used as a boundary, since the south 
 western section of Chihuahua is west of the main 
 range, being in early as well as in later times a part 
 of the western province ; while the Topia province of 
 Durango extended almost to the coast so as to include 
 a large part of the modern Sinaloa. The mission 
 groups were formed without reference to geographical 
 lines, according to the homes of the converts, by 
 friars who came indifferently from the east or west. 
 The division is made for present convenience, and in 
 view of later developments; but geographical diffi 
 culties would not be lessened, either by treating the 
 whole territory together or by any attempt to draw 
 the lines more definitely. There is necessarily great 
 confusion in the location of the mission pueblos 
 throughout the country, and especially in the moun 
 tain districts, resulting from the imperfection of the 
 old and modern maps, as well as from the frequent 
 changes that have taken place both in sites and 
 names. Of course no pains will be spared to reduce 
 this confusion to a minimum. The annexed map from 
 Orozco y Berra's Carta Etnogrdfica will give an idea 
 of the linguistic subdivisions of the territory; and 
 my own sketch maps of this and the following chap 
 ters show the location of the principal missions and 
 towns. The southern part of the territory may be 
 conveniently divided into three districts: that of the 
 Tepehuanes, embracing a large part of the modern 
 Durango, especially the central and northern portions; 
 that of Topia, home of the Acaxees, Xiximes, and 
 kindred tribes, a mountainous region in western Du 
 rango extending westward to near the coast, and 
 northward almost to the Rio de Sinaloa; 9 and finally 
 
 77;^. Dnr., 21-4; Id., in Soc. Hex. Geofj., v. 31 et seq.; Calle, Mem. Not., 
 95-C; Firjueroa, Vindicias, MS., 73; Gonzalez Ddvila, Tcatro, i. 248-50, ii. 92; 
 Michoacan, Hint. Prov. San A'ic., 184; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., v. 530-1; 
 Ddvila, Continuation, MS., 229; Aleyre, ii. 176; Medina, Chron. 8. Dle<jo y 
 240; Morelli, Fasti Nov. Orb., 365; Cortes de Esp. , Diario, 1812, xii. 348; Santos* 
 Chron. Hisp.,\i. 465; Viayero Univ., xxvii. 121-2; Crespo, Mem., Ajua6.,6-3i 
 Tamaron, Visita, MS., 3 r 7; Dice. Univ., iii. 345; ix. 357. 
 
 <J The Mocorito, or vora, was the bound between Topia and Sinaloa.. 
 Alffjre, i. 231. 
 
310 
 
 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 S.Felipe \ 
 
 OROZCO Y BERRA'S MAP. 
 
PARR AS MISSIONS. 311 
 
 the eastern lake province about Parras, to which the 
 name Mision de Parras was usually applied. 10 
 
 Before 1600 we have noted the foundation of 
 Nombre de Dios, Durango, Parras, Saltillo, and 
 other towns; the conquest of Topia; the exploration 
 by various military expeditions of the country far 
 into the present Chihuahua; the march through the 
 territory of several armies en route for New Mexico; 
 and the opening of rich mines, notably those of Inde, 
 Avino, Panuco, San Andres, and Santa Bdrbara, the 
 latter being the northern limit of actual settlement. 
 We have seen the Franciscans, besides accompanying 
 the military forces, and attending to the spiritual 
 needs of miners, establish their convents at Nombre 
 de Dios, Durango, Topia, Mapimi, Mezquital, San 
 Bartolome Valley, Cuencame, and Saltillo. We have 
 glanced at the first decade of Jesuit annals, at the 
 end of which the company had its colegio at Guadiana, 
 with six workmen in the missionary field. Of these 
 fathers Santaren and Ruiz were in Topia; Francisco 
 Ramirez and Espinosa at Parras; and Geroninio 
 Ramirez and Fonte in the Tepehuane mission at and 
 about Papasquiaro. 11 
 
 In the towns of the Laguna region, all visitas of 
 the Jesuit mission at Parras, prosperity reigned for 
 over forty years, only to be interrupted by seculariza 
 tion as will be seen later. Padre Espinosa died in 
 1602 and was replaced by Francisco Arista; and next 
 year fifteen hundred converts were added to the four 
 thousand already baptized. 12 No hostilities were ever 
 experienced from the gentle Laguneros, who welcomed 
 even doctrina when administered with plenty of food, 
 and the padres' chief difficulty was to eradicate deep- 
 
 10 Durango was also called Nueva Cantabria. Mota-Padilla, Cong. JV. 
 Gal, 497. 
 
 11 See chapter v. of this volume. 
 
 12 The pueblos de vlsita of Santa Maria de Parras in 1603 were San Pedro, 
 Santiago, and San Nicolds round Lake S. Pedro; La Laguna and Rio Nazas; 
 Santo Toinas and San Gerdnimo; and a Spanish settlement of San Ignacio on 
 the Rio Nazas. Alegre, i. 418. 
 
312 
 
 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 rooted but puerile superstitions. The neophytes were 
 always seeing visions and being frightened by sorcerers 
 into the performance of conciliatory rites to El Demo- 
 mo; and yet so fond were they of the Jesuits and so 
 eager for Spanish protection that a threat of abandon 
 ment was often the most effectual means to check 
 their anti-christian tendencies. The missionaries who 
 toiled in this field during the first half of the century, 
 
 SOUTHERN NUEVA VIZCAYA, 1700. 
 
 in addition to those already named, were Luis Ahu- 
 mada, Juan Betancur, Tomds Dominguez, Sebastian 
 Yta, Diego Larios, Diego Diaz de Pangua, Gaspar 
 Contreras, and Luis Gomez, the exact dates of service 
 not being given. 13 
 
 13 N. Vizcaya, Doc. Plist., MS., 552. The Anna of 1G07 in Doc. Hist. 
 
JESUITS IN TOPIA. 313 
 
 In 1G08 four hundred neophytes died of small-pox ; u 
 and in 1G12 the country suffered from an inundation 
 such as had not been known for thirty years. The 
 Rio Nazas overflowed its banks, destroying the church 
 and other buildings at San Ignacio, the chief Spanish 
 settlement in that region. At San Pedro, though the 
 natives ran away and the padre barely saved his life, 
 the church had fortunately been commended to the 
 virgin and was not injured. The next year was one 
 of drought and famine; but the flood had not been 
 without its benefits, since it had fertilized new districts 
 and opened new channels. In former times drought 
 had ever been productive of war for the possession of 
 the deepest holes with their fish-supply; but Christi 
 anity had changed all that. 15 Of secular affairs at 
 Parras arid at Saltillo, with its Tlascaltec town and 
 Franciscan convent, we know nothing, so smoothly 
 moved the current of events, or so imperfect are the 
 records preserved ; and for the same reasons it matters 
 not whether we close this first period of south-eastern 
 annals at 1615 or 1640, since the intervening years 
 form an absolute blank in history. 16 
 
 I pass from the east to the extreme west, where 
 fathers Alonso Ruiz and Hernando Santaren toiled 
 in the sierra of Topia, in the region about the modern 
 Tamazula, where a grand beginning was made as we 
 have seen in 1600, 17 followed by much progress for 
 about a year. The native Acaxees seemed docile and 
 increasingly fond of village life; but Satan was not 
 dead, neither did he sleep; and what was worse, prac 
 tically, Topia was a mining district. Laborers were 
 needed in the reales of Topia, San Andres, San Hipo- 
 lito, and Virgenes; and such laborers were obtained 
 
 Hex., serie iv. vol. iii. 81-8, speaks of six padres at work in Parras with 
 4,000 Christian natives in 20 pueblos. 
 
 u Ahitmada, in N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hint., iii. 90. 
 
 1 ' J A /(.-</ re, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 55-8. 
 
 10 A mission was established at Cuencame" in 1CSO. Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
 Jew, ii. 184. 
 
 *' See chapter v. of this volume. 
 
314 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 without much regard to royal orders or Christian 
 precepts. In 1601-2 fifty Acaxees, indignant at ill- 
 treatment and chafing under restraint, aroused five 
 thousand of their nation to take up arms with a 
 solemn oath to lay them down only when the last 
 Spaniard had been slain. There was no ill-will toward 
 the padres, but their influence was feared and they 
 were to be included in the slaughter. The rebels 
 killed five Spaniards at the first outbreak; burned all 
 the pueblo buildings, including forty churches; dealt 
 the same fate to most of the mining camps; and finally, 
 eight hundred strong, besieged Padre Ruiz, who with 
 forty Spaniards and a few natives had intrenched 
 himself in the church at San Andres. 
 
 The soldiers defended themselves successfully and 
 even made several sorties, in one of which the assail 
 ants were surprised at early morning and lost a large 
 supply of food and some lives. In another Ruiz 
 inarched out in advance of the soldiers, unprotected 
 save by his crucifix, and clouds of arrows were dis 
 charged at the holy man, but not one struck him. 
 Meanwhile messengers had been able to reach Du- 
 rango, and after fifteen days, when food and powder 
 were about exhausted, Governor Urdinola with sixty 
 men came to the relief of the besieged, and the foe 
 retired to their mountain strongholds. 13 
 
 In the new aspect of affairs the first step taken 
 was to send Padre Santaren to urge submission as a 
 duty, and the only means of escaping war to the death. 
 This missionary was especially beloved by the natives, 
 and was able to go safely among them several times, 
 though his escort was once attacked, and during one 
 visit a Spaniard, a negro, and several Christian natives 
 captured with a rnule train on the Culiacan route, 
 
 18 According to Zacatecas, Information, MS., Vivero was governor at the 
 beginning of this revolt. Kibas says the rebels killed some Christian Indians 
 in the pueblos; also that the real de Topia was besieged; and that some Span 
 iards were badly wounded at San Andres. Santaren, in Aleyre, i. 403-4, 
 says it was the governor's lieutenant who came with 70 men, and that the 
 Indians then burned the 40 churches and retired. Mention of the revolt in 
 Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 78; Zamacois, Hist. Mej. t v. 245-6. 
 
REVOLT OF THE ACAXEES. 315 
 
 were killed in his very presence; still he could not 
 bring the rebels back to their allegiance. Urdinola's 
 forces raided through the country, accomplishing but 
 little. The natives often drew their pursuers to a 
 favorable spot, attacked them from ambush, and, if 
 unsuccessful, as they usually were, retired to inacessi- 
 ble barrancas. Meanwhile Bishop Mota was on his 
 way to Topia escorted by forty men; This party was 
 led astray by an ingenious device of scattering maize 
 to attract crows and lead the Spaniards to suppose 
 they were following UrdinolaV trail. The advance 
 guard was attacked, and rejoined 'the bishop only after 
 some loss. 
 
 The three representatives of political, ecclesiastical, 
 and missionary power now combined their efforts. 
 The governor supplemented his military operations 
 with a bombshell hurled into the hostile camp in the 
 form of a kind act. Capturing a party of women 
 who had become separated from the warriors, he sent 
 them safe and well fed back to their husbands, thus 
 tying the hands of the savages, as they afterward 
 confessed, in spite of their vow. Santaren continued 
 his supplications. Bishop Mota sent his mitre as a 
 pledge of intercession with the secular authorities. 19 
 All these influences, joined to present hardships and 
 memory of past life in the missions, were too much, 
 for the patriotism and waning animosity of the 
 Acaxees; and Santaren soon marched into Topia at 
 the head of three thousand natives of eleven districts, 
 bearing the cross and the white flag of peace. Kindly 
 received, they submitted to all requirements, obtained 
 full pardon, and went to .work to rebuild their churches. 
 
 This submission naturally did not extend at once to 
 all the ramifications of the Acaxee nation in the far- 
 
 19 According to Torqnemada, i. C90-3, the rebels, after receiving the 
 mitre, were attacked by the Spaniards, and being hard pressed, they flour 
 ished the pledge which the officers and men came immediately to kiss. This 
 gave the natives a very high idea of the talisman and did much to cause sub 
 mission. The bishop afterward preached not less against the Spanish 
 oppression than against the Acaxee revolt. The mitre was later preserved in 
 the Culiacan church, lilbas, Hist. Triumphos, 490. 
 
316 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 reaching defiles of the sierra. The Sabaibos on the 
 west not only continued the revolt, 20 but even deigned 
 to learn a useful lesson as they thought of Bishop 
 Mota's exploits. An old sorcerer proclaimed himself 
 bishop and even God, chose two companions as Saint 
 James and Saint John, and- proceeded to baptize, 
 marry, and divorce by original formulas of his own, 
 retiring to a distant penol. After two months' inef 
 fectual effort, 21 Governor Urdinola at last sent San- 
 taren with four soldiers, who came back with seven 
 or nine villages of natives ready to submit. Indig 
 nant at this defection, the gentile bishop ravaged the 
 fields and burned the houses of the deserters; but he 
 was soon taken and put to death, and with him van 
 ished the last trace of rebellion and of his somewhat 
 startling doctrinal innovations. 22 Padre Andres Tutino 
 was added to the missionary force in 1602, and in 
 1604 there had been two thousand five hundred bap 
 tisms and three thousand were ready for the rite. 23 
 Before 1615 three new districts were added to the 
 Topia conversion. These were the rancherias round 
 the ancient Culiacan, 24 those in the Sierra de Canta- 
 rapa, and those of Bamoa, 25 all apparently in the mod 
 ern Sinaloa. At Tecuchuapa there was at one time 
 serious trouble with the Tepehuanes, arising from the 
 kidnapping of certain maidens, and resulting in the 
 massacre of a whole rancheria. Occupied with this 
 
 20 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 422-3, implies that they had submitted 
 with the rest, and that this was a new revolt. Santaren, in Id., 404-5, re 
 presents it as a revolt only in a religious sense. 
 
 21 There is some confusion in the narrative. Alegre says it was to the 
 Sabaibos that the bishop sent his mitre; Santaren speaks of no fighting; and 
 Hibas makes the acts of the Indian bishop.the cause of the main revolt, refer 
 ring the return of the women to this last phase of it. 
 
 22 On the Acaxee revolt see Itibas, Hist. Triumphos, 477-92; Alegre, Hist. 
 Comp. Jems, i. 418-23; Santaren's letters, in Id., 403-5; Torquemada, i. 
 C90-2; Cavo, Tre* Siylos, i. 236-7. 
 
 23 Alef/rc, i. 393-4', 423-4. The padre's name is written Justino by Valle 
 in Doc. Hist. Mex., sdrie iv. vol. iii. 129. 
 
 2 '' Badiraguato, Conimeto, and Alicamac were the towns formed; and Sta 
 Maria Tecuchuapa, San Pedro y San Pablo Bacapa, and San Ildefonso Tocorito 
 in the Cantarapa, or Carantapa, region. 
 
 25 This cannot be the Bamoa near San Felipe; but was another rancheria 
 of similar name in the mountains. 
 
THE CANNIBALS. 317 
 
 matter the padres could not visit the Bamoas; but 
 the latter were so zealous for baptism that they came 
 to Cantarapa for it from their home on the Rio Sina- 
 loa. By 1G08 there were nine missionaries at work 
 under Ruiz as superior, in the whole region known by 
 the general name of San Andres. 26 
 
 The Xiximes were a tribe of savages and cannibals, 
 living in the sierra south of Topia and west of the 
 city of Durango. 27 They were the southern neighbors 
 of the Acaxees, to whom they were linguistically allied, 
 but were the inveterate foes of that people, \vhom 
 they are said to have hunted for food. 28 It soon be 
 came of vital importance to subdue these savage tribes, 
 or at least to arrest their inroads on the converts. Ur- 
 dinola was appealed to, and at his suggestion a Xixime 
 was captured, kindly treated, and sent back to bear 
 an offer of peace and pardon, with the alternative of 
 war and condign punishment if their murderous as 
 saults were continued. The decision was for peace, 
 and the Xiximes tendered their allegiance. This was 
 in 1G07; for several years friendly relations continued, 
 and in 1609 Padre Cueto even made a little progress 
 in the conversion of the cannibals. 29 
 
 But in 1610 hostilities were renewed, and Chris 
 tian natives were persecuted more than ever. An 
 other appeal was made to the governor, and by his 
 order the comandante at San Hipolito, which had 
 now been formed into a presidio for the protection of 
 the whole district, made an ineffectual effort for peace 
 
 26 The distribution so far as given was as follows: Alonso Ruiz, San Gre- 
 gorio; Floriano Ayerve, Bamoa; Gonzalez Cueto, Otatitlan among the Sabai- 
 bos; Geronimo S. Clemente, Tamazula; Jos6 deLomas, Atotonilco; Hernando 
 Santaren, Sierra de Cantarapa. Ribas, 501-4; Ale.yre, i. 454-60. Before 1010, 
 besides Andres Tutino, Juan Acacio and Juan Alvarez were serving at Heal 
 de Topia, and Diego Acebedo and Gaspar Najera at Cantarapa. Valle, in 
 Doc. l/ivf.. Mrx., se"rie iv. vol. iii. 129, adds the names of Diego Castro and 
 Andres Gonzalez. Pedro Gravina succeeded Santaren in 1010. 
 
 2? See Native Races, i. 571-91, 614; iii. 718; Orozco y Berra, Geoy., 315-17, 
 and maps in both works. 
 
 28 They used to compare the flesh of Indians to beef, that of negroes to 
 pork, and that of Spaniards to mutton ! Ribas, 550. The Spanish soldiers 
 found in their rancherias thousands of skulls, pots of human flesh, and human 
 eyes served on maize-leaves. 
 
 - 9 Alcyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 6-7. 
 
318 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 without bloodshed through an embassy; but the 
 Xiximes replied by a challenge to fight and a threat 
 to kill and eat all Christians of whatever race, and 
 did thereupon attack the Real de las Virgenes, killing 
 two Spaniards and five natives, whose entrails they 
 left, but carried off their bodies for food. The viceroy, 
 notified of the critical condition of affairs, authorized 
 the governor to fit out an expedition to crush the 
 rebels, and the latter accordingly marched from the 
 capital in October 1(310, with two hundred Spaniards 
 and eleven hundred natives, attended by fathers 
 Alonso Gomez and Francisco Vera. The two strong 
 holds of the enemy were Jocotilma and Guapijuxe, 
 the former of which was entered on October 18th, 
 without resistance as it seems. Indeed, no trouble 
 was encountered, save that naturally pertaining to 
 the march in so rough a country, until Urdiriola at 
 tempted to secure from the assembled people certain 
 hostages for promised good behavior. Then aa old 
 chief called upon his subjects to die rather than submit 
 to the seizing and ironing of the hostages; a fight en 
 sued, and many of the natives fell before they were 
 overcome. Eleven ringleaders in the late outrages 
 were condemned to death, and ten were hanged, con 
 fessing their crimes, Nine of them became Christians, 
 but the old chieftain bravely refused to put his trust 
 in a foreign faith, and his body was riddled with 
 arrows after death by the Christian natives. One 
 young man was pardoned at the intercession of Padre 
 Vera. 
 
 The rancherias of the Jocotilmas having been de 
 stroyed, and the people having become good Spanish 
 subjects, the governor marched for Guapijuxe. The 
 Xiximes of this district were in arms and offered at 
 first some resistance to Urdinola's ambassadors; but 
 finally at an interview the chief claimed that he and 
 his seventeen rancherias had taken no part in the 
 insurrection, and that their warlike attitude was only 
 the result of alarm at what the Jocotilmas had done. 
 
THE DURANGO MISSIONS. 313 
 
 His word was taken and full pardon accorded to his 
 subjects. The reader carrtiot fail to wonder at the 
 facility with which the aborigines of these regions 
 generally submitted to the Spaniards; at the uniform 
 readiness of the latter to accept excuses and accord 
 pardon, no matter what outrages had been committed; 
 and above all at the fact that the natives under such 
 circumstances often kept their pledges for years, until 
 aroused by new oppression, real or Fancied. 
 
 By the middle of 1611 seven thousand Xiximes 
 were settled in villages under Santaren and Gomez, 
 and three hundred had been baptized. Peace reigned 
 from this time forward, and these people, or such of 
 them as were spared by an epidemic dysentery, be 
 came as noted for their devotion to the new faith as 
 they had been for savagism. Before 1614 the con 
 version had spread to the Yamoriba mountaineers, 
 where Santa Cruz and Santiago were founded, and to 
 the people known as Humayas and Alicamas, who 
 with the natives of Oauzame, Huecoritaine, and Ori- 
 zame had been visited in 1611 by fathers Juan del 
 Valle and Bernardo Cisneros. Pedro Gravina and 
 Juan Mallen were added before 1616 to the mission 
 ary force in the Xixime country. 30 
 
 In the Tepehuane missions eight Jesuits worked 
 zealously with uninterrupted success and without any 
 special incidents that call for mention. 31 The central 
 establishments where the padres lived were in the 
 south, but many tours were made in the north-west 
 ern sierras, where some small pueblos seem to have 
 been founded, as also in the south-west; for the Te 
 pehuane country bounded the Topia province on every 
 
 30 On the conversion of the Xiximes see Ribas, 531-50, and Ate;/re, ii. 6-7, 
 38-40, 44, 72-3. Ribas says the viceroy provided four extra missionaries for 
 the Xiximes, with church ornaments and 300 pesos per year to support a 
 seminary for children of chieftains. The same author speaks, p. 543, of a pre 
 sidio with 16 soldiers, Xiximes and Tepehuknea. 
 
 31 These were Juan Fonte, Diego Orozco, Bernardo Cisneros, Luis Alavez, 
 Hernanclo Tobar, Juan del Valle, Geronimo Moranta, and Andrds Lopez. 
 Geronimo Ramirez, the pioneer in this Held, had left it for Michoacan v/licre 
 he died iii 1021. 
 
329 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 side but the west. Santiago Papasquiaro, San Ig- 
 nacio Zape, and Santa Catalina were the regular mis 
 sion cabeceras, and here the neophytes were supposed 
 to be far advanced toward civilization; while in the 
 country round about were many prosperous haciendas 
 and mining camps. 
 
 In the midst of their prosperity the missions of the 
 Guadiana college were on the eve of a bloody revolt, 
 hardly equalled in the annals of the north-west. Dur 
 ing the summer of 1616 the padres noted signs of 
 uneasiness among the hitherto tractable Tepehuanes, 
 and without suspecting its cause or importance, simply 
 reported to the governor and redoubled their vigilance 
 and kindness. Little attention was given the matter 
 at Durango, doubtless on account of the previous good 
 character of the nation, and because they lived so 
 near the capital that revolt seemed unlikely. In the 
 light of subsequent events the governor was to some 
 extent blamed, but apparently without cause. There 
 is no evidence that the natives complained of any 
 special acts of oppression. The Jesuits were always 
 ready enough to charge soldiers and miners with out 
 rages leading to disturbance, but in this case no such 
 charge is made. 32 There is reason to believe that the 
 war was an outbreak of religious and patriotic fanati 
 cism inspired by a pretended god. Details respecting 
 the acts and teachings of this particular representative 
 of divinity are puerile, probably inaccurate, and not 
 worth close examination. True they are like the acts 
 of other prophets in these respects; but some of the 
 latter succeeded in making themselves famous, while 
 of this would-be founder of a new faith not even the 
 name has been preserved. He was probably one of 
 the old medicine-men of the nation, envious and bitter 
 
 32 Ribas, 629-30, points out the error of the author of the Grandezas de 
 Madrid, in attributing the disaster to the sending of Tlascaltec settlers, 
 since none such were ever sent among the Tepehuanes. He also defends the 
 policy of the government in prosecuting, with due care for native rights, this 
 just war of defence (pp. 572, 621); yet he seems to blame the governor for 
 not heeding the padres' warnings, fearing to incur expense (p. 622). 
 
AN AVENGING DEITY. 321 
 
 at the success of his Christian rivals with their new 
 fangled sorceries; yet he was willing, like the Sabaibo 
 bishop, to adopt even from them a useful idea. He 
 had been baptized, had relapsed into idolatry, and 
 had preached against the Christians in villages near 
 Durango; for this he had been flogged. 
 
 But when did persecution abate the ardor or injure 
 the cause of a religious enthusiast? All the more ear 
 nestly after his flogging, but also with more caution, 
 did this Tepehuane messiah continue his teachings, 
 bearing always with hiin an idol and claiming that the 
 two, by some kind of a mysterious duality, were God, 
 and angry that without his consent the Spaniards had 
 crossed the ocean. No more were to be allowed to 
 come, and all here must be killed, especially the mis 
 sionaries. Did the people refuse* to act in accordance 
 with the divine will, famine, pestilence, storms, and 
 nameless calamities were in readiness to scourge the 
 land; but obedience would ensure victory and happi 
 ness; the invaders should perish to a man; tempests 
 should sink all foreign fleets; Indians slain in battle 
 should be raised to life after seven days; and if old, 
 should be restored to youth. The word of deity was 
 pledged to these results, and miracles, as is usual in 
 such cases, were wrought as tokens of power to fulfil. 
 Divers natives for incredulity were swallowed up in 
 the earth ; and the prophet appeared in different forms 
 and from different directions, the more to arouse the 
 superstitious admiration of his disciples. 33 It is not 
 strange that he was successful. The teachings of the 
 padres were not calculated to dispel the native super 
 stitions, but only to direct them into new channels. 
 
 33 The demon first appeared in savage form from the direction of N. Mexico, 
 declaiming against Spanish oppression and in favor of native independence; 
 but, making very little progress in this way, he came again miraculously in 
 great splendor, proclaiming that the first messenger whom they had not lis 
 tened to \va3 the son of God, but that he was the holy ghost, and not in a 
 mood to urge but to command. The people might obey or be swallowed up. 
 Arleyni, Chr6:i. Zac., 187-02. As early as 1G15 a Laguuero at a Tepehuane ball 
 was given a bow said to have come from a great lord, who had appeared in 
 different forms, and would come to bring death to Spaniards and padres. 
 Alecjre, ii. 82. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STAIES, VOL. I. 21 
 
322 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 The friars were continually aided or opposed by divine 
 or diabolical manifestations. They were always ready 
 to give supernatural interpretations to the petty events 
 reported by their converts, and the latter now at 
 tempted to interpret for themselves. 
 
 The result was a well arranged, wide-spread, and 
 almost unsuspected plan for revolt. A statue of the 
 virgin was to be set up in the church at Zape on 
 November 21st. It was to be a grand gala day, sure 
 to bring together all the Spaniards for many leagues 
 around. It was therefore deemed a fitting occasion 
 to throw off the mask of secrecy and begin the attack. 
 The natives of Santa Catalina, however, were moved 
 by their avaricious zeal to begin operations on the 16th 
 by robbing two traders, who arrived at this time with 
 their mule-trains of valuable goods from Culiacan, and 
 by murdering the Jesuit, Her nan do de Tobar. 34 This 
 murder was regarded as a test by which to ascertain 
 the power and will of the Christian God to interfere 
 in behalf of his saints. One of the traders escaped to the 
 hacienda of Atotonilco, while some of the native de 
 pendants bore the tidings to Guadiana. Simultaneous 
 warnings flew over the country from different sources, 
 and a body of Spaniards, men, women, and children, 
 two hundred in number according to Ribas, assembled 
 at Atotonilco. Here they were attacked next day by 
 the savages from Santa Catalina with volleys of 
 arrows, stones, and insulting taunts, supplemented 
 with firebrands and red peppers, which soon forced a 
 surrender, and all were massacred but two, one of the 
 victims being the Franciscan, Pedro Gutierrez. ys 
 
 At the same time thirty Spaniards were assaulted 
 at Guatimape; but just as they were on the point of 
 surrender and death, a band of horses carne galloping 
 
 34 Tobar was 35 years of age, a native of Culiacan, and had served some 
 time in the mission of Parras. Ribas, 516-20. 
 
 35 One of the survivors was Crist6bal Martinez de Hurdaide, son of the 
 famous comandante of Sinaloa, saved by a friend of his father among the assail 
 ants. Padre Gutierrez fell as he went out crucifix in hand to remonstrate 
 with the foe. 
 
THE TEPEHUANE REVOLT. 323 
 
 up in a cloud of dust, and the savages fled from what 
 they regarded as a large reinforcement. The be 
 sieged reached Durango in safety. At Santiago 
 Papasquiaro the Spanish families, with the lieutenant, 
 alcalde mayor, and fathers Diego Orozco and Bernardo 
 Cisneros, were besieged in the church and held out 
 from Wednesday 16th to Friday in the hope of re 
 lief. Then the savages, pretending to be moved by 
 Christians in their ranks, promised to permit an un 
 molested retreat and abandonment of the country. 
 The victims gave up their arms, arid as they marched 
 in procession through the cemetery were brutally 
 murdered, the padres being treated with especial in 
 dignities, and the church with its sacred images and 
 ornaments being desecrated by a rabble intoxicated 
 with sacramental wine a crime which inspires in the 
 chroniclers even greater horror than the murders 
 committed. A few by concealment escaped, and met 
 Captain Martin Olivas, who intrenched himself at 
 Sauceda, was joined by Captain Gordejuela, and for 
 forty days was able to protect the refugees, who gath 
 ered there to the number of several hundred, making 
 some successful sallies, and at last retiring to Durango. 
 Captives taken on several occasions were hanged after 
 confessing under torture the plans of the rebels to free 
 the country from all Spaniards. 
 
 At San Ignacio Zape, on Friday and Saturday 
 of the fatal week, thirty Spaniards and sixty Indian 
 and negro servants were slaughtered, together with 
 the four padres, Luis Alavez, Juan del Yalle, Juan 
 Fonte, and Geronimo Moranta. A boy fled to the 
 mining camp of Guanacevi, and Alcalde Juan Alvear 
 hastened up with twelve men in time to behold the 
 corpses, and was himself attacked on the return. At 
 Guanacevi the alcalde fortified the church and made 
 a successful resistance, although all other buildings in 
 the real and all in the surrounding haciendas and 
 ranches were destroyed. Padre Santaren from Xi- 
 xime was on his way to the fiesta at Zape, and was 
 
324 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 killed at Tenerapa. The Indians admitted their regret 
 at the necessity of killing one who had been so kind 
 to them; his only fault was that he was a priest. 30 
 Padre Andres Lopez, apparently the missionary at 
 Tenerapa, escaped to the mines of Inde, where with 
 other Spaniards he was saved. 
 
 The city of Durango was saved, perhaps, by the 
 premature outbreak, for the natives of Tunal arid 
 other villages near the capital were to have attacked 
 it on November 21st; but the alarm was given in 
 time to guard against an assault. Large stores of 
 war material were found in the pueblos, one chief 
 having in readiness the feather crown with which he 
 was to be made king of Guadiana. Many leaders and 
 suspicious persons were arrested and executed; women 
 and children were removed to churches and public 
 buildings once at a false alarm of impending attack; 
 prisoners were set free on condition of serving the 
 king; and the viceroy was called upon for aid. 
 
 The Tepehuanes could not draw into open revolt 
 the pueblos of the Acaxees and Xiximes, though they 
 were able through certain disaffected individuals and 
 bands to cause much trouble, doubtless receiving aid 
 and shelter throughout the war. At Coapa, a fron 
 tier pueblo, two chiefs began to preach sedition; but 
 Captain Suarez from San Hipolito, warned by Padre 
 Tutino, hastened to the spot to arrest and execute the 
 guilty ones, and no further disturbance occurred among 
 the Acaxees. The Xiximes were more troublesome, 
 a band of that tribe destroying three Christian pue 
 blos, and forcing fathers Gravina and Mallen to take 
 refuge at San Hipolito. But the converts themselves 
 pursued and defeated the rebels, thus restoring quiet. 
 There were threats to attack the Real de Topia and 
 kill fathers Acacio and Alvarez; but the alcalde and 
 
 30 He was a native of Huete in Spain; came to America in 1588; and 
 served a short time in Puebla before coming north to Sinaloa and Topia, 
 where he baptized some 50,000 persons. Once he was seen to bare his back 
 and require two Indians to flog him without mercy. Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 
 508-16, gives a full account of his life and character. 
 
WAR WITH THE REBELS. 325 
 
 comandante Sebastian de Alvear the Alveares were 
 an office-holding family it seems fortified the place, 
 holding sixty men in readiness, and no attack was 
 made. Next the Tepehuanes tried to arouse the Can- 
 tarapa villages, and Padre Acebedo retired to San 
 Felipe; but the natives remained faithful, and the 
 padre soon returned to Tecuchuapa with a guard of 
 six soldiers. The natives of this village proved their 
 fidelity by marching out and attacking the Tepehua 
 nes; but somewhat later, being hard pressed, they 
 decided to transfer their residence to Sinaloa. Dur 
 ing the war some outrages were committed in the 
 south-west on the route between Nombre de Dios 
 and Chametla, the home of the Humes and southern 
 Tepehuanes, the region adjoining Nayarit; and the 
 natives of the coast took some advantage of if they 
 did not engage directly in the revolt. 37 The burning 
 of Acaponeta and other troubles in that vicinity are 
 elsewhere noticed. Neither from the Tarahumares 
 of the north, nor from the Laguneros of the east, do 
 the rebels seem to have derived any material aid. 
 
 In Mexico war against the apostate rebels was de 
 cided upon by the political arid approved by the eccle 
 siastical authorities. Orders were given for troops 
 and money, the former to be raised in the north and 
 the latter to be paid from the cajas reales of Zacatecas 
 and Durango. But early in 1617, before anything 
 had been accomplished under the viceroy's orders, 
 Governor Alvear, deeming the safety of the capital 
 assured, marched north with seventy soldiers and one 
 hundred and twenty Indians, to visit the scenes of the 
 late massacres, succor the places still holding out, and 
 chastise such bands of rebels as he might be able to 
 overtake. On the summit of the Cuesta del Gato, 
 reached only after a fight of which no details are 
 given, he found the bodies of Pedro Rendon, a regidor 
 of Durango, and of the Dominican friar Sebastian 
 
 "Arlcgui, Chrtn. Zac., 192-7. 
 
326 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Montano, tenth in the list of martyred friars who fell 
 in this revolt. Succor was left at Guanacevi, where 
 the Spaniards still held out in their defence, though 
 all about them was in ruins. Whether Inde had yet 
 been abandoned does not appear clearly from the 
 records. 
 
 It is not possible to construct from the meagre data 
 any complete and consecutive account of this expedi 
 tion. During January and February the army in two 
 divisions, one of which was under Captain Montano, 
 visited all the deserted missions in the northern Tepe- 
 huane district. The victims were found and given 
 Christian burial, save the missionaries, four or five of 
 whom, with bodies untainted and the blood still fresh 
 in their wounds, were removed to Guadiana. 38 Sev 
 eral minor encounters took place, but the foe w r as 
 always repulsed with some loss, and the Spanish force 
 was not adequate to effectual pursuit in such a coun 
 try. Captives were forced by torture to confess and 
 were put to death, one of these being the chief Pablo, 
 whose treachery had caused the massacre at Santiago. 
 It was found that many negroes, mulattoes, and half- 
 breed Spaniards had joined the rebels, and even one 
 of their leaders, named Mateo Canelas, belonged to 
 the latter class. The most decisive conflict took place 
 at Tenerapa, where the savages had assembled their 
 women and children and had established their chief 
 depot of arms and supplies under the care of a pro 
 tecting idol. Alvear and Gordejuela attacked this 
 place at dawn on February 12th or 13th, killed thirty 
 warriors, and put the rest to flight, capturing two 
 hundred and twenty men, women, and children, res 
 cuing a few Spanish children and captive servants, 
 and taking a large amount of supplies, which included 
 much of the plunder from the missions. The victo 
 rious army was received at Guadiana in the middle 
 of February with great rejoicings, and in March 
 
 38 Arlegui, Chr6n. Zac., 244-5, says that Padre Gutierrez and the other 
 martyrs were buried at Papasquiaro. 
 
ALVEAR'S CAMPAIGNS. 327 
 
 fitting honors were paid to the remains of the martyr 
 missionaries. 39 Here, as at various points on the inarch, 
 captive instigators of revolt, both men and women, 
 were hanged. 
 
 On his' return Alvear found two companies of reen- 
 forcements under captains Sebastian Oyarzabal and 
 Hernando Diaz, and determined to start again with 
 out delay against the foe. The Jesuit chroniclers 
 Ribas and Alegre do not attempt a full description of 
 this second entrada, simply stating that the army 
 marched over two hundred leagues through a moun 
 tainous country and destroyed some of the rebels' 
 rancherias. They secured a large amount of plunder, 
 especially of live-stock, captured many women and 
 children, tortured a few spies, and defeated the foe 
 whenever they could be found. One of the most 
 famous leaders, Gogojito, was killed in battle, and it 
 was noted that three arrows pierced his tongue in 
 punishment for past blasphemy. 
 
 Padre Alonso del Valle accompanied the army, and 
 in a letter gives a full account of all that was accom 
 plished, although he writes before the expedition was 
 quite completed. 40 From this account, which geo 
 graphically at least is very confusing, it appears that 
 this expedition, leaving Durango February 25, 1C 17, 
 was at first directed to the south-west, to Guarizame 
 and La Quebracla, the home of the Humes, and to the 
 Xixime region, 41 subsequently returning to the Papas- 
 quiaro region. The natives of the south-west, while 
 not openly allies of the Tepehuanes, seem to have 
 
 39 Ribas speaks of a triumphal entry; but Alegre says the governor went 
 on his second expedition without entering the capital. 
 
 40 I'allc, Carta xobre la Campafia contra Tepekuanes Rebddcs, 1617. In N. 
 Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 90-129; also MS. Valle writes from Llanos de Guatimape, 
 May 9, 1018 which should probably be 1617. Alegre calls him P. Alonso 
 de Valencia. 
 
 * l La Quebrada, whose nine Hume villages are named elsewhere, bordered 
 on Cocoritame, a Tepehuane town; and on Humase, Yamoriba, and Zapimi, 
 Xixime towns. Gucayas, Sta Fd, Cacampana, Remedies, Zamoitua, Yamo- 
 yoitua, Basis, Vasisy, Guapijuxe, Huahuapa, Teuchius, San Pedro, and Coapa 
 are mentioned apparently as Xixime towns; and other places in the s. \y. 
 were Sariaiia, Texame, and Zamora. The places which seem to be located in. 
 
328 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 been always ready enough to shelter them. It is not 
 my purpose to follow the different divisions of Alvear's 
 forces in the complicated intricacies of their campaign, 
 in which each day's events were very like those of 
 the day before or the day after. Hundreds of villages 
 and rancherias were visited, though few Tepehuanes 
 were found, and all other tribes had been entirely 
 innocent, or at least they said so, and were willing to 
 make peace. Seventeen was the whole number of 
 rebels killed down to the 9th of May, but the number 
 included the famous Gogojito, whose head Padre del 
 Valle held in his hand while he chanted the te deum 
 laudarnus. Rewards for Tepehuane heads were offered 
 to the warriors of other tribes. 
 
 At the beginning of 1618 the Tepehuanes were 
 scattered in small bands throughout the intricate bar 
 rancas of the Sierra Madre in their own territory or 
 in that of other tribes more or less closely allied to 
 them. They had murdered ten friars, with perhaps two 
 hundred Spaniards of all ages and both sexes. They 
 had devastated the whole district of central Duranofo, 
 
 O " 
 
 destroying a large amount of mining and agricultural 
 property, and retarding the industrial progress of the 
 country by at least fifty years. Yet after all their 
 outrages they had failed in their plan, and were now 
 in a condition worse than ever. They had been able to 
 make no organized resistance, had been defeated in 
 every encounter, and were but poorly repaid by the 
 expense of 800,000 pesos inflicted upon the royal 
 treasury in addition to the loss of quintas and diezmos. 
 They had lost a thousand warriors including their best 
 chieftains; many of their women and children were 
 captives; their fields had been ravaged; and most of 
 their plunder had been lost. Above all their god had 
 utterly disappointed them; not one of his predictions 
 
 Tepehuane territory proper are: Sierra de Arratia, Sta Catalina, Francosa, 
 Organos, Crnces, Ramos, Fuenterrabfa, Yoracapa, Tenerapa, Vasapa, Vaqui- 
 tame, Otinapa, Xicoripa, Palmitos, Coneto, Moxitome, Jomuleo, Cacaria, 
 Bocas, Pinos, Canatan, and Sauceda, with a great number of orthographical 
 variations. 
 
END OF THE REBELLION. 329 
 
 had come to pass; 42 and in person even he had disap 
 peared from the scene. Truly their last state was 
 worse than the first. Padre Lopez, the only survivor 
 of the Jesuit band, shrewdly suspecting that the reb 
 els were beginning to think upon the evil of their 
 ways, sent out an old woman, with his prayer-book as 
 a talisman, to prepare the way for a new spiritual con 
 quest. The Tepehuane rebellion was at an end. 43 
 
 Peace restored, missionary work went on in a 
 quietly prosperous uneventful way that has left but 
 meagre record. In the mountains of the west the 
 
 o 
 
 Jesuits labored in the villages of the Acaxees, Xixi- 
 mes, and allied tribes, meeting no serious obstacles 
 and gradually increasing the culture if not the number 
 of their flocks, but not attempting any extension of 
 the field for more than a decade. 44 Between 1630 
 
 42 Yet Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac., 192-7, tells us that the demon caused the 
 killed to appear alive and still fighting so that the natives thought he was 
 keeping his promise. 
 
 43 Authorities on the Tepehuane revolt are Ribas, 302-3, 508-20, 567-72, 
 597-627, 631-47, 708-10; Alegre, ii. 82-92, repeated in Dice. Univ., x. 539- 
 43; Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac., 91-2, 187-200, 244-5; Nueva Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., 
 iii. 90-129, also MS.; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 53-8, 107-9, 150-1; Ddvila, 
 Continuation, MS., 223-7; Tamaron, Visita, MS., 32-7; Gonzalez Ddvila, 
 Teatro Ecles., i. 252-3. Ribas, 629, says that he obtained his information 
 from the records of investigations made by order of viceroy and bishop. 
 Many inaccurate reports were sent to Mexico and Spain. Ribas also speaks 
 of a battle at Tenerapa where Capt. Bartolome' Juarez was in command. 
 After the day was far spent and no advantage gained, he remembered Padre 
 Gravina's counsel to ' trust in God. ' As he raised his visor to lift his eyes to 
 heaven he saw Gravina in person holding a crucifix and flogging himself. 
 Victory immediately followed, and the captain related the miracle, though 
 the padre begged him not to. Arlegui, 91-2, 198, 200, describes a great bat 
 tle on the plains of Cacaria, where the governor with a small force attacked 
 25,000 Indians and killed 15,000 of them in a fight of five hours. The same 
 writer states (p. 197) that the Tepehuanes outraged women before killing 
 them; and he relates several miracles, among them, that an image of the vir 
 gin at Cacaria was transferred at the burning of the church to Durango where 
 it was found locked in the sagrario. A short account given in Noticias de las 
 Expediciones, MS., and print, also in Monumentos Domin. Exp., MS., 244-5, 
 is full of errors. See also for brief and unimportant mention, Cavo, Tres 
 Siglos, i. 261-2; Apostolicos A fanes, 31; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 104-6; Zama- 
 cois, Hist. Mej., v. 283-6; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 14; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., 
 2da ep. ii. 335-6; Dice. Univ., iii. 139-40; Bdtrami, Mex., i. 282-3; Mayer's 
 Mex. Aztec, i. 185-6; Alvarez, Estudios, iii. 194-209. 
 
 44 In 1618 Padre Lomas had been transferred to the Tepehuane field in aid 
 of Lopez; P. Juan Alvarez died in 1623; and it is not unlikely that other 
 unrecorded changes were made in the missionary personnel. Alegre, ii. 113, 
 141; Dice. Univ., viii. 169. 
 
330 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 and 1640, however, the conversion was extended 
 southward over the Humes and Hinas, kindred 
 mountain tribes and probably branches of the Xiximes, 
 living in La Quebrada, about the head- waters of the 
 Rio Humase, called Rio PiastJa nearer the sea. 45 We 
 have seen the people of this district friendly and sub 
 missive to Governor Alvear and Padre del Valle in 
 1617; and even earlier Santaren had baptized children 
 there. In 1630 the Humes of Humase and Guarizame 
 voluntarily applied at Guadiana for instructors, and 
 were visited by Padre Estrada. 46 In the same year, 
 perhaps, Padre Cueto entered the Hina lands, baptized 
 many children, and formed a pueblo of Espiritu Santo 
 at Queibos, or Quilitlan. Circumstances prevented 
 him from remaining then, but he came back a year 
 or two later to resume his work, soon founded San 
 Sebastian de Guaimino, was joined by Diego Jimenez, 
 and subsequently formed the pueblo of Santiago at or 
 near Queibos. 47 
 
 The natives were less tractable than formerly. A 
 year of famine added to the padre's difficulties. Apos 
 tates there were to urge revolt, and not a few converts 
 ran away. Things looked so dark that the governor 
 was called upon to pacify the country by an armed 
 entrada. After some delay Captain Juarez from San 
 Hipolito undertook the task by order of the governor 
 in the autumn of 1633. The natives made no resist 
 ance, but came to Yamoriba in November to render 
 allegiance and exchange gifts. Juarez then passed 
 through the Hina country 48 without incident requir- 
 
 45 The Hume pueblos were Guarizame, Toministame, Queibos, Yacaboytia, 
 Acuz, Yomocoa, Tomisitua, Zipamoytia, and Mosas; those of the Hinas were 
 Guaimino (San Sebastian), Iztlan (San Francisco Javier), Queibos (Quilitlan 
 or Espiritu Santo, possibly not identical with the Hume Queibos), and San 
 tiago (near the preceding, or, according to Orozco, identical with it). See 
 .A 7 ". Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 96; Ribas, 550, etc.; Alerjre, ii. 195, etc.; Orozco y 
 erra, Geog., 316-17. There is evidently a blunder in Orozco's references. 
 
 ** Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 183-4, 199-200. 
 
 47 Alegre calls the second padre's name Pedro instead of Diego. The 
 authorities speak of Santiago as the sixth pueblo formed, by what system of 
 counting is not very apparent. 
 
 48 The places named on the tour were San Pedro del Rio, Santiago, La 
 Concepcion, Santa Apolonia, and San Ignacio, where Juarez remained 37 days. 
 
THE VlUGEN DEL HACHAZO. 331 
 
 ing mention; and thus were the people permanently 
 reduced, or at least we hear of no further troubles. 
 Father Gravina took charge of the Hume missions in 
 connection with Santa Maria Otais in 1633, but died 
 two years later, and was succeeded among the Humes 
 by Jimenez and at Santa Maria by Francisco Serrano. 
 San Pablo was soon founded with two hundred and 
 fifty natives. 49 
 
 The Tepehuanes were very gradually gathered in 
 from their mountain retreats to the old pueblo life. For 
 a year or two fathers Lopez and Lomas worked alone, 
 and it is not strange that their efforts, persistent as 
 they were, and by no means unsuccessful, have left 
 no definite record, coming as they did immediately 
 after the revolt with its more exciting scenes. In 
 1620 four new padres were sent to this field. Papas- 
 quiaro and Santa Cataliria were rebuilt, while both 
 Spaniards and Indians began to settle anew in Gua- 
 nacevi, Atotonilco, and Sauceda. 6J About 1623 San 
 Ignacio Zape was rebuilt. Here the image of the 
 virgin, whose dedication was to have been the signal 
 for revolt, was found in a well with a cut in the left 
 cheek. It was sent to Mexico by a pious captain, who 
 made a vow to repair it, and on its return was set up 
 at Zape on August 14th, as good as new, save the 
 scar on the cheek which could never be obliterated, no 
 matter what pigments were applied. 51 A minor revolt, 
 leading to no serious results, under two brothers from 
 Zape, Don Felipe and Don Pedro, is recorded in 1638. 
 
 49 fiibas, 550-7 1 , including a letter from Padre Jimenez. A legre, ii. 195-201 . 
 
 San Simon became also a large colony, many Tarahumares being brought 
 from San Pablo Valley to settle there. One Oriarte is named as one of the 
 last rebel chieftains to submit, and he was executed in San Pablo Valley. 
 Akrjre, ii. 140-4, 153-4. Antoneli, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da <p., ii. 337, 
 refers to Zape , Hist, del Jlachazo, as an authority on the rebuilding of Papas- 
 quiuro. 
 
 51 The image was known as Vir 
 
 up 
 
 ii. 144-G. Arlcgtu, Chrdn. Zac., 62-3, attributes the virgin with the hatchet- 
 wound to the Franciscan establishment at Mezquital, where he says the out 
 rages during the revolt had been greatest. Ho adds that when the Spaniards 
 attempted to lift the image for removal to Durango it refused to be removed 
 
S32 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 It arose, as the natives claimed, from oppressive acts 
 of Padre Suarez, or as the missionaries state, from a 
 reprimand administered for disorderly conduct to Don 
 Felipe. In the same year ten friars, who had lost 
 their lives in Nueva Vizcaya, were proposed at Rome 
 for the honors of martyrdom. As a rule the recon 
 verted Tepehuanes were the most faithful of neo 
 phytes. 52 
 
 Passing northward we find the upper Vizcaya, the 
 modern Chihuahua, divided aboriginally by linguistic 
 lines into three great districts, occupied by the 
 Apaches in the north, the Conchos in the south-east, 
 and the Tarahumares in the south-west, with numer 
 ous minor intermixtures of other tribes which require 
 no special notice here, since my purpose is merely to 
 give such a general idea of tribal geography as will 
 contribute to the reader's convenience in following the 
 course of events. 53 The Tarahumares, mountaineers 
 for the most part, were the leading element in Chi 
 huahua, as were the Tepehuanes in Durango; and as 
 the latter had on the \vest the Acaxee and Xixime 
 districts, so in connection with Tarahumara, but con 
 nected historically during this period with Sonora, 
 we find west of the sierra the Chinipas and Guaza- 
 pares, as well as a district in the south-west about 
 Baborigame that was probably Tepehuane. It is also 
 most convenient for purposes of historical narration 
 to add to the Concho district the north-eastern por 
 tion of Durango, the haunt of Tobosos and Cabezas 
 as well as Tepehuanes. Neither the mission districts 
 
 until a Franciscan friar took hold of it, when it became as light as a feather. 
 A good account of the Hachazo also in Tamaron, Vixita, MS., 32-7. See 
 Alegre, ii. 194, 224-5; Reyes y Fuentes, Libro del Ori'jen delColeyio de Durango, 
 MS., for an account of progress, endowments, etc., of the Jesuit college, 
 1632-9. 
 
 52 Antoneli, in Soc. Mex. Geocj., 2da ep., ii. 337, says that the Tepehuanes 
 were not fully subdued until 1690, when the pueblos of Papr.squiaro, Sta 
 Catalina, and Atotonilco were formallzados, and an extension of lands 
 granted. 
 
 53 See Ocozco's map on p. 310 of this volume. For tribal details see Native 
 Races. 
 
TARAHUMARA BAJA. 333 
 
 nor historic periods are more definitely marked in the 
 north than in the south; the geographical confusion 
 in village names is even greater; and the matter is 
 in some cases still further complicated by the presence 
 of two religious orders working side by side. 
 
 The work of conversion in Tarahumara Baja, on 
 and about the boundary between the modern Durango 
 and Chihuahua, was begun by Father Juan Fonte in 
 1607. He repeated his visit in 1611, and succeeded 
 not only in baptizing many children, but in drawing 
 out from the mountains a large number of families, 
 with which he seems to have founded a Tarahumare 
 village in San Pablo Valley, apparently in the region 
 of the modern Balleza. Of the early progress of this 
 pueblo, which for many years could have had no reg 
 ular padre, we know nothing. We have seen that 
 this nation took no active part in the Tepehuane re 
 volt of 1G16. It is said, however, that just before 
 that outbreak a Tepehuane chief attempted to poison 
 the Tarahumare mind against the Jesuits and their 
 work; but after the preacher of sedition had been 
 almost suffocated by an inflammation of the throat 
 sent upon him by the Jesuits' master, he repented 
 and thereafter spoke nothing but good of the mission 
 
 aries. 54 
 
 There seem to have been no permanent missions or 
 resident padres in Tarahumare territory until 1630, 
 although Padre Lomas and others taught as far 
 north as the region about Parral at an earlier date. 
 At this time a voluntary demand for missionaries 
 was made to Governor Velasco, together with a 
 promise to settle on whatever site he might select. 
 Captain Juan Barraza, with Padre Juan Heredia, 
 made a tour accordingly through the sierra as far 
 
 54 Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac., 200-1, speaks of a Tarahumare revolt in 1625 
 which lasted two years, during which time the nation was nearly destroyed 
 by generals Retama and Alday. A particularly destructive battle took place 
 in, ir Ixichiniva, where the field in later times was covered with bones. No 
 other author mentions such a war, though it is not unlikely that the Tara- 
 humares committed some outrages on the Franciscan establishments among 
 the Conchos, and were punished by Spanish raids. 
 
334 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 north as Nonoava. They obtained four hundred 
 natives, who were brought to the southern verge of 
 their national territory and settled in a new town 
 called San Miguel de las Bocas, just south of the 
 modern Durango line, and near the Rio Florido, or 
 Espiritu Santo Valley. A few months later Gabriel 
 Diaz, a Portuguese Jesuit, took Heredia's place, and 
 soon founded a second pueblo in the same vicinity 
 called San Gabriel, of whose subsequent history 
 nothing is known. A Spanish settlement was made 
 in 1631 at Parral, in the midst of rich mines, but we 
 learn nothing of any padre of that date. It may be 
 supposed that other northern tours were made and 
 more neophytes brought down to San Miguel; but 
 the work of founding regular mission in Tarahumara 
 proper did not begin until 1639-40, as will be related 
 in the next chapter. 55 
 
 The Franciscan annals of Nueva Vizcaya from 1600 
 to 1640 are almost a blank, notwithstanding the 
 researches of Padre Arlegui, although the hiatus in 
 his work is less noticeable by reason of its lack of 
 chronological arrangement. The most definite record 
 on the subject is that of an investigation in 1622 by 
 the Franciscan authorities of the Zacatecas province. 
 At this time the testimony of half a dozen missionaries 
 was taken, but the result was merely a list of Fran 
 ciscan establishments, the incidental mention of some 
 friars' names, and a few details of special service and 
 suffering in connection with the various revolts. It 
 was estimated that over thirty Franciscans had lost 
 their lives on the northern frontier, and that over 
 14,000 natives had been converted. While the friars 
 had rendered valuable service in restoring order after 
 the different revolts against the Jesuits, it was claimed 
 that there had never been any revolt in Franciscan 
 missions. Fourteen convents had been established in 
 
 ^Alcgre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 44, 58-9, 184-5; Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac., 
 200-1; Apostdlicos Afanes, 225; Orozco y Ecrra, CartaEtnoy., 322. 
 
FRANCISCAN MISSIONS. 335 
 
 the past twenty years, and twenty-seven were now in 
 existence. Those in Nueva Vizcaya, with perhaps 
 one or two exceptions, were, San Antonio Guadiana, 
 Nombre de Dios, San Francisco Chalchihuites, Santa 
 Barbara in the valley of San Bartolome, San Juan 
 del Rio, San Francisco Mezquital, San Estevan Sal- 
 tillo, San Sebastian del Venado, San Pedro y San 
 Pablo Topia, Concepcion Cuencame, San Francisco 
 Charcas, Santa Maria Atotonilco, San Juan Mezquital, 
 Santa Maria Guazamota, San Francisco Conchos, 
 Tlascalilla, San Diego- Canatlan, and San Buenaven 
 tura Atotonilco. 56 Subsequently there were founded 
 San Bernardino in 1641, and Santo Domingo de 
 Camotlan, called the thirty-first convent, in 1642. 
 The Franciscans suffered to some extent during 
 
 O 
 
 the Tepehuane revolt, one of their friars, Padre Pedro 
 Gutierrez, having been killed as already related; but 
 less than the Jesuits because they had little to do 
 with the rebel tribes, and because their convents were 
 as a rule near the Spanish settlements. That their 
 mission policy, as implied by their writers, \vas better 
 calculated to prevent trouble than that of the Jesuits, 
 may be questioned. Their troubles came later. They 
 rendered important service, however, in restoring 
 peace after the great rebellion. North-eastern Du- 
 rango above the Rio Nazas, with eastern Chihuahua, 
 the home of the Conchos, constituted from the first 
 in a certain sense a Franciscan district; though the 
 
 56 Zacatecas, Information de los Conventos, Doctrmas, y Conversiones que se 
 han fundado en la Provincia de Zacatecas, 1622. MS. In Duranfjo, Doc. Hist. , 
 51 et seq. The friars named in this report, besides those of the south and of 
 earlier times, are: Francisco Oliva, of Conchos; Jose" Narvona, chaplain of the 
 governor's force in 1616; Gregorio Sarmiento, Lorenzo Cantu, Cristobal Espi- 
 nosa, Geronimo Bautista, Domingo Cornejo, Rodrigo Novantes, Francisco 
 Capillas all of whom toiled in the revolt of 1616; Pedro Gutierrez, killed in 
 that revolt; Francisco Adame and Andre's Heredia, in Topia 1602 and 1616 
 respectively; Francisco Santos, of Cuencame in 1622; and Geronimo Pangor, 
 of Tlascalilla. Padres Geronimo Zarate and Ignacio Cardenas are said to have 
 brought Tlascaltec families and settled them at five points on the frontier. 
 Colotlan, Venado, San Miguel Mesquitic, Chalchihuites, and Saltillo. The 
 two newest convents were those of Canotlan and Atotonilco. Their founding, 
 and those of the later establishments, are mentioned in Arlegui, Chrdn. Zac. , 
 90-5, 116. He adds Milpillas, founded in 1619 and later transferred to Lajas. 
 
336 ANNALS OF NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 establishment at Mapimi seems not to have been con 
 tinuously maintained; and the order in that region had 
 less influence than the Jesuits at Tizonazo after 1G40. 
 
 The first definitely recorded expansion seems to 
 have been from the central establishment at San 
 Bartolome, now Allende, when Padre Alonso Oliva 
 founded in 1604 the twenty-first convent of the Pro- 
 vincia de Zacatecas, at San Francisco de Comayaus, or 
 Conchos. 57 Oliva spent about forty years among the 
 Conchos, and died jn Mexico in 1612. He looked no 
 one in the face, deeming himself unworthy, and he 
 wore constantly an iron girdle with sharp prongs 
 rooted in his flesh. He was accompanied to Mexico 
 by several Concho chiefs, and his business was to ob 
 tain license for new conversions. 58 Parral, or San 
 Jose, since Hidalgo, was founded as I have said in 
 16312, and was from that time a kind of presidio, 
 occupied by a small military force for the protection 
 of this frontier. 53 From the annals of a subsequent 
 revolt it appears that before 1645 the pueblos, or mis 
 sions, tended by Franciscans were San Bartolome, 
 San Francisco de Conchos, San Pedro, 60 Atotonilco, 
 Mascomahua, and perhaps Mapimi in the south. 
 
 The Monclova region of Coahuila, north of the lake 
 district of Parras and Saltillo, is said to have been 
 first visited by the Franciscan friar Antonio Saldu- 
 endo in 1603. He gathered the natives into several 
 mission towns and remained three years, the field of 
 his labors being called Valle de Estremadura; but his 
 crops were destroyed by the Tobosos and other hostile 
 tribes, and he was forced to retire. The next visit 
 and the beginning of Coahuila annals proper must be 
 dated more than sixty years later. 61 
 
 57 Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., iii. 345, says that in 1609 Oliva gathered 
 4,000 Conchos in a settlement, 20 leagues beyond Santa Barbara. 
 ^Arlcgui, Chrin. Zac., 83-4, 306-14. 
 
 59 Calle, Mem. Not., 97; Alegre, ii. 190, 220, 250 vecinos in 1645. 
 
 60 Although Arlegui, Ckron. Zac., 106-7, says that San Pedro was not 
 founded until 1649, meaning, perhaps, re -founded or supplied with a resident 
 padre. 
 
 61 Doc. Hist. Mex., se"rie iii. torn. iv. 421; serie iv. torn. iii. 14; Orozco y 
 JEferra, Carta Etnog., 301; Arlegui, Chron. Zac., 141. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 1641-1700. 
 
 LIST OF GOVERNORS AND BISHOPS SOUTHERN DISTRICTS A TIERBA DE 
 PAZ TOPIA ZAPATA'S VISIT A LAGUNA REGION SECULARIZATION AND 
 DESTRUCTION TEPEHUANE MISSION s TARAHUMARA MAP FRANCIS 
 CAN TERRITORY TOBOSO RAIDS CONCHO REVOLT MURDER or FRIARS 
 CERRO GORDO TARAHUMARE REVOLT CAMPAIGNS OF CARRION, 
 BARRAZA, AND FAJARDO VILLA DE AGUILAR NEW REBELLION MAR 
 TYRDOM OF GODINEZ AND BASILIO SPANISH REVERSES PEACE THIRD 
 
 OUTBREAK EXTENSION OF JESUIT MISSIONS FRANCISCAN PROGRESS 
 CASAS GRANDES JUNTA DE LOS Rios EL PASO DEL NORTE JESUITS 
 VERSUS FRANCISCANS STATISTICS OF 1678 PRESIDIOS BORDER WAR 
 FARE TARAHUMARE REVOLT OF 1690 MARTYRDOM OF PADRES FORONDA 
 AND SANCHEZ. 
 
 FRANCISCO BRAVO DE LA SERNA was ruler of Nueva 
 Vizcaya in 1640, and the list of his successors as 
 governors and captain-generals down to 1700 was 
 substantially as follows: 1642-8, Luis Valdes; 1 1648- 
 51, Diego Fajardo, or Guajardo; 1654-61, Enrique 
 Davila y Pacheco; 2 16625, Francisco de Gorraez 
 Beaumont; 166570, Antonio de Oca Sarmiento; 3 
 1670, Bartolome Estrada, ad interim; 1670-3, Jose 
 
 1 April 30, 1648, ce"dula arrived at Mexico naming Oidor Gomez de Mora 
 to take the residencia of the late Gov. Valde"s. Guija, Diario, 6. 
 
 2 Ddvila had been governor of Yucatan. Cogolludo, Hint. Yuc., 731-2. He 
 became corregidor of Mexico in 1661. Guijo, Diario, 457. 
 
 3 In 1669 Juan de Gdrate y Francia was sent from Mexico to investigate 
 charges against Oca, his predecessor, and others, made by a renegade Jesuit. 
 Garate removed the governor, and a ruler ad interim was appointed' by the 
 viceroy. Mota-Padilla, 400, says, however, that the governor ad interim was 
 appointed by the president and audiencia of Guadalajara, there being a 
 quarrel between those two authorities on the subject. But in 1774 Gdrate 
 was fined 12,000 pesos and suspended from office for irregularities in taking 
 the residencia. llobles, Diario, 82, 87, 164: iii. 261-2; Rivera, Gob. Mex., 
 i. 320. 
 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 22 ( 337 ) 
 
S38 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 Garcia Salcedo; 4 1674-6, Martin de Kebollar; 5 1677, 
 Lope de Sierra; 6 1682, Bartolomd de Estrada; 1685, 
 Gabriel Nira y Quiroga; 1687, San Miguel de Aguayo ; 
 1690, Juan Isidro de Pardinas ; 1695, Gabriel del 
 Castillo; 1700, Juan Bautista Larrea. 7 Besides the 
 names and dates thus given, with certain campaigns 
 and other acts of the rulers which I shall have occa 
 sion to notice in connection with missionary annals, 
 there is nothing to be added respecting the political 
 and military government of the country during this 
 century. 8 
 
 The ecclesiastical government, as we have seen, was 
 in 1640 in the hands of Bishop Diego Evia y Valdes. 
 In 1654 he was transferred to Oajaca, leaving forty 
 thousand pesos for the benefit of his old diocese. 9 
 His successor was Pedro Barrientos Lomelin, pre 
 centor of the metropolitan church of Mexico, vicar- 
 general, chancellor of the university, and comissary of 
 the holy crusade. He took possession of the see the 
 22d of "December 1656, and died October 18, 1658. 
 Juan de Gorospe y Aguirre was appointed, confirmed, 
 and consecrated in Mexico in April, August, and 
 December 1660, taking possession by proxy on Octo- 
 
 4 His appointment by the king reached Mexico Oct. 2, 1C70. Holies, Diario, 
 96, 461. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 314, cites a letter of Oca as governor 
 in Jan. 1673. This may indicate that Salcedo did not arrive until 1673 and 
 that Oca, reinstated after his trouble, held the office ad interim. Salcedo died 
 in Spain in 1686. 
 
 5 Appointed Nov. 28, 1674; died at Parral Nov. 19, 1676. RoUes, Diario, 
 207, 224. 
 
 6 He was oidor in Mexico, and started for Parral Jan. 23, 1677. fiobles, 
 Diario, 230. He arrived with Fr. Antonio Valdes on April 21st. Nueva Viz- 
 caya, Doc. Hist., iii. 298-300. 
 
 7 In addition to the references in preceding notes, see for incidental men 
 tion of the different rulers: Alegre, ii. 236, 367, 389, 447-8, 463; iii. 70; 
 Nueva Vrzcaya, Doc., iii. 236; Berrotaran, Informe, 165, 176-7; also MS.; 
 Morft, Diario, 385, 407; Seddmair, Relation, 844-5; Velarde, Descrip. Hixt., 
 375; Tamaron, Visita, MS., 41. 
 
 8 Viceroy Mancera, Instruction, 489-90, says the supplies furnished to the 
 garrisons from the royal treasury at Durango, 1644-73, amounted to $462,342. 
 Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 223, states that $62,000 per year was paid to the N. 
 Vizcaya garrisons, and yet the troops were destitute, and it was hard to fill 
 the ranks at an annual cost of 450 pesos for each soldier; 1667, hanging of an 
 ex -alcalde, Fernando de Armindes, for robbery. Robles, Diario. ii. 48. 
 
 9 Calle, Mem. Not., 95, gives some details of the ecclesiastical organization 
 and revenues in 1645. Eibera, Gob. Mex., i. 182, mentions some slight dis 
 sensions between political and ecclesiastical authorities. 
 
LIST OF BISHOPS. 309 
 
 ber 13, 1662, and in person the next year. He died 
 September 21, 1671, leaving in the episcopal archives 
 a manuscript record of his literary talent and religious 
 zeal. Juan de Ortega Montanes, inquisitor of Mexico, 
 was next appointed, confirmed, and consecrated in 
 1673 5 ; but was transferred to the bishopric of Guate 
 mala before coming to Durango. Fray Bartolome de 
 Escaiiuela, a Franciscan, was promoted from the 
 bishopric of Puerto Rico to that of Guadiana by 
 bull of November 16, 1676, taking possession by 
 proxy August 11, 1677. He served with much zeal, 
 prepared diocesan regulations approved by the king, 
 and died at his post on November 20, 1684. Fray 
 Manuel de Herrera, court preacher, and a member of 
 the Minimos de San Francisco de Paula, was ap 
 pointed May 4, 1686, and died January 31, 1689, at 
 Sombrerete. 10 Garcia de Legaspi Velasco y Altami- 
 rano, curate of San Luis Potosi, canonigo, treasurer, 
 and archdeacon of the metropolitan church of Mexico, 
 and honored with other titles, was nominated bishop of 
 Durango in 1691, and took possession December 22, 
 1692. He ruled until March 5, 1700, when he was 
 promoted to the see of Yalladolid. 11 
 
 In the preceding chapter I have brought the mis 
 sionary annals and the country has no other of 
 Nueva Vizcaya proper down to the year 1640. In 
 the present chapter I continue those annals to the 
 end of the century, continuing also in general terms 
 for the reader's convenience and my own the subdi 
 vision of the territory into mission districts as al- 
 
 10 The date of his taking possession is not recorded, because the prebenda 
 ries had all died in 1687. In April 1688 Bishop Herrera visited Mexico to 
 prevent a transfer of the treasury from Durango to Parral. fiobh'S, Diario, ii. 
 494-6. 
 
 11 On the bishops of 1640-1700 see Concilios Provinciates, 1555-65, 370 et 
 seq.; Ramirez, Hist. Dur., 21-4; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro, i. 250; ii. 92; 
 Giujo, Diario, 359, 362, 365-8, 409, 411-12, 441, 445, 451, 503-4; Itobles, Vida 
 eld Arzob. Cuevas, 133; Vetancvrt, Ciuclad de Mex., 18-19; Ftfjueroa, Vindi- 
 c'tas, MS., 70; Dice. Univ.,i. 341; ix. 281, 446, 551; Medina, Chron. S. Diecjo, 
 241-2; Robles, Diario, ii. 115, 138, 182-3, 200-1, 231, 236, 461, 485; iii. 9, 38, 
 111, 116; Sosa, Episcop. Hex., 145, 160; Juarros, Compend. Guat., '284-5. 
 
340 NUEVA VIZCAY JLN HISTORY. 
 
 ready indicated. In the south during this period, as 
 the country approximated to the condition of a tierra 
 de paz in which surviving natives submitted more or 
 less cheerfully to town life, to the restraints of Chris 
 tianity, to the instruction of the friars, and to the 
 tyranny of Spanish pobladores and miners, the record 
 becomes as is usual in like cases meagre and unevent 
 ful; in the north the period is one of excitement, of 
 conquest, of conversion, of revolt, warfare, and of 
 martyrdom. The southern districts may therefore 
 most conveniently be taken up first, and their frag 
 mentary annals of progress down to 1700 finally dis 
 posed of, before attention is called to the bloody 
 record of the north. 
 
 In the western province, which may still be called 
 by its original name of Topia, it was estimated that 
 fifty thousand souls had been saved before 1644, when 
 eight missionaries were serving there in sixteen 
 churches. In 1662-3 a pestilence is recorded, during 
 which Padre Ignacio de Medina did good service in 
 the Otais district until a novenario to San Francisco 
 Javier abated the scourge. In 1664 Atotonilco was 
 in charge of Estevan Rodriguez, while Diego de Ace- 
 bedo and Gaspar de Najera were serving at Tecuchu- 
 apa. 12 Juan Ortiz Zapata reports in his visita of 
 1678 thirty-eight pueblos of converts in the western 
 province, divided among three missions proper which 
 were named Xiximes, San Andres, and Santa Cruz 
 de Topia, the last of which at this date was reckoned 
 among the missions of Sinaloa. Each was divided 
 into three or four partidos and each partido was in 
 charge of a Jesuit. There were ten padres, about 
 fourteen hundred neophytes, and a scattered popula 
 tion of about five hundred Spaniards, or "what are 
 called Spaniards in this country," as one Jesuit ex 
 presses it. I have deemed the statistics of this visita 
 
 ffibas, 507; Alcgre, ii. 200, 422-3, 429-32, 437, 448-9. Padre Leonardo 
 Jatino is also named as one of the Acaxee missionaries. P. Cristobal Robles 
 served at Guarizame in 1661. 
 
STATISTICS OF TOPIA. 341 
 
 worthy of preservation at some length in a note ; and 
 between 1678 and 1700 I find no record whatever for 
 the whole region. 13 
 
 Turning again to the eastern district of Parras, 
 where events from 1G16 to 1640 left absolutely no 
 
 13 Xiximc Mission, a little s. of w. from Durango; population, 19,000 
 (1,900?); divided into 4 partidos: 
 
 (1.) Sail Pablo Hetasi, 26 1. from Dnr., pop. 104; 3 pueblos. S. Pedro 
 Guarizame, (18 1.) w. of S. Pablo, pop. 41; Sta Lucia, a new pueblo E. of S. 
 Pablo, on road from Dur. to Copala, pop. 82. Partido under P. Francisco 
 Medrauo, serving 227 persons; no gentiles in the partido. 
 
 (2. ) .Santa Cruz de Yamoriba, ,30 1. w. of San Pablo, pop. 48; 2 pueblos. S. 
 Bartolome" Humase, 7 1. w. Guarizame, 5 1. E. \Yamoriba, pop. 42. Partido 
 under P. Pedro Cuesta, serving 110 persons. 
 
 (3.) Santa Apolonia, 401. s. of w. Yamoriba, pop. 75; 3 pueblos. Con- 
 cepcion, 2 1. E. Sta Ap., pop. 50; Santiago el Nuevo (site recently changed), 
 4 1. E. Sta Ap., pop. 14. Partido under P. Juan Boltor serving 139 persons. 
 
 (4.) San Ignacio, 41. StaAp., pop. 133; 5 pueblos. S. Geronimo Adia, 
 or Akoya, 7 1. N. S. Ign., pop. 200; S. Juan,"5 1. s. S. Ign., pop. 75; S. Fran 
 cisco Cababayan (Cabazan?), 4 1. s. S. Ign., pop. 34; S. Agustin, w. S. Fran., 
 pop. 30. Partido under P. Diego Jimenez, serving 529 persons, many Span 
 iards. 
 
 San Andre's Mission, N. of San Ignacio, 70 1. w. Durango; 591 persons; 4 
 partidos: 
 
 (1.) San Ignacio Otatitlan on Rio Vegas, 34 1. N. S. Ignacio de Xiximes, 
 pop. 28; 4 pueblos. Piaba, once cabecera 5 1. w. Otatitlan, pop. 10; Alaya, 
 12 1. w. Otatitlan, pop. 40; Quejupa, 11 1. x. Otatitlan, pop. 12. Partido 
 under P. Francisco de la Plaza, serving 160 persons; 7 evtancias of Spaniards. 
 
 (2.) San Ildefonso de los Remedies, 101. N. E. Otatitlan, up the river, 
 pop. 65; 2 pueblos. Sta Catalina, 3 1. S. S. lid., pop. 88. Partido under P. 
 Geronimo Estrada, serving 198 persons. El Palmar, 3 estanciasof Spaniards, 
 3 1. down river w. from S. lid. 
 
 (3.) San Gregorio, 281. E. Otatitlan, pop. 50; 4 pueblos. Soibupa, 71. 
 w. S. Greg., pop. 24; S. Pedro, 1 1. N. S. Greg., pop. 24: San Mateo de 
 Tecayas, 1 1. E. S. Greg., pop. 25. Partido under P. Fernando Barrio, rector 
 and visitador, serving 125 persons. 
 
 (4.) Santa Maria Otais, 14 1. s. E. S. Greg., pop. 28; 2 pueblos. Santiago 
 Batzotzi, 10 1. S. Otais, pop. 10. Partido under Padre Barrio, serving 108 
 persons. Also serves presidio S. Hip61ito, 81. distant, and Real de Guapijuxe, 
 
 Santa Cruz de Topia Mission, E. of S. Felipe de Sinaloa; 1,101 persons; 3 
 partidos: 
 
 (1.) San Juan Badariguato, 16 1. E. Mocorito (?), pop. 56; Reyes de Coni- 
 meto, 3 1. w. S. Juan, pop. 56; Sta Cruz, 8 1. N. w. S. Juan, pop. 97; S. 
 Fran. Alicamac, 8 1. s. S. Juan, pop. 43. Partido under P. Pedro Robles, 
 rector, serving 368 (386?) persons. 
 
 (2.) San Martin Atotonilco, 12 1. E. S. Juan, pop. 60; 6 pueblos. Santiago 
 Merirato, 4 1. s. Atot., on Rio Humaya, pop. 103; S. Ignacio Coriatapa, 5 1. 
 s. Atot., on same river, 16 1. from Culiacan, pop. 76; S. Pedro Guatenipa, 8 
 1. s. E. Atot., on same river, pop. 104; S. Ignacio Bamupa, 9 1. Guat. on Rio 
 Atotonilco, pop. 59; Soyatlan, 20 1. Atot., 10-12 1. N. Bamupa, 20 1. Nabo- 
 game or Saboguame, pop. 124, Partido under P. Nicolas Ferrer (just ap 
 pointed, P. Andres del Castillo having recently died), serving 610 persons. 
 
 (3.) San Ignacio Tamazula, 40 1. s. E. S. Martin Atotonilco, pop. 81; 4 
 pueblos. S. Ignacio Atotonilco, 3 1. E. Tamazula, on same Rio de la Que- 
 
342 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 trace in written records, we find that in 1645-6 the 
 missions were taken from the Jesuits by the bishop, 
 and put in charge of the clergy. Something of the 
 kind had been unsuccessfully tried in 1641, as appears 
 from certain scraps of correspondence found later in 
 the archives. 1 * As to the causes of this secularization, 
 we must accept the Jesuit version in the absence of 
 any other. It seems that since the foundation of the 
 villa the hacendados of the vicinity had coveted the 
 water and ditches which irrigated the fields of the 
 neophytes, finally claiming the property as their own. 
 The Jesuits defended the claim of the natives, who 
 appealed the matter to Governor Alvear, and obtained 
 a confirmation of their rights to the agua grande. 
 After his term of office had expired, however, Alvear 
 married into the Urdiiiola family, and became himself 
 proprietor of the hacienda. He needed the water, 
 and paid no heed to the rights of the natives or to his 
 own former decision. The neophytes now appealed, 
 at the padres' advice, to the audiencia, and once more 
 gained their cause; but the friars had incurred the 
 bitter enmity of Alvear, and of other prominent Span 
 iards; and the latter had influence enough to oust 
 their foes, especially as the ex-governor and Bishop 
 Evia were personal friends, and the bishop was not a 
 friend of the company. 15 
 
 When given up the missions numbered six, each 
 under a Jesuit, and each having one or more pueblos 
 
 brada, pop. 53; S. Joaquin Chapotlan, 5 1. s. Tamazula, pop. 17; S. Jose" 
 Canelas, formerly a partido, 20 1. E. Tamazula, up river, 5 1. from Real de 
 Topia, pop. 40. Partido under P. Crist6bal Bravo, serving 316 persons. 
 Zapata, Relation, Scattered through this report is much unimportant infor 
 mation about the condition of churches and church ornaments, docility of the 
 neophytes, etc. 
 
 14 The authorities on secularization are two reports made in the next cen 
 tury by Jesuits who searched the archives. They are: Carlo, de un Padre 
 ex-Jesuita, written apparently as late as 1786; and Carta del Padre Francisco 
 Perez, dated Parras, Dec. 8, 1749, and addressed to the provincial, in N. Viz- 
 caya, Doc., MS., 540-52; printed, iv. 73-88. 
 
 15 Morfi, Diario, 390-3, gives a similar account of the water transaction, 
 but he makes the date of secularization Oct. 15, 1666. Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
 Jesus, ii. 427, 436-7, makes the date 1652, and says the residencia of Parras 
 alone remained to the Jesuits. 
 
THE PARRAS MISSIONS. 343 
 
 do visita. 16 There were DO gentiles left in the district, 
 and some progress had even been made in the north. 
 Bachiller Mateo Barraza was curate at Parras, and 
 Licenciado Clemen te Martinez Bico at San Pedro; 
 and as the two had all the limosnas and perquisites 
 of the six Jesuits, their position was for a time a very 
 comfortable one. Two Jesuits, Gaspar Contreras and 
 Luis Gomez, remained at Parras in charge of the 
 company's property, respecting which there was no 
 little trouble subsequently, since the ex-missionaries 
 were disposed to surrender only the church ornaments 
 and other articles actually furnished by the king. Ex 
 actly how much of the mission property they event 
 ually retained, in addition to the lands and cattle, 
 there are no means of determining; but they seem 
 to have kept the mission books, and there are some 
 indications that they also retained their houses. 17 
 
 At the very time of secularization, as will be more 
 fully narrated later in this chapter, the pueblos of 
 the Parras district, and especially Santa Ana, suffered 
 from the raids of the savage Tobosos and rebellious 
 Salineros of the north. After the change no further 
 progress was made in conversion, but even the old 
 pueblos were gradually abandoned, the clergy having 
 neither the numbers, ability, nor apparently the will 
 to attend to them, being accused of the grossest negli 
 gence. The neophytes of San Lorenzo openly revolted 
 and refused to resume town life unless under their old 
 missionaries. 18 By the middle of the next century, 
 
 16 The missions were: Santa Maria de Parras, with el Pozo, La Pena, and 
 Santa Barbara; San Pedro y San Pablo de la Laguna, with Concepcion; San 
 Lorenzo, with Homo and Sta Ana; San Sebastian, with San Geronimo; San 
 Ignacio, with San Juan de Casta; and Santiago, with San Jos6 de las Abas 
 and Baicuco. 
 
 17 In 1G74 the clergy tried to get rid of attending to burials and proces 
 sions, and also to acquire the Jesuit cemetery. The Jesuits decided to 
 abandon the place, and ordered all movable property to be transferred to 
 Guadiana, leaving a majordomo in charge of lauds; but the clergy gave up 
 their pretensions, not being able to get along without the company. By 
 decreo of April 26, 1700, the right of administering the sacraments at Parras 
 was taken from the clergy and given to the Jesuits (?) N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 
 83-0. 
 
 18 Letters of Padre Contreras of May 1. 1653, in N. Vizaya, Doc., iii. 
 210-16. 
 
344 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 and perhaps at its beginning, no trace remained of any 
 mission save Parras, where the Jesuits still remained, 
 and where large accessions of Spanish and Tlascaltec 
 population brought much prosperity. Padre Gomez 
 died in 1652, Padre Arista three years earlier in 
 Guatemala, Padre Castillo was at Santa Ana in 1045, 
 and Padre Munoz is spoken of as having died while 
 performing the duties of a 'lazy cura.' 19 In 1669 
 there appeared in the air the form of a man, teaching 
 Christian rites, refusing adoration, and leaving as a 
 token a book so heavy that the whole tribe of natives 
 could not move it. Lieutenant Governor Antonio 
 Joaquin Sarria notified the governor of the vision; 20 
 and, although some accused the natives of intoxica 
 tion, yet as certain incredulous natives were blown 
 back to the spot by a sudden gale, there was no doubt 
 felt that San Francisco Javier, lately chosen patron 
 of Nueva Vizcaya, had actually appeared to the 
 people. The vision was at a time when the Tobosos 
 and Cabezas were on the war-path, but it effectually 
 checked hostilities by enabling Sarria to defeat and 
 make peace with the foe. A chapel was dedicated to 
 the saint in December by Governor Oca in honor of 
 the miracle, and the patron in return often did good 
 service for the country in times of. war and epidemic. 
 Morfi tells us that the small-pox well-nigh completed 
 the destruction of mission Indians in 1682, so that 
 in 1692 there remained but one hundred and forty- 
 seven native families at Parras, of which eighty-seven 
 were Tlascaltecs, or at least claimed to be such in 
 order to avoid tribute. 21 
 
 In the Tepehuane district there is little to be noted 
 during the rest of the century. A new mission of 
 San Jose Tizonazo had been founded at a date which 
 cannot be exactly fixed in the frontier region between 
 
 19 Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 358-9, in addition to authorities already 
 namd. The same writer says (308-9) that Contreras and Gomez worked in 
 Saltillo, where the people offered a considerable hacienda for a Jesuit college. 
 
 20 In a letter of Sept. 3, 1C69, in N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 266-71. 
 ' zl Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 451-3; Morfi, Diaiio, 393-4. 
 
PROGRESS IN DURANGO. 345 
 
 Inde and Rio Nazas; but what is known of this mis 
 sion may be most conveniently recorded in connection 
 with the annals of the north-eastern district, and 
 especially of the rebellion of 1644-6, in which its 
 natives known as Salineros and Cabezas took a prom 
 inent part. At the time of the revolt Father Diego 
 Osorio was in charge of Tizonazo. In 1662 Juan 
 Ortiz Zapata, Pedro Suarez, Francisco Mendoza, and 
 Bernabe Soto were in charge at Santa Catalina, 
 Papasquiaro, Zape, and Tizonazo. 22 In 1678 Padre 
 Mendoza still remained, but the rest had been re 
 placed by Francisco Banuelos/ Diego Saenz, and 
 Francisco Vera. At this time, according to the 
 visita of Ortiz already referred to, there were nine 
 villages, with about eight hundred neophytes, and a 
 Spanish and mixed population of about three hun 
 dred. 23 At Guadiana may be noted two rich endow 
 ments of real estate and money, which put the Jesuit 
 colegio for the first time on a sound financial basis, 
 and the falling of the Jesuit church in 1647, for the 
 rebuilding of which 3,000 pesos were contributed in a 
 single day. 24 The drought and famine of 1667 were 
 followed by a pestilence, especially deadly in the cap 
 ital, where whole families were swept away and no 
 remedies proved effectived But when the governor 
 and bishop bethought them to choose as patron of 
 the reino San Francisco Javier, 25 the plague ceased 
 
 2 ' 2 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 206-9, 267-8, 428. 
 
 23 The partidos and pueblos of the Tepehuane mission were as follows: 
 
 (1.) Santiago Papasquiaro, pop. 73, and 54 Spaniards; 3 pueblos; S. 
 Andre's Atotonilco, 3 1. E. Papasq., at junction of rivers, pop. 70; San Nico 
 las, 3 1. w. Papasq. , pop. 146 Xiximes. Partido under P. Diego Saenz, serv 
 ing 509 persons. Two Spanish cstancias and 8 ranches. 
 
 (2.) Santa Catalina, 10 1. N. Papasq., pop. 108; presidio of Tepehuanes, 
 3 1. s. Partido under P. Francisco Banuelos, rector, serving 220 persons. 
 
 (3. ) Nuestra Senora del Zape, formerly S. Ignacio, 12 1. N. w. Sta Cata 
 lina, on source of Rio Nazas, pop. 52; San Jose', once S. Simon, and also 
 called Potrero, 3 1. N. Zape, pop. 113. Partido under P. Francisco Mendoza, 
 serving 171 persons. 
 
 (4.) San Jos6 Tizonazo, 13 1. from Rio Nazas, and (the same?) from San 
 Juan Inde, pop. 83, from Sin. and Son. ; Sta. Cruz, 14 1. N. E. Zape, on Rio 
 Nazas, s. w. Tizonazo, pop. 84. Partido under P. Francisco Vera, serving 
 199 persons. 
 
 ^Aleyiv, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 194, 224, 369-71. 
 
 25 'Angel velocisimo de la paz, que con su patrocinio quitase de las manos 
 
346 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 its ravages. That there might be no uncertainty of 
 the saint's agency in the matter, the pest was allowed 
 to break out again, to be promptly checked by new 
 rites, after which no one died save a priest who 
 prayed for the fate that might be best for him. 
 After the setting-up of the patron's images and the 
 observance of his day were enforced throughout the 
 country by the decree of December 1668, he took 
 upon himself the care of all Vizcayan interests, and 
 his miraculous interferences and cures were of fre 
 quent occurrence, one of the latter being wrought 
 upon the governor himself. 
 
 It was in June 1639 that fathers Geronimo Figue- 
 roa and Jose Pascual were sent to extend the con 
 quest of Tarahumara northward. At Parral they 
 were met by the native caciques, assembled at Gov 
 ernor Serna's request to welcome their missionaries 
 and to be impressed with their holiness by the edify 
 ing sight of all the government officials kneeling to 
 kiss the friars' hands. Pascual, just out of his novi 
 tiate, stayed at San Miguel to learn the language 
 under the tuition of Padre Diaz ; while Figueroa went 
 north-west, and at San Felipe, 26 or San Geronimo 
 Huexotitlan, for it is not quite clear which was first 
 founded, the first baptism of adults took place the 
 15th of August. The padre was fortunate in having 
 several early opportunities to control the elements 
 and thus work on the superstition of the natives; he 
 was kind and energetic as well, and his work pros 
 pered. In 1642 he was living at Huexotitlan, when 
 Governor Valdes visited the pueblos to appoint na 
 tive governors and captains, who contributed nothing 
 
 de Dios el azote de su justa indignacion.' N. Vizcaya, Doc., in. 257-66. See 
 also Alegre, ii. 447-8. An epidemic also in 1662. Id., ii. 428-9. 
 
 26 San Felipe was on the Rio Conchos, 17 leagues below San Pablo, that is 
 17 1. N. of the modern Balleza. N. Vizcaya, Doc., Hi. 319-20, et al. Alegre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 220-1, both in relating the foundation, and later in 
 speaking of the revolt, erroneously identifies this pueblo with the later S. 
 Felipe el Real, on the site of the modern Chihuahua. S. Ger6nimo was 7 1. 
 a little N. of E. from San Pablo. 
 
JESUITS IN TARAHUMARA. 
 
 347 
 
 to later progress. Except an epidemic in 1647, mi 
 raculously checked at San Miguel by a statue of that 
 saint statue so potent for good that it caused an 
 infant dying on its mother's breast to exclaim ' Sancte 
 
 NORTHERN NUEVA VIZCAYA, 1700. 
 
 Michael,' resume its suckling, and recover* 7 there 
 is not much to say of the Tarahumare field for some 
 years. Before 1648 there were six pueblos in addition 
 
 27 N. Vizcaya, Doc. iii. 179, etc.; Alegre, ii. 236, 268-9. 
 
348 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 to San Felipe and San Geronimo, only two of which, 
 San Francisco Borja arid Satevo, are named. Two 
 new padres, Cornelio Godinez and Vigilio Maez, with 
 possibly a third, Gabriel Villar, were in charge of 
 the missions. In 1648 hostilities broke out; but prior 
 troubles in the adjoining Concho territory, chiefly 
 affecting the Franciscan missions, but also to some 
 extent those of the Jesuits in Tarahumara and Te- 
 pehuana, demand our first attention. 
 
 The year 1644 was one of disturbances throughout 
 the east, involving the Franciscan stations at San 
 Francisco, Mezquital, Mapirni, and San Bartoloine, 
 with those of the Jesuits at Tizonazo and San Miguel. 
 Neophytes often ran away to join roving bands; the 
 Tobosos redoubled their petty raids ; murders and rob 
 beries were frequent at settlements and ranches and 
 on the roads. Complaints were rife against the padres 
 of both orders; and the bishop was so far convinced 
 that the Jesuits were at fault, or perhaps so hostile 
 to the society, that he temporarily suspended Padre 
 Cepeda at Tizonazo. There was no difficulty in de 
 feating the savages whenever they could be met. 
 Captain Juan Barraza marched from Parral with 
 two hundred and sixty men, and drove the Tobosos 
 with much loss to the Rio del Norte. Meanwhile 
 another hostile band attacked Inde, where they killed 
 some Spaniards, destroyed such property as they could 
 not remove, and fled as fast as their plunder would 
 permit; but chanced to meet Barraza' s returning com 
 pany, lost their booty, and were scattered after con 
 siderable loss of life. 
 
 Despite reverses the Tobosos were able to form an 
 alliance with the Cabezas, a warlike band of Tizonazo 
 district, whose conversion was interrupted, as is im 
 plied, by Cepeda's removal, and to continue their 
 outrages with renewed fury. In small swift bands 
 they ravaged the country for months with the pecu 
 liar guerilla warfare, ever the most dreaded in this 
 region, and by far the most difficult to resist. One 
 
REVOLT OF THE COXCHOS. 349 
 
 party attacked a mule-train, killed a dozen men, and 
 lied to the mountains. If pursued they scattered, and 
 the worst that could befall them was the loss of their 
 plunder and a few men; but during the pursuit half 
 a dozen unprotected ranches had perhaps been pil 
 laged by other bands. It was the beginning of the 
 typical Apache warfare of later years. The only 
 limit to the damage done was the comparatively small 
 number of scattered inhabitants and ranchos in the 
 country, the detachments of savages as a rule not being 
 large enough, after the first outbreak and alarm, to 
 attack the larger towns with any hope of success. 
 Barraza was an experienced and brave Indian-fighter, 
 but with the means at his command he could afford no 
 adequate protection. Contradictory orders, mingled 
 it seems with personal jealousies, further impaired his 
 effective action, and at the end of the year he was 
 relieved of command in the field in favor of Francisco 
 Montano de la Cueva with the rank of lieutenant- 
 governor and captain-general, an officer who, to say 
 the least, was no more successful than his predecessor. 23 
 The reign of terror continued in 1645, and the sav 
 ages by their success gained new allies. The Christ 
 ians, except runaways in small parties, had hitherto 
 remained faithful; but now the Conchos, most docile 
 of all, openly revolted. On March 25th the Francis 
 cans, Tomd,s Zigarran 29 and Francisco Labado, while 
 celebrating the incarnation at San Francisco de Con 
 chos, were murdered in church. San Pedro was next 
 attacked, but the padres escaped to Satevo. Atoto- 
 nilco, San Bartolome, San Luis, and Mascomahua 
 were pillaged and destroyed, all being abandoned by 
 the missionaries, as was Tizonazo further south, be 
 fore the end of April, 30 although in the mean time 
 
 23 N. Vizcaj/a, Doc., iii. 130-5; Alegre, ii. 244-57. Many petty details of 
 depredations are given. 
 
 29 So Arlegui calls him; Alegre makes the name Felix Cigaran; and Cepeda 
 writes it N. Ligaran. 
 
 30 P. Nicolas Cepeda narrates these events with much detail in letters to 
 the provincial dated April 28th and Sept. llth, at S. Miguel. Cepeda, Icela- 
 
330 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 according to Arlegui thirteen of the rebel leaders had 
 been taken and hanged. 
 
 Father Diego Osorio retired from Tizonazo to Inde; 
 while the Jesuits of the northern frontier gathered at 
 San Felipe by order of the superior, who was unable 
 to get from Montaiio what he deemed a suitable guard. 
 The mining camp of Inde, the Jesuit mission at San 
 Miguel, perhaps a Franciscan establishment at Ma- 
 pimi, and the garrisoned settlement at Parral, with a 
 few undestroyed haciendas and mines in the vicinity 
 of each, were now the only points held by the Span 
 iards. The Conchos and other northern tribes seem 
 to have been content with the expulsion of their mis 
 sionaries; but the Tobosos kept up their raids, and the 
 Salineros of Tizonazo distinguished themselves by 
 their depredations during the summer and fall of 
 1645. South-eastward they attacked Mapimi, Ramos, 
 Cuencame', San Pedro, and Santa Ana. Twenty 
 natives were killed at San Pedro, Castillo being for 
 tunately absent; and eight Spaniards lost their lives 
 at Santa Ana. The raiders were kept from Parras 
 by the reported presence there of a large force. Ge- 
 ronimo Moranta, named for a former missionary, was 
 leader of the Salineros, who had besides a native 
 bishop empowered to say mass and administer the 
 sacraments. Sixty-two was the whole number of vic 
 tims during the summer, and a Jesuit writer of the 
 time goes fully into details of thefts, murders, and 
 other outrages. 31 Any attempt on my part to follow 
 here the complicated movements of native warriors 
 and Spanish soldiers during the autumn would have 
 neither practical value nor interest. 
 
 Governor Valdes, having divided his force into 
 several companies under captains Montaiio, Francisco 
 Trevino, Barraza, Cristobal Nevares, or Narvaez, and 
 
 don de lo Sucedido en esto reino de la Vizcaya, 1644-5, in N. Vizcaya, Doc., 
 iii. 130-72; also MS. Arlegui the Franciscan chronicler, Chrtin. Zac., 245-8, 
 describes this revolt much less fully than does the Jesuit historian Alegre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 250-2, who follows Cepeda evidently. 
 31 Cepeda, Relation, 148-72, followed by Alegre, ii. 252-7. 
 
SAVAGE WARFARE. 051 
 
 Bartolome Acosta, made all possible effort in accord 
 ance with the ideas and methods of the time. The 
 nature of the warfare has already been indicated; 
 small bands of savages when overtaken abandoned 
 their plunder and ran away; larger bodies when cor 
 nered made peace and subsequently ran away, leaving 
 their hostages to be hanged. Many threatened points, 
 however, received protection; the number of rebels 
 killed in pursuits arid skirmishes for there were no 
 battles was large in the aggregate, and tliat of cap 
 tives and hostages put to death perhaps still larger. 32 
 Cerro Gordo was a kind of rendezvous for the savages 
 at first, but was subsequently held by the Spaniards 
 as a fortified camp and centre of operations, develop 
 ing into a permanent presidio. By November, when 
 there was but little left to steal at unprotected points, 
 the fires of war seem to have burned out. From 
 north and south the natives came in and surrendered 
 to the officers from whom they could get the best 
 terms. The villages from Tizonazo to Conchos were 
 reoccupied, and the penitent rebels were distributed 
 where they could best be watched. The reoccupation 
 is much less fully recorded than the war ; but it seems 
 that several new rancherias were now reduced for the 
 first time to pueblo life. Many hostile bands re 
 mained unsubdued, but were quiet for a few years. 
 Bishop Evia now revived his plans for secularization, 
 and even sent parochial clergy to take charge of 
 Tizonazo, San Miguel, and two Franciscan missions 
 not named ; but the governor and his officers protested 
 so earnestly that under new priests the country could 
 not be kept in subjection, that the bishop had to curb 
 his dislike of the religiosos, and for a time give up 
 his scheme. 
 
 Padre Cepeda's views respecting the country's 
 condition and the causes of the war are worthy of 
 
 32 Hanging was the usual method of execution; but one old woman for her 
 sorceries was thought to merit poisoning. Her stomach, however, was proof 
 against any available poison, and the rope had to be used. 
 
352 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 notice. Secular officials, he says, cared nothing for 
 the natives save so far as they might be utilized as 
 laborers. They would not cooperate with the padres 
 to bring back runaways or to prevent immorality. 
 The Spaniards not only forced or enticed the natives 
 to the mines, but imposed upon them there no re 
 strictions of life and conduct. Five years of drought 
 had left the ground parched and barren, the streams 
 dry, and the mines unproductive or bankrupt. The 
 miners after working for months were refused their 
 pay except on condition of working longer, and were 
 finally paid, if at all, in goods at exorbitant prices. 
 Thus the natives had really to run away or to remain 
 in absolute slavery. The largest villages had not 
 over fifty or sixty inhabitants, and most of them not 
 over twenty. Another cause of disaster was the 
 reverend writer's excessive sinfulness, and his neglect 
 to supplicate with God as fervently as he ought. 33 
 
 The fire of revolt was not extinguished, but only 
 smouldering and creeping by twigs and roots and 
 leaves over the country in search of new fuel, which 
 was found in the Tarahumare nation, and the confla 
 gration broke out hotter than ever. The evil influences 
 leading to the outbreak of 1645 had been at work as 
 we have seen upon this nation and had filled the minds 
 of the Jesuits with grave apprehensions for the future. 
 These influences as described by one of the padres I 
 have just noticed. In another letter Cepeda alludes 
 to another similar cause of trouble in the Spanish 
 settlement at Parral, where were many natives entirely 
 free from any moral or religious restraint; where the 
 Spaniards, secure in the protection of their garrison, 
 cared nothing for the natives, opposed the Jesuits, 
 and even imputed to them unworthy motives. 34 The 
 effect of such a settlement in a mining region upon 
 
 33 Cepeda, Pelacion, 140-3. Letter of April 28th. 
 
 34 Cepeda, Pelacion, 144-8. The writer claims that if the Jesuits should 
 cease their work every pueblo in the region would disappear in three months. 
 
TARAHUMARE REVOLT. 353 
 
 missionary work on the frontier may readily be im 
 agined. The Jesuits had attributed the Tepehuane 
 revolt of 1610 to native superstitions; but they believed 
 that of the Tarahumares to be due largely to Spanish 
 oppression. Padre Pascual affirms as a fact, learned 
 from experience, that this people were never traitors 
 nor robbers, but fought for what they deemed their 
 rights or to avenge their wrongs. 35 These character 
 istics of the nation will account for some notable dif 
 ferences between the warfare to be described and the 
 guerilla tactics of the last revolt. 
 
 The retirement of the Jesuits to San Felipe did 
 not last Ion of. In the beginning of 1646. if not earlier, 
 
 ^ O ^ O ' 
 
 they resumed work in their respective pueblos, eight 
 in number, where they accomplished much, despite 
 adverse influences, and were joined by Padre Cornelio 
 Godinez, who came in 1648 to extend the conversion 
 to more distant rancherias in the north. But the 
 same year four chiefs, Supichochi, Tepox, Ochavarri, 
 and I3on Bartolome honored in the records with 
 the usual orthographical variations of unconverted 
 tribes in the interior, planned the destruction of 
 Spaniards and their institutions. They tried to form 
 an alliance with disaffected Tepehuanes through the 
 cacique of San Pablo ; but failure in this, when Gov 
 ernor Valdes hanged the chief on whom they relied, 
 did not discourage them. They 'gained over some 
 apostates from the pueblos and confidently expected 
 larger accessions when open war should begin. 
 
 In May or June the padre at San Felipe sent five 
 Spaniards and fifty natives to protect or remove a 
 large amount of grain and live-stock at San Francisco 
 Borja, a visita of San Felipe, reported to be threat 
 ened, with an attack. The night after their arrival 
 they were surrounded, the house was fired, and the 
 Spaniards with forty neophytes after a brave defence 
 were slain. The loss was much smaller than it would 
 
 85 Letter of June 29, !Go2, in N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 188. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 23 
 
354 NUEVA VIZCAFAX HISTORY. 
 
 have been had not the assailants spared all converts 
 of pure Tarahumare blood, especially those from San 
 Felipe, wishing to conciliate rather than exasperate 
 the people of that town. The latter were divided in 
 opinion, but the prompt arrival of a small guard from 
 Parral, with the padre's shrewd action in locking up 
 the women and children of both faithful and disaf 
 fected, turned the scale to the side of loyalty. Cap 
 tain Juan Fernandez Carrion started from Parral 
 with a hundred volunteers, and enlisted at Huexoti- 
 tlan two hundred native allies at the suggestion of 
 Father Pascual, who accompanied the army from that 
 place. The orders were to try gentle means; but all 
 hope of success in this way was destroyed by a dis 
 obedient officer's destruction of property belonging to 
 natives with whom he was treating for peace, and in 
 a few skirmishes nothing was effected. Carrion re 
 turned to Parral, leaving a guard for the padres at 
 San Felipe. 36 
 
 The governor now sent Barraza with his company 
 of forty regulars from Cerro Gordo. He also ap 
 pointed two ' persons' as Pascual calls them, evidently 
 priests, to go with Barraza and perform the duties of 
 peace-makers; but they behaved so badly and were 
 so evidently unfit, in Jesuit eyes at least, for the 
 duty, that Pascual by a hurried trip to Durango in 
 duced Valdes to annul the objectionable appointments 
 in favor of Father Maez. Then Barraza penetrated 
 late in the autumn to a valley in the north-west about 
 which the foe had gathered in strong positions and 
 showed no disposition to parley. 37 Consequently the 
 company encamped in the valley, sending back for 
 supplies and reinforcements. 
 
 A new governor, Diego Fajardo, had just been 
 
 36 According to Pascual the battles took place at a place called Fariagiqui, 
 and on Carrion's return he passed the Franciscan pueblo of Babaroyagua and 
 Satevo, whence Padre Maez accompanied him to San Felipe. 
 
 37 The author of the Alzamiento speaks of a fight in which Capt. Castillo 
 killed several natives and took captives who revealed the positions and num 
 bers of the foe. The same writer calls the valley Guarucarichiqui (Carichic ?). 
 
FAJARDO'S CAMPAIGN". 355 
 
 appointed, a son of Mars who at once advanced in 
 person by forced marches, and with forty soldiers and 
 three hundred native auxiliaries joined Barraza in 
 January 1 649. Without delay he began offensive oper 
 ations, and after a vigorous campaign of about three 
 months in the mountains forced the foe to sue for 
 peace. The Tarahumares promised entire submission 
 and future good conduct, and as they brought in the 
 heads of the four leaders as gages of good faith their 
 protestations were accepted with the usual undue 
 haste. 38 Then Fajardo selected a site for a new Villa 
 de Aguilar, left a corporal with thirty men and sup 
 plies for eight months, and hastened back to his capi 
 tal and newly married wife, stopping only at Parral 
 to enlist pobladores for his new villa, of whom he 
 obtained only four. 
 
 Aguilar was on the Rio Papigochic, called Rio 
 Yaqtii across the mountains in Sonora. The country 
 was not only rich in minerals but fertile and attrac 
 tive, and a mission was founded only a league from the 
 town, with the ideathat the m issionary might attend 
 to both settlers and neophytes. It was called La 
 Purisima de Papigochic, and was probably identical 
 in sight with the modern Concepcion. Padre Godinez, 
 called Bendin by Alegre, was sent here by Pascual 
 who was now superior, and there was considerable 
 prosperity for a time, the padre being faithful and con 
 verts plentiful. The villa did not flourish, chiefly on 
 account of its distance from military protection. 
 Their isolation, however, had not the slightest effect 
 to inspire prudence in the half-dozen who came to 
 
 38 Pascual represents Fajardo 's campaign as an assault on one of the foe's 
 strongest peiioles, which was carried after a brave resistance, whereupon the 
 natives, amazed at the governor's valor, made haste to sue for peace. But the 
 author of the Ahamiento gives a much fuller account, showing the campaign 
 to have been a long and complicated one, though not involving much hard 
 fighting. Names of places mentioned are Valle de Cieneguilla, Valle del 
 Aguila, Pachera, Temaichic, Tomachic, and Tesorachic. The foe was pursued 
 across the sierra to the land of the Guazapares, and the governor encamped a 
 month on the Pdo Tomachic, whence he sent out detachments against the 
 scattered bands of Tarahumares. killing large numbers. Two of the leaders 
 were not given up until after he had left the country. 
 
356 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 dwell at Aguilar, nor in the soldiers of the guard. In 
 all the annals of the north-west hardly an instance 
 can be found where Spanish settlers in time of peace, 
 however precarious their situation, took any pains to 
 conciliate the good-will of the natives. They bravely 
 met danger when it became necessary to fight, but 
 rarely sought either from a sense of justice or policy 
 to avert it. Here they soon treated the neophytes as 
 slaves, laughed at the padre's protests, and became 
 openly violent toward him. 
 
 The Tarahumares, finding themselves oppressed and 
 the missionary unable to protect them, decided that 
 Christianity was a delusion, and set to w^ork to right 
 their wrongs by a new rebellion. It was at the end 
 of 1649 that signs of approaching trouble began to be 
 manifest to Diego de Lara in command at Aguilar, 
 and he warned Father Godinez to take refuge with 
 the guard; but the padre refused to believe that his 
 kindness could be forgotten by the natives. Lara 
 arrested a few bad characters, and the danger seemed 
 averted, although preparations for revolt still went on 
 under the chiefs Teporaca, Don Diego, and Don Luis. 
 In May 1650 a mother attributed her daughter's death 
 to the rite of extreme unction, and the eloquent Tepo 
 raca used the consequent excitement to alienate the 
 few who still were friendly to their missionary. On 
 June 4th the storm burst on Papigochic; Godinez and 
 his soldier companion were murdered; house, church, 
 and sacred property was destroyed, and the neophytes 
 flecl to the sierra. 39 
 
 Comandante Lara sent to Parral for aid and went 
 out to recover the bodies of the slain, finding the soldier 
 mutilated but not the padre. Captain Barraza from 
 Cerro Gordo and Captain Morales from Parral hast 
 ened by the governor's order to Aguilar, and marched 
 against the foe, fortified two thousand strong on a 
 
 "Pascual says that the farms round the villa were also destroyed and that 
 some of the vecinos were killed. Alegre gives details not mentioned by Pas- 
 cual, having apparently consulted other documents. 
 
DEFEAT OF THE SPANIARDS. 357 
 
 lofty penol. Morales by some seniority of rank 
 claimed the right to lead the first attack, and began 
 the assault with three hundred Spaniards and auxili 
 aries. He fought from dawn to sunset, had many 
 men wounded, was unable to reach the summit, and 
 retreated to where Barraza, guarding the baggage, 
 had erected some hasty fortifications which, as an old 
 Indian-fighter, he suspected would be needed. It was 
 decided to await reinforcements before renewing the 
 attack; but the enemy were not so patient. They 
 came down to the valley and attacked the camp after 
 giving formal notice and allowing Padre Maez time to 
 say mass. This they repeated every day for a week, 
 fighting well with arrows from morning to night. 
 The Spaniards acted on the defensive, were hard 
 pressed, and would have retreated to Aguilar, 'but 
 were hemmed in on all sides. On the seventh day, by 
 a feigned retreat, the savages drew Morales out of 
 camp and into an ambush; but Barraza marched out 
 to the rescue and only one Spaniard was lost. The 
 foe had increased it is said to six thousand in number, 
 while both food and ammunition were failing in camp; 
 the only hope of safety lay in escape to the villa, and 
 by the utmost precaution and good luck in the dark 
 ness of a rainy night the escape was effected without 
 loss. 40 
 
 Mortified at his captain's failure, Governor Fajardo, 
 who was already residing, temporarily at least, at 
 Parral, resolved to attack the Tarahumares in person, 
 and Padre Pascual went with him to Aguilar. With 
 out delay he assaulted the penol, the scene of Morales' 
 defeat, and in the first day's fight was himself re 
 pulsed with some loss. Next day by dividing his 
 force and attacking at two points he gained some 
 advantage and killed the leader of the foe, but was 
 unable to reach the mesa, losing three soldiers and 
 many native allies, and being himself wounded. The 
 
 4U Meanwhile Pascual says a party from Sonora had been defeated, and 
 much of the live-stock driven from Aguilar. 
 
358 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 enemy in their turn fled in the darkness of the night, 
 and the sudden rising of the streams, for it was now 
 the rainy season, prevented any effectual pursuit. The 
 valiant governor returned to Parral; but Captain 
 Barraza remained to ravage the country and harass 
 the fugitive rebels, until finally in the summer of 
 1651 a new peace was patched up. Papigochic was 
 again inhabited by converts, whom with the vecinos 
 of Aguilar, Padre Jacome Antonio Basilio was sent 
 to care for, in place of the martyred Godinez. 
 
 The peace, or truce, lasted until the Tarahurnares 
 were ready for a new outbreak in the spring of 1652. 
 Padre Basilio had founded several small pueblos in the 
 vicinity and had no doubt of ultimate success despite 
 sundry warnings from faithful neophytes. On March 
 2d Teporaca appeared before Aguilar. One part of 
 the force assaulted the town, while another drove off 
 the cattle, ravaged the fields, and cut off every ave 
 nue of escape. At midnight the work of destruction 
 was renewed, church and houses were burned, and it 
 does not appear that any Spaniard saved his life. 
 Basilio, not quite dead from arrow wounds and blows 
 of clubs, was hanged at dawn to the arm of the cross; 
 and as he expired a beautiful child was seen to issue 
 from his mouth and mount to heaven. The southern 
 missions of San Felipe, San Geronimo, and San Pablo 
 took no part in this war, though Teporaca used all 
 his powers of diplomacy to draw them into his ranks. 
 The hope of effecting this was probably wha't kept 
 him from attacking those missions till it was too late 
 to do so with any chance of success. That God op 
 posed his unholy schemes is the Jesuit way of stating 
 it. At Satevo and San Lorenzo all property was 
 destroyed and the same fate overtook seven or eight 
 Franciscan pueblos, 41 but the padres had retired by 
 superior orders. 
 
 At this critical time the governor was obliged to 
 
 41 Santiago, Sta Isabel, San Andre's, San Bernabe", San Gregorio, Yaguna, 
 San Diego Guachinipa, and San Bernardino. Alegre, ii. 394. 
 
THE WAR CONTINUED. 359 
 
 march against the Tobosos, leaving to General Car 
 rion the defence of the missions which Pascual 
 threatened to abandon altogether if a guard were not 
 left, deeming the Tarahumares more to be dreaded 
 than the eastern savages. The rebels profited by 
 Fajardo's absence to renew their efforts, and two thou 
 sand of them assembled at a rancheria near San Felipe 
 to await the arrival of Teporaca from the north. For 
 tunately Fajardo gained a speedy arid decisive victory 
 over the Tobosos, and returned before a junction of 
 the rebel forces could be effected. The ensuing cam 
 paign is not very fully recorded, but it was evidently 
 the most hotly contested one of the war. The Tara 
 humares were kept from attacking the pueblos, forced 
 to act for the most part on the defensive, and slowly 
 retired; nevertheless, by their bravery, knowledge of 
 the country, and strength of positions, they had the 
 best of nearly every encounter, inflicting much loss 
 upon the Spaniards. 42 
 
 Once at Tomochic the Spaniards, attempting a sur 
 prise, were themselves surprised and attacked in a 
 narrow pass, whence they with great difficulty escaped. 
 For two days they retreated fighting; and on the third 
 the foe drew near to engage in a hand-to-hand fight, 
 which was contrary to their usual tactics, but would 
 have been fatal to the soldiers, whose ammunition was 
 nearly gone. A soldier now stepped out without 
 orders, and had the good luck to kill the leader of the 
 foe at the first shot, and the comparatively harmless 
 warfare with arrows was resumed. Again, assaulting 
 the peiiol of Pisachic, Fajardo was repulsed, with forty- 
 two men wounded. A proposed renewal of the assault 
 next day would, it is claimed, have been still more 
 disastrous; but Don Diego, a friend of the governor 
 and a reluctant rebel, persuaded the enemy by argu 
 ment in council to abandon the penol in the night. 
 
 42 Alcgre states that Gov. F. first attacked Teporaca without success, and 
 then transfcred his attention to the force near San Felipe, where for a long 
 time he was equally unfortunate. The original makes no clear distinction 
 between the two rebel forces. 
 
SCO NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 At last the fortune of war was changed on the arrival 
 of reinforcements, and particularly by the accession 
 of friendly Tarahumares, who, as the rebels retired 
 from the pueblos, deemed it safe to espouse the Span 
 ish cause. Their knowledge of the country did much 
 to equalize the combatants, and Captain Narvaez \vas 
 able after a series of minor successes to defeat the 
 main body of the foe. After this defeat, as was usual 
 in north-western warfare, the natives were ready for 
 peace and pardon, and the only condition required was 
 the giving-up of Teporaca. This leader fought des 
 perately, but was captured and hanged, scornfully 
 rejecting baptism and denouncing his countrymen as 
 cowards. The Christian natives, as seems to have 
 been their usage, barbarously riddled with arrows the 
 body of the impenitent chief. 
 
 Peace being thus restored both padres and neo 
 phytes resumed their labors, the former full of 
 confidence as usual that the Tarahumares would give 
 them no further trouble. Five missionaries, Jose 
 Pascual, Geronimo Figueroa, Gabriel Villar, Vigilio 
 Maez, and Rodrigo del Castillo, took their stations at 
 San Felipe, San Pablo, Huexotitlan, Satevo, and San 
 Miguel, respectively. A pestilence devastated the 
 villages for two months, Toboso incursions were never 
 ending, six years of drought had well nigh ruined 
 agricultural industries; yet for these very reasons 
 perhaps spiritual prospects seemed flattering, and the 
 padres had nothing to fear but hard work and a 
 somewhat annoying tendency to drunkenness on the 
 part of their otherwise faithful converts. This was 
 the state of affairs in June 1G52. 43 At or about the 
 cessation of hostilities, Bishop Evia renewed his efforts 
 
 , Noticias de las misiones saca'las de la Anna del Padre Jose Pa*- 
 cual, anode 1651, in N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 179-209. MS. copy also in my 
 Library. This narrative is dated San Felipe, June 29 (1652), and is the lead 
 ing authority on the Tarahumara war. The other original authority is Aha- 
 miento de los Indios Tarahmare.s y su Asiento afio de 1646 (9), in It/., 172-8; 
 which though very brief narrates certain parts of the subject more fully than 
 .Pascual's report. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 365-74, 382-3, 389-98, 405, 
 follows these documents very closely, though there are occasional indications 
 
MISSION ANNALS. 361 
 
 toward secularization, and again sent clergymen to 
 replace Jesuits at San Miguel and Tizonazo. The 
 society was compelled to yield temporarily, but the 
 superior appealed to the audiencia of Guadalajara, 
 obtained a stay of proceedings, and finally a royal 
 order that the Jesuits were not to be disturbed, since 
 the country was not yet prepared for any such change. 
 Missionary annals of Tarahumara for the next 
 tv/enty years and more may be passed over briefly. 
 The padres were obliged to be content for the most 
 part with holding their own in the old pueblos; and 
 the obstacles encountered, though doubtless real and 
 
 ' O 
 
 serious enough to them at the time, are commonplace 
 and monotonous in the record. There were seasons 
 of famine and pestilence as in 1662 and 1666; yet 
 even such afflictions were not unmixed evils, as for 
 example at Satevo, where a person died without 
 confession^ and the strange actions of a horse over 
 his grave frightened the masses into penitence. 
 Intoxication and communion with the devil were the 
 native weaknesses, resulting occasionally in deser 
 tion of the towns, to which end the system of personal 
 service in the mines also contributed. The doctrina 
 was taught in the native languages and in Mexican, 
 but not apparently in Spanish. Figueroa seems to 
 have succeeded Pascual as superior, and his reports 
 are the chief authority for the history of this period. 44 
 Padre Juan Sarmiento went to San Francisco Javier 
 Satevo in 1665, where his presence quelled threatened 
 disturbance. Pedro Escalante about San Felipe 
 worked wonders with a relic, extracting with it an 
 aching tooth that had resisted all secular instruments. 
 Bernabe de Soto served at Tizonazo in 1662. 
 
 In 1668, by Figueroa's report, there were five parti- 
 dos, each with its padre, the new pueblos named being 
 
 that he saw other papers, which, like these, he does not name. Cavo, Tres 
 Sl'jlos, ii. 34-5, barely mentions this war. See also Guijo, Diario, 219; Alva- 
 rc:.; Estudioa Hint., iii. 244-54; Mayer's Hex. Aztec, i. 203-6. 
 
 "Figueroa, Puntos de Anua, 1652-68, in N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 217-30. 
 See ako Alegre, ii. 427, 436, 441, 444-8. 
 
362 KUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 Nativiclad, San Mateo, and San Ignacio. Spiritually 
 all went swimmingly ; souls were sent to heaven, the 
 friars consoled, and God glorified; even the native 
 appetite for strong drink being held in check by want 
 of corn for distillation. In material wealth and in 
 dustries these five missions were the most flourishing 
 in the country. But politically all went amiss; offi 
 cials were careless or corrupt, irregularities went 
 unpunished, thefts and even murders were but too 
 common. As a nation the Tarahumares were quiet, 
 but a few local troubles occurred, and the Tobosos 
 continued their raids for plunder. Three such incur 
 sions into Tarahuniara territory are noted between 
 1652 and 1662; and in 1667 Padre Kodrigo del Cas 
 tillo on the road from Inde to his mission of San 
 Miguel was stopped by a hostile band. Five Span 
 iards and ten natives with him were killed; but his 
 own life was spared, apparently from fear that he 
 could in some mysterious way send disaster upon the 
 murderers, as they said the Franciscans had done. 
 Yet notwithstanding this fear the padre had to bring 
 about the peaceful surrender by the guard of a band 
 of cattle. He died the next year from grief at this 
 event, after completing a new church in honor of 
 Saint Michael. 45 
 
 The first extension of the field was in 1673. Dur 
 ing the long interval since Father Basilio's murder 
 nothing had been done in the north-west about Papi- 
 gochic and Aguilar; but now, under the miraculous 
 protection of San Francisco Javier, the patronage of 
 Governor Salcedo, and the valor of Lieutenant-gov 
 ernor Sarria, it was deemed possible to reopen this 
 field of labor. After a grand preliminary assemblage 
 of political functionaries, military officials, native 
 caciques, and Jesuit padres at Huexotitlan on Sep- 
 
 45 Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 51, says that the Tarahumares after fighting 20 
 years were defeated in 1671 by GOO men under Capt. Nicolas Barraza ! In 
 1070, according to Apostolicos Afanes, 227, they were persuaded to be con 
 verted and many missions rose! Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 237, also puts the end 
 of the revolt in 1670. 
 
FRANCISCAN DISTRICT. 303 
 
 teniber 30th, fathers Francisco Barrionuevo and Juan 
 Manuel Gauiboa started the 1st of November attended 
 by a few Spaniards and a party of natives under the 
 friendly cacique San Pablo. Early in 1674 Barrio 
 nuevo was replaced by Jose Tarda, and the mission 
 of San Bernabe was soon founded with its three 
 villages of Cuitzochic, Curiguarichic, and Corachic. 46 
 
 A line from Durango in the south to Tutuaca in 
 the northern sierra just above the big bend of the 
 Yaqui passing through San Juan $Q\ Rio, Tizonazo, 
 San Miguel, Parral, Satevo, Concepcion, and Yepo- 
 mera would form in a general way a boundary be 
 tween the Jesuit and Franciscan districts of Nueva 
 Yizcaya down to the end of the century. The sera 
 phic order occupied with their scattered convents the 
 broad regions of the east and north; but the records 
 of their work are even more fragmentary than the 
 work itself. This was always a tierra de guerra, 
 scourged by Tobosos, Apaches, and other savage 
 tribes, having as a rule no other Spanish settlements 
 than presidio garrisons. Within this field the Fran 
 ciscans, after the revolt of 1G45-6, founded ten or 
 twelve missions, several of which were destroyed be 
 fore 1700. Of their progress in the south, that is in 
 eastern Durango, nothing is known, save that the 
 establishments at Mapimi and Cuencame were prob 
 ably kept up, and that the order had a doctrina at 
 San Juan del Rio, where Padre Estevan Benitez with 
 a party of soldiers was murdered by the Indians in 
 1686. In the central region about San Bartolome 
 San Pablo is said to have been reoccupied in 1649, 
 San Francisco de Conchos in 1667 which would im 
 ply a previous abandonment not definitely recorded 
 and Atotonilco at a date not given but after 1663, 
 while Julimes was founded in 1691. In 1656 a kind 
 
 "Alcrjre, ii. 463-70. I have added a <c' to the names, but there is no 
 dependence to be placed on the orthography and no apparent possibility of 
 fixing the exact localities. 
 
364 NUE VA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 of branch convent was formed at Parral, causing in 
 later years some slight misunderstanding with the 
 Jesuits, who claimed exclusive control of Tarahu- 
 mara. 47 
 
 Respecting the time when the Franciscans began 
 to extend their field toward the north-west we have 
 Arlegui's statement that San Antonio de Casas Gran- 
 des was founded in 1640, which is doubtless an error. 
 He also notes the foundation of Santa Maria de la 
 Natividad in 1660, San Pedro Namiquipa in 1663, 
 Santiago Babonoyaba in 1665, Santa Isabel Tarci- 
 mares in 1668, and San Andres in 1694. 43 From an 
 expediente in the archives, the documents of which are 
 dated from 1667 to 1669, 49 it appears that in the sec 
 ond year of Governor Beaumont's rule, probably in 
 1663, he heard that the people called Sumas of Casas 
 Grandes, Torreon, and Carretas, desired padres and 
 that the country was in every way adapted to the 
 requirements of a mission and settlement. He there 
 fore commanded Captain Andres Garcia to pass over 
 from the Rio del Norte and settle there, and obtained 
 for the mission a missionary, Padre Andres Baez, 
 Paez, or Perez, by paying the expense out of his own 
 pocket. Two years later, in 1665, when Antonio 
 Valdes became provincial, Pedro Aparicio and Nico- 
 ld,s Hidalgo were sent to replace Baez, Beaumont still 
 paying their salary of three hundred pesos each, since 
 the new governor would not assume the responsibility. 
 Aparicio soon died, and in 1667 ex-Governor Beau 
 mont and Governor Oca petitioned the viceroy to 
 regularly establish or assume the expense of the 
 three doetrinas, claiming that such a course would not 
 only promote the spread of Christianity, but was 
 essential to the protection of the country and of com- 
 
 "Arlegui, Chron. Zac., 97-8, 103-9, 250-1. P. Antonio Valde"s, writing 
 April 29, 1C67, N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 298, speaks of preparations being made 
 to resettle San Francisco with 200 Indians and an escort of 20 soldiers from 
 Sinaloa. 
 
 48 Chron. Zac., 103-9. 
 
 49 N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 231-56. The expediente contains 25 documents, 
 only a few of which contain any information. 
 
FRANCISCANS IN CHIHUAHUA. 365 
 
 merce with the coast provinces and New Mexico. 
 The district also contained a valuable salina. 50 The 
 money and padres were probably supplied at an early 
 date as asked for; but we know nothing of subsequent 
 events in the north-west, except that Santa Ana del 
 Torreon with four pueblos and Santa Maria de las 
 Carre tas with three were destroyed by Apaches before 
 1700. 51 
 
 In 1697 Padre Geronimo Martinez, while making 
 a general visita of the Franciscan missions in com 
 pany with Padre Alonso Briones, fqund a large body 
 of natives favorably disposed for salvation, founded 
 with them a new pueblo, and left Briones in charge. 
 The new mission was called Nombre de Dios, and was 
 distant about a league from the site of the modern 
 city of Chihuahua, founded early in the next century 
 as a real de minas under the name of San Felipe. 52 
 In the north-east the settlement of El Paso del Norte 
 was founded in connection with the New Mexican 
 establishments before the great revolt of 1680. 53 In 
 1684, or more likely a few years earlier, three Francis- 
 
 50 Oca's report of Sept. 22d, and Beaumont's of Oct. 23d, in N. Vizcaya, 
 Doc., iii. 232-6. Padre Paia, commissary-general, certifies to the desira 
 bility of the three doctrinas and makes a formal demand for 900 pesos to pay 
 three padres. Oct. llth, Valdes, the provincial, corroborates Beaumont's 
 statements. Aug. 16th, Capt. Garcia (or Gracia) certifies to having just 
 made a trip to Casas Grandes, to its prosperity and zeal for conversion, and 
 says P. Juan Balboa has promised to go there. The same persons repeat 
 these statements in substance in other communications. The rest of the docu 
 ments are routine 'red tape' references of the matter to various officials, each 
 of whom reports that he knows nothing of the subject, but that MrSo-and-So 
 knows all about it. 
 
 61 Arleyui, Chrdn. Zac., 103. Padre Valdes writes in April 1GG7 that he 
 has three padres and is about to start for new conversions. In June he had 
 established four and selected sites for eight more. Thousands of souls were 
 perishing between Parral and Sinaloa. It is not likely that he refers in these 
 letters to the Casas Grandes missions. N. Vizcaya, Doc. , iii. 295-300 
 
 52 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 314-15; Arlegui, Chr6n. Zac., 107-8. I 
 have already noticed Alegre's error in confounding the southern San Felipe 
 with San Felipe de Chihuahua. 
 
 w Capt. Garcia was forming a settlement on the Rio del Norte when 
 ordered to Casas Grandes in 1603, and it is not unlikely that this settlement 
 was that of El Paso. N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 234. Davis, El Gringo, 380, says 
 the name was derived from the fact that the river here passes the moun 
 tains. Pike, Explor. Trav., 345, says it was because the Spaniards passed 
 hither at the revolt. Not from its being the passage of the river, which 
 is fordable anywhere. BartletCs Nar., i. 184. Of course all this is con- 
 
3G6 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 cans were sent down the river from El Paso by Gov 
 ernor Jironza; and as at Junta de los Rios, or the 
 junction of the Conchos and Rio del Norte, the 
 natives, Conchos, Julimes, and Chocolomes, seemed 
 docile and convertible into Christians; Padre Antonio 
 Acebedo remained there to teach, while the others, 
 with the escort of soldiers, made a tour in Texas. On 
 their return Padre Zavaleta remained with Acebedo, 
 retaining also a few northern Indians; but very soon 
 the natives revolted, destroyed everything, killed the 
 New Mexicans, and turned out the friars without 
 food and almost naked, to reach El Paso after much 
 suffering. 54 A mission of Sumas was established in 
 1683, eight leagues below El Paso, and named Gua- 
 dalupe; but the natives revolted next year, destroyed 
 the mission and joined the Janos natives who killed 
 Father Beltran at Soledad. 55 Thus incomplete and 
 unsatisfactory do w r e find the seventeenth-century 
 annals of northern Chihuahua. 
 
 Returning to the Jesuit field, south and west of 
 the line already indicated, we find that at San Bernabe 
 Padre Gamboa was replaced in 1675 by Tomas de 
 Guadalajara, w T ho with Father Tarda traversed before 
 the end of the year the w r hole region to Yepomera and 
 Tutuaca, the northern limit of Jesuit work during the 
 century as it was the limit of Tarahumara proper. 
 The details of their wanderings are given with con 
 siderable minuteness in a report signed by both 
 padres, 56 but do not demand extended notice here. 
 
 jecture, and the most probable origin of the name is certainly from the ford 
 ing of the river at this point on some particular occasion. Still probabilities 
 in such cases are often farthest from truth, and there is no direct evidence en 
 the point. 
 
 54 Escalante, Carta, in Doc. Hist. Mcx., se>ie iii. torn. iv. 121-2. Paredes, 
 Notitias in Id., 213, speaks of an expedition of Mendoza and Padre Lopez 
 down to the Junta in 1684. Villa-Seaor, Theatre, ii. 424-5, says the Junta 
 missions were founded in 1660, and were broken up by a revolt two years 
 later. The padres, half-dead from exposure, were rescued by the governor at 
 Parral and sent back to New Mexico. Some of the converts came to S. Bar- 
 tolome" to live until 1714. 
 
 ^Escalante, Carta, 121-2. 
 
 50 Guadalajara and Tarda, Testimonio de Carta escrita por los padres. . . 
 
JESUITS IX CHIHUAHUA. 3G7 
 
 The narrative is composed for the most part of com 
 monplace adventures, of puerile stories respecting 
 miraculous cures and conversions, and of the devil's 
 plots against the society of Jesus. The writers con 
 clude at the date of writing that el demonio is now 
 overcome, and that with the aid of additional mission 
 aries a grand Jesuit triumph may be secured. During 
 the tour and in the spring of 1676 the work of baptism 
 was begun, native teachers were left, and even churches 
 begun at Carichic, Papigochic, and Tutuaca; and these 
 with many other villages only awaited the coming of 
 resident padres to start out in earnest on their career 
 of Christianity. 
 
 Of the coming of these padres and of their acts in 
 the north for two years we know nothing, except that 
 in 1677 there was a slight misunderstanding between 
 the rival orders respecting boundaries. Father Alonso 
 Mesa objected to the act of the Jesuits in including 
 the Yepomera district within their field. The Jesuits 
 claimed it as a part of Tarahumara, and the Francis 
 cans apparently because there were some Conchos 
 mixed with the population. The latter alleged an old 
 agreement by which the Rio Papigochic, or Yaqui, 
 was made the boundary; but no such document could 
 be found when the matter was submitted to superior 
 authority. The Franciscan protest was perhaps a 
 mere formality; at least it seems to have had no 
 practical effect and caused no serious ill-feeling. 57 The 
 demands of the two pioneers for help must have re 
 ceived prompt attention, for as early as 1678 we find 
 in this new northern field christened mission of San 
 
 al Rev. P. Francisco Jimenez Provincial, etc., in N. Vizcaya, Doc., iii. 272- 
 94; also MS. The letter is dated Feb. 2, 1076, and there are annexed many 
 other papers of a 'red tape' order, and of no value. The villages named as 
 having been visited are as follows: Guerucaricliic (or Jesus Carichic), S. Jos6 
 Tcmaichic, Papigochic, S. Rafael Matachic, Sta Cruz (Mulatos), Triunfo de 
 Los Angeles, Yepomera, S. Gabriel, Napabechic, Tutuaca, Paquibeta, Tairachic, 
 Tosoborcachic, 8. Jos<$ Pachera, Tejareri, Arisiachic, Toserachic, Sacachic, and 
 Tomochic. Many of these cannot be exactly located, but some will be found 
 on the map. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 471-0, iii. 10-11, follows this re 
 port very closely. 
 
 57 Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 10-18. 
 
368 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 Joaquin. y Santa Ana and embracing thirty-two pueblos 
 in nine partidos seven missionaries serving about five 
 thousand natives with perhaps one hundred Spaniards. 
 The new padres were Francisco Celada, Francisco 
 Arteaga, Diego Contreras, Antonio Orena, and Nico 
 las Ferrer. In the south, or Tarahumara Baja 
 thirteen pueblos in five partidos constituting the mis 
 sion of Natividad five padres were serving over three 
 thousand natives and possibly three hundred Span 
 iards. The padres not already named were Francisco 
 "Valdes, Martin Prado, and Manuel Gutierrez Arteaga. 
 These facts are gathered from Zapata's visita already 
 referred to for regions farther south and west, and the 
 statistics of which I reproduce in a note, since this 
 report, while not altogether accurate, is the only ex 
 isting source of information respecting many of the 
 pueblos. 58 
 
 58 Mission of Natividad, or of Tarahumares antiguos, 5 partidos, 3,818 
 persons: 
 
 (1. ) San Miguel de las Bocas, 14 leagues N. w. of Tizonazo, near Rio Florido, 
 pop. 236. Under P. Pedro de Escalante, serving 386 persons. Ten estancias 
 of Spaniards tended by the padre, but really belonging to the curates of Inde", 
 S. Bartolom<, and El Oro. 
 
 (2. ) San Felipe, 24 1. N. S. Miguel, 12 1. from Parral, on Jlio Conchos, 
 pop. 312; Sta Cruz, 6 1. w. S. Felipe, up river, pop. 455; S. Jose", 7 1. N. w. 
 (S. Felipe?), called also Salto del Agua, pop. 101. Under P. Francisco Val- 
 de"s, serving 1,010. Seven estancias and ranches of Spaniards, who have no 
 curate. 
 
 (3.) San Pablo, 17 1. s. S. Felipe, up river, pop. 380; San Juan Atotonilco, 
 2 1. up river from S. Pablo, pop. 113; S. Mateo, down river (from S. Pablo?), 
 pop. 120. Under P. Martin del Prado, serving 633 persons, mostly Tepe- 
 huanes. 
 
 (4.) San Ger6nimo Huexotitlan, 7 1. N. E. S. Pablo, 6 1. s. Rio Conchos, 
 15 1. from Parral, pop. 320; S. Ignacio, 5 1. N. S. Geronimo, on Rio Conchos; 
 S. Javier, 1 1. N. S. Ignacio, on Rio Conchos, pop. of the two, 434. Under 
 PP. Manuel Gutierrez Arteaga and Gabriel del Villar, serving 754 persons. 
 One estancia of Spaniards. 
 
 (5.) San Francisco Javier Satevo, 30 1. N. Huexotitlan, 16 1. N. S. Felipe, 
 pop. 51G; Cuevas and rancheria of S. Antonio, 1 1. E. S. Francisco, near Rio 
 S. Pedro, pop. 242; S. Lorenzo, 12 1. w. San Francisco, pop. 286. Under P. 
 Juan Sarmiento, serving 1,134 persons. A few small Spanish estancias. 
 
 Mission of San Joaquin y Santa Ana, 8 partidos: 
 
 (1.) San Francisco de Borja, or S. Joaquin y Sta Ana, 14 1. N. w. Satevo, 
 pop. 376; Sta Ana Yeguiachic, 3 1. E. Borja, pop. 504; Guadalupe Saguari- 
 chic, 3 1. w. Borja, pop. 286; S. Francisco Javier Parnaguichic, 4 1. s. w. 
 Borja, pop. 150. Under P. Francisco de Celada, serving 1,316 persons. 
 
 (2.) Naa Sra de Mouserrate Nonoava, 12 1. s. w. (?) Borja, on Rio Uma- 
 risac, pop. 209; Nra Sra de Copucabafia Paguarichic, 5 1. N. Nonoava, on 
 
STATISTICS. 369 
 
 For the rest of the century, twenty years and more, 
 our knowledge of Chihuahua history, in addition to 
 what has already been said of the Franciscan estab 
 lishments, is confined to a few imperfectly recorded 
 facts respecting the hostilities of different Indian 
 tribes. The savages of the eastern and northern 
 frontiers continued almost without cessation their 
 raids on pueblos, haciendas, mining camps, and trav 
 ellers. Their system of warfare has been sufficiently 
 described, and about these later raids no particulars 
 have been preserved. In 1685 the king ordered the 
 establishment of three new presidios at Pasaje, Gallo, 
 and Conchos, each with a garrison of fifty men in 
 addition to the force already stationed at Parral and 
 the presidio of Cerro Gordo. A little later there 
 were added in the north the presidios of Janos and 
 
 same river, pop. 113. Under P. Francisco de Arteaga, serving 352 persons. 
 Several rancherias of gentiles named. 
 
 (3.) Jesus Carichic, or Guanicarichic, 161. N. Nonoava, with Paqnibeta, 
 Tamiiia, and Santiago 2 1. down river, pop. 558; San Luis Goiizaga Tagira- 
 chic, 41. w. Carichic, pop. 41; Concepcion de Papigochic, 31. s. Carichic, 
 pop. 77; S. Casimiro Bocarinachic, 4 1. s (Concepcion?), pop. 33. Under P. 
 Diego de Contreras, serving 706 persons. Several rancherias of gentiles 
 named. 
 
 (4.) Maria Santisima Sisoguichic, 14 1. s. w. Carichic, in sierra, pop. 179; 
 Asuncion Echoguita, 4 1. N. w. Sisoguichic, pop. 9. Under P. Antonio 
 Orefia, serving 182 persons. Two days' journey w. is Cuteco, bordering on 
 the Guaznpares. 
 
 (5.) San Josd Temaichic, 14 1. N. E. Sisoguichic, pop. 150; San Marcos 
 Pichachi, 5 1. w. S. Jose, pop. 11; Sta Rosa de Sta Maria Pachera, 3 1. S. 
 Jose, pop. 0; S. Juan Toraboreachic, 8 1. E. S. Josd, on road to S. Bernabd, 
 pop. 92. Under P. Jos<3 de Guevara (non-resident), serving 203 persons. 
 
 (6.) San Bernabe Cuziguariachic, 111. s. E. S. Jose", pop. 327; San Ignacio 
 Coyachic, N. E. Cuzig., pop. 4G6; S. Miguel Napabechic, 9 1. N. Cuzig., pop. 
 92. Under P. Jose" Tarda (rector), serving 912 persons. Includes the mining 
 camp of S. Francisco Saguarichic, 4 1. from S. Miguel. 
 
 (7.) Purisima de Papigochic, 15 1. N. Cuzig., on Rio Yaqui, pop. 224; S. 
 Cornelio Paguirachic, 1^ 1. s. Pap., pop. 33; Sto Tomas de Villanueva, 4 1. 
 N. Pap., pop. 60; S. Pablo Basuchi, 5 1. E. Pap., pop. 100. Under P. Nicolas 
 Ferrer, serving 450 persons. 
 
 (S.) Triunfo de Los Angeles Matachic, or San Rafael, 18 1. N. Pap., pop., 
 335; S. Miguel Temeschic, 2 1. N. Mat., down river, pop. 64; S. Gabriel 
 Yepomera, 1^ 1. N. s. Mig., 5 1. N. Mat., pop. 118; S. Pablo Ocomorachic, 6 1. 
 w. Mat., 5 1. from river, pop. 91. Under P. Tomas de Guadalajara, serving 
 748 persons. 
 
 (9.) Jesus del Monte Tutuaca, 22 1. N. w. Matachic, pop. 30 fam.; S. 
 Evangelista Tosonachic, 8 1. E. Tutuaca, pop. 35; Santiago Yepachi, 10 1. w. 
 (Tutanca?), pop. 40; San Juan Bautista Maquina, 4 1. (Yepachi?), pop. 30. 
 Under P. Guadalajara, serving 226 persons. Two hundred and thirty Ovas 
 were also baptized in Sonora. Zapata, Relation, iii. 316-43. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 24 
 
370 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY. 
 
 Casas Grandes, with Fronteras, or Corodeguachi, 
 across the line in Sonora. Forces from these presi 
 dios were constantly on the move against the raiders, 
 striving to protect Spanish life and property as well 
 as the mission pueblos, pursuing hostile bands, recov 
 ering plunder chiefly in the form of live-stock, occa 
 sionally killing considerable numbers of the foe, or 
 more frequently capturing women and children, who 
 were for the most part distributed among the soldiers 
 as servants or slaves. Captain Juan Fernandez 
 Retana particularly distinguished himself in this bor 
 der warfare, and the Spaniards were nearly always 
 aided by large bands of native allies. 
 
 The Jesuit missions of Alta Tarahumara, though 
 somewhat less exposed than the Franciscan establish 
 ments to outrages of the savages, were nevertheless 
 in frequent danger, because the mountains were still 
 infested by unconverted Tarahumares who were hardly 
 less to be dreaded than the Tobosos of the east or the 
 Apaches of the north; in fact it is not unlikely that 
 they committed many of the depredations attributed 
 to those tribes. There were also one or two attempts 
 at general revolt among the Tarahumares and their 
 western neighbors in Sonora, which are vaguely 
 alluded to rather than described. The most serious 
 culminated in 1690, after having been threatened and 
 prepared since 1685. The trouble is said to have 
 originated in some dissatisfaction of the Tubares 
 across the mountains, of whom I shall have more to 
 say in another chapter, but soon spread to the Tara 
 humares and Conchos, and there assumed formidable 
 proportions. The meetings of the rebels, whose re 
 puted leader was Corosia, were held in the Casas 
 Grandes region, whence emissaries were sent to all 
 
 O - 
 
 the missions on both sides of the sierra. Warnings 
 came to the ears of the missionaries, by whom they 
 were sent to the military authorities ; but these warn 
 ings were of so general a nature and the points where 
 danger w T as to be apprehended were so vaguely de- 
 
REVOLT OF 1G90. 371 
 
 fined, and rumors of this kind were so common, that 
 no extraordinary or effectual precautions were taken. 
 
 The revolt broke out in April 1690. Alegre tells 
 us it was on April 2d when "the barbarians fell upon 
 haciendas, reales de minas, and missions without re 
 sistance, destroying crops, burning buildings, and steal 
 ing all that came within their reach, as far as the 
 jurisdiction of Ostirnuri, and even to the northern 
 frontier of Nueva Galicia." On April llth Padre 
 Juan Ortiz Foronda, at Yepomera, and Padre Manuel 
 Sanchez, with Captain Manuel Clavero, on their way 
 to Tutuaca, were murdered by the rebels. Villagu- 
 tierre speaks of a revolt in which the Indians flayed 
 Spaniards alive, and used their skulls for drinking- 
 cups, having to be twice subdued by Governor Par- 
 dinas. Berrotaran says that the Tarahumares re 
 volted, killing some padres, burning their churches, 
 and running away to the mountains, two years being 
 required to restore quiet. Cavo calls it a general 
 uprising of Tarahumares and Tepehuanes in 1689, who 
 killed the Franciscans, three Jesuits, and all the 
 Spaniards they could find, the causes of the revolt 
 being the oppression of miners and the exhortations 
 of native sorcerers. It would seem that Alegre's 
 statement must be greatly exaggerated, for it would 
 hardly be possible for so extensive a rebellion to leave 
 so slight a record; and this is shown even by the same 
 author's remark that only a few Tarahumares were 
 concerned, the war being waged mainly by Janos, Jo- 
 comes, Chinarras, Sumas, and other savage bands. 
 The Pimas of Kino's missions in Sonora were also, 
 and very absurdly, accused by many of being involved 
 in the matter. I find no evidence that the Tepe 
 huanes were concerned in the revolt, or that any 
 Franciscans were killed. 
 
 Captain Salazar from Casas Grandes, Captain Fu- 
 ente from Janos, Captain Retana from Conchos, with 
 forces from Gallo and Cerro Gordo, under Captain 
 Cigalde, and with other companies under captains 7 
 
372 NUEVA VIZCAYAN HISTORY 
 
 Medina, Salaises, and Mendivil, were ordered at once 
 to the scene of the outbreak, and Governor Pardinas 
 marched in person from Parral to Papigochic, and 
 thence to Yepomera, where his head-quarters were 
 fixed. We know nothing of the campaigns by which 
 this grand combination of Vizcayan forces proceeded 
 to restore peace to the country; but we are told that 
 Father Salvatierra, coming up from the old Guaza- 
 pare field, where he had kept the western Indians for 
 the most part quiet, did more than all the military 
 force to bring back the fugitives to their villages. 
 There were subsequent disturbances on the Sonora 
 frontier in which the Tarahumares, like the savage 
 tribes of Chihuahua, were more or less directly impli 
 cated, but we have no definite information on the 
 subject. 59 
 
 b9 AIe(jre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 53-4, 70-3; Villagutierre, Tlist. Conq. Itza, 
 210-11; Berrotaran, Jnforme acerca de los Presidios de N. Viz., 164-71; 
 Cavo, Trex Siglos, ii. 74-5, 91. The last writer cites Apendice al Cristiano 
 Feliz del Nuratori, relation de Sinaloa, and Duyc, Hist. Manuscrita. See 
 also Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 266-7; Alvarez, Estudlos Hist., iii. 295-301; and 
 Zamacoi*, Hist. Mej., v. 451-2, all following Cavo or Alcgre; also Sigiitnza 
 y Gonyora, Carlo, al Almirante, MS., 6. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 NEW MEXICO, COAHUILA, AND TEXAS. 
 1600-1700. 
 
 ANNALS OF NEW MEXICO PROSPERITY, REVOLT, AND RECONQUEST COA 
 HUILA ENTRIES OF SALDUENDO AND LARIOS THE EARLIEST MISSIONS 
 FOUNDING OF MONCLOVA RULERS FRANCISCANS FROM QUERETARO AND 
 JALISCO MISSION CHANGES TEXAS RESUME FOR SIXTEENTH CEN 
 TURY EXPEDITIONS FROM NEW MEXICO ONATE IN QUIVIRA THE JUMA* 
 NAS Rio NUECES CAPTAIN VACA MARTIN AND CASTILLO COUNTRY 
 OF THE TEJAS PE^ALOSA'S PRETENDED ENTRADA EFFORTS OF LOPEZ 
 AND MENDOZA FATHER PAREDES' REPORT NORTH-EASTERN GEOG 
 RAPHY THE NAME TEXAS FRENCH PROJECTS PENALOSA AGAIN 
 LA SALLE'S EXPEDITION FORT ST Louis DISASTROUS FATE OF THE 
 COLONY PESTILENCE AND MURDER SPANISH EFFORTS BARROTO'S 
 VOYAGES LEON'S EXPEDITION SECOND ENTRADA FATHER MASANET 
 AND HIS FRIARS MISSIONS FOUNDED EXPEDITION OF GOVERNOR 
 TERAN DE LOS Rios NUEVA MONTANA DE SANTANDER Y SANTILLANA 
 ABANDONMENT OF TEXAS. 
 
 IN New Mexico, the history of which province is 
 merely outlined here to be fully recorded in a later vol 
 ume, prosperity ceased for a time after the conquest of 
 1599. Friars and colonists were content; but the cap 
 tain-general, Onate, viewing the new province merely 
 as a stepping-stone to grander conquests, shaped his 
 policy without reference to the interests of Francis 
 cans, settlers, or natives. A quarrel ensued; drought 
 and improvidence brought famine; and Onate returned 
 from the north-eastern plains in 1601 to find the 
 country deserted, the colony having retired to Chihua 
 hua. A war on paper in Mexico and Spain resulted 
 in the sending-back of the friars to reoccupy the mis 
 sions, in modifying Onate's ambitious schemes, and in 
 the furnishing of reinforcements by the aid of which 
 
 (373; 
 
374 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 the governor in 1G04-5 made an exploration westward 
 and down the Colorado to its mouth. Subsequently 
 and before 1630 Santa Fe was founded, to be the capi 
 tal instead of San Juan. In 1608 nine padres were 
 at work; in 1626 there were forty-three churches, and 
 baptisms numbered thirty-four thousand. Thirty new 
 friars came in 1629; and the next year fifty mission 
 aries were serving sixty thousand converts in ninety 
 pueblos. In these years was New Mexico's greatest 
 prosperity, though the decline was not very marked 
 for half a century, a period the anrials of which are 
 made up of changes in political and military and mis 
 sionary officials, of a few expeditions of defence or 
 exploration into the adjoining regions, of two or three 
 vaguely recorded and promptly suppressed attempts 
 at revolt by the Pueblo converts, and of the usual 
 petty items of local mission progress. 
 
 Then came upon the province the greatest disaster 
 that ever befell Spain on the northern frontier, if not 
 indeed in any part of America. In August 1680, 
 during the rule of Governor Otermin, in a general 
 and skilfully planned revolt of the neophytes, four 
 hundred Spaniards, including twenty-one Franciscan 
 friars, were killed, and the survivors were driven out 
 of the province, which for more than a decade was 
 left in possession of its aboriginal owners. The Span 
 iards established themselves at El Paso in the south, 
 in which region they did some missionary work as 
 already related in this volume, while the New Mexi 
 cans, after a little, fought among themselves, and thus 
 threw away their chances for continued independence. 
 Otermin and his successors made several reconnois- 
 sances and unsuccessful attempts to reoccupy the 
 pueblo towns. In 1692 Governor Vargas retook 
 Santa Fe without bloodshed, and received the sub 
 mission of many other towns, but left no garrisons. 
 The next year he returned with a large colony and 
 occupied Santa Fe after a hard-fought battle. The 
 reconquest was completed after much fighting in 1694; 
 
NEW MEXICO. 375 
 
 the friars resumed their labors; new missions and 
 even villas were established. In 1696, however, five 
 missionaries and twenty other Spaniards lost their 
 lives in a new revolt, and many towns were aban 
 doned; but all submitted and were pardoned before 
 the end of the year, which may be regarded as the 
 date of New Mexico's permanent submission to Span 
 ish rule. The feeble remnants of once powerful na 
 tions made no further organized resistance. The 
 western pueblos were yet independent; but with the 
 exception of Moqui they renewed their allegiance be 
 fore the end of the century. 
 
 Coahuila in the seventeenth century was the region 
 north of latitude 26, between the Bolson de Mapimi 
 on the west and the Rio Grande del Norte on the 
 east and north. It did not include the southern 
 region of Parras and Saltillo until late in the next 
 century. The northern country was visited as we 
 have seen in 1603 by Padre Antonio Salduendo, who 
 toiled there for two or three years until forced to 
 abandon the /field by raids of the wild Tobosos. The 
 next visit was by Padre Juan Larios, of the Jaliscan 
 college of Franciscans, about the year 1670. 1 Three 
 or four years later other friars of the same province 
 came, and the mission of San Miguel de Aguayo was 
 founded about 1675, the exact date being unknown, 
 the founding of Nadadores a few leagues distant being 
 a year or two later.' 2 
 
 1 Morft, Diario, 421 ; Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnog., 301; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 
 221-31. Frejes gives many particulars about Larios' operations, but of doubt 
 ful authenticity. He says the padre was stopped on the road in Durango 
 and forced by strange natives to accompany them. Their first cry was 'Coa 
 huila ' hence the name. He was miraculously preserved from Toboso attacks; 
 and three years after his entry was joined by padres Este"van Martinez, Man 
 uel de la Cruz, and Juan Larrcro. The first missions were then founded with 
 the 500 natives subdued by Larios. Also mention in Mexico, Infornie de la 
 Com. Pesq., 1874, G2. 
 
 'Arze y Porteria, In forme de las Misiones de Coahuila, 1787, 295, says 
 there is no record of the 'date either in mission or government archives. In 
 RcviUa Gi</edo, Carta de L7 Lie. 1703, 25-8, the date of founding S. Miguel is 
 1675 or 1C7C. The mission of Nadadores is called Nra Sra dc Victoria and 
 Sta Rosa. Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnog., 302, says that Santa Rosa de Nada- 
 
376 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 It was about 1676 that Bishop Santa Cruz of Gua 
 dalajara extended his diocesan visit to this country, 
 and established four new pueblos, distributing grain 
 and live-stock, and perhaps sending some Tlascaltec 
 families to serve as models to the natives. 3 In 1682 
 came Bishop Leon Garavito, who founded a cofradia 
 at San Miguel and gave some live-stock and blankets 
 for a hospital. 4 
 
 Rumors of French encroachments, of which I shall 
 have more to say in this chapter, impelled the viceroy 
 in 1687 to establish the villa and presidio of Santiago 
 cle Monclova, named for himself, and often called 
 Villa de Coahuila. The site was half a league from 
 San Miguel, and the colony sent consisted of one 
 hundred and fifty families, including two hundred 
 and seventy armed men. 5 The comandante was prob 
 ably Captain Andres de Leon, who at least was gov 
 ernor of the province a year or two later. Leon made 
 two entradas to Texas, to be noted later; and was 
 succeeded by Domingo Teran de los Rios, who in 
 1691 was made governor of Coahuila and Texas, but 
 retired to Mexico in 1692. Whether he returned to 
 Coahuila is not clear; but Francisco Cuervo y Valdes 
 and Pedro Rabago de Teran are mentioned as gov 
 ernors about tlie end of the century and beginning of 
 the next. 6 
 
 dores was first founded in 1C77, 40 leagues N. W. of Coahuila, moved to near 
 the river Nadadores on account of Toboso raids, and finally in 1G93 with the 
 addition of eight Tlascaltec families on the site 7 1. N. w. of Coahuila. The 
 same author names San Francisco de Coahuila^ 1. N. of Monclova, no date; 
 and San Buenaventura de las Cuatro Cie"negas, founded by P. Manuel de la 
 Cruz in 1673 (?) 20 1. w. of Coahuila, moved G 1. nearer to Contotortes, aban 
 doned, and reestablished in 1693, L5 1. from Nadadores, where it remained 
 until 1747. 
 
 s I;/le*iasyConv., Rel, 293; Dice. Univ., iv. 376; Arze y PorteHa, Informe, 
 295-8. According to the latter the natives soon abandoned Nadadores to the 
 Tlascaltecs. 
 
 4 Garcia, Informe acerca de las Misiones del Rio Grande. 21-2; Arze y 
 Porteria, Inf., 296-7. See also mere mention of the Coahuila missions in 
 1674 and J67S, in Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 244, 249. 
 
 5 Rivera, Gob. Mex.,i. 262; Id., Hixt. Jala-pa, i. 101; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., 
 \. 446; Larenaudiere, Mex. Guaf., 227; Mayers Mex. Aztec., i. 217; Espinosa, 
 Orima, 409, 467; Doc. Hist. Tex., MS., 58. 
 
 c Garcia, Informe, 37-8; Espmona, Cr6n., 408, 463-4; Cavo, Tres Sighs, 
 ii. 73; Guerra entre Mex. y Est. Un., 8; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, p. iii, 
 
FRANCISCAN MISSIONS. 
 
 377 
 
 After the founding of Monclova the Jaliscan friars 
 continued their labors; and the Queretaro Franciscans 
 also entered this field. Padre Damian Masanet of 
 the latter had established a mission as early as 1688; 
 and in the same year fathers Francisco Hidalgo, Fran 
 cisco Estevez, and Escaray came to Monclova. Not 
 
 COAIICILA. 
 
 being encouraged by either ecclesiastical or secular 
 authorities, they went eastward and founded Dolores 
 at the place called Boca de Leones in Nuevo Leon. 
 After two years they had to give up this mission to 
 a curate; and Hidalgo went to serve at Masanet 's 
 establishment. About the name, identity, and fate 
 
378 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 of this mission there is much uncertainty. Masanet 
 calls it San Salvador in Santiago Valley, and states 
 that it was given up to a curate in 1691, when he 
 with Hidalgo went to Texas; 7 but Espinosa and Arri- 
 civita, the standard chroniclers of the Queretaro 
 province, call the mission Santiago in Candela Valley, 
 and say that it was given up to the Jaliscan friars. 8 
 Meanwhile it was in 1688 that Padre Francisco 
 Penasco of the Jaliscan s founded Nombre de Jesus 
 Peyotes, some forty or fifty leagues northward from 
 Monclova at a place called San Ildefonso. This mis 
 sion was broken up after two years by hostile natives; 
 but subsequently had a new lease of life in the same 
 place for four years under Father Agustin Carrera. 9 
 In 1690 the mission of San Bernardino de Candela was 
 established with the aid of some Tlascaltecs. Four 
 teen of these Tlascaltec families were also added to 
 San Miguel at Monclova; and in 1694 ten more fami 
 lies were brought from Saltillo for San Bernardino. 
 At this time Nueva Tlascala seems to have come into 
 existence ; and before the end of the century the Tlas 
 caltecs with a few Spanish settlers were the leading 
 element in all the establishments about Monclova, 
 such as San Miguel, San Bernardino, and Nadadores, 
 only a small number of native converts remaining 
 under Franciscan care. 10 In 1692 San Buenaventura 
 was reestablished near Nadadores. 11 
 
 A mission of San Antonio Galindo Montezuma was 
 established in 1698 by the Jaliscans at Las Adjuntas 
 near the junction of the rivers; but on account of 
 
 ''Masanet, Diario, MS., 125. Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnoy., 302, calls it 
 Santiago de Valladares, in Candela Valley, formed with natives from Boca 
 de Leones, and suppressed in 1747. 
 
 8 Espinosa, Crdnica, 90-2, 412; Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 210-13, 590-1. 
 Arricivita also writes Santiago de Calera, and says it^was joined to Caldera, 
 and both given up to the Jaliscans. 
 
 9 Garcia, Informe, 30; Arze y Porteria, Informe, 301; Morfi, Diario, 433-4; 
 Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnoc/. , 302-3. 
 
 i0 Arzey Porter ia, Informe, 292; Garcia, Informe, 54; llevilla Giyedo, Carta, 
 445. The latter makes S. Francisco Tlascala founded in 1G90, identical with 
 the older Nadadores of 1G77. See also G-rdenes de la Corona, MS., ii. GO; 
 Mexico, Inf. Cron. Pesq. 1876, 62. 
 
 11 Orozco y Berra, Carta Etnog., 302. 
 
PLANS FOR THE FUTURE. 379 
 
 Toboso raids and the irregular conduct of white set 
 tlers, it had to be abandoned. The same year fathers 
 Bartolome Adame and Manuel Borrego refounded 
 Nombre de Jesus in a new site near that of the later 
 villa of Gigedo, where it remained permanently. 12 It 
 was also in 1698 that the Queretaro friars, Hidalgo 
 and Diego de Salazar, established the mission of 
 Dolores at La Punta, or Lampazos, in Nuevo Leon. 
 The next year Salazar crossed the Rio Sabinas, and 
 founded San Juan Bautista, of which Hidalgo pres 
 ently took charge. Troubles with the Indians soon 
 caused the abandonment of San, Juan; but Hidalgo 
 was joined by padres Antonio Olivares and Marcos 
 Guereiia, with whose aid in January 1700 President 
 Salazar rebuilt the mission on a site farther east near 
 the Rio Grande, whence Olivares made an entrada to 
 the Rio Frio in Texas. Bishop Galindo came to this 
 .region in December, and at a Christmas junta of 
 bishop, governor, friars, and officers at Dolores, great 
 things were planned for the future. Olivares was 
 sgrit to Mexico for aid; and the result will appear in 
 annals of the next century. 13 
 
 It is my purpose, as elsewhere explained, to in 
 clude in these volumes on a certain scale, the history 
 of Texas, down to the time when that country ceased 
 to be a Spanish or Mexican province. Obviously the 
 record could not be omitted from a History of the 
 North Mexican States, however slight may seem to 
 some the connection between the gulf coast province 
 and the Pacific States. The peculiarity of territorial 
 relations, however, justifies, as my limits of space ne 
 cessitate, a more general treatment than is accorded 
 to other parts of the country. Minor details must 
 be for the most part omitted; as also, except in a 
 
 12 Morf, Diario, 424-5, 433-4; Orozco y Berra, Carfa Etnoy., 302-3. Re- 
 villa Gigcdo, Carta, 445; MS., 26-8, regards this as the original founding. 
 Peyotes was the name of a plant growing in the region of the original site. 
 
 ^L^pii/osa, Cranica, 4GO-4, 528; Arricivita, Crou. Seraf., 215-10, 237-42; 
 Morft, Diario, 440-1; Orozco y Berra, Carlo, Etnog., 303. 
 
380 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 very general sense, the investigation of those broad 
 and fascinating questions of geographicc^l and histori 
 cal development by which a history of Texas may be 
 so plausibly extended over all the gulf states, the Mis 
 sissippi Valley, and even Canada all of the Spanish 
 and French north-east. Yet, notwithstanding these 
 necessary limitations, I shall endeavor to present a satis 
 factory sketch of the country's annals, and even to throw 
 new light on more than one phase of the subject. 
 
 All that belongs to the earliest period of Texan 
 history, that preceding the year 1600, I have occasion 
 to record in other parts of this work; and brief men 
 tion will suffice here. At this period all the north 
 eastern continent above Pdnuco, well nigh a tierra 
 incognita, was covered in a general way by the name 
 Florida. That portion since called Texas had no 
 name, boundaries, or attention; yet it was several 
 times visited during the sixteenth century. The 
 voyages of Ponce de Leon and others to the Florida 
 peninsula need not be recapitulated. In 1519 Alonso 
 Alvarez Pineda, in the service of Garay, coasted the 
 gulf and discovered the mouth of the Mississippi, 
 which he called the Espiritu Santo. u Panfilo de 
 Narvaez, appointed to rule the unknown province of 
 the western gulf coast, started in 1528 with a large 
 company of Spaniards to follow the shore from Florida. 
 They may be regarded as the first Europeans to visit 
 Texas. Indeed all perished in that country, except 
 such as died on the way before reaching it, and except 
 also Cabeza de Vaca who with three companions 
 crossed Texas from the mouth of the San Antonio, 
 regarded by this party as identical with the Espiritu 
 Santo, to the Rio Grande del Norte in 1535 on his 
 way to the Pacific. It is not possible to fix exactly 
 the route followed, which was, however, much farther 
 south than has generally been supposed, 15 probably not 
 
 14 Navarrete, Col. Viages, iii. 64, 148, and map. Several other rivers far 
 ther west and south are noted on the map without names. 
 
 15 For full details see p. 60 et seq. of this volume. 
 
COEOXADO AND SOTO. 
 
 381 
 
 above latitude 32 at any point. Next, between 
 1540 and 1543, Texan territory was revisited by two 
 parties of Spaniards from the east and west. Fran 
 cisco Vazquez de Coronado from the Rio Grande 
 
 MAP OF TEXAS. 
 
 Valley of the later New Mexico went far out into the 
 plains eastward and north-eastward to Quivira, doubt 
 less crossing northern Texas. 16 The other party was 
 that of Hernando de Soto, who not only navigated 
 
 16 See p. 82 et seq. of this volume; and for full details Hist. N. Hex. and 
 Ariz., this series. 
 
382 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 the Mississippi, called by him the Rio Grande de 
 Florida, from about latitude 34 to its mouth, but 
 made, as did his successor Moscoso, a tour far to the 
 westward. There is little doubt that one of these 
 tours led the wanderers into Texas. 17 The routes of 
 Soto and Coronado were far to the north of that 
 followed by Cabeza de Yaca; like the latter they 
 cannot be exactly traced; and it is possible that they 
 crossed each other. In 1549-59 two unsuccessful 
 attempts were made by Cancer and Luna y Arellano 
 to occupy the gulf coast east of the Mississippi; and 
 it is vaguely recorded that about the middle of the 
 century a few survivors from a Spanish treasure-ship 
 wrecked in Florida found their way to Pdnuco by 
 land. Without alluding even en resume to the 
 successive efforts of Spain, France, and England on 
 the Atlantic shores of Florida and the Carolinas, it 
 may be noted here that the Spaniards were in actual 
 possession of Florida from 1565, when St Augustine 
 was founded. Finally we have seen that in the expedi 
 tions to New Mexico from 1581 to 1598 the Spaniards 
 repeatedly trod the soil of western Texas along the 
 eastern bank of the Rio Grande; while two parties, 
 those of Espejo and Sosa, followed the course of the 
 Rio Pecos still farther east; and one party at least, 
 under Humana, penetrated the buffalo plains for 
 some distance north-eastward. 
 
 f 
 
 Seventeenth-century annals may be presented in 
 three periods, or topics. The first, one that has re 
 ceived no attention in current histories of Texas, 
 covers more than eighty years and relates wholly to 
 what was learned and conjectured about the country 
 by Spaniards from the interior. On the coast nothing 
 was done or attempted. Governor (Mate of New 
 Mexico marched with eighty men in search of Qui- 
 vira in 1601, accompanied by padres Yelasco and 
 Vergara, After crossing the buffalo plains home of 
 
 17 See Hist. North-west Coast, i. 15, this series. 
 
GRATE'S EXPLORATIONS. 383 
 
 the roaming vaquero bands he was joined by a large 
 force of Escanjaques, who when the friars tried to 
 prevent their outrages on the Quiviras, turned against 
 the Spaniards and lost a thousand of their number in 
 battle. Oilate reached the borders of Quivira, and 
 the people after the slaughter of the Escanjaques 
 became friendly, desired an alliance, and proposed a 
 raid into the territory of the Aijaos, not far away, 
 where gold was said to be abundant; but the gov 
 ernor deemed his force too small for further advance. 
 His route is represented as having been in a winding 
 course north-eastward for over two hundred leagues, 
 to a latitude of 39 or 40, corresponding in a general 
 way with that of Coronado. There is, however, no 
 agreement in details, and no possibility of determining 
 even approximately where he went. I have no doubt 
 that the northern trend and latitude are exaggerated. 18 
 In 1606 the Quiviras are said to have come to New 
 Mexico to ask Onate for aid against the Aijaos; and 
 in 1611 the governor made another expedition to the 
 east, discovering a river called the Colorado. 19 In 
 
 ls Nuevo Mexico, Memorial, 1602, 198-9, 209-25; Id., Di*curso y Prop., 
 53-8; Salmeron, Relaciones, 26-30; Ntd, Apunt., 91-4; Paredes, Notic'ms, 
 21G-17; Torquemada, i. 671-3; Ludovicus Tribal dw, in Purchas, His Pil- 
 yrimes, iv. 15G5-6; Davis 1 Span. C'onq., 273-5; Shea's Exped. Penalosa, 91-2. 
 The date is given by most as 1599; several say Onate started from Sta Fe, 
 not yet founded; Paredes makes the year 1606, substitutes the Aijaos (writ 
 ten also Aijados, Ahijados, Aixaos, and Aixas) for the Escanjaques, and 
 makes the route nearly 300 leagues eastward. He perhaps partially confounds 
 this with a later occurrence. Salmeron says the Aijaos have and work much 
 gold,^which they call tejas. Two of the tribe Avere taken and sent to Mexico 
 and Spain, where their knowledge of gold caused much wonder. Niel says 
 the Escanjaques lived 100 leagues N. E. of New Mexico. The Quiviras, ac 
 cording to Salmeron, said that the shortest route to their country was to the 
 north via Taos. 
 
 19 On the visit of the Quiviras, Shea, Exped. Petialosa, 92, cites a Relation 
 imbiada del Nuevo Mexico, testimony taken by the governor in 1629. Of the 
 eastern expedition it is said that Onate (probably his successor) discovered 
 the Canlbaros lakes of unknown identity, and also a Itto Colorado, which 
 seerns to be that of the Cadaudachos, or the Palizada. Barreiro, Ojeada, 7; 
 Pino, Noticias, 5. The report is not of much importance, the original author 
 ity being unknown. Davis, El Gringo, 73-4; Span. Conq., 276-7, changes 
 the Canibaros to 'Cannibals,' and thinks the stream was the Canadian. 
 Shea, p. 93, says the river, identified by some with the Palizada, or Missis 
 sippi, was apparently the Red River. He mentions also without date or 
 authority an entrada of PP. Ortega and Yaiies, who went 100 1. into the 
 Apache country, then 50 1. east and 50 1. north to a large river of San Fran- 
 
384 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 later years Father Juan cle Salas visited the Jumanas 
 about one hundred and twelve leagues eastward of 
 Santa Fe, gaining their good will, so that when the 
 new friars came in 1629 fathers Estevan Perea and 
 Didaco Lopez were able to accomplish much toward 
 their conversion, besides entering into friendly nego 
 tiations with the Aijaos and Quiviras some thirty or 
 forty leagues farther east. But the friars did not 
 remain long in their new field. 20 In 1632 the friars 
 Juan de Salas and Diego Ortega with a small guard 
 again visited the Jurnanas, and named the river on 
 which they lived Rio de Nueces from the nuts grow 
 ing there. The natives were still friendly and Ortega 
 remained with them for six months. Again in 1634, 
 the date being possibly a misprint, Captain Alonso 
 Vaca and party went out some three hundred leagues 
 eastward to the great river across which was Quivira. 
 In 1650 captains Hernan Martin and Diego del Cas 
 tillo went two hundred leagues to the Jumanas on the 
 Kio Nueces. They remained in the country six 
 months, and went down the river south-eastward for 
 fifty leagues through the countries of the Cuitoas, 
 Escanjaques, and Aijaos, until they reached the home 
 of the Tejas. This party found some pearls which 
 were sent to the viceroy. In 1654, by the viceroy's 
 order, the governor sent Diego de Guadalajara with 
 thirty soldiers and two hundred allies to the Jumanas 
 
 20 Benavldes, Reqveste JRemonst., 92-103. The author was custodian of the 
 New Mexican missions. The padres were preceded and aided by a lady 
 preacher, whom Benavides at first supposed to be Sor Maria de la Ascension, 
 an old nun of Carrion, Spain; but whom he later identified with Maria de 
 Jesus of the Agreda convent, who had often since 1G20 been carried by the 
 heavenly hosts to preach in New Mexico. She mentioned the Chillescas, 
 Cambujos, and Titlas east of Quivira. She could speak all their dialects on 
 the ground, but not in Spain. Benavides, in Palou, Vida de Serra, 331-41. 
 The friar mentions the Japies and Xabatoas in the Quivira region. Snea cites 
 the Spanish original of Benavides' Memorial, and another tract, Tanto que se 
 sacd, 1631, but omits the distance and direction of the Jumanas from Santa 
 Fe\ He notes that on De 1'Isle's map of 1700 the Jumanas and Japies are 
 put north of the Missouri, with the Xabotaos between them and the Quiviras. 
 According to Barcia, Ensayo Cron., 266, P. Nicolas Lopez, perhaps the friar 
 mentioned by Benavides, tried later to get permission to undertake the con 
 version of the eastern tribes, visiting Mexico and sending a memorial to 
 Spain. 
 
PEftALOSA'S STORY. 385 
 
 on the Nueces. It was learned that the Cuitoas, 
 Escanjaques, and Aijaos were at war. Andres Lopez 
 was sent to investigate, and after advancing thirty 
 leagues eastward defeated the Cuitoas in a battle that 
 lasted all day, took some prisoners and some hides, 
 and returned to the Nueces; after which the whole 
 company returned to Santa Fe. 21 As will be seen 
 the river thus visited and named Nueces was not the 
 one which bore that name later, but one much farther 
 north. 
 
 It is not unlikely that there were other expeditions 
 to the eastern plains, -but none such are recorded 
 until 1G62. Early in March of t"hat year, if we may 
 credit the narrative, Governor Diego de Penalosa of 
 New Mexico marched from Santa Fe "to discover the 
 lands of the east," in command of eighty soldiers and 
 a thousand native allies, accompanied by padres Mi 
 guel de Guevara and Nicolas de Freitas, the latter 
 of whom wrote the rec >rd. The route until early in 
 June was to the east for two hundred leagues, over 
 the most fertile and delightful plains. Then they 
 c-ame to a great river called the Mischipi, where were 
 found the Escanjaques three thousand strong on their 
 way to attack their foes, the Quiviras. With these 
 new r allies, turning northward, the Spaniards followed 
 the river for a few days until they saw a great sierra 
 in the north-east and the great city of Quivira on 
 another fine river at or near its junction with the one 
 that had been followed. The Quiviras were friendly, 
 but ran away when their city was attacked by the 
 Escanjaques, who could not be controlled. Penalosa 
 entered the city and extinguished the flames kindled 
 by his allies but could find no people; and he started 
 to return on June llth, being presently attacked by 
 seven thousand ungrateful Escanjaques and having to 
 
 _ 21 Paredes, Noticias, 214-18. According to Escalante, Carta, 125, about 
 this time some families of backsliders from Taos went out into the buffalo 
 plains, fortified a place called Cuartalejo, and remained until the governor 
 sent a force under Archuleta to bring them back. They had some copper 
 implements from the Quivira tribes. 
 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 25 
 
386 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 kill one thousand of them in battle. Four months 
 after his return, a Quivira cacique with seven hundred 
 followers came to Santa Fe with gifts to render thanks 
 for the punishment of their foes, and give new infor 
 mation about the great cities of the interior. 22 
 
 The events just noted fill but a small part of the 
 narrative, which is chiefly made up of the most extrava 
 gant praises of the fertility and natural resources of this 
 north-eastern paradise; of falsehoods about the city 
 of Quivira, the streets of which, lined with buildings 
 of three or four stories, extended for leagues in every 
 direction, farther than the Spaniards had time to ex 
 plore, though they counted thousands of houses; with 
 reports from the Quiviras of still greater wonders 
 beyond, notably in the land of the Aijaos, called also 
 Teguayo, beyond the sierra, where were rich gold 
 mines known also to the English in Virginia and the 
 French in Canada; and with various interpolated ex 
 pressions of geographic theory or opinion respecting 
 the interests of Spain. It is not necessary to present 
 these vagaries in detail; for I am convinced that the 
 whole narrative is a mere fabrication by Penalosa, and 
 that no such expedition was made by him. The story 
 was founded on Onate's expedition of 1601,. supple 
 mented by rumors current in New Mexico, eked out 
 with a fertile imagination; though the governor may 
 possibly have made some slight explorations in the 
 east. The close resemblance of this entrada in sev 
 eral leading features to that of Ouate must have' been 
 
 22 Freytas, Relation del Descubrimiento del Pais y Ciudad de Quivira, echo 
 por D. Diego Dionisio de Penalosa, etc. Escrita por el Padre Fr. Nicolas de 
 Freytas, etc. Printed with an English translation, and notes on Penalosa, 
 Quivira, and La Salle's expedition, in Shea's Expedition of Don Diego de Pe 
 nalosa, Governor of New Mexico, from Santa Fe to the River Mischipi and 
 Quivira in 1662. New York, 1882. 8vo, 100 p. This is a most interesting and 
 important contribution to the earliest history of Texas, though I cannot 
 agree with the editor's views respecting Penalosa's expedition. A copy of 
 Freitas' relation copied by Navarrete for the Spanish archives in 1791 and 
 this by Buckingham Smith in 1S56 was given by Peiialosa in 1684 to Seig- 
 nelai, French minister of the navy. The original is said by Penalosa to have 
 been sent to the king of Spain in 1663, with a printed memorial by Don 
 Diego himself, not known to be extant. There is no question of the genuine 
 ness of the document as published by Shea. 
 
A FICTION. 387 
 
 noted by the reader. Penalosa was a reckless adven 
 turer from South America, whose name it will be 
 remembered was connected with Admiral Fonte's 
 famous and fictitious voyage to the north-west coast 
 in 1640. There are many petty items of circumstan- 
 cial evidence bearing on this subject, for which I have 
 no space; but especially is it to be noted that Father 
 Paredes, custodian of New Mexico during Penalosa's 
 term of office, in a special report on eastern explora 
 tion drawn out by Penalosa's own projects, does not 
 mention any expedition whatever by that officer. This 
 is to me conclusive. The governor desired to engage 
 in north-eastern conquest, and doubtless exaggerated 
 the rumored wealth of those regions in memorials to 
 viceroy and king; but that he sent the fictitious nar 
 rative in question to Spanish authorities may be 
 doubted. It is more probable that he wrote it later 
 for use in France, in connection with projects of which 
 I shall have more to say presently; and that he falsely 
 stated it to be a copy of Freitas' relation previously 
 sent to Spain. 
 
 We hear no more of matters on the eastern plains 
 until 1683, after the Spaniards had been driven from 
 New Mexico and were at El Paso in the south 
 awating an opportunity for a new conquest of the 
 north. A native of the Jumana tribe came to El 
 Paso with a request for friars to convert his people, 
 bringing also a report about the province of the Tejas, 
 represented as one of the most fertile and rich in 
 America, Padre Nicolas Lopez, the vice-custodian, 
 resolved to visit the country in 1684, with padres 
 Juan de Zavaleta and Antonio Acebedo. Governor 
 Jironza organized a volunteer guard under Juan Do 
 mingo de Mendoza. The party went down the Rio 
 del Norte to the Conchos junction, where Acebedo 
 remained, and thence out into the plains across the 
 Rio Pecos, called the Salado, and after many days 
 reached a rancheria of mixed Jumanas and Hedio- 
 dondos. Then they returned to the Junta de los 
 
388 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 Rios, and on the way occurred trouble between Men- 
 doza and the volunteers, causing scandal among the 
 gentiles and mortification to the friars. Padre Lopez 
 subsequently visited Mexico and sent memorials to 
 Spain, with a view to undertake the conversion of 
 the eastern tribes; and Mendoza also became enthu 
 siastic in the project, averring that he had visited 
 Quivira in 1684 and penetrated within twenty leagues 
 of the Tejas. 23 
 
 Meanwhile Penalosa had left New Mexico in 1664, 
 and had made earnest efforts to interest the govern 
 ment in his projects of north-eastern conquest. But 
 he became involved in a quarrel with the inquisition, 
 by which body he was accused of talking against the 
 church and the santo officio, and of saying things bor 
 dering on blasphemy. He was sentenced in Febru 
 ary to march through the streets bareheaded, carrying 
 a green candle in his hand. This he did, attracting 
 much attention by his handsome person, proud bear 
 ing, and fashionable attire. 24 It is also said that his 
 property had been confiscated and that he had been 
 left nearly three years in prison. However this may 
 have been, he sailed in 1669, went to the Canaries, 
 visited London, and finally turned up in Paris, as we 
 shall see. 25 In the mean time his proposition to con 
 quer the rich realms of Quivira and Teguayo had 
 attracted some attention at court, and by a royal 
 cedula of December 1678 an investigation was ordered 
 with no recorded results. In 1685 the order was 
 repeated in connection with rumors of French pro 
 jects. Viceroy Laguna called on Padre Alonso Pa- 
 redes, for many years a missionary in New Mexico, 
 for a report, which was rendered apparently in 1686, 
 and which is the best statement extant respecting 
 
 23 Esccdante, Carta de 1778, 121-2; Barcia, Ensayo CronoUgico para a 
 Historia Gen. de la Florida, 266. 
 
 24 Robles, Diario, 56-7; Alaman, Disertaciones, iii. app., 35-6; Zamacois, 
 Hist. Mej., v. 412-13. 
 
 25 Biographical sketch of Penalosa quoted from Margry, in Shed's Exped., 
 8-12. 
 
PAREDES' REPORT. 389 
 
 the current ideas of north-eastern geography among 
 intelligent men not personally interested in any ad 
 venturous scheme of conquest. 26 
 
 Paredes gives a chronologic account, utilized in the 
 preceding pages, of the -successive expeditions to the 
 east. He pronounced the current reports of eastern 
 wealth, magnificence, and civilization to have no 
 foundation in actual discoveries. But he admitted 
 the existence of tribes living by agriculture and far 
 superior to the roaming savages. His idea was that 
 these savages occupied a strip along the gulf coast 
 about fifty leagues in width ; that the roaming Apache 
 bands inhabited the territory in 'the west adjoining- 
 New Mexico to the extent of one hundred leagues 
 and more ; and that between the two were the superior 
 tribes whose country was also about one hundred 
 leagues wide. These tribes were the Tejas in the 
 south extending a hundred leagues from the Rio del 
 Norte to the Nueces; and the Quiviras from the 
 Nueces northward to an unknown distance. There 
 are indications, however, in his own narrative, that 
 his Rio Nueces was not the stream now bearing that 
 name, but the Colorado or even Brazos, farther north; 
 and that such was the case is shown by the fact that 
 the Tejas were found in later years between the 
 Colorado and Trinidad; though the Jumanas were 
 found as far south as the Guadalupe. In the matter 
 of rivers, however, there is hopeless confusion, as is 
 natural enough in describing a slightly explored 
 country where the streams are so numerous. The 
 author gives an accurate idea of the Rio del Norte, 
 Pecos, or Salado, and of the Colorado of the west; 
 but he describes the Nueces as rising north-east of 
 the pueblo of Pecos, flowing east and south, and 
 becoming equal to the Rio del Norte in size; and he 
 
 26 Paredes, Utiles y Curiosas Noticias del Nuevo-Mcxico, Cilola, y otras 
 naciones covfnantes. . .Copia tie un informehecho d S. M. sobre las tierras del 
 Nuevo Mexico (16SG). In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. torn. iv. 211-25. The 
 author at the time of writing was definidor and procuradqr-general of the 
 Franciscans in Mexico. 
 
390 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 describes only one other river, a very large one flow 
 ing through the middle of Quivira, probably into 
 Espiritu Santo Bay, and formed of two branches from 
 the east and north. I have deemed it best to present 
 some details in a note. It is probable that the con 
 fusion is increased by typographical defects. 27 * 
 
 27 Sta F< is in 37. Farther N. in 38 or 39 are sierras from which on one 
 side rivers run to the western ocean, as the Rio Grande (Colorado of the 
 West), and on the other to the east. The Rio del Norte rises in these Mts 
 and flows S., and later somewhat E., entering the sea in 26. The Salado 
 (Pecos) rises in the same Mts, flowing s. to join the Norte. The Rio Nueces 
 rises in the same region, N. E. of Pecos, flows between E. and S., and after 
 200 1. is equal to the Norte and 80 1. distant from it at the Conchos junction. 
 (This distance would point to the Colorado, and the source to the Canadian.) 
 On this river lived the Jumanas, Cuitoas, Escanjaques, and Aijaos, before 
 reaching the Tejas. The Tejas live in 28, 250 1. from Sta Fe; their country 
 extending 100 1. from the Norte to the Nueces (the lat. favors the modern 
 Nueces, the extent from the Norte points to the Brazos), and adjoining the 
 Quiviras in the N. The Aijados join the Quiviras in the JST., and the Tejas in 
 theE. 
 
 North of Sta F3 and perhaps 30 or 40 1. N. of the Mts already mentioned 
 is the lofty Sierra Blanca; and in the same direction in 54 are very high and 
 inaccessible sierras, covered with snow, extending far N. and E. Beyond these 
 Mts is the Strait of Anian. From the eastern slopes of these Sierras Ne- 
 vadas run the rivers that water the country N. E. of Florida, where the 
 foreigners are, such as the Pohuatan, Clmare, S. Lorenzo, and Jordan from 
 38 to 34. From the s. E. slopes run rivers to Florida; from the southern 
 slopes to Quivira. From the Sierra Blanca a river runs E.; joins another 
 coming s. from the Sierra Nevada; the two form the Rio Grande which flows 
 250 1. a little s. of E. ; then turns s. for 30 1. ; then makes a new turn to the 
 right, flows through the middle of Quivira, and is apparently the river that 
 enters the bay of Espiritu Santo. (It is evident that several rivers are in 
 some way united in one to form the extraordinary course here described; 
 which they are I do not venture to decide. That portion running through 
 Quivira would seem to be the Trinidad, Red, or Arkansas. It is elsewhere 
 stated that this stream is 100 1. above the Nueces, the boundary between the 
 Tejas and Quiviras. Shea, p. 21, cites a map of Minet, La Salle's engineer, 
 in which the Mississippi flows S. E., then w., then s. E. to the gulf, the Ar 
 kansas having three mouths, and Quivira being s. of its head-waters.) Vaca 
 is said to have reached this Rio Grande by going nearly 300 1. E. from Sta Fe\ 
 Quivira extends about 50 1. (?) N. from this river, widening much toward S. 
 (west?) and bounded (on east?) by the great river from the Sierras Nevadas. 
 
 The Apache territory extends 400 1. (?) E. and w., and over 200 1. from N. 
 to s. , bounded on the E. by Quivira and Tejas, and having the plains of Cibola 
 in the centre. The Aijados, Cuitoas, Escanjaques, and Jumanas are driven 
 s. from their river of Nueces toward the Norte. North-eastward from Sta 
 Fd, across the Rio Grande (Colorado) is the country of the Yutas; and beyond 
 them is Teguayo, or Copala, only known by report. In the far north Teguayo 
 may widen eastward and Quivira westward so as to join, or nearly so. 
 
 From Sta F6 as a centre, s. E. s. 200 1. is Junta de los Rios; s. E. 200 1., 
 country of the Aijaos on the Nueces, and 70 1. farther through the Tejas, the 
 bay of the Rio Bravo in 25 30'; s. E. J E. 280 1., over the plains of Cibola, is 
 Quivira, and 150 1. farther on the coast, the bay of Espiritu Santo in 29 30'; 
 E. s. E. 200 1., end of the buffalo plains, and 300 1. farther, S. Agustin, Florida; 
 E. s. E. 150 1., the Rio Grande from the Sierra Nevada and Quivira, and 4001. 
 farther, the Ensenada de Todos Santos in the middle of New France in 34; 
 
THE NAME TEXAS. 391 
 
 From what has been thus presented it will be evi 
 dent I think to the reader, that while it is impossible 
 to so separate fact from theory in the records as to 
 definitely locate routes, streams, and tribes mentioned, 
 it is to the east and south-east of Santa Fe, to the 
 Indian Territory and Texas of modern maps, that we 
 must look for the scene of Spanish explorations in this 
 century; and that there is no need of placing Quivira 
 in the far north-east or beyond the Missouri as many 
 writers are fond of doing. 
 
 We have seen that Tejas was the name of one of 
 the tribes in the south, as the Spaniards understood 
 it from their neighbors rather than from the people 
 themselves. This word, or another of similar sound, 
 was probably not the aboriginal name of the tribe, or 
 group of tribes, but a descriptive term in their lan 
 guage or that of their neighbors. Indeed, there is 
 some evidence that the word meant ' friends.' The 
 name was retained by the Spaniards and applied to 
 the province. It was sometimes written in old-style 
 Spanish, Texas, and this form has been adopted in 
 English with a corresponding change in pronuncia 
 tion. 23 
 
 The second period of Texan annals includes events 
 connected with attempts of France to occupy the 
 country from 1682 to 1687. Robert Cavelier, Sieur 
 de la Salle, being commissioned by Louis XIY. in 
 
 E. 100 1. and a little more, Quivira, and 200 1. farther, the country of the 
 Capuchies, and 400 1. farther, the Rio Pohuatan (Powhattan), or Rio Nevado, 
 
 and bay of Esplritu Santo in 37; N. E. E the Sierras Nevadas in 53. 
 
 ' Querer decir 6 referir todos los rios y arroyos que hay por una parte y otra, 
 era proceder in infinite.' 
 
 23 Tejas and Texas are pronounced in Spanish, tay-hass. The Spanish 
 word tejas means 'tiles.' It will be remembered that Salmeron says the 
 Aijaos called their gold tejas. On the origin of the word as applied to the 
 tribe, see Morfi, Mem. Hist. Texas, MS., 1; Solis, Mario, MS., 346; Fill- 
 sola, Mem. Hist. Guerra, i. 29-30; Espinosa, Chr6n., 279; Cavo, Tres Sighs, 
 ii. 78; Kennedy's Texas, i. 217; Smith's Xemin., 26, etc. The common version 
 is that Leon in 1688 applied the term texia, or ' friends,' which clung to the 
 tribe as a name; but the name, as we have seen, originated earlier. There 
 were several different tribal names used in the vicinity later. The Cenis of the 
 French and the Asinais were the same or kindred people. Teran, Diario, MS. , 
 74, writes in 1691 of 'the kingdom of the Texas, or Teisa, which nation is 
 called by the natives Asinay, or Teixa, which in their language means friend.' 
 
392 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 1678 to discover the "western part of New France/' 
 " through which it is probable a road may be found to 
 penetrate to Mexico," descended the Mississippi, called 
 Colbert in honor of the French minister, and in April 
 1682 took formal possession at the mouths of the 
 great river, naming the country Louisiane in honor of 
 his king. 29 The explorer then went to France to fit 
 out an expedition by sea with a view to the perma 
 nent occupation of the regions explored, and the exten 
 sion of French rule from Canada to the gulf. In his 
 memorials to the crown he dwelt with enthusiasm on 
 the value of his own services, on the wealth and ex 
 tent of the countries discovered, on the danger of 
 encroachments from other nations if action were 
 delayed; and he also declared that the occupation of 
 Louisiane being accomplished, " we can effect there 
 for the glory of our king very important conquests, 
 both by sea and land; or, if peace should oblige us to 
 delay the execution of them, we might, without giv 
 ing any cause of complaint, make preparations to ren 
 der us certain of success whenever it shall please the 
 king to command it." The provinces to be seized 
 were represented as rich in silver mines; their defend 
 ers as few, effeminate, and indolent. Thus is out 
 lined the proposed encroachment on the Spanish ter 
 ritory of Nueva Yizcaya; but there is much more to 
 be noted on that phase of the subject. 
 
 Don Diego de Penalosa, disappointed in his hopes 
 of obtaining redress for alleged wrongs at the hands 
 of the Spanish government, was now in France seek 
 ing to repair his fortunes and avenge his wrongs by 
 foreign aid. It was under these circumstances doubt 
 less that he fabricated the narrative of his own explo 
 ration of 1662 as already noted. Several of his 
 memorials to the French government are extant. 30 
 
 29 The documents connected with La Salle's expeditions have been pub 
 lished in many different forms, which I do not propose to catalogue or index. 
 One of the best sources of original information on the subject is French's His 
 torical Collections of Louisiana and Florida. 
 
 30 These are given in extracts in Shea's Exped. of Penalosa, 12-23, being 
 cited for the most part from Margry. 
 
LA SALLE AND PEftALOSA. 393 
 
 His project was not in 1682 as formerly one of explo 
 ration and aboriginal conquest in the regions north 
 east of New Mexico; but it was to settle at the mouth 
 of the Rio Bravo del Norte a colony of French 
 flibustiers from Santo Domingo, and from that point, 
 in the first war with Spain, or whenever Louis might 
 permit it, to effect the conquest of Nueva Vizcaya 
 with its rich mines from Sombrerete to Parral. The 
 great value of the prize to be seized and the ease with 
 which it could be secured under the leadership of a 
 man so well acquainted with the country were set 
 forth in much detail. After the arrival of La Salle in 
 1683, full of enthusiasm for a similar project, except 
 that the centre of operations was to be a fort at the 
 mouth of the lately explored Mississippi, Peiialosa 
 modified his scheme somewhat, and urged that it and 
 that of La Salle would serve to support each other, 
 gaining for France not only Nueva Vizcaya but the 
 broad tract between that province and the Mississippi. 
 He now proposed to land with a filibuster army a 
 thousand strong, under the command of himself and 
 the buccaneer chief Grammont, at Panuco as a base 
 of operations instead of the mouth of the Rio del 
 Norte. 
 
 No documentary evidence so far as I know has 
 been produced to show that Penalosa's scheme was 
 approved by the government or acted upon. Nothing 
 more is known of Don Diego except that he died at 
 Paris in 1687. There is proof that he and La Salle 
 met and were acquainted with each other's projects; 
 and there are indications in the statements of La 
 Salle's associate, Beaujeu, that Penalosa's forces were 
 expected to follow and cooperate with the colony. 
 Mr Shea concludes that a double expedition was for 
 mally planned by the government; that La Salle was 
 despatched with the understanding that the filibusters 
 were to follow the next year; but that, for some not 
 very clearly defined reason, the whole enterprise was 
 abandoned after his departure; also that it was on 
 
394 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 account of Penalosa's expected cooperation that La 
 Salle went to Texas rather than to the mouth of the 
 Mississippi. I think, however, there is room for doubt 
 respecting all these conclusions, especially the last. 
 However this may have been, La Salle was authorized 
 by letters patent of April 14, 1684, to rule over "the 
 country which will be subject anew to our dominion 
 in North America, from Fort St Louis on the Illinois 
 River unto New Biscay." 
 
 The expedition sailed from Rochelle in August 1684 
 in two frigates, the Joli to return and the Belle pre 
 sented by the king for the use of the colony, with two 
 store-ships, the Aimable and St Francois. Including 
 the crews there were nearly three hundred persons on 
 the fleet. One hundred men, the scum of the French 
 towns, were recruited as soldiers; thirty were volun 
 teers, for the most part gentlemen by birth; there were 
 besides artisans, laborers, and servants; many families 
 of colonists; a number of girls seeking husbands; four 
 Eecollet Franciscans, and three priests, one of whom, 
 Cavelier, was La Salle's brother. 31 The fleet was 
 under the command of Captain Beaujeu, of the navy, 
 who quarrelled seriously with La Salle before leaving 
 France and throughout the voyage, throwing every 
 possible obstacle in his way. Indeed the leader, by 
 his haughty reserve and harsh enforcement of unques 
 tioning obedience to his orders, made many enemies 
 and few friends. Late in September the fleet reached 
 Santo Domingo, the St Francois laden with munitions 
 and tools for the colony having been captured by the 
 Spaniards. For two months La Salle at Petit Goive 
 was confined to his bed by fever, while his vagabond 
 followers, free from all control, gave themselves up to 
 every kind of dissipation and vice. Finally the three 
 
 31 The Franciscans were Zenobe Membre", Anastase Douay, and Maximo 
 Le Clercq. Two of the priests were Cavelier, a brother of La Salle, and 
 Chedeville. Cavelier and Moranget were nephews of the leader. Other 
 members whose names are prominently mentioned are: Joutel, Sablonniere, Le 
 Gros, Duhaut, Liotot, Barbier, Hiens (or James, a German buccaneer), Marie, 
 and Teissier. 
 
LA SALLE'S EXPEDITION. 395 
 
 vessels sailed again late in November, the leader on 
 the store-ship Aimable. 
 
 From the time the fleet entered the gulf waters, 
 entirely unknown to all on board, we have no definite 
 account of Beaujeu's course in the Joli and Belle; 
 though there is some evidence that he reached and 
 recognized the mouth of the Mississippi. 32 La Salle 
 was disposed to believe that he was off the mouth of 
 his river Colbert the 6th of January 1685, but his 
 pilot thought otherwise; nothing was known of the 
 longitude of the point sought, and it was decided to 
 go on westward. When' he had reached a point below 
 the present Matagorda Bay and was sure he had 
 gone too far, he was joined by the other vessels. 
 Here there was trouble with Beaujeu respecting a 
 continuation of the search; but the difficulty was 
 soon removed to a certain extent as they advanced 
 northward by land and water until they came to a 
 stream that La Salle thought to be one of the outlets 
 of the Mississippi. The Belle entered Matagorda Bay, 
 but the Aimable was wrecked in crossing the bar on 
 February 20th, a large portion of her cargo being 
 lost. Captain Beaujeu was willing to accept La 
 Salle's theory that they had reached their destina 
 tion, whatever may have been his own opinion; and 
 the leader was willing to be rid of his unmanageable 
 captain. Accordingly the latter sailed for 'France in 
 the Joli early in March, taking with him some of the 
 colonists who were discouraged by the hostile attitude 
 of the natives, and refusing to deliver some stores 
 claimed to have been intended for the colony. 33 
 
 3 -This evidence is in a map in the French archives cited by Parkman, 
 Discov. of the Great West, 330. The author thinks that Beaujeu visited the 
 Mississippi after he left La Salle in Texas; but Shea, Exped., 21, tells us that 
 Mr Parkman has changed his mind, now believing the visit to have been be 
 fore the arrival in Texas, and that probably Galveston Bay was mistaken for 
 the river's mouth. 
 
 33 Beaujeu is charged with premeditated treachery; and it was believed 
 even that the store-ship was wrecked intentionally. My space does not per 
 mit a discussion of the complicated details; but I find little evidence of such 
 villainy. The jealousy and controversy between the two leaders from the 
 start has been alluded to. Beaujeu's position throughout seems to have been 
 
396 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 About one hundred and eighty persons were thus 
 left on the south-western shore of Matagorda Bay, 
 called by the Frenchmen St Louis and by the Span 
 iards later San Bernardo and Espiritu Santo, where a 
 rude fort was built. Exploration soon showed that 
 the inlet \yas not connected with the Mississippi, a 
 discovery which changed entirely the aspect of af 
 fairs. The fort, named like the bay, St Louis, was 
 moved to a better site a short distance up the river, 
 named La Vache and still so called under the Span 
 ish form Lavaca. 34 Carpenters and other mechanics 
 knew nothing of their pretended trades; slight at 
 tempts at agriculture were not successful; but game 
 and fish were plentiful. The vagabond soldiers and 
 settlers had no idea of discipline; many of them. 
 
 in spirit: 'This man is not fit to command such an expedition; his scheme is 
 a mad one; his course must end in disaster; but he admits no counsel or pro 
 test; opposes every measure suggested; let him go on; I have but to carry 
 him to the mouth of his famous river and leave him there. ' This was not a 
 commendable spirit, but it was one hard to avoid under such a leader; and 
 there seems to be no proof of anything more criminal on the part of the naval 
 officer. 
 
 Nor can I agree with Mr Shea's opinion that La Salle went intentionally 
 past the mouth of the Mississippi as part of the proposed operations against 
 New Biscay, intending to wait there for Peiialosa. It is true he intended 
 ultimately to invade the Spanish provinces, and hoped for reinforcements 
 from France; but it is very doubtful that there was any definite arrangement 
 to meet Penalosa at a fixed latitude in the south; and on any other hypo 
 thesis his action would have been inexplicable, since the Mississippi was 
 much the better base of operations. Moreover there was no motive for the 
 suppression of the real motive attributed by Shea to the French government, 
 since the landing on the Texan coast was in no sense an invasion of Spanish 
 territory; that is, he had as good a right to land there as anywhere on the 
 coast. Better founded is Shea's criticism that ' La Salle aided the destruc 
 tion of hia party by his utter unfitness for colonization. It is not easy to 
 conceive how intelligent writers have exalted a man of such utter incapacity 
 into a hero. Neither in Illinois nor in Texas did he attempt to clear ground 
 and plant Indian corn or wheat, to supply food or give means for trade; in 
 neither did he attempt to purchase a stock of furs or other merchandise to 
 send back and purchase supplies for further trade; in Texas his last vessel 
 lay. idle till it was wrecked. He made no attempt to obtain a cargo to send 
 by her to the West Indies, to obtain relief, and show what the country would 
 produce. He did not even march with his whole party to the friendly Ce"nis' 
 (Asinais, or Tejas), 'and form a settlement near Tonty's post on the Arkan 
 sas. He loitered idly around, waiting apparently for Peiialosa.' Shea's Ex- 
 ped., 22-3. 
 
 34 It is stated that about 40 miles from the fort were found the remains of 
 a temporary fortification, bearing the arms of Spain and the date 1588 on a 
 copper plate. There is no other evidence that the Spaniards had been in 
 that region at such a date. 
 
COLOXY OF ST LOUIS. 397 
 
 were suffering from deadly 'and loathsome diseases 
 contracted in Santo Domingo; and the leading men 
 were divided into hostile cliques, several minor con 
 spiracies being revealed. The leader showed unlimited 
 courage, but became more haughty and unjust as 
 difficulties multiplied, and was hated by many in his 
 company. Under these circumstances it took all 
 summer to provide for the shelter and defense of the 
 colony. Meanwhile a few men were killed by the 
 natives, who were shy and hostile; a few deserted to 
 lead a savage life; a few lost their lives by drowning; 
 one was hanged, another killed by, a rattlesnake; and 
 more than thirty died of disease. 
 
 Meanwhile there was apparently no thought of the 
 south; and very little of a permanent settlement at 
 St Louis. The Belle was not sent down the coast in 
 search of a French expedition, nor in any direction 
 to carry reports or bring supplies. Attention was 
 turned exclusively to the Mississippi. In November 
 La Salle started with thirty men to find the great 
 river, returning in March 1686 unsuccessful. In the 
 mean time the Belle, not far from the bay, had lost 
 one boat's crew killed by the savages, another by 
 drowning, and had finally been wrecked, only eight 
 men surviving. After a serious illness La Salle re 
 solved to go by the Mississippi and Illinois to Canada 
 for succor; and he started with twenty men in April, 
 leaving Joutel in command at St Louis. He returned 
 with only eight men in October, the rest having de 
 serted or perished. He had been hospitably received 
 by the Cenis of the Trinity Kiver, 35 and had spent 
 two months ill of fever on the Neches or Sabine river 
 farther on. Of one hundred and eighty persons left 
 by Beaujeu at St Louis less than fifty now survived. 
 Canada seemed still the only source of possible relief; 
 
 35 Where he had seen many articles of Spanish origin, obtained by trade 
 from roving tribes who had visited New Mexico. The natives of this region 
 are said to have been willing to join the Frenchmen in an attack on the Span 
 iards. Horses were obtained from the C<nis. 
 
398 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 and early in January 1687 La Salle started again for 
 the north with twenty companions. 
 
 In March, when the travellers had reached the 
 Trinity River, Duhaut and Liotot, men who had sworn 
 vengeance for wrongs real and fancied, gained half a 
 dozen adherents and murdered La Salle, with his 
 nephew Moranget and two followers. The conspira 
 tors soon quarrelled among themselves, and the two 
 leaders were killed. About half of the survivors re 
 mained among the natives, and most of them were 
 never heard of again; the other half under Joutel went 
 on to the Arkansas, where they met some Frenchmen, 
 left there by Tonty, who from Canada had visited the 
 mouth of the Mississippi in an unsuccessful attempt 
 to succor La Salle's party. The next year Tonty 
 made another visit to the region where Jontel's com 
 panions had been left, but could find no trace of them 
 alive, and was unable to continue his inarch to the 
 colony at St Louis. 
 
 This colony of about twenty persons, left on the 
 Texan coast at the beginning of 1687, was under the 
 command of Barbier. The little that is known of 
 their fate was learned by the Spaniards on their ar 
 rival to be noted later. These unfortunates could do 
 nothing but wait. Small-pox was added to other 
 sources of suffering; and finally about the end of 1688 
 the survivors were attacked by the savages and killed, 
 except four or five who were made captives, and were 
 subsequently given up to the Spaniards. There were 
 at this time perhaps twenty or more Frenchmen liv 
 ing among the natives, having left La Salle's company 
 at different times. Of these, two or three, besides the 
 captives, fell into the hands of the Spaniards; a few 
 were known to have been killed; but of most nothing 
 was ever known. Much has been written and printed 
 about La Salle and his enterprise; 36 and the subject, 
 thus outlined for my purpose, has received most satis- 
 
 86 Parkman's Discov. of the great West. , 302-402. This writer made a study 
 not only of printed material but of many original manuscripts from the French 
 
THE SPANIARDS ALARMED. 399 
 
 factory treatment at the hands of Parkman, the his 
 torian of French colonization in America. 
 
 The third and final topic of seventeenth -century 
 annals is that relating to what was done by the Span 
 iards in consequence of the French operations just 
 recorded. Information of La Salle's projects was 
 obtained in 1684, probably from the crew of the 
 captured St Francois, though she is mentioned as a 
 French corsair taken on the coast of Yucatan. Not 
 much alarm was felt, if we may judge from the fact 
 that nothing was done, except with the pen, for two 
 years. I have already noted the report obtained from 
 Father Paredes. In 1686-7, however, two or three 
 expeditions were sent under Juan Enrique Barroto 
 and Andres Perez to search for Frenchmen on the 
 gulf coasts. They found at last the wreck of the 
 Belle or Aimable, but nothing more. The colonists 
 are said to have once seen a sail in the distance and 
 to have been in great fear; but, whether fortunately 
 or unfortunately it is hard to say, the vessel passed 
 on. 87 Meanwhile a Frenchman known as Juan Enri 
 que, an early deserter from the colony knowing noth 
 ing of La Salle's fate or that of those left at St Louis, 
 found his way to Coahuila, told his story, and was 
 sent to Mexico. 
 
 The viceroy now ordered Governor Alonso de Leon 
 of Coahuila to march with a force to Espiritu Santo 
 
 archives, and from private sources. In matters of detail, far beyond the 
 scope of my treatment, there are many topics affording ground for discussion. 
 I also refer the reader toJoutel, Journal Historique; Le Clercq, Hist. Colonies 
 Francaises; Prevost, Hist. Gen. Voy.; Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages; Morf,Mem. 
 Hist. Tex., MS.; Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i.; Fournel, Coup d'(Ett, 7-22; Fal 
 coner's Discov. J/ws., 16 etseq.; Monette's Discov. Miss., i. 148-53; Kennedy's 
 Texas, i. 212 et seq.; Smith's Address; Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans., i. 93 et 
 seq. ; Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., xiii. 225; Domenech's Jour., 20-1; Voyages, 
 World Displayed, v. 96; Onto, Memoria, 49-57; Annals of Congress, 1819, 
 ii. app.; Mexico in 1842, 153-4, etc., also many of the Spanish authorities 
 cited in later notes of this chapter. 
 
 31 fables, Diario, 439, 463, 466-7, 475, 480, 484; Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., 
 MS., 66, S5-7; Texas, Dictdmen Fiscal, 1716, MS.; Bonilla, Breve Comp., 
 MS.; Barcia, Ensayo Cron., 249-87; Parkman's Discov., 331. Morfi says 
 Barroto went to Spain for instructions, and implies that nothing was done 
 
400 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 Bay; and accordingly with over one hundred men, 
 guided by the Frenchman and accompanied by Padre 
 Damian Masanet as chaplain, Leon started from Mon- 
 clova on March 23, 1689. Crossing the Rio del Norte 
 above the Salado junction, he crossed and named on 
 his way north-eastward the rivers Nueces, Hondo, 
 Medina, and Guadalupe, still so called ; 38 and on April 
 22d arrived at the site of the French fort. He had 
 learned from natives a little before the fate of the 
 colony; and he had visited a ranch eria on the Guada 
 lupe, where four of the captives had lived, but they 
 had recently departed for the country of the Tejas 39 
 in the north. At the fort were found broken mus 
 kets, dismounted cannon, many volumes of French 
 works scattered and torn, and the remains of three 
 colonists, which were buried with religious services. 
 Many relics were also found among the natives, and 
 traces of the wrecks on the bay shores. The Spaniards 
 also went farther north to a great river, which they 
 named San Marcos, since called the Colorado, which 
 they followed nearly to its mouth. A letter had been 
 sent to the Frenchmen and an answer was received 
 from L'Archev^que, who with Grollet soon made his 
 appearance. 40 Both were subsequently sent to Spain 
 and imprisoned. Leon returned by the same route 
 he had come, and dated his diary, or report, the 13th 
 of May. 41 
 
 before the land expedition was despatched. There are several differences 
 between the authorities, on details of little importance. Robles states that 
 the expedition of 1687 rescued a Spanish boy, one of the crew of Castro's ship 
 wrecked at Espiritu Santo, the others having been killed by the natives. 
 Nothing more is known of this wreck. 
 
 38 The Nueces was not, however, the stream vaguely known by that name 
 before. The San Antonio was called Leon. 
 
 39 It is noticeable that Leon did not at first, as many writers state, visit a 
 tribe which he named Tejas from their word for ' friends;' but that he heard 
 of the Tejas as a people said to live several days' journey beyond the Guada 
 lupe. Later, however, he says he met the Frenchmen in a Tejas rancheria on 
 or near the Ilio Colorado. 
 
 40 These were not of the captives, who were, however, given up to the 
 Spaniards later. - L'Archeveque was one of the party that murdered La Salle, 
 
 jind Grollet had deserted and gone to live with the Tejas or Cenis still earlier. 
 These men claimed to have buried 14 of the victims after the massacre. 
 
 41 Leon, Derrotero de la Jornada que hizo el General Alomo de Leon para 
 
LEON'S ENTRADAS. 401 
 
 Leon had brought very favorable reports about the 
 country; Padre Masariet went to Mexico with rose- 
 colored tales of friendly and superior natives ready 
 for conversion; and some additional rumors were 
 received respecting new attempts by the Frencfy. 
 Therefore, besides sending Admiral Fez with the two 
 Frenchmen to agitate the matter at court, Viceroy 
 Galve resolved to send Leon on a second expedition 
 and to make a beginning of missionary occupation. 
 Masanet obtained from the Santa Cruz college of 
 Queretaro three Franciscans: Miguel Foncubierta, 
 Francisco Casanas de 'Jesus Maria, and Antonio 
 Bordoy. 
 
 The company of about one hundred men left Mon- 
 clova late in March 1690, followed the former route, 
 and arrived without difficulty at the region of Espiritu 
 Santo Bay. In May the chief of the Tejas came to 
 greet the strangers, and guided them to his town on 
 or near the river later known as Trinidad. The 
 settlement was called by the Spaniards San Fran 
 cisco de los Tejas. Mass was said in a newly erected 
 wooden chapel on the 25th of May; and the mission 
 of San Francisco seems to have been formally founded 
 the 1st of June. Padre Foncuberta was left by 
 Masariet as president ; a few soldiers remained to pro 
 tect the mission, though no danger was apprehended; 
 and Leon's company returned to Coahuila. They had 
 left breeding cattle and horses at different points; 
 and had rescued five French captives, one of them a 
 
 el Descubrimiento de la Bahiadel Espiritu Santo y Poblacion de Franceses, Ano 
 de 1680, MS. ; Leon, Carta en que se da noticia de un, viaje hecho d la Bahia 
 de Espiritu Santo. In Florida, Col. Doc., 25. A letter of May 18th, not 
 signed, but evidently written by Leon. Parkman, Discov., 399-400, cites a 
 MS., map showing the route, in Margry's collection. See also Morfi, Mem. 
 Jlixt. Tex., MS., 87-91. June 7th, six men of the party have arrived with 
 the news. Robies, Diario, iii. 15. See also on this expedition, with mention 
 of La Salle's enterprise as revealed by it, Espinosa, Crdn., 407-9; Cavo, Tres 
 Stylos, ii. 72-3; JRivfra, Gob. Mex., i. 261-7; Bonilla, Breve Comp., MS.; 
 Villa-Sefior y Sanchez, Theatro, ii. 331-3; Pefia, Diario, MS. ; Texas, Diet. 
 Fiscal, 1716, MS., 229-30; Mexico, Inf. Com. Pcsq., 1874, 110; Alvarez, 
 Estud. Hint., iii. 291-4; Lacunza, Discursos(xxxv. 505); Torn el, Tejas, 17-19; 
 Robertson's Hist. Amer., ii. 1019; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 440-51; Barcia, 
 Ensayo Cron., 294; Lerdo de Tfjada, Apuntes Hist., 289-90. 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 26 
 
493 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 woman, hearing of several other companions of La 
 Salle still living among the natives. 42 
 
 The viceroy's acts were confirmed by the king; and 
 it was ordered in September 1690 that more extensive 
 operations should be undertaken by land and sea. 
 Galve then appointed Domingo Teran de los Rios 
 governor of Coahuila and Texas, to undertake the 
 enterprise with fifty soldiers, forty men being sent by 
 sea to aid in the work. Governor Teran's instructions 
 were dated January 23, 1691. They required a thor 
 ough exploration of the country, a reduction of the 
 natives by kindness without the use of force, and the 
 establishment of eight missions. 43 Nine Franciscans 
 chiefly brought from Mexico for this purpose accompa 
 nied Father Masanet on this expedition. 44 Teran left 
 Monclova May 16th and joined the friars on the 
 Sabinas five days later. Of the march to the Rio 
 San Marcos, or Colorado, where they arrived on June 
 26th, there is nothing to be said except that both the 
 commander and the padres applied new names to most 
 of the streams crossed, and that some rancherias of 
 the Jumanas were visited on the Rio Guadalupe. 45 
 
 From the camp on the Colorado, Captain Francisco 
 Martinez was sent with twenty men to Espiritu Bay 
 on July 3d to meet the sea expedition. He returned 
 
 42 Tcjas, Diet. Fiscal, MS., 230-4; Espinosn, Crdn., 409-10; Morfi, Mem. 
 Hist. Tex., MS., 91-4; Bonilla, Breve Comp., MS. Aug. 15, 1690, news re 
 ceived at Mexico. Robles, Diario, iii. 44. May 25th considered as the date 
 of Spanish acquisition of Texas. Cancelada, Ruina de la N. Esp., 43. 
 
 43 Teran de los Rios, Instrucciones dadas por el Superior Gobierno para que 
 se observen en la entrada de la provincia de Tejas. In Texas, Doc. Hist. , MS. , 
 57 et seq. 
 
 44 Francisco Hidalgo, Nicolds Prevo, Miguel Estela, Pedro Fortuni, Pedro 
 Garcia, Ildefonso Monge, Jose" Saldaua, Antonio Miranda, Juan de Garaicoe- 
 chea, three 'donados,' and a boy. Masanet, Diario, MS., 125. 
 
 45 Teran de los Rios, Description y Diaria Demarcacion executada por el 
 General, 1691-2. MS. In Texas, Doc. Hist., 64 et seq. Extends from May 
 16, 1691, to April 15, 1692. Masanet, Diario que hicieron los Padres Mis tone- 
 res, 1691. MS. In Id., 124 et seq.; ends August 2d. The Nueces was 
 called San Nbrberto and San Diego; the Rio Frio, S. Feliciano; Rio Hondo, 
 S. Bartolom and S. Pedro; Medina, S. Basilio and S. Luis Beltran; San 
 Antonio, so called by Teran and Masanet; Guadalupe, S. Agustin and Sta 
 Rosa, with a branch called by both S. Juan; S. Marcos (Colorado of the 
 French), S. Pedro y San Pablo and Rosario; Trinidad, Encarnacion; (Brazos), 
 Espiritu Santo and S. Francisco Solano (perhaps also on return S. Carlos and 
 Colorado). The diaries contain a large amount of detail. 
 
NUEVA MONTANA. 403 
 
 on the 17th, having found no trace of the vessel, but 
 bringing two French captives whom he had ransomed. 46 
 Four days later the company moved on, crossed the 
 Rio Trinidad on the 31st, and on August 4th arrived 
 at the mission of San Francisco de los Tejas. Here 
 there had been much sickness among the natives since 
 Leon's departure, and Padre Foncubierta had died; 
 but Casanas and Bordoy were still at work at San 
 Francisco and another mission near by called Jesus 
 Maria y Jose. Teran named the province "el nuevo 
 reino de la Nueva Montana de Santaader y Santil- 
 lana." Late in August the governor returned to the 
 old French fort of St Louis, and on September 8th 
 met the sea expedition under Captain Gregorio Salinas 
 Varona, who had come from Vera Cruz in a schooner 
 and had landed the 2d of July, though Martinez had 
 not been able to find him. On account of floods the 
 united expeditions did not reach the missions on their 
 return till the 26th of October. 
 
 From November 6th to the end of December Teran 
 was engaged in an exploration northward, hindered 
 much by snow and high water, to the province of 
 the Cadodachos on a deep river, which was explored 
 to a slight extent in a canoe, presumably the Red 
 River. From the starting-point of Santa Maria mis 
 sion, in the country of the Asinais, on the Rio San 
 Miguel perhaps the Neches the distance traversed 
 was about fifty leagues; and two intermediate rivers 
 are named, the San Diego and Rio Grande de Santa 
 Cecilia. The Cadodachos were found to be friendly 
 and willing to receive missionaries. 47 Early in Jan 
 uary 1692 though it had originally been intended 
 that a large part of the force should remain as citi- 
 
 46 Martinez, Diario del Viaje, 1691. MS. In Texas, Doc. Hist., 149 et. 
 seq. Meanwhile reports came to camp from the Cadodachos that 10 French 
 men had come among them. The natives also spoke of a vessel that had been 
 wrecked in the bay five months before. It seems, Texas, Diet. Fiscal, that a- 
 vessel had been sent to explore the bay in 1690, sailing from Vera Cruz in. 
 October. 
 
 47 Teran, Derrota y Tanteo en la tlerra que hice al nuevo descubrimiento de 
 la Nation de los Cadodachos, etc., MS., in Texas, Doc. Hist., 87, etc. A sub 
 division of the general diary. 
 
404 COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 zens and settlers the army again left the missions 
 for the south, leaving ten or fifteen men as a guard, 
 but accompanied by six of the friars, who were un 
 willing to remain, reaching the camp of Santa Mar 
 garita on the Rio Colorado, where a few men had 
 remained since September, on March 5th. All sailed 
 on the schooner Santo Cristo March 24th from 
 Espiritu Santo Bay, arriving at Vera Cruz a month 
 later. 48 
 
 Father Masanet's diary ending on the arrival in 
 August 1691, we have no continuous narrative of 
 later events from a missionary point of view. It 
 does not clearly appear that any new missions were 
 founded in addition to San Francisco and Santa 
 Maria/ 9 which were between the Trinidad and Neches, 
 perhaps on branches of those streams, in the country 
 of the Tejas and Asinais, or Cenis. There had been, 
 as I have said, much sickness before the new padres 
 arrived. There were slight troubles with the natives 
 during Teran's presence, including depredations by 
 wild tribes from a distance, and the mysterious disap 
 pearance on many occasions of live-stock belonging to 
 the Spaniards; and there were disagreements be 
 tween the friars and the governor on several points 
 not fully recorded. Six of the friars became dis 
 couraged and returned with Teran, while others are 
 said to have remained unwillingly. 50 
 
 After the governor's departure, leaving five or six 
 friars and a small guard, missionary work was con 
 tinued, but in the face of great obstacles. Two har 
 vests were lost by drought and flood, resulting in 
 famine and pestilence. The natives lost something 
 of their Christian ardor under these circumstances, 
 being persuaded that their misfortunes resulted from 
 
 48 At the end of Teran's diary, p. 111-16, is Bruno, De.rrotero que hizo el 
 Alfe'rez. . .p'doto de lafragata 'Santo Cristo,' 1693, MS., and this is followed by 
 some statements of different officers and friars in councils held on divers occa 
 sions, chiefly respecting routine matters, p. 116-24. 
 
 49 Also called Jesus Maria y Jose, and Santisimo Nombre de Maria. 
 
 50 Sworn statement of Adjutant Gen. Rivera made at Sta Margarita on 
 March 18th, just before sailing. Texas, Doc. Hist., MS., 116, et seq. 
 
THE MISSIONS ABANDONED. % 405 
 
 baptism, and refusing to live in communities. Live 
 stock was for the most part lost, stolen, or drowned. 
 The soldiers were not altogether manageable, com 
 mitting many excesses. Captain Salinas came up 
 from Coahuila with supplies in June 1693, but some 
 of the friars returned with him, and Padre Masanet 
 sent a letter describing the situation and proposing 
 reforms necessary to prevent an abandonment of the 
 missions. The friars had now come to their senses, 
 and declared that a strong military guard was needed, 
 and that the natives must be reduced to regular 
 pueblos. On receipt of this letter the government 
 decided on August 21st that the Texas establish 
 ments must be given up until the natives should show 
 a better disposition, and instructed the friars to re 
 tire. Meanwhile the Indians became more and more 
 hostile and the soldiers more insubordinate. In the 
 night of October 25th the friars left the missions, 
 burying the bells and such other property as could 
 not be transported, and went to Coahuila. 51 
 
 There was a slight controversy about the causes 
 which had led to the failure of this enterprise between 
 the missionary and military authorities, each throw 
 ing the blame on the other. Particulars are not im 
 portant, and there was no credit due to either party. 
 As planned the expedition was a very weak expedient 
 for the Spanish occupation of Texas; and Teran seems 
 to have proved himself an incompetent leader. The 
 Franciscans made some further efforts; but the viceroy 
 and his council formally decided March 11, 1694, in 
 favor of delay. 52 For twenty years and more neither 
 
 51 Texas, Dictdmen Fiscal, 1716, MS., 239-41, including letters from Padre 
 Masanet. He says that four soldiers turned back to live among the natives, 
 digging up and distributing the buried property. In addition to the original 
 diaries already cited, see on Teran's expedition: Morfi, Mem. Ilist. Tex., 
 MS., 95-9; Texas, Dictdmen Fiscal, MS., 252; Espinosa, Crimea, 280, 411- 
 15; Villa-tenor, y Sanchez, Theatre, ii. 332-3; Bonilla, Breve Compendia, MS. ; 
 Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 455-6; Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 213-14; Cavo, Tres 
 Siylo*, ii. 7G-8; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 269; Escudcro, Not. Son., 43-4. 
 
 ' 2 J/or/?', Mem. Ilist. Texas, MS., 112; Siyiienza y Gdngora, CartaalAl- 
 miratite, MS., 9-10; Arricivita, Cr6n. Sera/., 180-1. It appears that Padre 
 Estevez went to Spain in 1694 with a view to promote the measure. Espinosa, 
 
406 , COAHUILA AND TEXAS. 
 
 Spain nor France attempted the conquest of Texas; 
 but the former was now in possession of Pensacola; 
 and in 1698 the French under Iberville settled Louisi 
 ana at the mouth of the Mississippi. Nothing had 
 been done before 1700 to determine the national 
 ownership of Texas. 
 
 Crdnica, 463, says that Padre Olivarea in 1700 went to the Rio Frio and 
 promised missionaries at an early date. 
 
CHAPTEK XV. 
 
 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 1701-1717. 
 
 SALVATIERRA'S RETURN COMING OF UGARTE CHANGE OF CAPTAINS PRO- 
 GRESS AT SAN JAVIER HARD TIMES AT LORE^TO PICCOLO'S EFFORTS IN 
 MEXICO PADRES BASALDUA AND MINUTILI MINOR EXPLORATIONS 
 REVOLT BASALDTTA IN MEXICO ROYAL PROMISES No RESULTS 
 PEDRO UGARTE LIVING ON ROOTS SALVATIERRA CALLED TO MEXICO 
 AND MADE PROVINCIAL No GOVERNMENT AID TROUBLES WITH THE 
 GARRISON THE PROVINCIAL IN CALIFORNIA JAIME BRAVO FOUNDING 
 OF SAN JUAN BAUTISTA DE Liouf SANTA ROSALIA DE MULEGE EXPLO- 
 ATIONS A MIRACLE SALVATIERRA RETURNS A LADY AT LORETO 
 PADRE MAYORGA FOUNDING OF SAN JOSE DE COMONDU PADRE PE- 
 PVALTA RAVAGES OF SMALL-POX MARITIME DISASTERS DROWNING OF 
 PADRE GUISI ARRIVAL OF PADRE GUILLEN FAVORS FROM THE NEW 
 VICEROY PICCOLO'S TOUR PADRE TAMARAL SALVATIERRA SUMMONED 
 TO MEXICO His DEATH AT GUADALAJARA THE JESUIT MISSION SYS 
 TEM THE Pious FUND. 
 
 FATHER SALVATIERRA'S experience on the mainland 
 is narrated elsewhere in this volume. 1 Starting in 
 January 1701 for the north, with a view of obtaining 
 alms on the way, and of approaching Guaymas from 
 the interior, he became interested in the mysteries of 
 the far north, and joining Kino made an exploring 
 tour up the gulf coast, where in March the two 
 padres, as Kino had done before, convinced them 
 selves that California was a peninsula joined to the 
 main not far above their standpoint. A letter was 
 sent by land to Piccolo, but never reached its destina 
 tion. An overland trip from California in October 
 was talked of; and then Salvatierra returned to Guay- 
 
 1 See chap, xyii., giving also Kino's map, which shows California as well as 
 
 Sonora. 
 
 (407) 
 
408 ANXALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 mas, where he found the San Jos6, "rather by a mir 
 acle of the Madonna Sefiora than naturally, since she 
 had no keel." The padre seems to have forgotten for 
 the most part his commission to report on the Guay- 
 mas region, but mentions incidentally that a beofinninsf 
 
 o * */ o o 
 
 of mission work had been made there. He sailed 
 May 9th and crossed the gulf in one day, landing 
 live-stock at San Bruno, and arriving on the 23d at 
 Loreto. 2 Besides the material supplies brought from 
 the main it cannot be doubted that Father Juan 
 Maria had derived much comfort and strength from 
 his intercourse with Kino. Each of the two had 
 poured his tale of triumphs and troubles into a sym 
 pathizing ear, and exhorted his brother to unflinching 
 perseverance. And they looked forward in joyful 
 expectation to the time never to come for them 
 when they should unite their forces at the head of 
 the gulf and press on to northern conquests. 
 
 Best of all, on his return to Loreto Salvatierra found 
 Father Juan de Ugarte 3 hard at work with Piccolo. 
 The indefatigable procurador, hearing of the critical 
 condition of the California missions, and seeing no 
 prospect of aid from the government, had promptly re 
 signed his comfortable rectorship and started in person 
 for the field in December 1700. 4 Leaving Alejandro 
 Romano as procurador in Mexico, interviewing Osio 
 and Miranda at Queretaro and Guadalajara en route, 
 making hasty arrangements in Sinaloa for later sup- 
 
 z Salvatierra, Relationes, 124-56, being the letter of May to the provin 
 cial. Venegas, as we have seen, makes this merely a trip in search of aid; and 
 in Aposfolicos Afanes, 290-5, it is implied that Salvatierra crossed the gulf 
 expressly to engage in northern exploration. 
 
 3 Juan de Ugarte was born in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, about 1660, of well- 
 to-do parents. After studying for some time in Guatemala, he began his 
 novitiate in 1679 at Tepozotlan, taking the vows of his order in 1679. His 
 zeal and abilities rapidly advanced him to positions of trust and importance 
 in Mexico; and at the time of entering the missionary field he was rector of 
 the college of San Gregorio. He was a man noted for his energy, administra 
 tive ability, and tenacity of purpose. Again and again, as we shall see, 
 California would have been abandoned but for him. Added to his mental 
 advantages he had the physique of a gladiator; and the old writers never tire 
 of narrating his deeds of prowess. 
 
 4 According to Villaricendo, Vida de Ur/arte, 51-8, his baggage consisted 
 of a pair of sheets, a coverlet, and a few reals. 
 
UGARTE IN THE FIELD. 409 
 
 plies, and finding at Yaqui the old lancha patched up 
 and sent over by the garrison in their great need, he 
 embarked on the worn-out old cockle-shell with what 
 stores he could find and arrived at Loreto in March. 5 
 He found the mission in great distress, no supplies or 
 news having arrived since Salvatierra's departure; 
 but the San Javier soon came with a small cargo, and 
 
 o / 
 
 Salvatierra arrived early in May, as we have seen. 
 
 Immediate wants being thus supplied, it was resolved 
 to send Piccolo to Mexico to make a final effort to 
 place the support of the missions on a permanent foot 
 ing; but in several attempts to cross he was baffled by 
 bad weather, and returned to Sari Javier to await a 
 more favorable season. Meanwhile Captain Mendoza 
 became more and more fractious and unendurable. 
 Salvatierra had power to remove him, but deemed it 
 imprudent to irritate the soldiers at such a critical 
 period. At length, however, Mendoza tendered his 
 resignation, which was gladly accepted, and Isidro de 
 Figueroa was put in command. About this time the 
 natives of Biaundo plotted the murder of Piccolo, 
 almost without a guard since the reduction of the pre- 
 sidial force. The padre was warned and escaped to 
 Loreto, leaving the rebels to wreak their vengeance 
 on the mission buildings. Figueroa started to punish 
 the offenders, but failed to pursue when they retreated, 
 causing much dissatisfaction among the soldiers, who 
 deposed their half-hearted leader, and elected Estevan 
 Rodriguez Lorenzo in his place. 6 
 
 Ugarte now took charge of San Javier,- which 
 could not have fallen into better hands. By a fear 
 less and kind demeanor he soon persuaded the natives 
 to return, though not until he had sent his few soldiers 
 back to Loreto. But the old routine of catechism and 
 pozole did not satisfy this missionary's ideas of prog- 
 
 5 March 23d, according to Salvatierra, ReL, 155; March 18th, CaL, Estab. 
 y Prof/., 105. 
 
 6 Veiwrjas, Notkia, ii. 109-10. Clavigero, 213-14, makes Rodriguez succeed 
 Mendoza; while in ( 1 al., Estab. y Prog., 105, 156-7, not only Figueroa 's but 
 Mendoza's name is ignored. 
 
410 ANXALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 ress. He aimed to make the establishment self-sus 
 taining, and hoped its fertile fields might one day 
 produce enough for Loreto as well; but there were 
 great obstacles to overcome. The savages did not 
 take kindly to labor as an element of mission life, pre 
 ferring to earn their porridge by prayer and doctrina. 
 The language also presented difficulties ; and Ugarte's 
 blunders so amused the adults that they purposely 
 misled him, and the padre had to rely on the children, 
 as Salvatierra had done. The native priests caused 
 him more trouble than anything else. These con 
 servative worthies exerted all their power to undo 
 what the padre had done, and enticed the people 
 away, so that Ugarte was sometimes almost alone 
 for weeks. 
 
 Thus isolated, destitute, surrounded by beings more 
 brute than human, jeered at, threatened, or deserted 
 by those for whose benefit he had made such sacri 
 fices who shall imagine the struggles and emotions 
 of this man? But his will was indomitable, and by 
 degrees his patient meekness overcame the malice of 
 his enemies. They grew more regular in attendance, 
 less scornful of labor, more respectful in demeanor; 
 building was begun in earnest, grain was planted, 
 flocks and herds under native shepherds fattened 
 upon the fertile pastures, and San Javier entered 
 upon the era of prosperity that was to distinguish it 
 from other peninsula establishments. The change was 
 not of course effected suddenly, and Ugarte had need 
 of all the address and skill in the management of men 
 and affairs for which he was so famous. His grown 
 up pupils not only misunderstood his teachings 7 and 
 laughed at his blunders, but they jested at the most 
 solemn ceremonies. Sometimes Ugarte lost his tem 
 per, and being a giant in strength he handled the 
 
 7 Once, according to Venegas, Noticia, ii. 117, after eloquently discoursing 
 on the terrors of the infernal regions, the padre was dismayed at his hearers 
 reaching the conclusion that hell must be a very desirable place, with no lack 
 of fire to keep them warm ! 
 
STARVATION IMPENDING. 411 
 
 savages rather roughly on several occasions, as the 
 chroniclers are fond of relating. 8 
 
 At Loreto affairs were not prosperous. Provisions 
 were running short; contributions from pious bene 
 factors were few and far between, and it was not 
 known that Felipe V. was now giving some attention 
 to California. Salvatierra himself became discour 
 aged. Calling his followers about him, the brave old 
 man, with tears, declared that the field must be aban 
 doned. But Ugarte was present at the council, and 
 he declared his unalterable purpose never to quit the 
 country until ordered t6 do so by; his superiors, and 
 proceeding to the church he sealed his declaration 
 with a solemn vow. The others yielded to his enthu 
 siasm, and announced their intention to stay until the 
 end. 9 Piccolo at last started on his mission at the 
 end of December 1701. How he succeeded will be 
 told on his return. 
 
 For some weeks starvation brooded over the little 
 garrison. Late in January 1702, the lancha brought 
 a small supply of food; but it was soon exhausted 
 the sooner because Salvatierra could never resist the 
 temptation to give a share to his hungry-looking Ind 
 ian friends and both padres and soldiers for several 
 months were obliged to dig for roots and live like the 
 savages. As if this were not enough, a revolt broke 
 out. A soldier set out in search of his native wife 
 who had left him to attend some festivities of the 
 pitahaya season; he killed an Indian who attempted 
 to interfere with his plans, and was in turn killed by 
 friends of the murdered man. This led to a general 
 rising. The padres were at Lond6, and escaped to 
 Loreto; but Ugarte's grainfields were devastated, 
 
 8 The story of his swinging a burly joker by the hair in church has been 
 repeated so often that a bare reference suffices here. On another occasion he 
 seized by the hair two natives who were fighting, lifted them one in each hand, 
 and dashed them to the ground. He is said to have killed a ' lion ' with a 
 stone, and many other deeds of prowess are attributed to him. 
 
 9 Alcfjre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, Hi. 127-8; Villavicencio, Vidade Ugarte, 51-8. 
 
412 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 and some of his goats were carried off. Several 
 natives were killed in skirmishes with the soldiers, but 
 they became bolder every day and even threatened to 
 attack the presidio. 10 
 
 This state of things lasted till July 22d, when the 
 lancha very opportunely arrived with a cargo of pro 
 visions and eight new soldiers. Fear of the latter 
 and a desire to share in the former soon brought the 
 savages to terms. Piccolo's return now became the 
 subject of current anxiety; for the very existence of 
 the missions seemed to depend on his success. 11 On 
 the 28th of October a sail was descried. Slowly the 
 frail craft made her way through the turbulent billows 
 that threatened to engulf her at every plunge. Earnest 
 were the prayers offered for her safety, for was she 
 not to decide the destinies of the country? At last 
 the vessel anchored in the bay, a boat put off contain 
 ing three men who by their dress were evidently 
 priests. Soon the familiar form of Father Piccolo 
 was recognized; but who were his companions? Sal- 
 vatierra was not long -we may be sure in making his 
 appearance, and what he learned in the ensuing inter 
 view was briefly as follows : 
 
 At Guadalajara in January Piccolo had heard the 
 good news that the young King Felipe V. had inter 
 ested himself in the California enterprise, to which 
 his attention had been called rather by a private 
 letter than by official documents, and that he had 
 already issued orders for government encouragement, 
 for a detailed report on the subject, and best of all 
 for an annual payment of six thousand pesos in sup 
 port of the missions. 12 Full of gratitude to his 
 
 10 Salvatierra, Rel., 157-8; Veneyas, ii. 120-4; Clavigero, 225-6; Alec/re, 
 iii. 133. 
 
 11 Sept. 15, 1702, Salvatierra writes to Miranda that if Piccolo is not suc 
 cessful, all the soldiers will be discharged, and the padres will remain alone. 
 Belaciones, 158. 
 
 12 Three cedulas of July 17, 1701, addressed to viceroy, bishop of Guada 
 lajara, and the audiencia. Two missions founded in Sinaloa by Torre were 
 if possible to be transferred to the peninsula. A confirmatory cedilla of the 
 queen regent was dated Dec. 11, 1702. Ventrjas, ii. 62-4; Aleyre, iii. 133. 
 
PICCOLO'S REPORT. 413 
 
 Catholic Majesty for these unexpected benefits, Pic 
 colo gladly undertook the task of making out a full 
 report on California with the conditions and needs of 
 the missions in response to a request from the audi- 
 encia. 13 In this report the writer briefly sketches 
 the early efforts of Salvatierra and himself, rather 
 strangely not implying that his associate haji preceded 
 him in the work. Still more strangely he mentions 
 a third mission of Dolores, about which there is no 
 other information, and which certainly had not been 
 founded, 14 and it must be confessed that the reverend 
 advocate went far beyond the limits of truth in praise 
 of California as a most fertile land, well wooded and 
 watered, offering every inducement for settlement. 
 That the government should establish a line of vessels 
 making at least two trips each year, assume the expense 
 of a military establishment, controlling it also in har 
 mony with the padres, and encourage gentlemen and 
 officers to settle with their families in California were 
 the measures chiefly recommended. 
 
 This duty performed Piccolo hastened to Mexico 
 in March. The procurador had not yet been able to 
 obtain anything from the government notwithstanding 
 the king's orders; but Piccolo begged with such per 
 sistency that after many rebuffs he obtained the six 
 thousand dollars late in April. The granting of the 
 ship and soldiers asked for was postponed ; but he at 
 last obtained permission to take back with him two 
 missionaries. The men assigned to this service were 
 
 13 Piccolo, Memoria tocante al extado de las Misiones nuevamente estdblccidas 
 en la California por los Padres de la Companla de Jesus, etc., 10 de Fcbrero, 
 1102. A French translation is the form in which I have consulted this docu 
 ment, Piccolo, Memoire touchant Vttat des mission, etc., in Lettres Edifiantes, 
 v. 29-44. Versions from the French more or less abridged are found in 
 Memoires GcofirapMques, Paris, 1767, ii. 283 et seq. ; Voiages au Nord, Re- 
 ciif'il, iii. 278-87; Lockman's Travels of the Jesuits, i. 395-408, and by Bishop 
 Kip in Overland Monthly, x. 152-60. 
 
 14 'La troisieme, celle de Yodivinegge" ou de Notre Dame des Douleurs;' 
 and the 4th, which is not yet founded nor quite so well established as the 
 three others, is that of S. Juan Londo. The mission of Dolores includes 
 Unuble", Niumqui or St Joseph, and Yodivinegge", or Our Lady; it was 
 founded by the congregation of St Peter and St Paul in Mexico. Doubtless 
 Piccolo purposely confounds plans with achievements. 
 
414 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Juan Manuel Basaldua and Geronimo Minutili. Per*. 
 haps the king's example stimulated the liberality of 
 the pious ; at all events they showed themselves much 
 more generous than had been their custom of late. 
 The marquis of Villapuente gave an estate of thirty 
 thousand pesos for the support of three missions. 
 Nicola's da Ortega and his wife Josefa Vallejo gave 
 ten thousand for another; 15 and other friends of the 
 cause gave considerable sums, with which Piccolo 
 bought a vessel named the Rosario at Acapulco, 
 whither he went from Mexico. The king's money 
 was invested in supplies, laden with which and bearing 
 one of the padres the vessel was sent to Matanchel, 
 while Piccolo and the other padre went up by land. 
 Here all embarked, and after a stormy passage reached 
 Loreto the 28th of October. 
 
 Father Minutili remained at Loreto as an associate 
 of Salvatierra, Basaldua went with Piccolo to San 
 Javier, and Ugarte went to the main in search of 
 cattle and horses. It seemed well to the padres at 
 this time of financial prosperity to secure their future 
 by efforts to promote agriculture and stock-raising. 
 Having made some excellent bargains, Ugarte re turned 
 in January 1703, and the horses he brought enabled 
 the padres to make several explorations during the 
 year. Salvatierra in the early spring crossed north 
 westward to th<3 Pacific and for a short distance north 
 and south along the coast without finding a port; 
 neither did he find well- watered lands or many natives 
 in that direction. Then Piccolo penetrated northward 
 along the gulf to Concepcion Bay, finding there many 
 natives, but unable to reach a reported river beyond. 16 
 In July a revolt broke out at San Javier, and several 
 
 15 The missions were to be S. Jos< Comondu, Purisima, Guadalupe, and 
 Santa Rosalia Muleg6. 
 
 16 The entradas were in January and March according to Salvatierra, Rcla- 
 ciones, 159, letter of April 3d, in which the writer is in high spirits at general 
 prospects. Venegas, Noticia, ii. 128-30, dates the expeditions in March 
 and May respectively. 
 
PEARL-FISHING AND EXPLORATION. 
 
 415 
 
 faithful converts were killed by their pagan brethren ; 
 but a force from the presidio soon restored order, 
 flogging some of the ringleaders, and putting one 
 chief to death after his baptism. About the same 
 time a gale wrecked two pearl-fishing craft, and the 
 padres showed their charity for a class of men who 
 were regarded as most harmful to their cause by 
 caring for the shipwrecked crew and sending them 
 over to the main. 
 
 PENINSULA MISSIONS. 
 
 Padres Piccolo and Basaldua set out in August in 
 the lancha, and this time they found the stream two 
 leagues north of Concepcion Bay, called by the natives 
 Mulege'. A league up the stream a favorable mission 
 site was found; but as the country beyond was too 
 rugged to be penetrated without animals, all sailed 
 for Yaqui where horses were obtained. Piccolo re 
 mained for a time in Sonora collecting alms, and Ba- 
 
416 ANNALS OP LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 saldua returned to Mulege; but he tried in vain to 
 find a road to Loreto by land, and proceeded by water 
 to Concepcion Bay, whence the lancha was sent to 
 Guaymas, and the padre returned to San Juan Londo, 
 now a regular pueblo de visita of Loreto. At the end 
 of the year Father Minutili was compelled by the 
 state of his health to seek a new field of labor, going 
 to Tubutama in Pimeria Alta. 
 
 In February 1704 Salvatierra sent Basaldua in the 
 Rosario to the main. He was to leave the vessel for 
 repairs and proceed to Mexico, there to collect the 
 king's annual subsidy and what alms he could obtain. 17 
 On reaching the capital the envoy found that good 
 fortune still followed the cause, for the king had been 
 induced by favorable memorials to make some very 
 important additions to his benevolent orders concern 
 ing California. 18 It was now provided that missiona 
 ries in California should receive as elsewhere a stipend 
 from the treasury, besides being provided with the 
 usual church paraphernalia; that a seminary should 
 be established in California, a presidial force of thirty 
 men stationed on the Pacific shore to protect the gal 
 leon, a vessel furnished for the mission service, and 
 seven thousand pesos per year paid in addition to the 
 former allowance. Pearl-fishing was to be encour 
 aged, without detriment to the missions; and like 
 wise the immigration of families. 
 
 Father Basaldua was naturally in higli spirits; but 
 he soon learned the difference between an order and 
 its fulfilment. Between treasurer and viceroy there 
 was a difference of opinion ; and what little money the 
 
 17 Feb. 8th, Salvatierra, Relaciones, 161, writes to Miranda that he had 
 intended to come himself, but is kept at home by reports of hostile ships in 
 these waters. 
 
 18 The reports by which the king was influenced were made by Bernardo 
 Rolandegui and Nicolas de Vera, agents for Mexico in Madrid and Rome. 
 There were four or five ce"dulas on the subject issued in 1703, and reaching 
 Mexico in April 1704. California, Estab. y Prog., 162-3; Venegas, Not., ii. 
 138-43; Alec/re, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 138; Cldvigero, Storia, i. 232-3; Bae- 
 gart, Nachrichten, 207-8. 
 
GLOOMY PROSPECTS. 417 
 
 treasury contained was needed for the wars in Spain. 
 With all his pleading the padre could not obtain even 
 the original six thousand pesos ; and he obtained little 
 from private benefactors. So, taking with him Father 
 Pedro Ugarte, a brother of Padre Juan, he set out 
 for the port where he had left the Rosario, and, in 
 vesting in provisions the small surplus after paying 
 for her repairs, he sailed for Loreto, arriving in the 
 middle of June. 
 
 Great was the disappointment at this unfortunate 
 turn of affairs. The people of Loreto were on the 
 verge of starvation, a condition apparently reached 
 by them with marvellous facility/ if we consider the 
 natural advantages of the country as lately pictured 
 by Piccolo. The garrison, now about sixty strong, 
 including sailors and Indians, had expected Basaldua 
 to bring their pay, and could not conceal their discon 
 tent. The future again looked dark. Salvatierra, 
 feeling that the complaints were well founded, as 
 sembled them all. and after announcing his ow^n deter- 
 
 ' O 
 
 mination to remain, proposed to send them to the 
 main to await a fulfilment of the king's orders. Then 
 spoke Ugarte in opposition to this scheme: " Let 
 those who would leave us take their discharge, and 
 certificates for their pay. We want no faint hearts 
 here. We have lived upon pitahayas and wild berries 
 before; will they not sustain us now?" The pride of 
 the soldiers was touched, and they declared one and 
 all their purpose to perish rather than flee from perils 
 which priests were not afraid to face alone. Ugarte 
 was as good as his word, going about the woods and 
 fields with a small but increasing band of companions 
 in search of fruits and roots. Thus for a time the 
 wolf was kept from the door. 
 
 Nothing could divert Salvatierra from his schemes 
 of conversion ; and even in these hard times he made 
 a tour to Ligui, 19 or Malibat, a few leagues south of 
 
 19 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 139, says this trip was to the Pacific 
 shores. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 27 
 
418 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Loreto, in search of a mission site, since as yet Mu- 
 lege was not accessible by land. Pedro Ugarte and 
 one soldier were his companions, besides two interpret 
 ers. They were attacked the 12th of July by a party 
 of Indians, who rushed out of an ambush and let fly 
 a volley of arrows. The reader will imagine the 
 father's desired martyrdom now at hand; but he will 
 reckon without the solitary trooper who is a host in 
 himself. He fired his arquebuse in the air, and bran 
 dished his sword with ludicrous but satisfactory effect. 
 The savages cast themselves upon the ground, and 
 sitting bolt upright stolidly awaited their fate. Sal- 
 vatierra then distributed some presents, baptized some 
 children, and having found the spot favorable took 
 his departure with a promise to return. During his 
 absence Piccolo had gone to the main for alms, and 
 in August he returned with plenty of food and a 
 promise of more. 
 
 Salvatierra's appointment and instructions as visi- 
 tador of Sinaloa and Sonora came about this time, 
 perhaps brought over by Piccolo; but his departure 
 was delayed, and the 8th of September he dedicated 
 the Loreto church, which as will be remembered had 
 been begun in 1699, baptizing in connection with the 
 ceremonies a large number of adult converts. Then 
 he received imperative orders summoning him to 
 Mexico. With all possible haste he obeyed, and 
 having left Ugarte in charge of the missions he sailed 
 the 1st of October on a pearl-fishing craft for Matan- 
 chel, accompanied by Lorenzo who had resigned the 
 military command and had been replaced temporarily 
 by Alferez Isidro Grumeque, until Alferez Juan Bau- 
 tista Escalante should arrive from Sonora. After 
 repeated conferences with the audiencia and with his 
 old friend Miranda at Guadalajara, the padre went on 
 to Mexico. 
 
 At the national capital Salvatierra learned with 
 dismay that with the latest despatches from Rome 
 had come his promotion to the post of provincial. It 
 
SALVATIERRA AS PROVINCIAL. 419 
 
 was a most flattering honor, one that would have been 
 gladly accepted of course with routine expressions 
 of humility and unworthiness by most Jesuits; but 
 to Father Juan Maria it meant simply separation from 
 his beloved California. In vain he tried to excuse 
 himself from assuming the office; his brethren pointed 
 out to him that he could do much more for California 
 as provincial than as missionary; and at length he 
 entered upon his new duties, writing to the general 
 of his order a request to be relieved as soon as possible. 
 The provincial at once applied to the viceroy for 
 the moneys granted. The king had been told that 
 payment was merely deferred until Salvatierra should 
 arrive. This flimsy excuse could serve no longer, but 
 there were no funds in the treasury. However the 
 viceroy, duke of Alburquerque, put a good face on 
 the matter, promised everything, and did nothing. 
 Salvatierra's duties called him away into the provinces, 
 and he did not return until the spring of 1705. A 
 junta was to be held for a consideration of Californian 
 affairs, and the provincial prepared a detailed report, 
 or review, of the royal cedulas of 1703, which were to 
 form the basis of the junta's action. He could not, 
 however, be content to let well-enough alone, and to 
 urge merely the fulfilment of the king's promises, as 
 his experience should have taught him to do. One 
 ship, he said, could not adequately perform the service 
 required, nor was the liberal allowance of 13,000 pesos 
 sufficient to make ends meet. He did not wish pearl- 
 fishing to be encouraged, as it led to trouble with the 
 natives. Nor did the Jesuits desire the presence of 
 Spanish settlers to breed dissensions. As to a presidio 
 on the western coast, it would be an unnecessary ex 
 pense, as the missions would soon be extended there. 
 The suggestion that the garrison officers should be 
 appointed by the government was very ill-advised, 
 since only by this power of appointment could the 
 padres restrain the natives and soldiers. 20 Some strong 
 
 20 Salvatierra, Informe solre puntos de las Cedulas Reales, 25 de Mayo, 1705. 
 
420 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 reasons were adduced in support of these views; but 
 the writer was a better missionary than diplomatist, 
 and in this report were marks of that jealousy of all 
 secular interference which, whether justified by cir 
 cumstances or not, has brought odium on the Jesuits 
 wherever they have acquired power. But the provin 
 cial went much further in his claims, demanding pay 
 ment of all arrears due to members of the society in 
 New Spain. The viceroy was annoyed and alarmed 
 at the padre's persistence and boldness; and though 
 the matter was referred to the fiscal, it soon became 
 doubtful if the junta would meet at all. 21 , 
 
 About this time Salvatierra received from Ugarte 
 despatches informing him that affairs were not run 
 ning smoothly in California. As usual there was sore 
 need of provisions despite Piccolo's efforts as visitador 
 in Sinaloa and Sonora; but the chief trouble arose 
 from the new captain, Escalante, who by his over 
 bearing disposition had brought himself into disfavor 
 with his troops as well as with the padres, to whose 
 authority he refused to submit. The management of 
 the military branch at this time presented many diffi 
 culties. The missionaries attached much value to 
 their supreme authority, and were inclined at times 
 to treat the soldiers more like neophytes than was 
 pleasing to the troops, who chafed under restraint. 
 That they were not allowed to engage in pearl-fishing, 
 were sometimes burdened with menial offices such as 
 cooking and gathering wood, were often prevented 
 
 In Venegas, ii. 153-66; Clavigero, i. 241-4. The expense of the conquest is 
 represented as $225,000, besides $58,000 contributed for six missions, of which 
 the government has paid only $18,000. Allusion is also made to the large 
 amounts expended in earlier times in unsuccessful attempts at occupation 
 before the Jesuits undertook the task. It will be noted that in several points 
 Salvatierra's ideas did not agree with those formerly expressed by Piccolo. 
 
 21 Nor should we too hastily blame the viceregal government. It was easy 
 for the pious king to issue orders for the payment of large sums of money for 
 distant missions, but it was another matter to obey, with the treasury de 
 pleted by exactions of the Spanish court. His Majesty must have money, 
 and California must go without. The viceroy and his councillors were often 
 at their wits' ends to raise funds for more urgent demands. The king's orders 
 could not be disobeyed; there was nothing for it but to postpone their fulfil 
 ment on every possible excuse. 
 
TROUBLE WITH THE SOLDIERS. 421 
 
 from what they regarded as fair retaliation for offenses 
 committed by the natives, were all grievances tending 
 to discord. The leaders were not men skilled in the 
 art of management, the soldiers felt that the lives of 
 the padres and the possession of the country depended 
 on them, and it is not to be wondered at that padres, 
 captains, soldiers, and natives could not live in entire 
 harmony. 
 
 Salvatierra now resolved to revisit California in 
 person; and he induced the ex-captain, Lorenzo, to 
 return with him and resume the command. He 
 started in June, and on -the 27th of that month, the 
 long deferred junta was held, and it was resolved that 
 as the father provincial was absent nothing could be 
 done! 22 At Guadalajara Salvatierra was detained till 
 August, then embarking at Matanchel he landed once 
 more at Loreto on the 30th, being received by all 
 with a joy that can be better imagined than described. 
 The change of captains was effected with such tact 
 that, as we are told, Escalante was content to serve 
 in the ranks until recalled to Sonora. 
 
 Nothing had been done toward extending the mis 
 sions. Ugarte, though acting as rector, or superior, 
 had remained at San Javier, leaving his brother Pedro 
 in charge at Loreto, while Basaldua served mainly at 
 Londo, and Piccolo was absent as visitador on the 
 main. Salvatierra insisted on the founding of two 
 new establishments at Mulege and Ligui. The lack 
 of padres was a serious obstacle ; but Jaime Bravo, a 
 lay brother who had come with the provincial from 
 Mexico, announced his purpose to remain, and it was 
 resolved to put him in charge of temporal affairs at 
 Loreto. 23 The provincial remained two months and 
 then went back to Mexico. * Ugarte was left to act 
 
 22 In Bcrja Cal, Ctdulas, MS., 79-80, is the king's cddula of Aug. 13, 
 1705, approving what had been done, but ordering prompt payment of the 
 $13,000. 
 
 23 Bravo, according to Clavigero, ii. 124, was a native of Aragon. After 
 14 years of efficient service at Loreto he became a priest, and he died at San 
 Javier in 1744. 
 
422 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 as he thought best, but with general instructions to 
 found the two missions as soon as possible, besides 
 searching for new sites and a port for the galleon. 
 
 Pedro Ugarte went immediately down to Ligui, 
 or Malibat, as the Laimones called it, and founded 
 the mission of Sari Juan Bautista. 2 * The natives 
 there, not more fickle and treacherous than elsewhere, 
 were induced to- aid in building a house and church, 
 the nucleus about which every establishment of the 
 kind grew up. The padre's life, it is true, was once 
 plotted against, but the man of peace brandished a 
 rusty firelock which filled the conspirators with timely 
 terror. With this exception life at San Juan was 
 monotonously uneventful. 
 
 Basaldua meanwhile succeeded with great labor 
 and difficulty in opening a road northward to Mulege 
 where a site had already been selected; and no time 
 was lost in erecting the necessary buildings. The 
 mission was named Santa Rosalia, by the desire of 
 Ortega and wife, who had given ten thousand pesos 
 for its maintenance. The land was covered with 
 mezquites and had little water. It furnished good pas 
 turage, but was not tilled for many years." 
 
 25 
 
 It seemed a somewhat superfluous labor to search 
 for new mission sites when there was not one padre 
 for each of the old establishments; yet in the begin 
 ning of 1706 Bravo with the captain and ten soldiers 
 followed the shore for a day and a half's journey 
 southward from San Juan Bautista, until obliged to 
 return by the death of two men and illness of others, 
 caused by eating the poisonous liver of a fish called 
 the botate. 26 While the others were thus engaged 
 
 24 So named for Juan B. Lopez, who gave 10,000 pesos for its endowment. 
 He failed in business and the money was not forthcoming; but the mission 
 was not abandoned. Ugarte served here till 1709, Francisco Peralta until 
 1713, and later Father Guillen until the mission was reduced to a pueblo. 
 
 25 Basaldua served here until 1709; Piccolo until 1718; and then Sebastian 
 de Sistiaga administered its affairs with great success for many years. 
 
 26 For events in these years all that is known is found in Cal., Estab. y 
 Prog, and Venegas, Noticia. 
 
TO THE PACIFIC. 423 
 
 Padre Ugarte devoted his attention mainly to affairs 
 at San Javier, where the results of his efforts and 
 of natural advantages began to be apparent. The 
 natives were submissive, and their industry was 
 shown in good roads, well tilled grainfields, and the 
 increased number of mission buildings. 27 Besides 
 
 O 
 
 being self-supporting San Javier could now spare a 
 small surplus of food for Loreto. 
 
 Towards the end of 1706 Ugarte undertook a new 
 exploration to the west coast in search of the much 
 desired port and in obedience to the provincial's in 
 structions. He left Loreto the 26th of November, 
 with Brother Bravo, Captain Lorenzo, twelve sol 
 diers, and forty Yaquis who had come over expressly 
 for this expedition. Passing San Javier and its visita 
 of Santa Rosalia, the explorers found a stream of San 
 Andres and numerous friendly Indians. As they 
 approached the sea they were threatened but not 
 attacked by two hundred warlike Guaicuris. For 
 several days they explored the coast northward, find 
 ing several rancherias, but a scarcity of water. On 
 December 7th, encamped on the dry bed of a stream, 
 they were in danger of perishing by thirst; but pray 
 ing fervently night and morning, they found an abund 
 ant supply of pure cold water where none had been 
 at first. An advance party found a large bay, 28 but 
 no supply of water; and with vessels filled from the 
 miraculous spring the explorers turned back to 
 Loreto. 
 
 Meanwhile Salvatierra was relieved of his office in 
 September, and was again free to devote his whole 
 attention to California. Though without funds from 
 the government, he proceeded to Matanchel, whence 
 supplies were to be forwarded by Father Julian 
 Mayorga, a new arrival from Spain just appointed to 
 
 27 Besides the church and padre's house, there were now storehouses, a 
 hospital, and a schoolhouse for girls who were kept separate under care of a 
 matron. 
 
 28 Perhaps at the present San Juanico just above 26. 
 
424 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 California. Then he went by land up to Ahome, 
 collecting certain promised limosnas by the way; and 
 took ship the 30th of January 1707 for Loreto, with 
 five Californian natives whom he had taken with him 
 to Mexico. The second night out a terrible storm 
 arose; one of the natives died; the crew gave them 
 selves up for lost, and Salvatierra afterward described 
 the night as the most awful he had ever passed. 
 They w r ere driven to San Jose Island, but finally 
 anchored at San Dionisio the 3d of February/ 
 
 2.) 
 
 The year 1707 was a bad one all over New Spain; 
 and of course it was a little worse in poor, barren, 
 neglected California than anywhere else. Now 
 Ugarte's foresight and industry bore fruit; for had it 
 not been for the produce of fields and gardens of 
 Biaundo, the country must have been abandoned. 
 Despite the dryness of the season Ugarte managed to 
 spare enough for all to keep body and soul together. 
 Padre Mayorga came to join the band a few months 
 after Salvatierra's return; and with him came Cap 
 tain Lorenzo, who had gone to the main for a wife. 
 She was a lady of distinction and beauty; and we 
 may imagine how her presence must have brightened 
 life at the presidio, and what must have been the 
 gallant captain's fascinations to make her content 
 with such a life. 30 Mayorga was not fitted physically 
 for missionary toil, and his health soon became im 
 paired, but he insisted on remaining, against Salva 
 tierra's advice, and soon regained his health. 
 
 In 1708 Mayorga founded a new mission at Co- 
 mondu, some twenty leagues north-west of Loreto, 
 and midway between gulf and ocean, named San 
 Jose. He was accompanied to his new home by Sal 
 vatierra and Ugarte, who aided him to build a church 
 
 29 Salvatierra, fielaciones, 171-2. Letter of March 2, 1707, to Miranda; 
 Venegas, ii. 199-202; Alegre, in. 148. Clavigero, Storia, i. 256-7, makes the 
 date of arrival Dec. 3. 
 
 30 The lady was Dona Maria de la Rea. A daughter of this couple was 
 married at Loreto in 1724. Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS. 
 
TRIPS TO THE MAIX. 425 
 
 and dwelling. There was a small stream with several 
 rancherias of well disposed natives; and in a few 
 years San Jose became quite a flourishing colony 
 with tw^o pueblos de visita, San Juan and San Igna- 
 
 cio. 31 
 
 During the first months of 1709 there was great 
 suffering from want of food. In March Piccolo ar 
 rived with a cargo of provisions, but they were badly 
 damaged by a long detention at Tepic. A little later 
 the crew of a pearl vessel from Colima were killed by 
 the natives, though as in two years on the coast they 
 had not once come to ask a blessing of Our Lady 
 their miserable fate did not surprise the pious Salva- 
 tierra. 32 The San Javier on a trip to Yaqui for sup 
 plies in August was stranded on the coast above 
 Guaymas. The crew, having buried on the beach 
 three thousand pesos with which provisions were to 
 have been purchased, escaped in a boat. On learn 
 ing this disaster Salvatierra at once started in the 
 Rosario. He found the savage Seris engaged in pull 
 ing the vessel to pieces for the nails; but he succeeded 
 in pacifying them, in recovering the money which 
 they had dug up, and even in repairing the craft. It 
 took tw r o months to complete the repairs, and Father 
 Juan Maria spent a part of the time in exploring the 
 coast and making friends of the natives. About the 
 Guaymas mission and its connection with the penin 
 sula establishment in these times there are no records. 
 While the Rosario went back to Loreto direct, Salva 
 tierra on the rescued San Javier crossed over to Con- 
 cepcion Bay and paid a visit to Mulege where Piccolo 
 had succeeded Basaldua, the latter's ill health forcing 
 him to retire. 33 
 
 31 Mayorga served here till his death in 1736, and his successor, Francisco 
 Javier Wagner, till 1744. This was one of the missions endowed by Villa- 
 puente. Palou, Noticias, ii. 150, says the site was changed some years after 
 the foundation. See also Veneyas, ii. 203-4; Cfacigero, i. 257-8; Akgre, iii. 
 153; Cal., Estab. y Prog., 172. 
 
 "SalvcUitrra, 'fidaciones, 173. Letter of 1709 to Miranda. 
 
 33 It seems that the stranding of the San Javier saved the fiosario, for an 
 order came from the viceroy to send the latter on a cruise to warn the galleon 
 
426 AXNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 The loss of Basaldua was followed by that of Pedro 
 Ugarte, whose health broke down under incessant 
 labor. He was relieved at San Juan by Francisco 
 Peralta, and went to Mexico. He returned a little 
 later only to fall ill again; and finally retired to the 
 Yaqui, where he still served his beloved California as 
 a supply agent. Toward the end of this unhappy 
 year, a foe more to be dreaded than any that had yet 
 assailed the missionaries made its appearance in the 
 form of the small-pox, that terrible destroyer of the 
 native races in the New World. In spite of all that 
 could be done by the padres, the natives were carried 
 off by hundreds; and as the neophytes were the first 
 to be affected, the native priests declargd that their 
 gods were avenging themselves. But their triumph 
 w T as brief, for the pestilence was no respecter of creeds, 
 and soon the heathen were attacked in all directions. 
 In their efforts to impart medical aid or religious con 
 solation the padres not only exposed themselves to 
 great hardships, but to the contagion, which several 
 times, if we may credit the chroniclers brought Pic 
 colo, Salvatierra, and Ugarte to the very gates of 
 death. During the three years of the plague, down 
 to 1712, mission progress was paralyzed in most direc 
 tions. Nevertheless the padres found time to make 
 several exploring tours, converting many ranch erias 
 into pueblos de visitaciori. Ugarte explored the 
 country south of San Javier, and Piccolo that north 
 of Santa Rosalia, and southward to the site of the 
 later Purisima. 
 
 This period is remarkable for the bad fortune attend 
 ing the mission vessels. In November 1711 the Ro- 
 sario was sent to Matanchel for repairs under the 
 supervision of Padre Peralta; but after an expense of 
 several thousands of pesos the craft was in no better 
 condition than before; and when she put to sea, the 
 
 of danger from pichilinfjues, or buccaneers. The government did not hesitate 
 thus to employ the one poor little rickety craft which the fathers had; but in 
 her absence the order could not be obeyed. 
 
A PADEE DROWNED 427 
 
 crew, tired of risking their lives, permitted her to run 
 ashore and go to pieces. A new ship must be built, 
 and foolishly the same builders were intrusted with 
 the work. They must have been accomplished swin 
 dlers. They were eighteen months in putting the 
 vessel together, at a cost of 22,000 pesos, and after all 
 produced late in 1713 a craft which Veriegas compares 
 to a floating coffin. Yet there were two impatient 
 Jesuits and a cargo of spoiling provisions awaiting 
 transportation, and they embarked on the vessel, which 
 leaked badly, refused to obey her helm, and was 
 driven first to Cape San 'Lucas and, then to the Maza- 
 tlan Islands near Matanchel, where some were wise 
 enough to land. The rest sighted the Loreto coast, but 
 were driven across to the main, and were wrecked at 
 an estuary called Barva-Chivato, six persons being 
 drowned, including one of the padres, Benito Guisi. 
 The survivors after much suffering were relieved by 
 natives and guided to Sinaloa, whence the other padre, 
 Clemente Guillen, found his way to Yaqui. 34 
 
 Father Guillen embarked again in January 1714 on 
 the San Javier, and though he narrowly escaped with 
 his life, the vessel coming to grief at the moment of 
 arrival, he at last reached Loreto. He was put in 
 charge of San Juan Bautista, Peralta having been 
 obliged to retire to the main for change of air. 35 I 
 have before me an autograph letter of Father Piccolo, 
 dated at Santa Rosalia on January 2-8th of this year. 
 It treats of minor routine details only, and has on the 
 back half a page of Salvatierra's almost illegible scrib 
 bling. 36 
 
 The little San Javier was not yet quite useless; 
 
 84 Cal, Estab. y Prog., 174-5; Venegas, ii. 216-21. Venegas says the ras 
 cally builders were punished slightly by the audiencia. In L'al. , Hist. Chr6- 
 ticnne, we read that the new vessel lasted a year and was then wrecked at 
 Cape San Lucas not the only instance of inaccuracy in that work. 
 
 35 Clemente Guillen was born at Zacatecas about 1682. His name appears 
 in the Loreto, Libros de Minion, MS., occasionally from March 1716 to May 
 1718. He served at San Juan until that mission became a visita and then 
 founded Dolores. He died at Loreto April 8, 1748. 
 
 36 Papdes de Jcsuitas, MS. , 110. 32. Piccolo's signature appears often in 
 Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS., from 1718 to 1728. 
 
428 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 but California had now a friend in the person of the 
 new viceroy, the duque de Linares. A predilection 
 for the Jesuits is said to have been hereditary in his 
 family; and though as viceroy he could do little or 
 nothing for the missions, in his private capacity he 
 did much before his final legacy of 5,000 pesos. He 
 now ordered a condemned Peruvian prize to be sold 
 to the missions for 4,000 pesos, on condition that she 
 should be used to seek a port on the west coast. True 
 the Guadalupe proved to be worthless, and after costly 
 repairs was lost on her second trip; but the padres 
 did not apparently suspect that the government had 
 known the worthlessness of the craft. The list of 
 wrecks is not yet complete, however, for the San Jose, 
 a bad bargain from the first, had been lost shortly 
 before at Acapulco, and another Peruvian vessel 
 bought to fill her place was lost almost as soon as the 
 purchase money had been paid. The old San Javier 
 still hung together, perhaps because she was more 
 absolutely worthless than any of the others; but this 
 crazy little craft could bring but a small portion of 
 necessary supplies, and the surplus had to be trans 
 ported on private pearl- vessels at an extortionate rate 
 of freightage; another heavy burden being thus im 
 posed on the missions. 
 
 A result of these maritime disasters was the im 
 possibility of navigating the gulf to its northern limit, 
 a project in which Salvatierra had always been inter 
 ested. As in the earlier part of this season of dis 
 tress, however, exploration of the interior was not 
 wholly neglected. Indeed in 1716, while the Guada 
 lupe was yet afloat, Salvatierra made in her a trip to 
 La Paz for the purpose of pacifying the Guaicuris, 
 who were ill-disposed toward the Christians owing 
 largely to Otondo's former operations and to outrages 
 committed by the pearl-fishers. His attempt was a 
 failure, for he could not restrain his escort of Loreto 
 Indians from maletreating the Guaicuri women and 
 
DEATH OP SALVATIERRA. 429 
 
 children. 37 In November of the same year Piccolo 
 with three soldiers and six mules made a tour from 
 Mulege to the north-west, visiting the valley of the 
 Kada-kaaman, or Reedgrass Stream, named San Vi 
 cente Ferrer, where the mission of San Ignacio was 
 afterward established. He was hospitably received 
 by the natives, at whose request he had come; arid 
 he remained among them eleven days, baptizing many 
 children and instructing adults. 38 
 
 In March 1717 Father Nicolas Tamaral came to 
 join the missionary band, having been appointed to 
 the projected mission of Purisima. 8 ? He brought let 
 ters from Provincial Koclero to Salvatierra, informing 
 him that the new viceroy, duque de Valero, wished 
 to see him without delay, having arrived from Spain 
 with definite instructions concerning California. Al 
 though suffering from a painful disorder of the bladder, 
 as well as from the infirmity of old age, Father Juan 
 Maria put everything under the care of Ugarte, and 
 accompanied by Brother Bravo set out for Mexico at 
 the end of March. A voyage of nine days carried them 
 to Matanchel, whence they proceeded to Tepic. The 
 fatigues of the journey had so aggravated the superior's 
 complaint that he was unable to proceed farther by the 
 ordinary modes of travel; but his zeal was stronger 
 than his prudence, and he insisted on being carried on 
 a litter to Guadalajara. It was thus that the apostle of 
 California made his last earthly journey. For two 
 long months he tossed upon his death-bed, suffering 
 
 37 Gal., Estab. y Prog., 175. It was after his return from this trip that he 
 sent the Guadalupe to Matanchel, and she was lost with her cargo and crew 
 of nine men. 
 
 38 Piccolo, Carta de 10 de Enero 1717, dirigida al Padre Procurador Juan 
 Manuel de Basaldua, MS. In Baja California, Cedulas, 89-98. See also 
 Venegas, ii. 224-5; Cal, Esiab. y Prog., 175. In the mission registers of San 
 Ignacio, which was not founded until 1728, these early baptisms by Piccolo 
 are mentioned, 26 on one occasion and 38 on another, at Kahanagala, or 
 Kadaa, in San Vicente Ferrer Valley. Father Sistiaga subsequently visited 
 the place several times. San Ignacio, Libros de Mision, 1716-41, MS. 
 
 89 Nicolds Tamaral was born at Seville in 1687, coming to Mexico in 1712. 
 Clariyero, Storia, ii. 93. He baptized a child at Loreto on Nov. 27, 1717. 
 Lorcto, Libros de Mision, MS. He founded San Jose" del Cabo in 1730, and 
 was murdered there in 1734. 
 
430 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 extreme agony. Then, feeling that his end was near, 
 he summoned the faithful Bravo to his side, confided 
 to him the particulars of mission affairs, and empowered 
 him to represent California at the capital. On the 17th 
 of July he died, as he had lived, full of hope and 
 courage. The whole city assembled at his funeral, 
 and his remains were deposited amidst ceremonies 
 rarely seen at the burial of a Jesuit missionary, in 
 the chapel which in former years he had erected to 
 the Lady of Loreto. Salvatierra's memory needs no 
 panegyric; his deeds speak for themselves; and in the 
 light of these the bitterest enemies of his religion, or 
 of his order, cannot deny the beauty of his character 
 and the disinterestedness of his devotion to California. 
 
 Before his death Salvatierra had succeeded in reducing the government 
 of the missions to a regular system, which was maintained without material 
 change during the entire Jesuit era. This system was so similar to that sub 
 sequently adopted by the Franciscans in Alta California, described in another 
 volume, that a brief account of it will suffice here. 
 
 The chief authority on the peninsula was, as we have seen, the father 
 superior, to whom priests, soldiers, and natives were subject. At first Salva 
 tierra was the only superior, or rector, but subsequently when the missions 
 had spread over a great part of the country they were divided into three dis 
 tricts, each of which had its rector to whom the other padres of the district 
 were subordinate, and who was himself responsible to a visitador appointed 
 by the provincial every three years from among, the missionaries. The visi 
 tador had his consulta of old and experienced priests, and was expected to 
 visit all the missions during his term of office. To him the rectors made their 
 reports, while he himself had to render an account of everything to the visi- 
 tador-general, who visited the missions every third year. Thus the Jesuit 
 mission hierarchy consisted of missionary, rector, visitador, visitador-general, 
 provincial, and general. The soldiers, in like manner, were subject to their 
 captain, who, under the visitador, was supreme in all civil, judicial, and mil 
 itary matters. In later years he was also commander of the mission flotilla, 
 and had control of all marine matters on the California coast. Pearl-fishers 
 had to show their license to him and he collected from them the royal dues. 
 Most of the soldiers were kept at the presidio, where the discipline and 
 routine common to all such establishments in New Spain were preserved. 
 Fjach mission had one soldier, who, in his own sphere, exercised to some ex 
 tent the privileges of the captain at Loreto. Under the direction or with the 
 consent of the padre he punished minor offences with the lash or imprison 
 ment, but sentences of banishment or death were not carried out until the 
 captain's decision was known. It frequently happened that the padre's duties 
 
THE MISSION SYSTEM. 431 
 
 called him away from the mission for a time, and during his absence the soli 
 tary guard distributed the daily rations and otherwise acted as the father's 
 substitute in all matters not strictly ecclesiastical. For such services he re 
 ceived pay from the padre, in addition to the regular sum paid to him by the 
 king. For the soldiers in California were allowed the same privileges as 
 those in the royal army, and their service was reckoned as campaign service. 
 Their pay was about the same as in Nueva Vizcaya, being 450 pesos for those 
 serving in the northern missions and a few pesos less for those serving in the 
 south. This at first sight appears liberal pay, but it must be remembered 
 that it always came to the soldiers, if it came at all, in the shape of goods 
 worth much less than their reputed value. 
 
 The plan upon which each mission was formed and conducted, though it 
 differed in a few particulars, according to the resources, prosperity, and other 
 circumstances of the establishment, was generally as follows: When a new 
 mission was to be founded care was taken that ii> should not be isolated or 
 cut off from communication with its nearest neighbor by an impassable coun 
 try or by intervening hostile tribes; the people of the chosen district were, 
 indeed, generally visited, propitiated, and prepared for conversion before 
 hand. The father who was to make the foundation was usually accompanied 
 to his new field by several soldiers and a number of neophytes belonging to 
 another mission, who, with the assistance of the people of the vicinity, soon 
 put up the few rough buildings necessary, and then left the padre and his 
 solitary guard to their own devices. Meanwhile the missionary drew his 
 new converts together, and these were instructed and maintained till the es 
 tablishment was in good working order. A nucleus being thus formed the 
 padre turned his attention to the neighboring rancherias, and as fast as he 
 brought these to a proper state of subjection incorporated them into pueblos 
 de visita of a manageable size and at a convenient distance from the mission 
 proper, which thus became the capital of a little community of Christian vil 
 lages. Each pueblo had its Indian governor, appointed by the padre, whose 
 duty it was to maintain order and report to the father and the soldier dis 
 turbances which he could not remedy. There was also a native maestro de la 
 doctrina in each pueblo who superintended the simple religious observances 
 which were expected of his people, such as the repetition of prayers, litany, 
 and catechism. The inhabitants of the pueblos came in to the mission at 
 regular intervals and in stated numbers to hear mass, receive instruction, and 
 celebrate feasts, and were in turn frequently visited by the missionary; but 
 these arrangements, as well as the amount of food and clothing they obtained 
 from the padre, varied according to the condition and resources of the mis 
 sion to which they were attached. In most cases they were expected to find 
 their own subsistence, which they did after the primitive fashion of their 
 fathers in the plains and mountains, though at regular hours and under the 
 supervision of an elder. The exact status of the pueblo Indians of Lower 
 California is, in fact, not very clear. Though required to observe a certain 
 degree of order and discipline, they did not enjoy all the advantages of their 
 brethren at the mission, but we must suppose that comparative liberty of 
 action and exemption from labor compensated for this distinction. It ap 
 pears, besides, that in some instances the mission had no permanent Indian 
 
432 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 population, but was occupied in routine by the people of one or two pueblos, 
 who after partaking of the padre's bounty and instruction for a week or so 
 returned to their village and made room for an equal number of their breth 
 ren. It was sometimes the custom, too, for the padre to personally instruct 
 and maintain all new converts until they were fit to join a pueblo commu 
 nity, in which cases the mission was little more than a religious nursery, so to 
 speak, and could have afforded room for but very few stationary neophytes. 
 It is certain that in the mission itself the daily routine was much more 
 elaborate and regular, and the discipline more strict than in the dependent 
 villages. Early every morning, mass, at which all the neophytes assisted, was 
 celebrated by the padre; the doctrina was recited, and a song of praise was 
 chanted by all present. Then a breakfast of maize gruel, or porridge, was 
 distributed, and as soon as this simple meal was concluded the Indians went 
 into the field to work. The labor, however, was light, for there was little to do 
 and there were many to do it. At noon all returned to the mission for dinner, 
 which consisted of maize porridge, with meat and vegetables when such lux 
 uries could be afforded. After a long rest the field work was resumed until 
 a little before sunset, when the church bell tolled for more religious services, 
 after which came a supper of pozole, an hour or two of recreation, and bed 
 time. Every Sunday the padre preached, and every feast-day was a holiday. 
 The boys and girls were kept apart in separate houses, the former under the 
 eye of an experienced male superintendent, the latter under a native matron. 
 These young people did not labor, but were instructed by the padre in person 
 in religious matters and in various little arts, particularly those of shearing, 
 preparing, and weaving wool. Father Ugarte even went so far as to send to 
 Nueva Galicia for an experienced weaver named Antonio Moran, who was 
 engaged at a yearly salary of 500 pesos, and who lived for many years in Cal 
 ifornia instructing the natives in his trade. With the coarse stuff thus woven 
 at home, and various kinds of very indifferent cloth imported from Mexico, 
 the neophytes were clothed. These particulars of the mission system are 
 gathered chiefly from Venegas, Noticia, ii. 242-66; Clavigero, Storia della 
 CaL, ii. 186-202; Baegert, Nachrichten, 223-7; Arrillaya, Testimonio de Dili- 
 gencias, 1789, MS. ; Taraval, Carta dirigida al Visitador General sobre Misi- 
 ones de la California 17 30, in CaL, Estab. y Prog, de las Misiones, 186-96. 
 
 The expense of maintaining missions in such a poor and isolated country 
 as Lower California was very considerable, notwithstanding the economical 
 plan upon which they were conducted. The king, it is true, contributed 
 something toward their maintenance, but the royal aid never amounted to 
 more than 30,000 pesos per annum, and the peninsula had been occupied 
 nearly half a century before even this degree of liberality was reached. The 
 sum granted by government was, besides, barely sufficient to pay, clothe, and 
 feed the soldiers and sailors, so that nothing was left of it for ordinary mis 
 sion purposes. It may, therefore, be fairly stated that the missions of Cali 
 fornia were from first to last founded and supported by private persons, 
 whose combined gifts formed what has been known as the pious fund. We 
 have seen how Salvatierra and Ugarte collected the expenses of their first 
 entry into California from various pious persons in Mexico; this was the nu- 
 
THE PIOUS FUND. 433 
 
 clcus of the pious fund, which by means of similar contributions from others 
 rapidly increased to a very considerable sum. At first the management of the 
 fund was a simple matter. Ten thousand pesos was the amount regarded 
 as necessary for the maintenance of each mission, and this sum was left in 
 the hands of the donor, who regularly paid the annual interest, about 500 
 pesos, to the fathers or to the procurador in Mexico, who purchased and for 
 warded the needed supplies. But the bankruptcy of the founder of San Juan 
 Buutista Mission, and the consequent loss of the capital in his hands, admon 
 ished the paxlres to seek investments which should be beyond the risk of com 
 mercial fluctuations. Accordingly Salvatierra in 1716 obtained permission 
 from the general to invest the principal of the fund in haciendas and farms in 
 Mexico, and the procurador, Romano, was ordered to collect the funds and 
 purchase estates therewith. Other property was bought as the fund increased, 
 which it did rapidly in later j'ears, when several benefactors made the most 
 munificent gifts and bequests of money and land. For example, the marquis of 
 Villapuente, not content with having founded more missions in California than 
 any one else, gave to the fund in 1735 an estate of several hundred thousand 
 acres of land in Tamaulipas, together with all the flocks and herds, farm- 
 buildings, and appurtenances thereon. This the greatest of California's bene 
 factors died Feb. 13, 1739, at the Jesuit college at Madrid, where he had 
 shortly before become a member of the society. He was a man of enormous 
 possessions, and after bestowing his charity in all parts of the world during 
 his life, he bequeathed it for the same noble purpose at his death. Again, in 
 1747, Dona Maria de Borja, Duchess of Gandia, left the missions some 62,000 
 pesos, and in 1765 Dofia Josefa Paula de Arguelles bequeathed nearly 200,000 
 pesos to the fund, though this latter sum was not received until after the 
 expulsion of the Jesuits. Other large sums and estates were also given at 
 various times in addition to the regular donation of 10,000 pesos which was 
 made by the founder of each mission. It is difficult to tell, even approxi 
 mately, what was the amount of the pious fund at the time of the expulsion 
 of the Jesuits. It is generally spoken of by modern writers in round num 
 bers as a million pesosj from which an annual income of $50,000 was derived; 
 but this is probably an over-estimate. Palou, in his report of Feb. 12, 1772, 
 quotes an anonymous document which shows it to have been about 500,000 
 pesos, and afterwards compares with this the report of Mangino, director of 
 te?nporalidades, on the condition of the fund, finding the accounts substan 
 tially the same. Noticia, vi. 175-9, 580-6, 597-601. Revilla Gigedo, in his 
 report to the court of Spain of Dec. 30, 1793, declares it to have amounted to 
 over 800,000 pesos at the time of the expulsion. Arch. CaL, St. Pap., 
 Miss, and Colon., i. 18. Perhaps the viceroy's figures are as near the truth 
 as any. 
 
 The fund was administered, like all other mission affairs, according to a 
 regular system. The investment and use of it were intrusted to a procurador 
 who lived in Mexico; the first of these was Ugarte, who had four successors 
 during the Jesuit era. Besides seeing that the estates were properly cared 
 for by subordinate superintendents, the chief procurador attended to the 
 purchase of goods needed by the missions and forwarded them to California. 
 
 The bales were carried on pack -mules to Matanchel and there shipped. The 
 HIST. N. MKX. STATES. VOL. I. 28 
 
434 ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 transportation by land was expensive, but the sea journey cost little, as 
 the padres used their own vessels. On their arrival at Loreto the supplies 
 were received by the local procurador there, who stored them away for dis 
 tribution as required. No goods were disposed of save to the missions and 
 soldiers. If the few miners who in later years worked in the southern coun 
 try wanted any article, they could obtain it only through a soldier or officer. 
 While the San Josd presidio existed, there was a sort of branch warehouse 
 there, which was supplied from Loreto. 
 
 In various parts of Mexico, but especially at Guadalajara and at several 
 ports on the Pacific coast, there were other agents, generally called procura- 
 dores; but these were not regularly attached to the administrative system of 
 the missions. They acted only in special cases where they could assist in col 
 lecting limosnas, or in facilitating the purchase or transportation of supplies. 
 Concerning the administration of these financial matters, see Venegas, Notlcia, 
 ii. 192-6; Clavigero, Storia delta Cal, ii. 192-6; jBaegert, Nachrichten, 220-3; 
 CaL, Estab. y Prog, de las Misiones, 98-100; Arch. Gal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
 ix. 6-45. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 1717-1750. 
 
 INTEREST AT COURT A JUNTA IN MEXICO BRAVO 's EFFORTS UGARTE REC 
 TOR A STORM FOUNDING OF PURISIMA ' X TRIUNFO DE LA CRUZ' 
 GUILLEN'S EXPLORATION FOUNDING OF PILAR DE LA PAZ HELEN 
 FOUNDS GUADALUPE UGARTE'S VOYAGE TO HEAD OF THE GULF Sis- 
 TIAGA ON THE WEST COAST GUILLEN FOUNDS DOLORES NAPOLI FOUNDS 
 SANTIAGO LOCUSTS AND EPIDEMIC LUYANDO FOUNDS SAN IGNACIO 
 DEATH OF PICCOLO VISIT OF ECHEVERRIA FOUNDING OF SAN JOSE DEL 
 CABO DEATH OF UGARTE TARAVAL EXPLORES THE NORTH-WEST 
 FOUNDING OF SANTA ROSA TOUCHING OF THE MANILA SHIP REVOLT 
 IN THE SOUTH MARTYRDOM OF FATHERS CARRANCO AND TAMARAL 
 YAQUI REINFORCEMENTS GOVERNOR HUIDROBO'S CAMPAIGN A PRE 
 SIDIO AT THE CAPE REOCCUPATION OF THE MISSIONS A DECADE OF 
 TROUBLES EPIDEMIC DEATH OF CAPTAIN ESTEVAN LORENZO CHANGES 
 IN PADRES CONSAG'S EXPLORATION OF THE GULF MAP ROYAL 
 ORDERS No RESULTS END OF VENEGAS' RECORD. 
 
 THE king's interest in California had ceased so far 
 as the missionaries knew; at least it had produced no 
 results since the return of Salvatierra in 1705. This 
 is attributed, however, by the Jesuits to the wiles of 
 Alburquerque, who concealed the purport of the royal 
 orders received. Viceroy Valero brought a cedula of 
 January 29, 1716, being in substance a repetition of 
 that of July 26, 1708, and of similar purport to the 
 original orders of earlier date. The king's interest at 
 this time was prompted largely by Minister Alberoni, 
 who had long appreciated the importance of the penin 
 sula, and whose attention had been specially aroused 
 by the offer of a rich man to pay 80,000 pesos for the 
 absolute rule over California with the alcaldia mayor 
 of Acaponeta and Centipac on the main. This sum 
 
 (435) 
 
436 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 of money was a tempting bait, but Alberoni reflected 
 that either the purchaser must ruin the province, or 
 else its resources must be much greater than had 
 been supposed. The speculator was therefore told 
 his offer could not be accepted unless he could obtain 
 certificates from ecclesiastical authorities that his pro 
 ject would not be detrimental to California. This of 
 course ended the matter. But Alberoni began to 
 form the most magnificent designs for the colonization 
 not only of California but the great north-west be 
 yond. True, he was soon made a cardinal, and for the 
 most part forgot his South Sea schemes; but it was 
 before his enthusiasm was extinguished by a red hat 
 that Valero came to Mexico with his instructions. 
 
 The viceroy called a junta to consider the matter, 
 particularly the clauses relating to a colony and a 
 west-coast presidio. These measures were approved 
 by all except Romano, the father procurador of Cali 
 fornia, whose opposition showed how averse were the 
 Jesuits to all interference with their monopoly. A 
 royal garrison would have given them protection, and 
 have opened more regular communication with the 
 main; a colony would have developed the resources 
 whose interests they professed to have at heart; and 
 the annual arrival of the Manila ship would have 
 created trade and made California a place of some im 
 portance. But all this might have lessened Jesuit 
 authority and influence. It was Romano's opposition 
 that caused the viceroy to summon Salvatierra to 
 Mexico, the discussion being meanwhile postponed; 
 and Bravo, as soon as the last rites had been per 
 formed over the body of his dearly loved master, 
 hastened to the capital with full powers to represent 
 California before the junta. His position was similar 
 to that of Salvatierra in 1705. Instead of immedi 
 ately accepting the king's bounty and thinking him 
 self fortunate to get it, he tried to amend the 
 royal cedula by demanding additional favors. We 
 must not stigmatize this as begging, or avarice, be- 
 
BRAVO IN MEXICO. 437 
 
 cause it is likely enough that the king's grants were 
 small in proportion to the necessity; but it puts one 
 almost out of patience to see these foolish padres re 
 peatedly losing the bird in hand for an imaginary 
 brace in the bush. 1 
 
 Bravo, however, managed to get most of his amend 
 ments approved by the junta; but he soon learned 
 the lesson that had been taught to Kino, Basaldua, 
 and Salvatierra years before. It suddenly occurred to 
 the treasurer that the grant of 13,000 pesos would fall 
 far short of paying the expenses to be incurred, and the 
 result was that the junta's liberal decision was mate^i- 
 ally altered, Brother Bravo's amendments being for the 
 most part ignored. 2 By the new arrangement about 
 18,000 pesos were allowed for soldiers and sailors, 
 3,000 for Salvatierra's journey and debts, and 4,000 
 for a vessel, which, however, proved rotten and was 
 lost the next year at Matanchel. 
 
 With such ready money as he could obtain, the 
 amount not appearing in the records, Bravo bought a 
 cargo of provisions and goods, with which he sailed on 
 the new vessel, and arrived at Loreto in June 1718. 
 He was accompanied by Father Sebastian Sistiaga, 3 
 
 1 Bravo prepared two memorias after the ce*dula was submitted to him. 
 The first described the condition of affairs in California. The second insisted 
 on the following measures: The presidial force to be increased to 50 men; a 
 large vessel for transport and discovery, and a smaller one for coast service; 
 a force of 15 men at La Paz to keep buccaneers from lying in wait for the 
 Manila ship; a seminary with its maestro for the education of children; and 
 the right to certain salt mines on Carmen Island to be vested in the missions. 
 Venegas, ii. 286-307, is the most complete authority on these matters. It 
 was estimated that by this time 500,000 pesos had been spent on the missions, 
 nearly all of which had been supplied from private alms. It is difficult to 
 conceive how such a sum could have been expended in doing what had been 
 done; yet as we have seen they were always complaining of poverty, and ap 
 parently not without cause. 
 
 2 The garrison was reduced to 25 men, the La Paz guard not granted, and 
 the projects of salt-mines and seminary not acted on. Venegas, \\ ho gives the 
 final decree, says the original resolution of the junta was not put on record, 
 but was found some years later in a private house. He tells us that Piccolo's 
 letter to Basaldua, the Carta of 1717 already cited, fell into the hands of the 
 bishop of Durango, who sent it to the king from whom it brought out another 
 cedula of Jan. 19, 1719, directing the viceroy in the strongest terms to carry 
 out his instructions. But according to a later order of similar import, dated 
 Feb. 27, 1723, in Baja CaL, Ctdulas, MS., 98-100, it seems that the cedula 
 brought out by Piccolo's letter was dated July 6, 1719. 
 
 3 Venegas, ii. 307, puts the arrival in July, but in the Loreto, Libros de 
 
438 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 and he brought also an appointment for Ugarte as 
 rector, to succeed Salvatierra. Meanwhile nothing of 
 importance had been done at the missions. The au 
 tumn of 1717 was, however, a memorable season by 
 reason of the terrible hurricanes and rain storms which 
 swept over the peninsula, destroying the crops, level 
 ling adobe houses and churches, and wrecking pearl - 
 vessels on the coast. 4 
 
 Tarnaral soon after his arrival had gone to San 
 Miguel, a visita of San Javier, where he remained 
 some months baptizing and learning the language. 5 
 Then he went to a place before explored by Pic 
 colo, and there in 1718 he founded the mission of La 
 Purisima Concepcion, which became one of the best 
 establishments in later years, though the soil was not 
 the best. This padre personally baptized two thou 
 sand natives here, of thirty -three different Tan cher fas. 
 He also opened a good road to Santa Rosalia. The 
 latter mission was intrusted to Sistiaga, Piccolo being 
 transferred to the more responsible post of Loreto. 
 Ugarte, as superior, continued to reside at San Javier, 
 by far the most flourishing of the missions. 
 
 Ugarte had long desired to carry out Salvatierra's 
 
 Mision, MS., I find a baptism signed by Sistiaga on June 5th. He was pro 
 fessor of belle-lettres at San Andre's college in Mexico. The provincial refused 
 to let him go at first, but he was urged by Salvatierra through Bravo to take 
 the step, and this was regarded as evidence of divine will, since Sistiaga 's 
 wish had not been known to Salvatierra. In 1747 he was transferred to Mex 
 ico, and afterward to Puebla, where he died June 23, 1756. Clavigero, Storia, 
 ii. 127-9, who was present at his death, says his extreme delicacy of conscience 
 rendered him unfit for a missionary. 
 
 4 The storms began in October. Church and house at San Javier were 
 totally destroyed, Ugarte barely saving his life by taking shelter under a 
 great rock. All the missions were more or less injured. At Loreto a Spanish 
 boy was carried away by the wind and never seen again. Two pearl- vessels 
 were lost with four sailors. According to CaL, Estab. y Prog., 177, one of 
 the injured vessels was bought for the missions for $4,000 probably an error, 
 for Alegre, iii. 182-3, says that after the loss of the viceroy's vessel the old 
 San Javier was the only craft left. See also on the storms, Vencfjas, ii. 310- 
 11; Clavifiero, ii. 12-13. In the Loreto mission register Capt. Estevan Rodri 
 guez and Don Francisco Cortes de Monroi appear as witnesses at marriages in 
 August and December. 
 
 Ugarte had used 40,000 loads of stone and earth to make a road to this 
 place, formed a reservoir, and made a garden with 160,000 loads of earth. 
 Villavicencio, Vida de Ufjarte, 83-4. 
 
'TPJUXFO DE LA CRUZ.' 439 
 
 favorite scheme of exploring the gulf to its head in 
 order to learn if it were really a gulf or a strait. He 
 also wished to explore the outer coast. But to make 
 these perilous voyages a good stanch ship was in 
 dispensable, such a one as the missions had never 
 had, and were not likely to have if they went on 
 buying and begging worn-out rotten old hulks only 
 fit to drown Jesuits in. So thought Padre Juan, and 
 with characteristic energy he determined to have a 
 ship built in California under his own eyes and 
 according to his own ideas. He hired some ship 
 wrights from the other side, where he intended at 
 first to get also his timber; but he heard of some 
 large trees some thirty leagues above Mulege, and 
 went thither in September 171 8. 6 He found the 
 trees, but in such inaccessible ravines that the builder 
 declared it impossible to use them. But Ugarte, dis 
 regarding this opinion, as also the ridicule cast upon 
 his scheme at Loreto, returned to the timber country 
 with three mechanics and all the Indians he could 
 induce to follow him. Even the gentiles of the 
 mountains afforded some aid; and after four months 
 of hard work he had not only felled and prepared the 
 timber, but had opened a road for thirty leagues over 
 the sierra, and with oxen and mules had hauled his 
 material to the coast at Mulege. The 16th of July 
 the craft was blessed and christened the Triunfo de 
 la Cruz, and the 14th of September she was launched 
 amidst great rejoicings. 7 
 
 Meanwhile Bravo made a trip to the main for sup 
 plies; for the loss of the viceroy's vessel and the 
 coming of the new soldiers of the garrison, at a time 
 
 6 Venegas, ii. 317, makes it 1719, which must be an error. 
 
 7 The vessel cost less than would have been the case en la otra banda, and 
 was worih a fleet of tubs like that thrown together at Matanchel in 1713. In 
 Ylllar/ccncw, Vidade Uyartc, 97-104, are the following statements, some of 
 doubtful accuracy: Only 3,000 pesos in money were expended on the craft, 
 though debts were contracted; she was completed in four months; Ugarte's 
 enemies claimed that she was built for pearl-fishing, and even the provincial 
 was deceived by these reports, writing the padre a sharp letter. A very good 
 account of the building of this vessel and Ugarte's subsequent voyages in her 
 is HitteWs El Triunfo de la Cruz. In The Californian, i. 15-19. * 
 
440 ^ JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 when so much was being spent on the new ship, had 
 caused a scarcity of food at the missions. To his 
 delight he found on landing a letter from Father 
 Romano, now provincial, 8 summoning him to Guadala 
 jara to be ordained as a priest and to serve in future 
 as a regular missionary. After his consecration he 
 went to Mexico to report to the viceroy and to beg 
 for a new vessel, which was promised in March 1720, 
 but for which he had to wait till June. Meanwhile 
 he saw the benefactor Yillapuente and obtained from 
 him an endowment of 10,000 pesos for a mission at 
 La Paz, of which Bravo himself was to take charge. 
 He sailed from Acapulco in July, touched at Matan- 
 chel, and with a large cargo of needed effects arrived 
 at Loreto in August. Here he found Ugarte's Tri- 
 unfo de la Cruz riding proudly at anchor and fully 
 equipped, and he found his place as manager well filled 
 by Brother Mugazabal. 9 
 
 Under date of 1719 I find a royal order on the 
 importance of the Californian conquest, particularly 
 with a view to the occupation of ports on the west 
 coast up to San Diego and Monterey. 10 And during 
 Bravo's absence Guillen with a party of soldiers and 
 Indians had made an exploring expedition by land to 
 
 8 Succeeded as procurador by Padre Jose" de Echeverria. This padre was 
 born in San Sebastian, Spain, in 1688, and came to America in 1712. He did 
 good service as procurador, and was later visitador-general. His life is nar 
 rated in a letter of P. Juan Antonio Baltasar mentioning his death in 1756. 
 Papeles de Jesuitas, MS., no. 13. 
 
 9 During his absence Alfe"rez Juan Bautista Mugazabal of the garrison who 
 had been stationed at Mulege had been so influenced by constant association 
 with the padres that he demanded permission to serve as lay brother; and 
 though such a course was not strictly in accordance with the rules, the request 
 was granted, and he was transferred to Loreto to take Bravo's place which he 
 filled most faithfully for 40 years. He was a Spaniard who came to California 
 as a soldier in 1704. He was wont to pray so constantly that the flagstones 
 were worn by his knees. He died at his post in 1761, over 80 years of age. 
 Clavifjero, Storia, ii. 195-6. 
 
 10 JBaja California, Cedulas, MS., 82-9, including copies and references to 
 earlier documents on the same topic. By documents cited in Tamnron, VLvta 
 de Dumnflo, MS., 91-2, it appears that there was in 1719-21 a kind of con 
 troversy between the episcopal authorities of Durango and Guadalajara, as to 
 which bishopric California, or 'las Islas Calif ornias, ' belonged to. It was set 
 tled in favor of Guadalajara, though as late as 1731 there was a disposition 
 to question the decision. 
 
THE CONTRA COSTA. 
 
 441 
 
 Magdalena Bay, known since Vizcaino's time. The 
 country near the bay was, however, found to be barren, 
 destitute of water, and unfit for a colony; so that the 
 
 CALIFORNIA MISSIONS. 
 
 padre had the satisfaction of reporting on his return 
 that no royal garrison could exist on the contra 
 
442 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 costa. 11 The hostility of the southern Indians made it 
 important that the La Paz mission should be founded 
 as soon as possible; and in November 1720 Bravo 
 and Ugarte sailed in the Triunfo for that port. Guillen 
 was to open a road from San Juan and join the 
 others. The natives were better disposed than had 
 been expected, even assisting in the work of clearing 
 a site and erecting huts. Then the stores and cattle 
 were landed and the mission of Nuestra Senora del 
 Pilar de la Paz was ushered into existence. The land 
 party arrived later. Ugarte and Guillen remained 
 till January, and the former meanwhile had great 
 success in conciliating southern rancherias including 
 'the islanders. Left to himself Father Bravo with 
 the aid of his guard and Indians soon built a church 
 and put the establishment in good working order. 12 
 
 While the others were absent at La Paz, Father 
 Everard Helen, a German Jesuit and new-comer of 
 1719, set out in December 1720 with the captain and 
 a party of soldiers for Huasinapi, the region where 
 Ugarte had obtained timber for his ship, and there, 
 to the great satisfaction of the natives, who gladly 
 assisted at putting up the buildings, he founded the 
 new mission of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, some 
 sixty leagues to the north-west of Loreto. 13 It was 
 apparently about this time that the mission of San 
 
 11 Venegas, ii. 339-42, makes the date of this trip 1719; but there are some 
 signs of confusion, and it may have been a year or two later; 1719 is also 
 given in Cat., Estab. y Prog., 178-9. 
 
 12 Bravo served at La Paz till 1728, increasing the neophyte population to 
 800, at the mission and the two visitas of Todos Santos and Angel de la 
 Guarda. He was succeeded by William Gordon. There was fertile soil a 
 few leagues from La Paz. In later years, Palou, Noticias, i. 143, the mission 
 was transferred to the Pacific coast and known as Todos Santos. 
 
 13 According to Venegas' map Guadalupe \vas farther west than Ugarte's 
 timber region, nearer the San Hilario than the Guadalupe of modern maps. 
 The climate was cold and unhealthy, and the soil barren, though stock- 
 raising was moderately successful. In spite of locusts and epidemics in the 
 early years, it became a large establishment, with 32 rancherias in 1726. 
 Twelve of them were later joined to Santa Rosalia and San Ignocio; the rest 
 rformed five pueblos, each with a church. Helen served until 1735, when for 
 ill-health he was transferred to the mainland, dying at Tepozotlan in 1737. 
 Venegas, ii. 327-35; Clavigcro, ii. 24. Palou, Noticias, i. 153, says Guada 
 lupe was founded in April 1720, and endowed by Villapuente. 
 
UGARTE EXPLORES THE GULF. 443 
 
 Javier was transferred with its name to one of its 
 visitas formerly called San Pablo. 14 
 
 On his return from La Paz Ugarte at once began 
 to prepare for his long projected voyage up the gulf, 
 and he finally sailed from Loreto the 15th of May 
 1721 on the Triwifo with twenty men, only six of 
 whom were Europeans. The sloop was accompanied 
 by the Santa Barbara, a large open boat carrying 
 five Californians, two Chinos, and a Yaqui. At Con- 
 cepcion Bay was the first landing, whence a visit was 
 paid to Padre Sistiaga at Mulege ; J:hen they followed 
 the coast northward to Salsipuedes, and headed across 
 the gulf to Santa Sabina, or San Juan Bautista Bay, 
 on the Seri coast, where the natives received the navi 
 gators most hospitably at sight of the cross on the 
 Triii nf os bowsprit, taking also a letter for the padre 
 at San Ignacio mission. Ugarte was urged by the 
 natives to visit their kinsmen on the island, and with 
 difficulty the vessels were carried through the chan- 
 
 t/ O 
 
 nel. 10 Constant exposure had told terribly on the 
 padre's aged frame. He now suffered excruciating 
 pains in his legs and groin; 16 but yet he landed, and 
 kneeling in a hut prepared by the natives, blessed 
 each of the savage islanders as they filed before him. 
 Then they reembarked and directed their course to 
 the mouth of the Rio de Caborca, or Altar, not far 
 beyond which they found an indifferent anchorage. 
 The Santa Barbara \vas sent further up the coast, 
 while three men set out by land. The latter found a 
 trail which led to Caborca mission, from the minister 
 of which and of San Ignacio, 17 as well as by purchase 
 from the Pimas, a much needed store of food was ob 
 tained. Meanwhile the Santa Barbara had found in 
 
 u arco, Informe de 1762. In CaL, Estab. y Prog., 204. He says the 
 change \vas about 40 years ago. 
 
 15 That between Tiburon Island and the main. 
 
 16 Caused as was believed by some poisonous effect of the gulf water. 
 
 17 The letter to S. Ignacio had been delivered, and the padres were already 
 moving in the matter. Earlier letters had miscarried, so that the padres sup 
 posed the trip to have been postponed. See chap, xviii. of this volume. 
 
444 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 the north a barren coast without harbors, having once 
 been stranded and in imminent peril; and it was de 
 cided again to cross the gulf. They sailed on July 
 2d, and in three days reached the Californian shore, 
 where the sloop anchored and the crew of the boat 
 landed and made some explorations. Then both ves 
 sels proceeded northward and anchored in a large bay, 
 though in a strong current. 18 Again the vessels stood 
 to the northward, and after several days' sailing crossed 
 again to the Pimeria coast, shortly afterward anchor 
 ing in the eastern mouth of the Colorado River, 
 which at the time was high and formed a very strong 
 current. From their position they could see a prom 
 ontory on the California side separated by the river 
 only from the mainland. There was some talk of 
 waiting for the flood to subside to explore the river; 
 but the weather was threatening, their position was a 
 dangerous one, and they had really accomplished the 
 object of the voyage. Ugarte had proved to his own 
 satisfaction, and to that of most others who heard his 
 report, what had so often been proved before, that 
 California was not an island. 
 
 The 16th of July they started southward, keeping 
 in the middle of the gulf, the threatened storms soon 
 breaking upon them with well nigh fatal effect. In 
 the Salsipuedes channels the scurvy-stricken naviga 
 tors became confused, had to anchor to avoid being 
 driven ashore, and it was not until the fourth attempt 
 the tempest raging unceasingly the while that 
 they succeeded in clearing the islands the 18th of 
 August, well satisfied that the name "get out if thou 
 canst" had not been misapplied. 19 During the storm 
 St Elmo's fire played about the mast-head, giving 
 
 18 The pilot, an Englishman named William Strafford probably Estra- 
 fort and Strafort he is called by Venegas and Clavigero went ashore in a 
 little skiff, and the boat being damaged by the surf nearly lost his life ii\ re 
 gaining the sloop. 
 
 19 Ugarte 's sufferings became so unendurable that he wished to be set on 
 the Seri coast by the boat but was prevented by the remonstrances of the 
 crew. Villavicencio, Vida, 204-12, says he was most cruelly and unjustly 
 prevented by the pilot from landing on Tiburon Island. 
 
RETURN OF THE VOYAGERS. 445 
 
 great comfort to all as a mark of divine protection, as 
 did a triple rainbow the day they cleared the islands. 
 Once the cross, made of the first wood cut in the for 
 est of Huasinapi, fell from the bowsprit, and the 
 raging sea was instantly calmed till the relic was re 
 covered. There were other miraculous happenings 
 throughout the voyage, which it is not necessary to 
 chronicle. Before she reached Concepcion Bay the 
 Triunfo was again imperilled by a violent storm; and 
 a huge waterspout came like a giant toward the frail 
 craft; but the monster's course was changed by dint 
 of much praying, and they soon anchored in safety. 
 After some days of recuperation af Santa Rosalia, the 
 explorers proceeded to Loreto, where they anchored 
 about the middle of September. Beyond its main 
 purpose of proving California a peninsula and not 
 all geographers admitted at once that this riddle was 
 solved, this voyage was of considerable importance in 
 affording information about the shores, ports, islands, 
 and currents of the upper gulf/ 
 
 20 
 
 During Ugarte's absence Tamaral had made several 
 expeditions to the west coast from Purisirna, exploring 
 the shore for a long distance southward, but without 
 finding the harbor and colony-site so much desired by 
 the government. After Ugarte's return, Sistiaga and 
 Helen from Mulege and Guadalupe made a new 
 exploration in November 1721. Their search extend ed 
 from about latitude 28 down to the region opposite 
 Loreto; and they found three tolerable harbors with 
 wood and water, though the soil was poor. The best 
 was near San Miguel, a pueblo of San Javier mission, 
 
 20 The original account of Ugarte's voyage, with maps and journal of Straf- 
 ford, were sent to the viceroy for the king, but nothing more is known of 
 them. In the Gaceta de Mexico, no. 1, Enero, 1722, appeared an item under 
 date of Sept. 8, 1721, to the effect that Ugarte's return was expected, and 
 that P. Campos had sent him supplies; and in Id., no. 4, April 1722, was 
 published a general account of the voyage from Ugarte's letters. These 
 Gat-eta* are reprinted in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iv. 20, 98-102. The 
 fullest narrative extant is that in Veneaas, Noticia, ii. 342-65. See also Cal. t 
 Estab. y Prog., 180-1. 
 
446 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 from which establishment it was suggested that the 
 Philippine ships might be supplied with provisions. 
 Accordingly the natives were instructed to light fires 
 on the hill-tops in the winter months to attract the 
 galleon; and the plan was successful, for soon the 
 Manila ship entered the harbor, and some of her men 
 landed, though, not understanding the Indians, they 
 did not come to the mission. 21 
 
 A new mission was also founded in 1721, and 
 another attempted without immediate success. They 
 were made necessary by the constant quarrels of the 
 southern Uchitis, Guaicuris, Coras, and isknders, by 
 which turbulent tribes the La Paz establishment was 
 surrounded and kept in danger, notwithstanding 
 Ugarte's past efforts at conciliation. Villapuente had 
 offered to endow two more missions, and this enabled 
 the father superior to issue instructions before his 
 departure for the north. The interest on the endow 
 ment of San Juan Bautista had never been paid, 
 though by strict economy the establishment had 
 been kept up. Now it was resolved to make San 
 Juan a visita, and that Guillen should move south 
 ward to a site between the lands of the Uchitis and 
 Guaicuris. He went thither in August 1721, soon 
 had the necessary buildings ready, and named the 
 new mission Nuestra Senora de los Dolores. It was 
 generally known as Dolores del Sur. The padre 
 served here for many years, and notwithstanding the 
 barren soil and the bad disposition of the natives the 
 establishment was made a success, at least as a useful 
 barrier between hostile tribes. 22 
 
 The other new mission was founded at the same 
 
 ^Gacetas de Mexico, Jan., Feb., June 1722, 26-7, 50-1, 145-9. The 
 original accounts were lost with those of Ugarte's trip, and Venegas laments 
 his inability to find out the particulars. Taylor, Mitt. Sum. L. CaL, 32, 
 evolves from his imagination the statement that Ugarte and Strafford made 
 this exploration in person. 
 
 Ti Dolores was at first on the shore, 40 leagues south of Loreto, or 70 by 
 the road; but was later moved 10 leagues inland. Its pueblos were Concep- 
 cion, Encarnacion, Trinidad, Redencion, and Resureccion. But the padre's 
 influence extended much farther, even to Cape San Lucas. In 1744 he sent 
 a very satisfactory report on the condition of his mission. 
 
NEW ESTABLISHMENTS. 447 
 
 time by Father Ignacio Maria Napoli, an Italian 
 priest who had arrived a few months before. He 
 sailed from Loreto for La Paz the 21st of July. The 
 intended site was on Las Palmas Bay, forty leagues 
 to the south. Ndpoli and Bravo went by land from 
 La Paz, while effects were carried in boats borrowed 
 from a pearl-vessel, arid the vessel from. Loreto was 
 sent to Sinaloa for supplies. The arrival was the last 
 week in August: and the Coras though at first sus- 
 
 O y O 
 
 picious were conciliated with gifts. The 4th of Sep 
 tember twenty-nine of their children were baptized. 
 A kind of temporary peace was also patched up 
 between the Coras and their old foes the Guaicuris. 
 But to do all this supplies and even the altar furni 
 ture had been exhausted in gifts; and Napoli with 
 his escort had to return to La Paz for a fresh store. 
 During their absence of two months, the Cerralvo 
 islanders made a raid on the place, killing several 
 Coras and stealing all portable property. The soldiers 
 taught the islanders a bloody lesson on their return; 
 but Napoli deemed it not prudent to remain, and 
 removed to a spot some thirty leagues from La Paz 
 and five from the gulf. In 1723 he built a church a 
 little farther inland, which when nearly completed 
 was destroyed by a hurricane, falling upon and killing 
 many natives, whose friends wished in turn to kill 
 the padre, but failed. The church was rebuilt and 
 dedicated to Santiago. 23 
 
 In 1722 the peninsula was visited by immense 
 swarms of locusts, hitherto unknown in California. 24 
 They devoured every green thing, and were them 
 selves eaten in great quantities by the Indians, who 
 for some time could get no other food. There resulted 
 
 23 Gaceta <U Mexico, Jan. Feb. 1722, 26-7, 52-4; CaL, E*tdb. yProy., 182; 
 Fnteptu, Noticia, ii. 372-90. Ndpoli remained at Santiago until 17'26, being 
 succeeded by Lorenzo Carranco who was murdered by the Indians in 1734. 
 There was plenty of water which ensured better crops than were raised at 
 most missions. Palou, Notitias, i. 139, says Villapuente endowed this mis 
 sion in 1719. 
 
 24 They came again in 1746-7-8-9, 1753, 1765-6-7. Claveriyo, Storia, i. 84. 
 
448 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 an epidemic which carried off many natives. 25 In 
 1823 the captain of Loreto with a party of soldiers 
 made a tour through the south with a view to inspire 
 some degree of awe and respect among the turbulent 
 tribes of that region. Similar tours were made in 
 later years. These southern Indians, bad as they 
 were, were made worse by mulattoes and mestizos left 
 among them from time to time by the pearl-fishers. 
 For several years from 1723 there is nothing requir 
 ing notice in the annals of the peninsula. 26 
 
 Some excitement was caused in 1727 by the arrival 
 of Father Juan Bautista Luyando. This pious Jesuit 
 on joining the order some years before had devoted a 
 part of his fortune to the endownment of a mission, 
 and he now wished to become the founder in person. 
 It was resolved that the new establishment should be 
 in the region north of Guadalupe, where Piccolo 
 had long ago found the natives well disposed, and 
 where Sistiaga now went to engage in preparatory 
 work while Luyando wrestled with the idiom at 
 Loreto. In January 1728 he proceeded to the new 
 field, where many had already been baptized and mar 
 ried; and he soon had a great number of catechumens 
 about him, so many that his large supply of food was 
 exhausted, and more had to be brought from Loreto. 
 The Indians, and even soldiers, aided in the erection 
 of buildings, and on Christmas the mission of San 
 Ignacio was formally founded by the dedication of the 
 church. 27 In 1728 the king issued several cedulas, 
 
 23 At Guadalupe the pestilence was especially virulent, 228 Christian 
 adults dying. The mortality was nearly as great at some other establishments. 
 
 26 Capt. Andre's Lopez appears in 1723-4 as witness at marriages. In Sept. 
 1724 a daughter of Capt. Este"van Rodriguez Lorenzo was married to Jose 
 Antonio Robles. The signature of Father Francisco Ossorio appears in July 
 1725. Loreto, Libros de Mision, MS. 
 
 27 Luyando's signature appears in the Loreto, Lib. Mision* in 1727-8. The 
 same records bear the signature of Father Lorenzo Jose" Carranco in 1727 for 
 
 ando is named as founder, but nearly all the entries are signed by Sistiaga 
 in the early years. There were 36 marriages before the founding, the date 
 of which may have been July 7, 1728, instead of Christinas. Deaths to 
 
DEATH OF PICCOLO. 449 
 
 ordering investigation of several subjects on which he 
 had received memorials. These subjects were the dis 
 puted episcopal jurisdiction, an increase of the presidial 
 force to fifty men, and the cession of Cdrmen Island 
 to the missionaries for purposes of pasturage! 23 
 
 The year 1729 opened sorrowfully. The 22d of 
 February Father Francisco Maria Piccolo breathed 
 his last at Loreto, in the seventy-ninth }~ear of his 
 life and the thirty-second of his labors in California. 
 His loss was irreparable, and his character receives 
 perhaps but little more than ita due of praise from 
 Alcgre, who describes him as indefatigable, zealous, 
 gentle, and of marvellous purity of conscience, which 
 in the opinion of his confessors he never tarnished 
 with any fault. 29 
 
 Procurador Echeverria came to Sinaloa this year 
 to see about procuring a vessel for the missions, and 
 having been appointed visitador general he resolved 
 to make California the scene of his first labors, 30 espe 
 cially as Villapuente and his sister-in-law, Dona Rosa 
 de la Pena, had offered to endow two new missions. 
 Echeverria crossed over in the Triunfo from Ahome, 
 and arrived at Loreto the 27th of October. Scarcely, 
 waiting to recover from a malignant fever, the visita 
 dor with two soldiers and a few Indians spent forty- 
 eight days in a tour of inspection through the north, 
 returning surprised and delighted with the progress 
 made. 31 Then he prepared for a tour in the south, 
 
 1740, 2,006; marriages to 1748, 848. The site is called Kadaa in San Vicente 
 Ferrer Valley. See also Cal., Ettab. y Prog., 182-4; Venegas, Xoticia, ii. 
 390-409. The land here had already been cultivated by Sistiaga and Helen 
 for grain and vegetables; Luyando soon planted trees and vines. Notwith 
 standing agricultural advantages, and the docile disposition of the natives, 
 the padre had much trouble with neighboring tribes, and, worn out, he was 
 succeeded after four years by Sistiaga. Taraval served from 1732, and Fer 
 nando Consag seems to have been minister from 1736 to 1747, and after him 
 Pedro Maria Nascimben, and later Jose" Gasteiger. 
 
 28 Order of May 10th and July 10, 1728. aja Gal, Cedulas, MS., 102-4. 
 
 29 HI*?. Com p. Jesus, iii. 236. 
 
 30 Brother Francisco Trompes succeeded him as procurador and served till 
 his death in 1750. 
 
 31 His letter of Feb. 10, 1730, is in Venegas, ii. 421-4. Over 6,000 natives 
 had been baptized in the north. 
 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 29 
 
450 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 where the new missions were to be. One of them at 
 Las Palmas, the original site of Santiago, could not be 
 begun yet for want of a minister; for the other it wa 
 decided to transfer Tamaral from Purisima, where his 
 place would be taken by Father Sigismundo Taraval 
 soon to arrive, 32 since an experienced missionary would 
 be needed at Cape San Lucas. Echeverria and Tama 
 ral sailed on March 10, 1730, arriving in nine days 
 at La Paz, where they were received by Father Will 
 iam Gordon, the successor of Bravo. The southern 
 Indians were now tranquil; and continuing their jour 
 ney by way of Santiago, the padres found not far from 
 the cape two fine lakes stocked with fish and sur 
 rounded by wooded hills, about a league from the 
 shore of a spacious roadstead. Here a site was chosen 
 and temporary buildings were erected. Few Indians 
 presented themselves, saying that the rest of their 
 tribe had perished in an epidemic; but no sooner had 
 Echeverria and two of the soldiers departed than the 
 natives came in crowds. Inviting as the spot had 
 seemed, life there soon became intolerable by reason 
 of mosquitoes; and Tamaral soon selected a new site 
 six miles from the coast, where another church and 
 dwelling were erected, and here sprang up the mission 
 of San Jose del Cabo, where 1,300 natives were bap 
 tized the first year. Meanwhile Father Taraval 
 arrived in May, and proceeded immediately to Puri- 
 sima, though disappointed in not being able to found 
 his new mission at Las Palmas. 33 
 
 This same year the missions had to bear the 
 greatest loss since the death of Salvatierra in 1717. 
 
 32 His name appears first on May 4, 1730, at S. Ignacio. Lib. Ifmow, MS. 
 Names appearing on the Loreto records this year are those of Mayorga, Guil 
 len, Echeverria, and Tamaral. Loreto, Libros de Mision, MS. 
 
 33 Sigismundo Taraval was born at Lodi in 1700. He was a young man of 
 literary ability, and was charged by the provincial to write a history of the 
 California missions, and he seems to have done so, for Venegas admits having 
 derived most of his information from the work; and Clavigero saw over 12 
 volumes of MSS. in the Jesuit college at Guadalajara. I have before me Tar 
 aval, Eloglos de Misioneros de Baja California, MS., being eulogies of padres 
 Tamaral, Carranco, and Mayorga. He was rector in 1737, and died at Gua 
 dalajara in 17G3, having lived there since 1751. 
 
DEATH OF UGARTE. 451 
 
 Juan Ugarte died the 29th of December, at the age 
 of seventy years, thirty of them spent in California. 
 Again and again had his courage, pertinacity, and 
 tact saved the missions from dissolution. Every crisis 
 of distress and despair had found him ready. His 
 heart had been strong when all others were weak, his 
 hand active when others were listless. The natives 
 feared, respected, and loved him, for he ever tempered 
 the ruler's authority with the friend's affability, the 
 gentleness of the priest with the dignity of the man. 
 He possessed in an eminent degree the qualities in 
 dispensable to a leader of pioneers. He died at his 
 own mission of San Javier, or San Pablo. 34 
 
 Having served a year at Purisima, and made several 
 entradas by which he had extended the jurisdiction of 
 that mission, Taraval was called in 1732 to San Igna- 
 cio to take the place of Sistiaga, now made visitador. 
 On the west coast in that latitude was a Christian 
 rancheria of Walimea, or Trinidad, under a pious 
 Indian named Cristobal. Through his influence the 
 natives of that coast and islands farther north were 
 induced to ask for a visit from the padre; and the 3d 
 of December Taraval set out for the west. Reaching 
 the great bay intersected on modern maps by the 
 parallel of 28, he named it San Javier, and crossed 
 on a raft to a small island called Afegua, or isle of 
 Birds, now Natividad. From this island he went to 
 the larger one of Cedros, then called Amalgua, or isle 
 of Fogs. From a high mountain on the island he saw 
 the western islets now called San Benito and others 
 in the bay; and far to the north he descried what he 
 thought were other islands, probably in reality pro 
 jecting points of the main. Believing himself in lati- 
 
 34 Villavicencio (Jnan Jose], Vlda y Virtudes de el Venerable y Apostdlico 
 Padre Jnan de Uyarte de la Campania de Jesus, Misione.ro de, las fslas Cali- 
 fornias, y uno de sus j)rvr l cros Conquistadores, etc. Mexico, 1852. Svo. 7 1. 
 214 p., is one of the typical eulogies of one Jesuit by another, filled for the 
 most part with long disquisitions on the Christian virtues of the subject; giv 
 ing a brief though tolerably accurate account of Ugarte 's life; but adding 
 nothing of importance to what has been given in my text. 
 
452 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 tude 31 he was disposed to identify the northern 
 islands with Vizcaino's Santa Catalina and others of 
 the Santa Barbara Channel. He was a long way out 
 of his reckoning as are those who have adopted his 
 idea. 35 The bay islands were named Dolores as a 
 group. The islanders returned with the padre in a 
 body to settle at San Ignacio, one sorcerer who showed 
 reluctance being killed by a shark in crossing to the 
 main. Jacobo Droet is the name of a new padre who 
 came to Loreto in 1732. 36 
 
 Early in 1733, still other tribes came to San Igna 
 cio for baptism from different directions; but Taraval 
 was interrupted in his work by the return of Sistiaga, 
 who had been succeeded by Guillen as visitador, 37 and 
 who brought with him Father Fernando Consag, 
 lately arrived in the country. 38 In obedience to Gui 
 llen's instructions Taraval now prepared to found his 
 new mission at Las Palmas Bay. He sailed from 
 Loreto about the middle of the year and from La Paz 
 proceeded by land, finally erecting his chapel not far 
 from the original site of Santiago, 39 and dedicating it 
 
 35 Venegas, ii. 432-43, gravely discusses the matter; and most others ex 
 press no strong doubt on the subject. Most follow also the English edition 
 of Venegas with its errors and omissions of dates. For instance all between 
 Taraval's arrival in May 1730 and this journey is omitted, and thus 1730 is 
 often given as the date of the expedition. Taylor, Hist. Sum., claims to have 
 consulted the original; but he gives the date as 1730. The trip is recorded 
 also in CaL, Estab y Prog., 196. In his report of this year made before the 
 journey, Carta al Visitador General sobre, Mision de Purisima, 1730, Taraval 
 gives a detailed description of Purisima and all its pueblos and rancherias, as 
 well as of the mission system and routine. 
 
 '^Loreto, Libros de Mision, MS. Luyando and Mugazabal also appear on 
 the records. 
 
 31 We hear of no rector or superior succeeding Ugarte; but the visitador 
 seems to have exercised the same control. 
 
 38 Fernando Consag so he wrote his name, also written Konsag and Kon- 
 schak, see Backer, Bibliotheque was a native of Hungary born in 1703, the 
 son of an officer in the army. He came to America in 1730 and to California 
 in 1732. He served chiefly at S. Ignacio, but also for a time in the south. 
 I shall have occasion to notice several of his northern explorations. He died 
 Sept. 10, 1759. Zevallos (Francisco], Vida del P. Fernando Konsag, Mexico, 
 1764, 12mo, 31 pp., is a letter from the provincial on the early life, missionary 
 labors, and writings of the padre. This writer implies what is stated by 
 Backer, Bibliotheque, that Consag wrote the Apostolicos Afanes; but I think 
 such was not the case. 
 
 39 Clavigero, S.foria, ii. 78-9, diverges from his model to say that Sta Rosa 
 was "'not founded here but at Todos Santos near the west coast; but others 
 
TROUBLE IX THE SOUTH. 453 
 
 to Santa Rosa in honor of the foundress, Dona Rosa 
 cle la Peiia. He found his flock already somewhat 
 domesticated, and in a few months made great prog 
 ress in winning their esteem, as he had reason to know 
 in the troubles that were to come. Yet they were 
 fickle and treacherous, and the padre kept his army 
 of three troopers near him. 
 
 For some time the southern savages had been chaf 
 ing under restraints imposed, being especially indig 
 nant that polygamy was not permitted. Perhaps the 
 padres might have succeeded in allaying the brewing 
 storm, but for the efforts of Chicori and Boton, the 
 first a mulatto and the second the offspring of a 
 mulatto and Indian, formerly in some authority at 
 Santiago, but deposed and publicly whipped by Padre 
 Carranco for his vicious conduct. Boton swore ven 
 geance, but Carranco was warned in time to escape, 
 and the conspirator went to join Chicori, chief of the 
 Teneca rancheria near San Jose del Cabo, who was 
 angry with Padre Tamaral for a reprimand. The two 
 resolved to kill the fathers. Tamaral went to aid 
 Carranco in quelling disturbances at Santiago; and 
 the two plotters with a band of villains lay in wait 
 for him on his return. Receiving a warning, how 
 ever, from friendly natives, Tamaral sent instructions 
 to his neophytes to fall upon the enemy's rear which 
 they did, forcing them to flee for their lives, and 
 destroying their rancherias. The two leaders soon 
 tendered their submission, the padres too readily con 
 sented to a peace, and there was no further outbreak 
 in 1733. 
 
 In January 1734 the Manila galleon for the first 
 time put in at San Bernabe just east of the cape; anji 
 the crew, sorely afflicted by scurvy, were restored to 
 health by pitahayas and fresh meat from the mission. 
 Three men remained, one of whom died, and the 
 others, Captain Baytos and Fray Domingo Horbi- 
 
 say that it was La Paz that was transferred to Todos Santos. Venegas, ii. 
 443-5; Alcyre, iii. 251; CaL, Estab. y Proy., 197. 
 
454 JESUIT ANXALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 goso, recovered to depart later. The commander an 
 nounced that the galleon would touch here on every 
 voyage, asking that a supply of provisions should he 
 made ready. He also urged upon the government 
 the importance of a presidio at the cape, but without 
 effect. 
 
 Meanwhile Boton and Chicori were secretly spread 
 ing sedition, their main reliance being the unpopularity 
 of the law against polygamy. The military force in 
 the south was six men; three soldiers at Santa Rosa 
 with Taraval, two invalid mestizos with Carranco at 
 Santiago, one man, Romero, in charge of La Paz, 
 while Father Gordon was absent at Loreto, and no 
 guard at all with Tamaral at San Jose. Yet the Ind 
 ians greatly dreaded the fire-arms, and the insurgents 
 resorted to stratagem. Early in September 1734 they 
 waylaid and murdered one of Taraval's soldiers, and 
 sent for the padre to visit the man who they said was 
 lying sick in the woods. His suspicions being aroused 
 he did not go; but a few days later Romero, the soli 
 tary guard at La Paz, was killed. About this time a 
 soldier came to San Jose to protect Tamaral, who was 
 in bad health, and finding signs of rebellion he begged 
 the padre to flee, and on his refusal started for La Paz 
 alone. He found a ruined mission with blood-stained 
 walls and floors, marks of violent deeds everywhere, 
 and he fled in terror to Dolores. Yisitador Guillen 
 had long apprehended this trouble; and he sent let 
 ters summoning the padre to Dolores, but the roads 
 were already closed. Carranco sent a party of his 
 Christian Indians to bring Tamaral to Santiago, but 
 again he refused to quit his post. The party fell in 
 with a large body of the rebels on their way to San 
 Jose ; but learning that Carranco suspected their de 
 signs they resolved to attack him, first forcing the 
 Christians to join them. 
 
 Early in the morning of October 1st they reached 
 Santiago. While Father Carranco was engaged in 
 conversation with the neophytes the others rushed in 
 
MURDER OF CARRANCO AND TAMARAL. 455 
 
 and killed him. His body with that of an Indian 
 servant, after gross indignities, was burned. 40 The 
 church was then destroyed and the ornaments were 
 burned, and the two mestizo guards returning from 
 the fields shared the fate of their master, both pagans 
 and Christians dancing deliriously the while about the 
 holocaust they had made. The insurgents, followed 
 by a great crowd, now bent their steps to San Jose, 
 arriving in the morning of the 3d. Tamaral knew 
 his time had come, but he spoke calmly to the mob, 
 refusing to quarrel about the impossible things they 
 asked, and dying without a sign of annoyance. 41 The 
 scene at Santiago was then reenacted, but more delib 
 erately and with more abominable ceremonies. These 
 orgies gave Father Taraval time to escape from Santa 
 Rosa with the church paraphernalia to La Paz, whence 
 he crossed on a boat sent by Guillen to Espiritu Santo 
 Island, and soon went to Dolores. The murderers, 
 enraged at Taraval's escape, wreaked their vengeance 
 on his neophytes, killing twenty-seven of them. Then 
 they began to quarrel among themselves; and soon 
 the southern part of the peninsula was once more in 
 the state of chaotic discord in which the missionaries 
 had originally found it. 42 
 
 At the first alarm Guillen had written to the vice 
 roy and provincial, urging the founding of a presidio 
 in the south ; but the viceroy declined to do more than 
 recommend an application to the court at Madrid. 43 
 This was but poor comfort, and the revolt threatened 
 to infect the whole province. The captain, with nine 
 men, went down to Dolores, but did not deem it pru- 
 
 40 Lorenzo Carranco was a native of Cholula, educated at Puebla, and 
 passed his novitiate at Tepozotlan. Clavigero, Storia, ii. 90. Alegre, iii. 261, 
 says his martyrdom in California had been foretold by Padre Zorilla in Mex 
 ico. See biographical sketch in Dice. Univ., ii. 194-5. See also Taraval, 
 Elofjios, MS. , 2-4, 9. 
 
 "See Taraval, Eloyios, MS., 4-8. 
 
 * 2 Baegert, Nachrichten von Cal., 277-8, triumphantly tells us that the 
 original population of 4,000 was in a few years reduced to 400 by war and 
 diseases sent upon these people for their sins. 
 
 43 Alegre, iii. 256-7, says a reason for failures was that viceroy, archbishop, 
 and provincial were not personally on friendly terms. 
 
456 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 dent to advance on the foe. Even the warlike Cochi- 
 mis of the north showed some signs of dissatisfaction, 
 
 r^ * 
 
 though they had always been friendly to the padres. 
 They saw. their old customs overturned, their gods 
 belittled, their lands coolly appropriated by invad 
 ers without strength, conquerors without force, and 
 masters without title. Now that the example was 
 set, the temptation was strong to follow it, Guillen 
 was resolved that the southern tragedies should not 
 be repeated in the north; and early in 1735 he per 
 emptorily ordered all the padres to repair at once to 
 Loreto. They obeyed somewhat deliberately, each 
 bringing with him the valuables of his mission. 
 
 A new appeal of Father Guillen to the vicer.oy had 
 no effect, though the provincial, through Procurador 
 General Rodero, succeeded in arousing some interest 
 in Spain. 44 But at the same time Father Bravo sent an 
 appeal to Governor Huidrobo and the Sinaloa mis 
 sionaries, for soldiers or Yaquis. Five hundred Ya- 
 quis at once volunteered, only sixty of whom could be 
 brought by the vessel. By the time of their arrival 
 all need for their services in the north had ceased; 
 for the tribes had voluntarily tendered their submis 
 sion, with expressions of contrition for backslidings, 
 arid had persuaded the padres to return to their posts. 
 The Yaqui warriors were, therefore, sent down to 
 Dolores to reenforce the captain and his little band. 
 Then an advance was made into the country of the 
 foe, the army advancing by land and water to La Paz 
 as a base of operations. One party was furiously 
 attacked on arrival, but on the coming of the others 
 the savages scattered. 
 
 As was generally the case on Such occasions, many 
 natives now came to the camp claiming to have been 
 loyal from the first. From these men were learned 
 the particulars of an affair which had made the rebels 
 
 44 Two or three orders of 1735-7, vaguely ordering the viceroy to take the 
 necessary steps to put down the revolt in California. Baja CaL, Cedillas, MS., 
 104-7. 
 
ATTACK OX THE GALLEON'S CREW. 457 
 
 i 
 
 more recklessly audacious than before. The Manila 
 galleon, the San Cristobal, had approached San Ber- 
 nabe expecting the same hospitable treatment that 
 had welcomed the ship of the preceding year. Though 
 the prearranged signals were not seen, the captain 
 sent a boat with thirteen men ashore, all of whom 
 were massacred. A larger force landed, found the 
 murderers breaking up the boat for her iron, killed 
 some of them and carried off four prisoners to Aca- 
 pulco. 45 
 
 So far as pecuniary support was concerned the 
 missions had now been- for some years on a secure 
 footing, owing to the wise system of investing the 
 California fund in real estate. In 1735 the marquis 
 de Villapuente and his wife made very large addi 
 tions to the estates, 46 so that the once worthless 
 peninsula was now grown into a province well worthy 
 of the crown's protection. Still, so long as the re 
 bellion had brought disaster to missionaries only 
 the viceroy had remained unmoved; but the murder 
 of the galleon's sailors and passengers, some of the 
 latter perhaps men of distinction, could not be per 
 mitted to pass unavenged. Governor Huidrobo was 
 therefore ordered to invade the country with a strong 
 force and reduce the rebels to order, acting according 
 to his own judgment, without being in any way sub 
 ject ,to the authority of the padres. The governor 
 made known his orders to the fathers, directed that 
 hostilities in the La Paz district should be suspended, 
 and asked for a vessel to fetch him and his troops. 
 His commands were obeyed to the letter, and he was 
 received with great honors at Loreto. He began 
 operations in the most approved military style and 
 with much energy. The reduction of these miserable 
 
 45 Venerjas, ii. 485-7; Clavirjf.ro, ii. 101-2. Alegre, iii. 257-9, has an ac 
 count taken from a letter of the captain of the galleon to the viceroy, which 
 gives a version that differs in details from that given by the others, and is 
 quite as likely to be accurate. 
 
 46 Grant of the San Pedro Ibarra hacienda in San Miguel, Documentos, 
 3-4, 10-17. See also Doylt's Hist. Pious Fund, 4. 
 
458 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 savages lie thought an easy matter, and he paid no 
 heed to the missionaries' advice or experience. For 
 several months this self-reliant and over-wise general 
 carried on a fruitless campaign. The rebels were now 
 scattered all over the country, and simply fled or hid 
 themselves at his approach. Wherever he went the 
 country seemed an uninhabited desert, and at last the 
 baffled governor was obliged to turn to the padres for 
 aid. 
 
 This change of policy took place at the end of 1736. 
 The Jesuits without thought of past rebuffs were glad 
 to devote all their skill to the task ; and by their con 
 trivance the savages were wheedled into a general 
 engagement, in which they were routed with great 
 loss. Once again they rallied and met Huidrobo's 
 force in open battle with the same result; and then 
 they tendered submission and prayed for mercy. The 
 governor insisted on a surrender of the ringleaders, 
 but instead of inflicting the capital punishment their 
 crimes so richly deserved, he merely banished them to 
 the mainland. 47 
 
 While the war was going on the king had yielded 
 to importunities of Jesuits and others, and had issued 
 orders for an increase of the presidial force and the 
 establishment of a new presidio in the south. 43 The 
 execution was intrusted to Governor Huidrobo, who, 
 for the greater convenience of the Manila ship, decided 
 to found the presidio at San Josd del Cabo instead of 
 La Paz as had been intended at first. The command 
 ant was to be entirely free from missionary control; 
 
 47 The old writers exultingly tell us how God took their punishment into 
 his own hands. They attempted while crossing to seize the vessel, and in the 
 conflict most were killed. The survivors, probably Boton and Chicori, soon 
 died a violent and miserable death on the main. The cost of the campaign 
 was finally paid from the royal treasury by an order of April 2, 1742. Vene- 
 gas, ii. 499; Claviyero, ii. 115; Alcgre, iii. 276. The order of April referred 
 to is in Baja Cat., Cedillas, MS., 110-18, and is of 1843 instead of 1842. The 
 amount granted from the treasury was about 50,000 pesos. Many previous 
 orders are alluded to and many details given of the official acts to be noted in 
 a general way in my text. 
 
 48 This order of 1735 is not given, but is alluded to in the order of April 
 1743 as a secret one. 
 
A PRESIDIO AT THE CAPE. 459 
 
 but this innovation was neutralized at first by the 
 appointment of a son of the captain at Loreto, Ber 
 nardo Rodriguez Lorenzo y la Rea, 49 who had inher 
 ited all his father's reverence for the missionaries. 
 This officer, caring less for the convenience of the Ma 
 nila ship than for the safety of the missions, divided his 
 force, placing ten men at La Paz, ten at Santiago, and 
 ten at the cape. This soon sealed his fate. He was dis 
 placed by Pedro Alvarez de Acebedo, against the pro 
 test of the procurador that it was a violation of the 
 original charter. Disorders under Acebedo's rule came 
 near causing another revolt; the viceroy admitted his 
 error, and a lieutenant was appointed subject to the cap 
 tain at Loreto, who was as before amenable to the 
 authority of the padre superior. 
 
 As soon as order had been restored steps were 
 taken for a restoration of the destroyed missions. 
 Padre Mayorga had died in November 1736, at the 
 mission of Comondu, which he had founded in 1708; 50 
 and the force had been still further reduced by the 
 removal of Father Helen to the mainland in 1735. 51 
 In 1736, however, there arrived Father Antonio 
 Tempis; 52 and the next year there appear on the 
 records the names of padres Francisco Javier Wagner, 
 who succeeded Mayorga at Comondu, and Andres 
 Javier Garcia. In 1740 the name of Francisco Maria 
 Masariegos appears. 53 It was probably in 1737, but 
 
 49 He was probably a native of California. Venegas and his followers fall 
 into some confusion about the name as between Lorenzo and La Rea. It is 
 possible, however, that he was a son of Lorenzo's wife by a former husband, 
 though I find no evidence of the fact. ' 
 
 J Eulogy of Padre Mayorga, in Taraval, Elogios, MS., 10-22. 
 
 51 Everardo Helen, Hellen, or Hyelen, had come to California in 1719. 
 Except that he was a German and died at Tepozotlan in 1757, nothing is 
 known of him beyond his labors in the peninsula. Dice. Univ., iv. 217-18, 
 from Clavigero. 
 
 52 Tempis was a native of Olmuz, Moravia, born in 1703, of noble parent 
 age. He was educated in Prague, distinguishing himself there and elsewhere 
 as a scholar and teacher. His only missionary service was at Santiago, Cal., 
 where he died July 6, 1746. Consarf, Vida y Trabajos del P. Antonio Tempis 
 (Mexico, 1749), 12mo, 43 pages. This is a letter of Oct. 1, 1748, to the supe 
 riors of the order in Mexico, in which the writer describes the life and virtues 
 of his countryman. 
 
 i3 Loreto, Libros de Mision, MS. Some of these may have been mere 
 
460 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWES, CALIFORNIA. 
 
 possibly in 1738, that Tempis went to reestablish the 
 mission of Santiago, where he spent the rest of his 
 life. About the same time a new mission was formed 
 of three pueblos between Dolores del Sur and San 
 Javier. It was endowed by Luis de Velasco, named 
 San Luis Gonzaga, and its first minister was either 
 one of the two new padres named above or Padre 
 Lamberto Hostell, who was serving there in 1745. 54 
 
 On leaving California Huidrobo, who flattered him 
 self that the natives had been taught a lesson never 
 to be forgotten, ordered all soldiers to be withdrawn 
 from the missions to the presidios, except a guard of 
 eight or ten at San Ignacio and Dolores. But after 
 the Indians of San Jose* de Comondu had twice at 
 tempted the life of Father Wagner, 55 the captain of 
 Loreto took the responsibility of sending a soldier for 
 the protection of each padre. 56 And this precaution 
 proved a necessary one, for it was not long before the 
 tribes from Santiago to the cape were again in revolt. 
 Murdering a goatherd and attempting the life of an 
 other, they induced the neophytes of San Josd to 
 desert in a body. The fugitives were, however, in 
 duced to return; and the captain, with an army of 
 soldiers, neophytes, and pagan allies, soon put down 
 the revolt,- killing several of the foe, executing three 
 and banishing four ringleaders, besides flogging many 
 more. 57 Yet no lasting impression could be produced 
 on these fickle and treacherous savages. Turbulence 
 suppressed in one district, broke out in another ; now 
 the crew of a pearl-craft were killed ; now the cattle 
 
 visitors, as nothing more is heard of the last two. Father Ndpoli's name 
 appears in 1736, showing that he had not yet left the country. 
 
 54 Clavigero, ii. 42, doubtless a misprint, makes the founding 1747. 
 
 55 On each occasion Alferez EsteVan had quelled the tumult, putting to 
 death three ringleaders, exiling and flogging others. Clavigero, Storia, ii. 
 109-11. 
 
 56 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 462, says that in the California conversion 
 the faith seems to have been merely pinned on, prendlda con alfileres, for it 
 was much less difficult to convert the natives than to control them aa 
 Christians. 
 
 67 Clavigero, Storia, ii. 112-14. 
 
EPIDEMIC. 401 
 
 of a mission were stampeded; now a tribe attacked a 
 neophyte community or a rival rancheria. 58 For a 
 decade and more after the governor's campaigns the 
 south was seldom free from disorders of some kind. 
 At first the blame was laid at the door of the inde 
 pendent captain; but the records do not show any 
 diminution of troubles after that officer was subjected 
 to the padres. 
 
 In addition to these calamities an intermittent epi 
 demic made fearful havoc among the southern tribes 
 from 1742 to 1748. Some of the missions were so 
 completely depopulated by this scourge that it became 
 necessary to incorporate them with others. In this 
 way the surviving neophytes of Santa Rosa and San 
 Jose were transferred to Santiago, while the remnants 
 of La Paz were removed to Todos Santos. 59 
 
 It is said that at Loreto a new presidio was built, 
 but not on the original site, in 1 742-3. 60 In 1744 
 the veteran Captain Lorenzo became blind and was 
 succeeded by his son Bernardo, dying two years 
 later. 61 In the same year the missionaries lost two 
 of their number. Jaime Bravo died at San Javier 
 the 13th of May 1744, after almost forty years of 
 
 A1egre, iii. 288-9; Cal.,Estab. y Prog., 201; Clavigero, ii. 123, says that 
 the southern captain was too prone to bloody revenge for outrages of the 
 savages. 
 
 oa The epidemic, probably small-pox, raged most furiously in 1742, 1744, 
 and 1748. Hardly one sixth of the southern people were left alive. The 
 Uchitis lost more than any other tribe, only one surviving in 17C7. Clavigero, 
 ii. 123. All agree that the plague was a punishment from heaven. One 
 writer tells us that not only did the Indians of the north escape, but loyal 
 ones in the south were saved by lemon-juice and sea-baths, a treatment that 
 proved fatal to malefactors. At San Jos( del Cabo alone 500 natives were 
 carried off. Sales, Noticias Col., i. 90-1. 
 
 co ln Ilastradon J\lcxicana, i. 277-8, is a view of the presidio in 1850. It 
 is said that on the lintel of the chief door is an inscription to the effect that 
 the building was completed in 1742. Negrete, in Soc. Mex. Geo>j. J3ol., vii. 
 338-9, says the presidio was founded on its present site in 1743; but he is in 
 error in supposing it had been at San Bruno before. 
 
 61 Estevan Rodriguez Lorenzo was a native of Portugal. In Mexico he 
 was for some years majordomo of an hacienda belonging to the Tepozatlan 
 college. He came to California with Salvatierra in 1097, and was made 
 captain by his companions in 1701. His marriage in 1707 has been noted. 
 He was as pious as he was brave, and nothing could shake his devotion to 
 the padres. He died full of years and honors Nov. 1st or 4th, 1746. Not 
 withstanding his services no pension could be obtained in his last years. 
 
4G2 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 faithful service; 62 and Francisco Javier Wagner died 
 at San Jose de Comondu the 12th of October, being 
 succeeded by Jacobo Droet, who had come in 1732. 
 But two new padres arrived at the same time; one 
 of them was Gaspar de Trujillo to take charge of Lo- 
 reto, which flourished exceedingly under his care, 
 particularly in matters religious, 63 and the other Mi 
 guel del Barco. 64 Other padres who came before 
 1745, some of them perhaps several years earlier, were 
 Karl Neumayer, Lamberto Hostell, Pedro Maria 
 Nascimben, and Jose* Gasteiger. 65 Father Antonio 
 Tempis died in 1746 at Santiago as has already been 
 noted. In 1747 Sebastian Sistiaga was transferred 
 to the mainland by reason of ill health, his place at 
 San Ignacio being taken by Consag; and in 1748 the 
 list of losses was increased by the death of Father 
 Clemente Guillen, the senior member of the band/ 6 
 and in 1750 by that of the young comandante Lorenzo 
 y la Rea. 67 The last accessions of the half century 
 were padres Juan de Armesto and Ducrue, the for 
 mer taking the place of Trujillo in 1748. 63 
 
 Perhaps the most important event of the period 
 was Father Consag's exploration of the upper gulf 
 
 62 He was 61 years of age, the founder of La Paz, and died as piously as 
 he had lived. He was buried in the centre of the presbytery 1| varas from 
 the last step of the high altar. Loreto, Libro de Mision, MS. 
 
 63 His name appears frequently down to 1752. Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS. 
 He obtained 'la apetida licencia de tener en dep6sito al Seiior Sacramen- 
 tado. . .Ningun otro misionero ha podido conseguir hasta ahora para su 
 mision e" iglesia esta gracia tan estimable.' Barco, Informe del estado de la 
 mision de San Francisco Javier de California, 1762, 205. 
 
 64 His name appears in April and May 1744 in Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS. 
 Clavigero implies that he came in 1737. 
 
 65 Venegas, ii. 546-50, names these padres not mentioned before in a list 
 of missions and their padres. Most of them appear later on the registers of 
 Loreto and San Ignacio. 
 
 60 He died at Loreto April 8, 1748, aged 71 years, 52 years a Jesuit, and 
 34 (37?) in California, spending 20 years in converting the Guaicuri nation. 
 Came to Loreto for his health in April 1747, intending to go later to Co 
 mondu. Worked hard learning new languages within a week of his death. 
 Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS. 
 
 67 Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS. He died Dec. 10, 1750. The death of Lieut. 
 Juan Carrillo on May 4, 1748, is also recorded. He was husband of Efigenia 
 Millan, whoever she may have been. 
 
 68 Barco, Informe, 1762, p. 207. 
 
COXSAG'S VOYAGE. 
 
 4G3 
 
 coasts in 1746. It was made by order of Provincial 
 Escobar who hoped by the results to increase the 
 importance of California in the king's eyes. Though 
 the padres were to bear the expense, and had no 
 reason to believe that their cause would be advanced 
 by results, they did not hesitate. The 9th of June 
 Consag with a party of Yaquis, Californians, and 
 
 Las Virgenes enlosquales 
 k SehinflescuW. rto A'olcanes 
 
 <K d'Fuego Ano 1746 
 
 <*cv 
 
 CON SAG'S MAP, 1746. 
 
 soldiers, sailed in four open boats from San Carlos, a 
 shallow inlet lying a little north of east from the 
 padre's mission of San Ignacio. Slowly they worked 
 their way northward, as near the shore as possible, 
 landing often, finding the natives at one point friendly, 
 
464 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 at another hostile, until they reached the mouth of 
 the Colorado in the middle of July. An attempt 
 was made to explore the river, but was frustrated by 
 the strong current, one boat being lost. On the 25th 
 they started southward and on the return examined 
 such points as had been omitted on the upward trip. 
 The results of the expedition are shown on the annexed 
 copy of Consag's map. 69 The diary gives a detailed 
 description of the coast, but records nothing of note 
 in the way of adventures. The voyage once more 
 proved California to be a peninsula. 
 
 After the royal order of April 1743, in which ex"- 
 penses of the Californian revolt were assumed for the 
 treasury, a consultation was held by the council of 
 the Indies through the influence of Jesuit authorities ; 
 and the recommendations of the council were issued in 
 a cedula of November 13, 1744. The document was 
 loner, and favorable to the Jesuits. Past orders in 
 their behalf were mentioned, with the admission that 
 those orders, particularly in the payment of stipends, 
 had not been obeyed, but with the assurance that 
 they would now be promptly attended to. Settle 
 ments and presidios and vessels were to be provided, 
 and detailed reports were to be called for that the aid 
 might be more efficient. The royal views went far 
 beyond the peninsula, up to Monterey, and an essen 
 tial feature of the new movement was to be the occu 
 pation of Pimeria Alta, a presidio on the Gila, and an 
 advance on California from the north-east. All this, 
 however, took the form of general recommendations 
 of a grand scheme to be investigated. In 1745 the 
 provincial Escobar prepared a report on the condition 
 and needs of the Californian establishments with a 
 view particularly to the projects of the late cedula. 
 He showed that California was too sterile a province 
 
 69 Consag, Derrotero del Viage que en descubrimienlo de lacosta Oriental de 
 Californias hasta el Rio Colorado . , . hizo d Padre . . .11 '46. In Venegas, Noticia, 
 in. 140-94; also in Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatro, ii. 276-94. And more 
 briefly in Apostolicos Afancs, 389 et seq.; Clavifjero, Storia, ii. 120-2; Alegre, 
 Hist., Hi. 286-7; Zevallos, Vidade Konsag, 9-10. 
 
END OF VENEGAS' RECORD. 4G5 
 
 for Spanisli settlements; that a new vessel and an 
 increased military force were essential, and that the 
 missionaries should have a larger stipend than three 
 hundred pesos. And he went somewhat into details 
 respecting the necessity and methods of occupying the 
 Gila region as a step toward the conquest of the coast 
 to the north. It was by Escobar's orders and with a 
 view to these general projects that Consag's explora 
 tion was made in 1746, as already recorded. The new 
 king, December 4, 1747, reissued the former cedula 
 with Escobar's report, and ordered the viceroy to take 
 such steps as might seenr necessary for the carrying-out 
 of the projects recommended. And that seems to have 
 been the end of the matter for years so far as Cali 
 fornia was concerned. I find no evidence even that a 
 stipend was paid to any Jesuit missionary, or that any 
 additional expense was incurred by the government 
 for garrison or maritime service. 70 
 
 The record of Father Venegas ends practically with 
 1746, and so far as details of California happenings 
 are concerned we shall find nothing to take its place 
 for the next twenty years. I append his closing table 
 of missions, pueblos, and padres/ 1 adding such changes 
 
 70 Orders of Nov. 13, 1744, and Dec. 4, 1747, in Baja Cal, Cedula*, MS., 
 117-44: Venefjas, Not., ii. 498-520, 536-4G; Clav'vjero, Storia, ii. 115-20; 
 Alcgre, Hist., in. 286. 
 
 71 Venerjas, Not., ii. 546-50; Cataloyus Personarum et Domiciliorum, 
 Mexici, 1751. 
 
 I. Nuestra Sefiora de Loreto, 25 30'; presidio, P. Caspar de Trujillo 
 (1750, P. Juan Armesto, procurador). 
 
 II. San Javier, 25 30'; P. Miguel del Barco (visitador in 1750). Pueblos: 
 Sta Rosalia, 7 leagues w. ; S. Miguel, 8 1. N.; S. Agustin, 10 1. s. E. ; Dolores, 
 21. E.; S. Pablo, 81. N. w. 
 
 III. Dolores del Sur, formerly San Juan Bautista Malibat, or Ligui; P. 
 Clemente Guillen (1750, P. Lamberto Hostell, superior). Pueblos: Dolores, 
 24 30'; Concepcion, Encarnacion, Trinidad, Redempcion, Resurreccion. 
 
 IV. San Luis Gonzaga, 25; P. Lamberto Hostell (1750, P. Jacob Bae- 
 gert). Pueblos: S. Juan Nepomuceno; Sta Maria Magdalena, on bay of same 
 name. 
 
 V. San Jose* de Comondu, 26; P. Jacobo Droet (1750, P. Josd Ron- 
 dero Rotea?). Pueblos: three not named, 1 1. w., 7 1. N., 10 1. E. on the 
 shore. 
 
 VI. Santa Rosalia, 26 50'; P. Pedro Maria Nascimben. Pueblos: Trini 
 dad, 6 1. s. E. ; S. Marcos, 8 1. N. 
 
 VII. Puri'sima Concepcion, 26; P. Jacobo Droet. Six pueblos within 8 
 leagues. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 30 
 
4G6 JESUIT ANNALS OF LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 in the personnel as are recorded in a Latin catalogue 
 of the order for 1750. Villa-Senor y Sanchez de 
 voted a chapter of his work, published in 1748, to 
 a somewhat superficial description of the Californian 
 establishments, besides devoting considerable space to 
 Consag's exploring voyage. 72 
 
 VIII. Nuestra Seuora de Guadalupe, 27; P. Jos< Gasteiger. Pueblos: 
 Concepcion, 61. s.; S. Miguel, G 1. s. \v.; S. Pedro y S. Pablo, 6 1. w.; Sta 
 Maria, 5 1. N. 
 
 IX. San Ignacio, 28; P. Sebastian Sistiaga (Consag from 1747). Pueblos: 
 S. Borja, 81.; S. Joaquin, 3 1. ; S. Sabas, 31.; S. Atanasio, 5 1. ; Sta Monica, 
 7 1. ; Sta Marta, 111.; Sta Lucia, 10 1.; Sta Ninfa, 5 1. 
 
 X. Dolores del Norte, 29; PP. Sistiaga and Consag, in connection with 
 S. Ignacio; 1,548 converts. (Not in Cataloyus.) 
 
 XI. Santa Maria Magdalena. Not yet founded, though the Indians had 
 been converted by Consag. 
 
 XII. Santiago del Sur, 23; P. Antonio Tempis (1750, Juan Bischoff). 
 Anchorages of Sta Maria cle la Luz and San Borja. 
 
 XIII. Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar de la Paz. No reports. (1750, P. Fran 
 cisco Inama. ) 
 
 XIV. Santa Rosa. No reports. (1750, P. Jorge Redo Retz?) 
 
 XV. San Jose" del Cabo. No reports. (1750, P. Carlos Neumayer.) 
 
 XVI. San Juan Bautista, in the north. Preparations made but not yet 
 founded. 
 
 72 Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatro Americano, ii. 272-94. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 LOWER CALIFORNIA-JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 1750-1769. 
 
 REVIVAL OF INDUSTRIES CALUMNIES MEAGRE RECORDS CONSAG ON THE 
 PACIFIC FOUNDING OF SANTA GERTRUDIS-JIIVERA Y MONCADA COM 
 MANDANT COAST EXPLORATION HURRICANE VENEGAS' MAP FOUND 
 ING OF SAN FRANCISCO DE BORJA CHANGES IN MISSIONARIES LINK'S 
 EXPLORATIONS FOUNDING OF SANTA MARIA TROUBLES IN THE SOUTH 
 DEMAND FOR WOMEN AND SECULARIZATION EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS 
 ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR PORTOLA WORKS OF BAEGERT AND DUCRUE 
 MAP PARTING SCENES LIST OF JESUIT MISSIONARIES COMING OF THE 
 FRANCISCANS OBSERVANTES AND FERNANDINOS NAMES OF THE SIX 
 TEENDISTRIBUTION OF THE FRIARS A NEW SYSTEM COMING OF 
 VISITADOR GENERAL GALVEZ REFORMS INTRODUCED MISSION CHANGES 
 TOWNS AND COLONIZATION REGULATIONS MINING TRADE PREP 
 ARATIONS FOR THE OCCUPATION OF ALTA CALIFORNIA THE FOUR EX 
 PEDITIONS SECULARIZATION OF SANTIAGO AND SAN JOSE FOUNDING OF 
 SAN FERNANDO DE VELICATA THE OLD MUST SUPPORT THE NEW. 
 
 WHILE no statistics have been preserved, it appears 
 that in grain, fruit, live-stock and like standard sup 
 plies, the missions of Lower California were now nearly 
 self-supporting, and that revenues from the estates of 
 the pious fund were amply sufficient to meet all the 
 wants of the missionaries. The military establishment 
 was supported by the government. There are indica 
 tions that about the middle of the century the Jesuits 
 adopted a somewhat less exclusive policy than that 
 of earlier years, and even gave some little encourage 
 ment to the legitimate development of the country's 
 slight resources. The Manila ship touched at the 
 cape each year, exchanging goods for produce and thus 
 creating quite a lively trade. Other vessels began to 
 arrive from time to time and found the padres ready 
 
 (467) 
 
468 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 for barter. Pearl-fishing was no longer frowned down 
 as altogether detrimental to the country's prosperity, 
 and a few mines were opened on the peninsula. Under 
 this revival of industries farming and stock-raising on 
 a small scale became profitable. But we have only 
 very scanty information on the general subject. 1 
 
 It was, however, impossible to please everybody 
 or even anybody in the case of the Jesuits as it would 
 seem. That the general and growing feeling against 
 the society was not well founded I am not prepared 
 to say; but it is certain that no imaginable change of 
 policy in California could have lessened that feeling. 
 In former years the Jesuit monopoly was believed to 
 conceal vast treasures. California was an 'el dorado/ 
 and the padres were dragons guarding its wealth. 2 
 
 And now that communication was open by other 
 than missionary craft, the grounds of calumny were 
 by no means removed. Not content with their old 
 mysterious wealth of gold and pearls, the Jesuits now 
 insisted that the galleon, greatly to her own disadvan 
 tage, should touch at the cape for their profit; and 
 the coming of other vessels was encouraged that the 
 padres might engage in smuggling! 3 
 
 It is not possible to form a connected and complete 
 narrative of mission annals from year to year for the 
 remainder of the Jesuit period. Only a few events 
 are preserved in the records; but they are naturally 
 the most important, and from them and the details of 
 the past the reader may picture to himself the monot 
 ony of peninsula happenings and progress in these 
 years. Even the Jesuit chroniclers found nothing 
 of interest in the dry record. 
 
 1 The general industries of the country, especially the pearl-fisheries, will 
 receive attention in a later chapter of this work. 
 
 2 ' The Jesuits kept Europe ignorant about California as long as they could,' 
 says De Pauw, 'and Anson in 1744 was the first to discover how dangerously 
 powerful they were.' Itecherches Phil., 158. 
 
 3 Venegas, iii. 222-5, indignantly, but needlessly, denies these charges. 
 Alegre, iii. 289, mentions the circulation of such reports in connection with 
 the visit of a Dutch vessel in 1747-8. 
 
COXSAG ON THE COAST. 469 
 
 In May and June 1751 Father Consag crossed 
 from San Ignacio to the Pacific, and explored the 
 coast somewhat carefully between latitudes 28 and 30. 
 A place called Kalvalaga was the northern limit, and 
 there they heard of people in the far north dressed 
 like themselves, obtaining some pieces of cloth and 
 other articles which could not have come, as was 
 thought, from the Californian neophytes or pearl- 
 fishers. The party returned on July 8th to Piedad 
 rancheria above San Ignacio. 4 
 
 Many natives had been converted in the northern 
 regions by Consag and Sistiaga iu former years; but 
 lack of missionaries and troubles in the south had 
 prevented the founding of a new mission. Funds 
 were not wanting, for Villapuente had suggested that 
 the revenues of San Jose del Cabo should be applied 
 to a new northern establishment, whenever the former 
 should be abandoned or become self-supporting. Con- 
 sag in his late trip selected a site, sending thither 
 some neophytes under a native teacher; and in the 
 summer of 1752 Father Jorge Ketz went to take 
 charge of the mission which was named Santa Ger- 
 trudis. 5 In the same year Father Armesto went to 
 Mexico as procurador, and his place at Loreto was 
 taken by Juan Javier Bischoff. 6 Father Jacob Baegert 
 may also have come about this time, though there is 
 no definite record of the fact. It was in 1752 also 
 that Don Fernando Rivera y Moncada, a man promi 
 nent in the later annals of both Californias, received 
 
 * Consctfj, Diario de su Entrada, de 1751. In Aposttflicos Afanes, 391-429. 
 The diary is full of petty details, though distances and directions are given in 
 the usual vague manner. Account also in Zevallos, Vida de Konsafj, 11-12. 
 
 5 According to Santa Gcrtrudis, Libros de Mision, MS., Padre Ketz was 
 superior of the missions and from 1756 to 1762 confirmed 1,740 persons. The 
 soil was barren, and the mission required much outside aid for years; but 
 
 frain and fruit were eventually raised with success. Clavifjero, ii. 132-9; 
 >alou, Not., i. 161; CaL, Estab. y Prog., 201. Sales, Noticias de Cal., ii. 
 39-41, says Sta Gertrudis was founded in 1746; but dates in that work are 
 not to be relied on. 
 
 6 CaL , Estab. y Prog., 207-8. Bischoff is said to have made great improve 
 ments in the establishment. He was transferred to Purisima in 1757. The 
 name of Padre Francisco Maria Badillo also appears on the Loreto books in 
 1752. Loreto, Lib. Hwion, MS. 
 
470 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 from the king his commission as commandant of the 
 Loreto garrison. 7 
 
 In 1753 Consag made a new exploration of the 
 western coast up to latitude 31, as he believed, really 
 perhaps not quite to 30, being well received by the 
 natives, of whom he brought back many to Santa Ger- 
 trudis. He was accompanied by Captain Rivera, 
 whose zeal is highly praised in the diary. 8 A hurri 
 cane nearly destroyed several of the northern missions 
 in 1754, besides wrecking the best of the padres' ves 
 sels. 9 It was in 1757 that Venegas' standard work 
 as revised by Burriel was published at Madrid. 
 Enough has been said of the work elsewhere; but I 
 reproduce the map which accompanied it. From this 
 year to the end of the Jesuit period the name of 
 Father Lucas Ventura appears on the registers as 
 minister at Loreto. 10 
 
 It was intended to establish a new northern mission 
 in 1759, and in a sense it was founded, though with 
 out a regular minister for three years. The duchess 
 of Gandia, Maria de Borja, had left a large sum of 
 money to endow the mission, which was to be called 
 San Francisco de Borja. 11 Retz had found a good 
 site three days' journey north of Santa Gertrudis; 
 Consag was to superintend the founding, and Father 
 Jose Rotea, a new-comer, was to be the minister. 
 But Consag died in September 1759, and Rotea had 
 
 7 Sept. 9, 1752. Baja CaL, CecMas, MS., 145-6. This is the first that is 
 known of Rivera; but he is spoken of as a man familiar with all parts of the 
 province, where he had probably served for some years. 
 
 *Zevallos, Vida, 12-14; Clavifjero, ii. 139; CaL, Estdb. y Pro.?., 201. 
 
 9 The ill-luck of old seems to have returned to the mission flotilla in these 
 years. Procurador Armesti in 1759 persuaded the viceroy to build a vessel 
 at a royal expense of 19,000 pesos, and the craft was lost at San Lucas on its 
 first trip. Then a vessel belonging to Dolores was broken up by the native 
 crew after the captain had been murdered. The criminals were punished; 
 but thereafter communication with Loreto was by land. Finally an excellent 
 vessel was built in California by one Molina, at a cost of 18,000 pesos, of which 
 sum 10,000 was paid by the treasury; and Molina later built a smaller vessel 
 paid for by the missions, though surrendered at the expulsion in 1767. Clavi- 
 gero, ii. 142-4. 
 
 10 Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS. 
 
 11 Clav'icjero, Storia, ii. 139-40. Palou, Not., i. 162-3, says this mission was 
 endowed by Antonio Lanza. 
 
LOWER CALIFORNIA. 
 
 471 
 
 VENEGAS' MAP OF THE PENINSULA, 1757. 
 
472 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 to take his place at San Ignacio. Yet Ketz went' on 
 with his work, not only converting and instructing 
 natives, but opening a road from Santa Gertrudis and 
 building a church and dwelling. Thus all was read} r , 
 when in 1762 the Bohemian Jesuit, Wenceslao Link, 
 arrived and was appointed to San Francisco. 12 Sev 
 eral years passed before Borja became self-supporting, 
 supplies being meanwhile brought by sea to Los 
 Angeles Bay, some twenty miles from the mission. 
 It soon became comparatively a large and prosperous 
 establishment; but it also had its troubles, caused by 
 the determination of certain medicine-men that the 
 northern tribes should not apostatize from their origi 
 nal faith. It took all of Padre Wenceslao's energy 
 to overcome the hostility excited; but he did it, on 
 one occasion taking prisoners a whole rancheria with 
 out striking a blow. 13 
 
 In 1761 the name of Padre Manuel Maria Sotelo y 
 Figueroa, appears on the records of Loreto and Santa 
 Gertrudis. u At the end of the same year Brother 
 Mugazabal died at his post at the age of seventy-seven 
 years, fifty-eight of which had been passed in Cali 
 fornia, and forty-three as a Jesuit. 15 For 1762 we 
 have reports from fathers Barco, Link, and Kotea on 
 the missions of San Javier, San Francisco de Borja, 
 and San Ignacio respectively, with items of informa 
 tion on other establishments, this matter closing one 
 
 12 Link, or Linck, was a native of Nider, born in 1736, who became a Jes 
 uit in 1754. Comp. Jesus, Catdlogo, 24. In Dice. Univ., ix. 739-40, we read 
 that after the expulsion he died at Vienna in 1772; but a better authority, 
 Ducrue, in Jesuites, Expulsion, 367, states that in 1773 he became catechist at 
 Olmiitz college; also that he wrote a history of the missions in Latin. Link 
 ( IVenzel), Nachrichten von Cal'ifornien, is a brief description of the peninsula 
 in Murr, Nachrichten, 402-12, where it is stated in a note that he was born at 
 Joachimthal, and was still living at Olmiitz in 1790. I shall have occasion to 
 cite other writings of his. 
 
 13 Clavifjero, Storia, ii. 139-50; Link, Informe de San Borja, 1762. Extracts 
 in CaL, Estab. y Prog., 212-15. 
 
 u Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS.; Sta Gertrudis, Lib. Mision, MS. Sotelo in 
 1767 was in Puebla. He was a native of Galicia, born in 1736, and made a 
 Jesuit in 1752. Comp. Jesus, Catdlogo, 40. P. Lamberto Hostell was visitador 
 in 1761. 
 
 15 Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS.; Barco, Informe de 1762, 209-10. His body 
 was buried near that of Padre Bravo. 
 
LINK'S EXPLORATIONS. 473 
 
 of the most important records hitherto consulted. 16 
 Early in this year the name of Padre Ignacio Tiirsch 
 appears on the records. 17 Between August 1762 and 
 April of the next year, the small-pox carried off 
 many neophytes at Loreto. Father Li'icas Ventura 
 began his service in 1764, and fathers Victoriano 
 Arnes and Javier Franco arrived, the latter taking 
 charge of Todos Santos on the death of Father Neu- 
 mayer in August. The name of Juan Jose Diez first 
 appears in 1766. 18 There were three other Jesuits in 
 the country in 1767, respecting whose coming I have 
 found no record. 19 -x 
 
 In 1765 Father Link made an exploration of Angel 
 de la Guarda Island, finding it destitute of water and 
 not inhabited by either men or animals, though the 
 natives had led him to expect a different state of 
 things. 20 In February 1766 the same padre set out 
 with a large party from Borja with the intention of 
 reaching the Colorado River by land. He came 
 within some twenty or thirty leagues of the river, as 
 he believed; but difficulties of the way and the ex 
 haustion of the animals forced him to turn back. 
 His diary is full of details, but has no general inter 
 est except in the fact that it records the first explora 
 tion of the northern peninsula. 21 
 
 There was money from the duchess of Gandia's 
 bequest for a new mission in the north; and, Link 
 having failed to find a better site, Arnes and Diez 
 went in October to found it at a spot called Calagnu- 
 juet, eighty miles above Borja, where Consag had been 
 
 16 CaL, Estab. y Pro.?,, 202-19. The Baja CaL, Cedulas, MS., is ended 
 by two brief ctfdulas of 1763-4 of no importance, p. 146-7. 
 
 17 Loreto, Lib. Vision, MS. His name was written Tirs by the Spaniards. 
 He was a native of Cometzer, born in 1733, and became a Jesuit in 1754. He 
 was minister at Santiago at the expulsion. Comp. Jesus, Cat., 42. 
 
 18 Loreto, Lib. Mision, MS. ; Sta Gertrudis, Lib. Mision, MS. Padres Juan 
 Mariano Blanco and Julian Jose" Salazar officiated at baptisms in 1766; but 
 they seem to have been Sinaloa missionaries visiting the peninsula. 
 
 19 These were Inama, Escalante, and Villavieja. 
 2Q Clavifjero, Sforia, ii. 155-7. 
 
 21 Link, Diario, 1766, MS.; Clavigero, Storia, i. 21; Baenert, Nachrichten, 
 5-6; Palou, Not., ii. 99. 
 
474 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 in earlier years. The padres worked hard, and with 
 much success in the matter of conversion, Arnes con 
 tinuing his toil alone after Diez was worn out and 
 transferred to Borja and then to Purisima; and some 
 serious troubles with the natives were quelled by the 
 father's skilful application of Link's former policy, a 
 happy mingling of conquest and clemency; but by 
 reason of the barren soil and alkaline water the estab 
 lishment had to be moved in May 1767 to a new site 
 some fifty miles distant, where new buildings were 
 erected, and where under the name of Santa Maria 
 the mission soon became somewhat prosperous. It 
 was the last of the Jesuit establishments. 22 
 
 Since 1760, the scanty chronicles of this epoch pay 
 ing little heed to dates, new troubles had arisen in the 
 south. Several mines were now worked in that re 
 gion, and the miners had considerable difficulty in 
 obtaining supplies, the missionaries having but little 
 to spare after feeding their neophytes, and demanding 
 what were regarded as extortionate prices. In their 
 consequent hostility to the missions these men shrewdly 
 began to instil new ideas into the minds of the natives, 
 telling them how the aborigines in New Spain tilled 
 their own fields, paid tribute to the king, and sold the 
 produce as they chose. This was a revelation to the 
 Californians, who soon began to demand from the 
 padres a division of land and of live-stock; the women, 
 children, old, and sick to be left in care of the mission 
 aries. The absurdity of such demands is obvious 
 enough. It was only by the most unremitting labors 
 that these lazy natives had been induced to work for 
 a living. Without the urging and example and author 
 ity of the padres they would soon have returned to 
 their original savagism; but the miners would in the 
 mean time have cheated them out of their lands and 
 cattle, which was exactly what they desired. 
 
 '^Clavigero, Storia, ii. l76-83j Palou, Not., i. 1G4-5. It was on the 
 stream called Carbujakaamang. 
 
NATIVE DIPLOMACY. 475 
 
 Another cause of dissatisfaction, especially in the 
 south, was the scarcity of women. Many natives at 
 Loreto and in the north obtained Yaqui wives; but 
 the turbulent bachelors of the south found no favor in 
 the eyes of mainland maidens. The padres did all 
 they could to remedy the evil; and they even applied 
 to the governor of Sinaloa, engaged in campaigns 
 against the Seris, to capture as many girls of that 
 tribe as possible to be made wives in the peninsula, 
 but none could be caught. 
 
 Such being their chief grievances, the southerners 
 resolved to send a deputation ta demand from the 
 government the dismissal of the missionaries, and 
 secularization of the missions. Twenty men in the 
 night seized one of the padres' vessels and crossed 
 to Ahome. The padre there succeeded in detaining 
 them for months, except three who succeeded in 
 reaching Montesclaros and laying their complaint 
 before the alferez in command, who promised to for 
 ward it to his superiors, but was induced by the 
 Jesuits not to meddle in what did not concern him. 
 Meanwhile a vessel came from Loreto to carry the 
 fugitives back. They were condemned to a severe 
 flogging but pardoned at the padres' intercession. 
 But the Indians, at the instigation of the miners as 
 the Jesuits say, and as there is no reason to doubt 
 renewed their efforts, and after an unsuccessful appli 
 cation to the visitador general, again crossed the gulf 
 in a stolen craft, part going to Durango and the rest 
 to Tepic. Three of the latter reached Guadalajara, 
 whence the oidores reported their complaints to the 
 court at Madrid. After being reduced to great des 
 titution on the main the Californians were sent home 
 after an absence of two years, reaching Loreto in a 
 very penitent frame of 1 mind, though in their absence 
 their countrymen had made other efforts in the same 
 direction. In 1766 the Jesuit provincial made a for 
 mal offer to give up all the society's missions, includ 
 ing those of California; and in 1767 the Jesuits 
 
476 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 declined to receive the bequest of Dona Josefa Ar- 
 giielles y Miranda, who by her will left a large fort 
 une for the Californian fund. 23 
 
 At first 'thought it may appear that the Jesuits 
 were wrong in making such efforts to prevent the 
 complaints of their neophytes especially if they were 
 as absurdly unfounded as is claimed from reaching 
 the government; but they well knew the use that 
 would be made at this critical time by their enemies 
 of such complaints. Their effect would be consum 
 mated long before any explanation could be utilized. 
 It behooved them to keep their local troubles as quiet 
 as possible and leave the great battle to be fought out 
 in Europe. 
 
 The expulsion of the Jesuits from all Spanish 
 dominions in 1767 is a subject that has received due 
 attention in another part of this work. 24 The compli 
 cated causes leading to that event did not depend 
 very largely on the doings and reputation of the order 
 in America, and still less of course on developments 
 in any particular American province. In each prov 
 ince the Jesuits had contributed material for the 
 charges, true and false, that had stirred up such a 
 storm of opposition, but it is obviously impossible to 
 estimate the weight of any particular contribution. 
 In each case the charges, the bitterness of prejudice 
 and hatred, were exaggerated by the missionaries 
 themselves. It may be said, however, that Califor 
 nia by reason of its isolation, the air of mystery always 
 enveloping it, its known wealth in pearls, the exclu- 
 siveness of Jesuit occupation, and the large sums 
 contributed by private benefactors, played as promi 
 nent a part in the drama as any province of the New 
 World. 25 
 
 23 Clavigero, Storia, ii. 157-70. 
 
 24 See Hist. Mex., vol. iii., this series. 
 
 25 Baegert, Nachrichten, 331-4, mentions a series of eight charges pre 
 sented to the viceroy in 1766: 1, that the soldiers were slaves to the padres; 
 2, were forced to pay exorbitant prices for food; 3, that the Indians were 
 
AN UNEXPECTED CHANGE. 477 
 
 Late in September 1767 it was reported that a 
 party of strangers had landed at Puerto Escondido 
 below Loreto, remained a few days, and mysteriously 
 sailed away. They appeared later near La Paz, 
 departing after obtaining some provisions and stating 
 that a new governor was coming with a party of 
 Franciscan friars. 26 The Jesuits thought that perhaps 
 their resignation had been accepted, but they were far 
 from suspecting the truth. In fact Don Gaspar de 
 Portold had been sent as governor to execute the 
 decree of expulsion, and the mysterious strangers were 
 a part of his company strictly enjoined not to divulge 
 the nature of their mission. 27 They returned to the 
 main because Portold had been delayed; but on the 
 30th of November the governor landed near San Jose 
 del Cabo; was welcomed with his company at Mission 
 Santiago by Padre Tiirsch, and soon had an interview 
 with Captain Rivera y Moncada. He also visited 
 some mines in the vicinity.' 28 If he had any extrava 
 gant expectations respecting the wealth of the country 
 and the prospect of a forcible resistance to his meas 
 ures, they were promptly dispelled by his observations 
 in the south and on the march to Loreto, as well as 
 by the statements of Tiirsch and Rivera. The Jesuit 
 
 overworked and underfed; 4, that the Jesuits had silver mines concealed; 5, 
 that it was their fault that the mines of Sta Ana and S. Antonio did not 
 flourish; 6, that they opposed colonization; 7, that they traded with English 
 men; 8, that they taught the Indians nothing of the king of Spain. The 
 captain of the garrison sent a sworn denial of the truth of these charges. 
 Pauw, Recherchex, i. 161-G, says the Jesuits at first hankered after pearls; 
 then they hoped to find a rich and civilized country; and at last found trade 
 with the galleon very profitable. Robertson, Hist. Amer., ii. 330, tells us 
 the Jesuits studiously concealed the great resources of the peninsula; and 
 this has always been a popular idea, though a very absurd one. Forbes, 
 Hist. CaL, 61-2, complains of the slavery that destroyed the natives; and 
 Combier, Voyage, 330-3, rails at some length in the same strain. 
 wpalou, Not., i. 14. 
 
 27 It was feared perhaps that the Jesuits would arm for defence, or at least 
 conceal their treasure. At least this is a favorite view of the padres. Bae- 
 gart, Nachrichten, 302, says it was rumored that there were 8,000 muskets 
 concealed in their houses with which to arm the Indians. The greatest care 
 had been taken to prevent news of what was taking place on the main from 
 crossing the gulf. 
 
 28 Some information about these mines, which seem not to have been very 
 profitable investments, is given in Claviyero, Storia, ii. 157-9; Baeyert, 
 Nachrichten, 77-83; Lassepas, JJaja CaL, 9. 
 
473 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 chroniclers, and especially Father Baegert, a writer 
 of great force and humor, 29 are fond of dwelling on 
 and doubtless exaggerating the disappointment of 
 Portola and his men at finding so barren and poverty- 
 stricken a country where they had looked for a 
 paradise rich in silver and pearls. 
 
 Portold, reached Loreto the 17th of December. He 
 at once wrote to Father Ducrue, the visitador who 
 was at Guadalupe, requesting him to come to the 
 presidio and enclosing a letter from the viceroy which 
 contained the fatal decree of expulsion. There was 
 nothing for it but to submit, and he sent notice to his 
 brother missionaries that by the governor's orders 
 they were all to embark at Loreto on January 25, 
 1768, at the same time directing them to pacify the 
 Indians and prepare them by every possible means 
 for the coming change. Then he bade adieu to his 
 weeping neophytes, who followed him for leagues as 
 he set out with a heavy heart for Loreto. 30 The sad 
 
 29 Jacob Baegert, or Santiago Begert as the Spaniards wrote it, was born 
 at Schlettstadt, Upper Rhine, iu 1717, became a Jesuit in 1736, sailed for Cali 
 fornia in 1751, was minister of San Luis Gonzaga in 17G7, and returning to 
 Europe died atNeuburg, Bavaria, in Dec. 1772. Backer, Bibliotheque,\.\.4A; v. 
 28; Comp. Jesus, Catdloyo, 8. Ducrue, JReisebeschreibitny, 416, says Baegert died 
 Sept. 24, 1772. This writer's work, which does not bear his name, is entitled, 
 Nachrichtcn von dcr Amerikanischen Halbinsel Calif ornien: mit einem zwey- 
 fachen Anhany falscher Nachrichten. Geschrieben von einem Priester der 
 Gesellschafb Jesu, welchcr long darinn diese letztere Jahre gelcbt hat. Mit Er~ 
 laubnuss der Oberen. Mannheim, 1772, 12mo ; also edition of 1773 with slight 
 corrections. An extract was published in the Berliii'sche L'Merarische Wo- 
 chenblatt, 1777, ii. 625; and Baerjert's Account of the Aboriginal Inhabitants of 
 the Cali/ornian Peninsula [Wash., 1864], 8vo, 352-99, is a translation of 
 ethnographical portions of the work by Prof. Charles Eau, published in the 
 Smithsonian Reports. Clavigero, Storia, i. 15, mentions the work, which he 
 did not see. 
 
 I append a copy of Baegert's map. Father Jacob was a vigorous and an 
 amusing writer, in style somewhat reminding the reader of Thomas Gage, 
 though disposed to be fair and truthful, which is more than can be said of 
 Gage in all cases. He gives an unfavorable picture of the peninsula and its 
 people, finding something to praise in its climate, and accusing Venegas of 
 exaggerating its resources and charms. 
 
 30 Franz Benno Ducrue was born at Munich in 1721, became a Jesuit in 
 1738, was sent to California in 1748, and died at Munich in 1779. Comp. 
 Jesus, Catdloyo, 16, where, however, his birthplace is given as 'Monaco, 
 Bohemia, ' and his death is not recorded. He wrote an account of the expul 
 sion and journey to Europe, which must be regarded as a standard work on 
 the subject so far as California is concerned. Ducrue, Reisebeschreibuny aus 
 Calif ornien durch das Gebiet von Mexico nac/i Europa, 1767. In Murr, Na- 
 
EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 479 
 
 scene of parting was repeated at each mission. From 
 Santa Gertrudis Father Ketz had to be carried on 
 
 BAEGERT'S MAP, 1757. 
 
 the back of his Indians, having recently broken his 
 leg. Of the parting at another place, says Baegert, 
 
 chrichten, Halle, 1809, 413-30. Also Ducrue, Notes Hisforiques sur I 'expulsion 
 des Jcsuitc'S dr. la province dit Mexique ct principaleme.nt de la Ccdifornie en 
 17G7; par le P. Pennon-Francois Ducrue, Miswonnaire en cette meme province, 
 JK iiilmit vinyl ans. In Documens In&dits concernant la Compaynie de Jesus 
 (1860), pt, ii. doc. iii. This is said to have been translated from a Latin edi 
 tion of Murr, 1784. It is in the library of John T. Doyle. 
 
480 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 "not only did I weep then but throughout the jour 
 ney, and even now as I write the tears stand in my 
 eyes." The grief of the Indians, if not disinterested, 
 was real enough; their affection was that of the dog 
 for the hand that feeds and protects. No human 
 beings could be more hopelessly dependent on others. 
 At this time they remembered only that they had 
 been fed and cared for, forgetting the prayers and 
 work and occasional flogging. On the other hand the 
 padres' affection for their neophytes and desire for 
 their well-being must have been disinterested, other 
 wise they had little reason to regret leaving the bar 
 ren peninsula. Sixteen Jesuits left their missions at 
 this time. 31 
 
 While the padres were concentrating at the presidio, 
 Portola busied himself with taking an account of mis 
 sion and garrison property. The amount of the in 
 ventory was about 7,000 pesos in money, and goods 
 to the amount of 60,000 pesos, chiefly for the soldiers' 
 pay, which with a little grain and meat constituted 
 the whole wealth of California, not including I sup 
 pose the mission cattle nor the vestments, plate, and 
 other church property, which the Jesuits state were 
 of considerable value, for the missionaries had taken 
 much pride in decorating their temples. 32 The meagre 
 result as compared with the extravagant expectations 
 
 81 These were Hostell, rector at Mision de la Pasion (Dolores), born at Miin- 
 ster 1706, Jesuit 1752; Barco, San Javier, born Casas de Miln (?) 1706, 
 Jesuit 1753; Ducrue, visitador, Guadalupe; Baegert, San Luis; BischoiF, Santa 
 Kosa, born Bohemia 1710, Jesuit 1727; Tiirsch, Santiago; Inaama, San Jose", 
 bom Vienna 1719, Jesuit 1735; Diez, Purisima, born Mexico 1735, Jesuit 
 1752, died Ferrara 1809; Escalante, rector Sta Rosalia, born Jaen 1724, Jesuit 
 1744, died Jaen 1806; Rotea, San Ignacio, born Mexico 1732, Jesuit 1749, 
 died Bolouia 1799; Retz, Santa Gertrudis, born Conflanz 1717, Jesuit 1733; 
 Link, San Borja; Arn6s, Santa Maria, born Graus 1736, Jesuit, 1754; Ven 
 tura, Loreto, born Zaragoza 1727, Jesuit 1749, died Bolonia 1793; Franco, 
 Loreto, born Agreda 1738, Jesuit 1753; and Villavieja, lay brother, Loreto, 
 born Villa de Sota 1736, Jesuit 1762. Of the padres who had left the 
 country before 1767, Armesto is the only one belonging to the Mexican pro 
 vince in that year; he was born at San Crist6bal, Spain, 1713, became a 
 Jesuit 1735, and died Bolonia 1799. Comp. Jesus, Catdlofjo, passim. 
 
 32 Ducrue, Notes, 355-6. The writer says that he desired to revisit his 
 mission, but found himself suspected of a design to abstract treasure. The 
 funds at Guadalupe were 13 pesos. 
 
FAREWELL TO CALIFOENIA. 481 
 
 attributed to the government by the Jesuits, gives 
 Baegert and his brother chroniclers a new opportu 
 nity for sarcastic reflections. 
 
 January 19th news came that a party of Francis 
 cans and soldiers had arrived at the cape, but there 
 were other causes of delay, and the date of departure 
 had to be postponed from January 25th to the 3d of 
 February. The decree of expulsion had been read to 
 the assembled padres. The last day was spent largely 
 in the performance of religious duties. At the hour 
 of sailing the Jesuits offered a last prayer for Cali 
 fornia and for themselves. They marched in a body 
 to the shore at night to avoid a crowd; but a multi 
 tude of Indians thronged to the beach prostrating 
 themselves with loud lamentations, kissing the padres' 
 hands and feet, and offering to carry them to the 
 boats. Even the governor shed tears. The exiles 
 standing in the boat loudly chanted the litany of Our 
 Lady, and so bade farewell to the land of their toil. 
 
 The vessel that carried them to Matanchel in four 
 days was a little two-masted transport without accom 
 modations for passengers, the padres making their 
 beds on deck. At Matanchel they were despoiled in 
 the king's name of the few trifling comforts which the 
 kind-hearted Portold. had given them. Without rest 
 they were reshipped to San Bias, and after four days 
 in wretched lodgings they started on horses and mules 
 across the continent, closely guarded and subjected to 
 many needless hardships. They were not allowed 
 communication with any one on the way, nor to accept 
 any assistance. They reached Vera Cruz after forty- 
 four days on March 27th and the 13th of April they 
 sailed for Europe. 33 I append a list of the fifty Jesuit 
 missionaries who served in California with the dates 
 of their service. Five of the number, whose names 
 appear on the mission books, may have been merely 
 visitors from the mainland missions. Of the rest 
 
 * z Dncnte, Notes; Id., Reisebeschreibung; Comp. Jesus, Caidlogo; Baegert r 
 Nachrichteii, 302-12; Claviyero, Storia, ii. 202-5. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATKS, VOL. I. 31 
 
482 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 fourteen died at their posts, nine were transferred to 
 the main, sixteen were expelled in 17678, and as to 
 what became of the remaining six, Napoli, Gordon, 
 Droet, Trujillo, Nascimben, and Gasteiger, the records 
 are silent. 34 
 
 In June 1767 on the enforcement of the expulsion 
 decree in Mexico the California missions were ten 
 dered by Viceroy Croix to the Franciscan college of 
 San Fernando, and the trust being accepted it was 
 arranged that seven friars should set out from the 
 college and be joined by five others from the Sierra 
 Gorda missions. Nine, however, started on July 
 16th, and not meeting the others at Queretaro or 
 Guadalajara went on to Tepic. 35 Here they found 
 Governor Portold, with his fifty men ready to sail, 
 Palou and Gaston accompanying him on August 24th, 
 
 3i List of Jesuits who served in California, 1697-1768. 
 
 d, died; I, left the country before 1768; * expelled. 
 
 Arraesto, Juan, 1748-52, 1. Masariegos, Fran. M., 1740. 
 
 Arnes, Victoriano, 1764-8.* Mayorga, Julian, 1707-36, d. 
 
 Badillo, Francisco Maria, 1752. Minutili, Ger6nimo, 1702-(10), 1. 
 
 Barco, Miguel, 1744.-68.* Mugazabal, Juan B., 1720-61, d. 
 
 Baegert, Jacob, 1752-68.* Napoli, Ignacio Ma., 1721 et seq. ? 
 
 Basaklua, Juan M., 1702-9, d. Nascimben, Pedro Ma., 1745-(50). ? 
 
 Bischoff, Juan Javier, 1752-68.* Neumayer, Karl, 1745-64, d. 
 
 Bravo, Jaime, 1705-44, d. Ossorio, Francisco, 1725. 
 
 Carranco, Lorenzo Jos 6, 1727-34, d. Peralta, Francisco, 1709-11, 1. 
 Consag, Fernando, 1733-59, d. Piccolo, Francisco Ma., 1697-1729, d. 
 
 Diez, Juan, (1766)-8.* Retz, Jorge, 1751-68.* 
 
 Droet, Jacobo, 1732-(50). ? Rotea, Jose" Mariano, 1759-68.* 
 
 Ducrue, Franz Benno, 1748-68.* Salvatierra, Juan Ma., 1097-1717, d. 
 
 Escalante, Francisco (1765)-S.* Sistiaga, Sebastian, 1718-47. 1. 
 
 Franco, Francisco J., 1764-8.* Sotelo, Manuel Ma., 1761. 
 
 Garcia, Andrei Javier, 1737. Tamaral, Nicolas, 1717-34, d. 
 
 Gasteiger, Jose", (1745J-50. ? Taraval, Sigismundo, 1730-(50). 1. 
 
 Gordon, William, 1730 et seq. ? Tempis, Antonio, 1736-46. d. 
 
 Guillen, Clemente, 1711-48, d. Trujillo, Gaspar, 1744-(49). ? 
 
 Guisi, Benito, 1711, d. Tiirsch, Ignacio, 1762-8.* 
 
 Helen, Everard, 1719-35. 1. Ugarte, Juan, 1700-30, d. 
 
 Hostell, Lambert, (1745)-68.* Ugarte, Pedro, 1704-10, 1. 
 
 Inama, Francisco (1750)-6S.* Ventura, Liicas, 1757-68.* 
 
 Link, Wenceslao, 1762-8.* Villavieja, Juan, (1766)-68.* 
 
 Luyando, Juan B., 1727-(32), 1. Wagner, Francisco J., 1737-44, d. 
 
 35 The nine were, Junipero Serra, president; Francisco Palou, Juan Moran, 
 Antonio Martinez, Juan Ignacio Gaston, Fernando Parron, Juan Sancho de 
 la Torre, Francisco Gomez, and Andre's Villumbrales. Palou, Noticias, i. 9-20, 
 is the authority for the movements of the friars. At Tepic they were lodged 
 at the hospice of Sta Crua, and were well treated by the commander of the 
 expedition against Cerro Prieto awaiting transportation to Guaymas. 
 
FERXAXDIXOS AND OBSERVANTES. 483 
 
 but all being driven back to Matanchel the 5th of 
 September. 30 Meanwhile the five friars from Sierra 
 Gorda had arrived, 37 as had many others for mainland 
 missions ; but after the reverend party had waited till 
 October for a vessel, tiiere came an order that changed 
 all the plans. It was that the California missions 
 should be given to the Franciscan observants of 
 Jalisco, while the friars of San Fernando and Quere- 
 taro colleges should be sent to Sonora. It was feared 
 that those of Jalisco and Queretaro might quarrel, 
 but this imputation on their brotherly love was in 
 dignantly repelled by the padres, and Palou and 
 Campa were sent in haste to Guanajuato and Mexico. 
 They obtained from the viceroy a decree of November 
 llth revoking the order and restoring the original ar 
 rangement. The envovs sent the decree in advance. 
 
 O / *? 
 
 and themselves, accompanied by padres Dionisio Bas- 
 terra, and Juan de Medina Vey tia, arrived at Tepic at 
 the end of December. Meanwhile Portold had sailed 
 the 19th of October with twenty-five dragoons, and 
 with fourteen observant friars and twenty-five in 
 fantrymen on another vessel. Portola's arrival at 
 the end of November has been already noted, as also 
 that of the padres observantes in January, after many 
 mishaps on the gulf. 
 
 Father Junipero's band at Tepic, about the time 
 of Palou's return from Mexico, heard by the gov 
 ernor's returning vessel that the observants had not 
 been heard of, and considerable anxiety was felt about 
 future prospects. During January 1768 most of 
 Colonel Elizondo's troops sailed for Guaymas, and 
 the friars destined for Sonora took their departure. 
 The Fernandinos, however, did not remain idle, but 
 held misiones, or revival meetings, in the neighboring 
 
 36 Palou relates that when the tempest was at its height Padre Gaston cast 
 on the raging waters some moss from the famous Tepic cross, whereupon the 
 winds instantly subsided. Baegert, Nachrichten, 303, says that this was 
 Portola's second unsuccessful attempt to cross. 
 
 37 Jos< Murguia, Juan Ramos de Lora, Juan Crespi, Miguel Campa y Cos., 
 and Fermiu Francisco Lasuen. 
 
484 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 districts. At length in February the Conception, with 
 the expelled Jesuits on board, arrived with orders to 
 bring the missionaries across the gulf. They em 
 barked on March 14th, 83 and reached Loreto the 1st 
 of April. Father Manuel Zuzaregui was in charge, 
 but an order recalling the observants scattered at the 
 different missions had been issued. Five of them 
 sailed April 10th on the Conception, and the rest 
 soon followed. 39 
 
 The Franciscans were at once made acquainted with 
 the viceroy's orders that they were to be put in charge 
 of church property and spiritual interests only, the 
 temporalities being intrusted to military comisionados. 
 This was a bitter disappointment, as they had expected 
 to receive the missions on the same basis as the Jesuits 
 had held them, and they believed that without con 
 trol of the temporalities no progress could be made, 
 but the good-natured PortoU gave them encourage 
 ment that a change might be effected when the visi- 
 tador general should come. After a few days of rest 
 and a celebration of easter festivities Padre Serra read 
 to the assembled friars his plan for their distribu 
 tion. 40 The 6th of April they went to San Javier, 
 
 Palou, Not., 20-6. According to Id., Vida, 561, the date is given 
 March 12th. 
 
 39 Cancio, Cartas, 253-4. 
 
 40 The distribution was : S. Jos del Cabo, Moran ; Santiago de los Coras, 
 Murguia; Nra Sra del Pilar, or Todoe Santos, Ramos de Lora; Dolores or La 
 Pasion, Gomez; S. Luis Gonzales, Villumbrales; S. Francisco Javier, Palou; 
 S. Jos6 Comondu, Martinez; Purisima, Crespi; Guadalupe, Sancho de la 
 Torre; Sta Rosalia Mulege', Gaston; S. Ignacio, Campa; Sta Gertrudis, Bas- 
 terra; S. Francisco de Borja, Lasueii; Sta Maria, Veytia; Loreto, Serra and 
 Parron. Palou, Not., i. 26; Id., Vida, 57. In the Loreto, Libros de Mision, 
 MS., we find the following in Padre Junipero's handwriting: 'Dia dos de 
 Abril, sabado de gloria de este ano 1768 entramos d esta Mision y Real Pre 
 sidio de Loreto, cabezera de esta Peninsula de California diez y seis Religiosos 
 sacerdotes Predicadores Misioneros Apostolicos del Colegio de propaganda 
 fide de Mexico, del (Srden serafico eiiviados de n r s Prelados p a Ministros de 
 todas las Misiones de esta Prova q. en nombre de su Mag d Catholica (q. Dios 
 gde ) por decreto del Exc^o S r Marque's de Croix, Virrey y Capitan Genl de 
 esta Nueva Espafia, se pusieron d cargo del d^o Apostolico colegio expelidos 
 de esta Peninsula y demas Dominios del Catholico Monarca, p r motives d su 
 Mag d reservados, los PP. de la Sagrada Compania de Jesus, y habiendo yo, 
 el infra-escripto Presidente de dh s Religiosos, por el expresado Colegio re- 
 suelto quedarme & administrar por mi mismo esta Mision y Real Presidio en 
 compama de P. P r Fr. Fernando Parron, uno de los de dicho numo y colegio, 
 
FRANCISCANS IN POSSESSION. 485 
 
 where after a solemn mass they separated on the 8th, 
 eight going north and five south. Brother Pedro 
 Fernandez, chaplain of the troops, remained at San 
 Javier. On reaching his mission each friar received 
 from the comisionado, signing duplicate receipts, the 
 church with its paraphernalia, also the dwelling and 
 household utensils. They were furnished with board 
 by the comisionados, and their functions did not ex 
 tend beyond matters purely ecclesiastical. 
 
 The evils of such a system had been clearly fore 
 seen. The comisionados could not be expected to 
 take a very deep interest in the welfare of the country, 
 the prosperity of the missions, or the comfort of the 
 natives. They lacked skill, interest, and conscience 
 for an economical administration of the temporalities. 
 The padres could no longer attract the pagans by gifts 
 of food and clothing; and their loss of power caused 
 the neophytes to have less respect for them than for 
 the Jesuits. The result justified the president's re 
 monstrances. The missions rapidly declined under 
 the new regime, and it soon became clear that unless 
 the spiritual authority and the temporal were reunited, 
 a few years would suffice to undo all that the Jesuits 
 had accomplished. 
 
 Don Jose de Galvez, the visitador general, came to 
 the north-west invested with the fullest powers not 
 only to settle Indian troubles in Sonora, and after 
 investigations to introduce at his discretion all needed 
 reforms in peninsula affairs, both secular and ecclesi 
 astical, but by despatches received en route he was 
 directed to advance the Spanish occupation up the 
 coast to San Diego and Monterey. He arrived at 
 Cerralvo Island the 6th of July, and proceeded to the 
 mining district of Santa Ana, where his family was 
 lodged in the house of Manuel Osio, the wealthy 
 speculator in pearls and mines. Soon the whole prov- 
 
 assignd d las deraas Misiones los Ministros en esta forma.' Then follows the 
 distribution as already given. The signatures of Serra and Parron appear 
 often on the books in 1768-9; also that of Chuplaiii Pedro Fernandez and that 
 of Padre Pulou in 1769-70. 
 
486 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 ince was in a flutter over the investigations and decrees 
 of the great man. He called for and obtained exact 
 reports from the padre and comisionado of each mis 
 sion. Then he made a tour of investigation in the 
 south, at once detecting the evils and abuses of the 
 prevalent system. The remedy was radical and 
 promptly applied. On August 12th he issued a decree, 
 ordering the comisionados to turn over all mission 
 property to the friars, at the same time sending in 
 their accounts through the missionaries, who were to 
 examine and sign them. This was carried out except 
 at Loreto, the friars feigning a degree of reluctance 
 for effect, and not a few instances of dishonesty and 
 wastefulness were revealed. Palou publishes several 
 extracts of letters in which Galvez expressed his anger 
 at the rascalities of the comisionados; yet it appears 
 that all of them escaped punishment, at the interces 
 sion of the padres it is said. 
 
 Next the indefatigable visitador turned his atten 
 tion to the forming of settlements and ameliorating 
 the condition of the Indians. If his reforms were not 
 always successful it was not owing to any lack of 
 energy or sagacity on the part of the projector. It 
 was found that lands and Indians were very unequally 
 divided among the missions, and to remedy the dis 
 proportion many changes were decreed. Dolores and 
 San Luis were abandoned, their neoplrytes being trans 
 ferred to Todos Santos, whose few people were sent 
 to Santiago. Surplus families of San Javier were 
 added to San Jose del Cabo, while the surplus at 
 Guadalupe and Santa Gertrudis were transferred to 
 Comondu and Purisima. These changes were made 
 in September by Adjutant Juan Gutierrez and Lieu 
 tenant Jose Garazo. Certain transfers of northern 
 families to the south for the relief of poor missions 
 like Borja and Santa Maria were abandoned on account 
 of the reluctance of the Indians to leave their homes. 41 
 
 41 Correspondence between Galvez and Lasuen in Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., 
 i. 8-14; viii. 139-49. Two vessels with grain and clothing sent to the northern 
 
EFFORTS OF GALVEZ. 487 
 
 There was ample room it appears for the visitador's 
 good offices, for he was much disappointed with the 
 condition in which he found the peninsula establish 
 ments. 42 
 
 It was not solely to the missions and Indians, how 
 ever, that Galvez gave his attention. A pet project 
 was to establish in the south the nucleus of a coloni 
 zation to gradually extend over the country as the 
 missions disappeared. On August 12th he issued a 
 decree defining privileges offered to colonists and 
 regulations by which they were to be governed. 
 Crown lands were separated from, those of the mis 
 sions arid offered to Spaniards of good character 43 
 under easy conditions, chiefly the obligation of mak 
 ing improvements, and paying a small annual tax to 
 
 missions. Id., i. 20-1. Correspondence about furnishing the Indians with 
 tobacco. Id., i. 1-7; xi. 371. 
 
 42 It has been stated, Lassepas, Baja Cal., 167, that Galvez admired the 
 Jesuit management, but in a letter to Lasuen, Arch. StaJB., MS., i. 22, he 
 alludes to certain scandalous evils caused by the Jesuits; and the fact that he 
 restored the temporalities to the Franciscans only proves that he regarded 
 the original system as less injurious to the country than the rascality of the 
 comisionados. In a proclamation of Nov. 23, 1768, Id., i. 17-20, he expresses 
 his surprise and disappointment at the state of affairs. After all the laws 
 made and moneys granted he expected to find thriving settlements; but finds 
 instead mere haciendas de campo, or farms, with houses for padres, soldiers, 
 and servants only. The natives go naked; have been withdrawn from the 
 seashore, where they lived by fishing, and are forced to wander in the moun 
 tains, living on roots and berries, often obliged to work without recompense. 
 Hence they look with dislike upon agriculture, and regard civilization as the 
 greatest evil. Missions with fertile lands need laborers, while many ran- 
 cherias are collected in sterile spots. No Indian is permitted to own property. 
 The system has reduced the population to 7, 149 souls. In this proclamation 
 and in a letter to Lasuen of the same date, Id., i. 22-8, he announces his 
 determination to improve this state of things by settling the Indians in fixed 
 domiciles, where they may till their own soil and enjoy the fruits of their 
 labor. And he appeals to the padres to help him. He ordered that no mis 
 sion should keep more Indians than it could feed and clothe. To the north 
 he sent supplies of food and clothing. ' Let the northern Indians know that 
 I am taking steps to relieve all their wants,' he wrote, Id., 20; and he urged 
 the padres "to engage in otter-catching and other enterprises to make the mis 
 sions self-supporting; and it appears that a little was actually done in the 
 direction of otter-hunting. Id., xi. 371-4; viii. 139-49. Moreover, Galvez 
 attempted by the employment of surgeons to check the progress of disease, 
 especially of syphilis, which was making great havoc. Palou, Not. , i. 139-42, 
 tells us that nearly all at Santiago and many at Todos Santos were affected by 
 this disease. 
 
 43 The first colonists were discharged soldiers and sailors from Loreto, who 
 had earned some means and were favored by the padres. There were very 
 few others before 1821. Lassepas, Baja Cal., 10. 
 
488 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 the king. 44 Within a few months much was clone 
 toward perfecting the plan. The two mining districts 
 of San Antonio del Oro and Santa Ana with some 
 ranchos were formed into one settlement with its 
 capital at Santa Ana. This district became also a 
 curacy under Brother Isidro Izarzabal as curate, with 
 a thousand dollars besides alms for a church. A 
 lieutenant-governor attended to judicial matters, and 
 a royal commissary to farming and mining, one mine 
 being worked to pay expenses of government. Militia 
 companies were soon formed in the young colony. 
 Four Indian boys were sent to the pueblo from each 
 mission to learn trades. Another settlement was 
 attempted, with slight success on account of the small 
 number of colonists, at San Bernabe to succor the 
 galleon and protect the cape; and still another was 
 planned at La Paz, where a sergeant and eight sol 
 diers were stationed. Captain Manuel Garcia Morales 
 was the comisario appointed to superintend the found 
 ing of the new towns. 45 
 
 The visitador's efforts to promote mining were not 
 very successful. The mines were not so rich as he 
 had been led to believe, and facilities for working 
 them were few. He imported laborers from the main 
 and put up houses for them; but the expense was 
 greater than the return, and the mines were finally 
 rented to private speculators or abandoned. 46 The 
 loyalty of LJon Jose* was by no means less conspicuous 
 than his philanthropy; and in all his efforts to secure 
 advantages for the new establishments of the country 
 he had volunteered to regenerate, he was equally 
 careful to protect the king's interests. Thus in No 
 vember he forbade all trade with the Manila ships, 
 
 44 Galvez, Decreto de Colonization en Baja California, 1768, MS. In Arch. 
 Cal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 61-6. 
 
 45 Palou, Notlcias i. 57-60. 
 
 46 Palou, Not., i. 142-3, says Galvez bought all the buildings and mining 
 effects at Santa Ana from Osio; and that the mines were ordered to be sold 
 or given away in 1671. Lassepas, Baja Cal., 48, tells us the royal mining 
 district of Tescalama, east of San Antonio, was rented to Osio, who soon 
 died, leaving his fortune much impaired by the speculation. 
 
ALTA CALIFORNIA. 489 
 
 which under existing regulations could dispose of 
 their goods only at Acapulco. 47 
 
 Though busy with so many other matters Galvez 
 by no means neglected the project of extending Span 
 ish dominion northward, but rather deemed it more 
 important than all the rest. After careful investiga 
 tion he resolved to send four expeditions, two by land 
 and two by water, to start separately, but all to unite 
 at San Diego and press on to Monterey. Details of 
 preparation belong to the history of the northern 
 province, and are fully presented-in another volume 
 of this work. 48 Captain Rivera, beginning in August, 
 recruited men and collected supplies for the land ex 
 peditions; while Galvez attended personally to all 
 connected with despatching the vessels; and Serra to 
 preparations " for mission extension. There is no evi 
 dence that the padres had come to California with 
 any definite hope or plan of an immediate advance 
 northward, but they had long desired such a step; 
 they were disappointed with the state of things in 
 the peninsula, and they gave a most enthusiastic sup 
 port to the visitador's project. 
 
 On January 9, 1769, the San Carlos sailed under 
 Vicente Vila with sixty-two persons on board, includ 
 ing Padre Parron, Lieutenant Fages with twenty -five 
 infantrymen from the mainland, Alferez Costanso, and 
 Surgeon Prat. The San Antonio, commanded by 
 Juan Perez, sailed the 15th of February, carrying 
 besides her crew fathers Vizcaino and Gomez. March 
 24th the first land expedition, commanded by Rivera, 
 and including Padre Crespi, Pilotin Canizares, a com 
 pany of twenty- five soldiers from the Loreto presidio, 
 and a band of forty-two native Californians, set out 
 from Velicatd on the northern frontier; and finally on 
 the loth of May Governor Portola, with nine or ten 
 soldiers under Sergeant Ortega, Father Serra, and 
 
 47 Xov. 2, 17C8. Arch. Cal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 67. 
 
 48 See Hint. Cal., vol. i. chap. iv. this series. 
 
490 JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS. 
 
 another company of natives, began his march from the 
 same point. All were reunited at San Diego at the 
 beginning of July. 49 
 
 In order that there might be missionaries for the 
 northern field, the college, at Serra's request, sent 
 padres Juan Escudero, Juan Vizcaino, and Benito 
 Sierra to the peninsula; and, also by Serra's advice, 
 Santiago and San Jose del Cabo were converted into 
 curacies, thus releasing two more friars. It was fur 
 ther arranged that Chaplain Fernandez should take 
 charge of Loreto, releasing Padre Parron. Juan 
 Antonio Baeza from Guaymas came to Santiago as 
 curate in March 1769, and a clergyman from Sonora, 
 not named, took charge of San Jose a little later. 50 
 Thus there were six friars to spare, five of whom as 
 we have seen accompanied the expeditions, and one 
 took charge of a new mission on the northern frontier. 
 This mission was San Fernando de Velicata, where 
 Captain Rivera had established his rendezvous as a 
 better position than Santa Maria. He had built some 
 huts and a chapel, where Lasuen had celebrated a fare 
 well mass on the departure of the party. The place 
 was deemed well suited for a mission, and Galvez had 
 expressed his desire that one should be founded there 
 to facilitate communication with San Diego. Accord- 
 
 49 It is well to preserve the names applied by these first expeditions be 
 tween Velicatd and San Diego. The names are from Crespi, Primera Expedi 
 tion, the additions in parentheses being those applied by the second or Portola's 
 party. The course is N. \v. or N. N. w. 
 
 Velicatd, S. Juan de Dios arroyo, 4.5 leagues, 30 46'; Santos Martires 
 arroyo, 3 1.; Las Palmas arroyo (2 1. w. s. w.), and 31.; S. Angelo de Fulgino 
 arroyo, or Corpus Cristi, 3.5 1.; Alamos arroyo, 3.5 1.; Cieneguilla, 4 1.; 30 
 56'; S. Ricardo (Sta Humiliana), 31.; S. Vicente Ferrer (Sta Petronila), 3 1.; 
 S. Dionisio rio, 3 1., 31 8'; S. Leon arroyo (S. Andre's Hispelo), 21.; S. Angel 
 de Clavacio (S. Pacifico), 61.; S. Telmo pozo (Stos Martires), 4 1., 31 11'; S. 
 Rafael (Sta Margarita), 3 1.; S. Bernab^, 5 1.; Sta Isabel (S. Guido), 3 1., 32; 
 Alisos arroyo (S. Nazario), 5 1.; Jacobo Ilirico (S. Antonio), 2 1., 32 8'; S. 
 Anselmo (S. Basilio), 31.; S. Francisco Solano (S. Antonio), 1.5 1.; S. Jorge 
 (S. Aten6genes); (2 1.) [near Todos Santos Bay]; Stos Martires (S. Gervasio), 
 31.; S. Pedro Martyr (Sta Miguelina), 2 1.; Santos Ap6stoles, 3 1.; Sta Cruz 
 
 Coronados]; Santi Spiritu [on S. Diego Bay]. 
 Noticias, i, 39, 60-1. 
 
THE MISSIONS STRIPPED. 491 
 
 ingly on May 14th, the clay before PortoM and Serra 
 started for the north, the ceremonies of founding were 
 performed, and Father Campa was left as minister 
 with a guard of ten men and a supply of food with 
 which to attract converts. San Fernando was the 
 only mission founded in the peninsula by the Francis 
 cans, and became somewhat prosperous. 51 
 
 It was decided that the old missions must supply 
 the new ones with church paraphernalia, furnishing 
 also grain and other food as a gift, and live-stock and 
 implements as a loan. To despoil these poor establish 
 ments of the property accumulated under the Jesuit 
 regime seems an injustice; but Galvez affirmed that 
 the friars were bound by their vows to spread the 
 faith, not to accumulate riches, and Serra found that 
 it was in accordance with both Jesuit and Franciscan 
 policy that old missions must support new ones. Palou, 
 the historian, defends the policy, and also claims that 
 the peninsula missions were subsequently repaid for 
 all that was taken from them. 52 Whatever may be 
 said in defence of the policy, it is certain that under 
 different circumstances it would have provoked much 
 controversy. Had the authority of Galvez been less 
 complete, had President Serra not been personally 
 interested in the northern enterprise, had the padres 
 in charge been of a different order from those bound 
 northward, or even attached by long service to the 
 old establishments, the matter would doubtless have 
 assumed a different aspect. But the friars were new 
 comers, disgusted already with prospects in the bar 
 ren peninsula, hoping each to secure a better position in 
 the earJy future. The Indians, the only parties really 
 interested, were not consulted; the authorities were 
 all in accord, and there was none to make objections. 
 
 51 Palou, Not., i. 270-5; Id., Vida, 75; Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
 i. 10.3-5; Prov. Rec., MS., i. 38-9; Arch. Sta B., MS., i. 85-7. 
 
 02 For instance Galvez gave 8,000 pesos in cloth; the viceroy sent a com 
 plete outfit for the Loreto church, established a warehouse for the purpose of 
 repaying the value of articles taken, gave 250 pesos per year for oil and wax, 
 and gave up 5,000 pesos in money left by the Jesuits. Palou, Not., i. 40-56. 
 
CHAPTER XYIII. 
 
 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 1701-1730. 
 
 KINO'S LABOIIS IN PIMERIA EXPLORING TOUR WITH SALVATIERRA MAP 
 SIXTH TRIP TO THE GILA AND ACROSS THE COLORADO LAST TOUR IN THE 
 NORTH FINAL EFFORTS AND DISAPPOINTMENTS DEATH OF KINO EX 
 PLORATIONS BY CAMPOS UGARTE ON THE COAST MOQUI PROJECTS 
 SERIS AND TEPOCAS MISSION DECLINE STATISTICS JESUITS VERSUS 
 SETTLERS POLITICAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS RULE OF SALDANA AND 
 TUNON SlNALOA PROVINCES CONQUEST OF NAYARIT. 
 
 WE left Father Kino at the end of 1700 engaged 
 in vain efforts to obtain missionaries for Pimeria Alta. 
 Again and again he had traversed the country between 
 his mission of Dolores and the Bio Gila, finding the 
 natives filled with a childish enthusiasm to have 
 churches and padres. More than ten thousand had 
 been registered, and children had been baptized in all 
 directions, many of the chieftains also holding their 
 office under commissions or badges given by repre 
 sentatives of the Spanish crown. In many rancherias- 
 houses had been built, fields planted, and live-stock 
 carefully tended in readiness for the padres who were 
 so slow to corne. Besides' these preparations at home 
 the Pimas had repeatedly fought side by side with 
 the Spanish soldiers against the savage hordes of the 
 north-east, doing terrible execution with their poisoned 
 arrows, and meriting from the highest officials warm 
 commendations. All Jesuits who ventured near 
 Dolores were taken by Kino on a northern tour, and 
 none ever returned with any doubt that this people 
 was indeed ripe for salvation or at least they never 
 
 (492) 
 
KIXO'S EFFORTS. 493 
 
 expressed such doubts until they had left the country. 
 Yet the Pimas were always suspected by such as had 
 not been among them of hostile intentions and of 
 complicity in the plots of savages. No sooner was 
 one rumor proved false than another became current. 
 For every one that accepted Kino's invitations to in 
 vestigate, there were many who had no such oppor 
 tunity or desire, and who persisted in regarding Kino 
 and his associates as reckless enthusiasts. The Jesuit 
 authorities were timid about sending missionaries into 
 so dangerous a field, and the secular powers were but 
 too glad to avoid the. expense. "We shall see that in 
 time the Pimas became nearly as" bad as they were 
 now unjustly accused of being; but not during the life 
 of Kino, who kept on with undiminished zeal, and to 
 whose labors down to his death in 1711 the first part 
 of this chapter is devoted. 
 
 In January 1701 Salvatierra came over from Cali 
 fornia by order of his provincial, chiefly for the pur 
 pose of examining the port of Guaymas and studying 
 the disposition of the natives in that vicinity, whose 
 conversion had been intrusted to the California estab 
 lishment. He seems, however, to have forgotten to 
 a certain extent his primary purpose, or at least he 
 gives in his letter describing the trip but little in 
 formation about Guaymas or its people. 1 He landed 
 from the San Jose at the mouth of the Rio del Fuerte 
 in the middle of January, and having first visited 
 Comandante Rezabal at the Real de los Frailes to 
 make some preparations for the protection of Loreto, 
 he started northward by land intending to approach 
 the Guaymas tribes from the Pima missions. High 
 water in the streams prevented him from visiting 
 more than one rancheria called Ecatacari, but he ob 
 tained a promise from the natives to join Villafane's 
 mission, and then went on to Quatape. Here he was 
 shown by Padre Kappus certain shells sent down by 
 the Gila Indians, but which it was thought must have 
 
 1 Scdvatierra, Rdaciones, 125-56. 
 
494 SONOBA AND SINALOA. 
 
 come from the shore of the Pacific and not from the 
 gulf. After much conversation respecting Kino's 
 recent explorations he became strongly impressed with 
 the idea that California might after all be attached to 
 the main; and he soon concluded that in no way could 
 he serve his California projects so well as by solving 
 the problem at once. Leal, the visitador, favored the 
 scheme, and Salvatierra went over to the capital, San 
 Juan, where Comandante Jironza, Captain Antonio 
 Recalde, and Padre Bastiromo readily furnished at 
 their own cost an escort of twelve men under Captain 
 Mange, all the regular troops being needed at the 
 time for active service against the savages. 2 
 
 On his w r ay to Dolores Salvatierra passed through 
 the new Tepoca pueblo of Magdalena, while the 
 soldiers in two detachments under Mange and Adju 
 tant Nicolas Bohorques took different routes, and 
 during the week from the 17th to the 24th of February 
 had several successful encounters with savages who 
 were raiding in this region and had attacked several 
 towns for plunder. Sacarachi was the point most 
 threatened, where three hundred warriors had stolen 
 two hundred head of cattle. Salvatierra's party 
 included some Californian natives. He was welcomed 
 at Dolores by Kino, and by Campos at San Ignacio, 
 where he was joined by the soldiers and was ready 
 for a new start on the 27th, reaching Caborca, by way 
 of Tubutama on the 6th of March. 3 On the way he 
 
 2 Up to this point Salvatierra's letter is the only original authority; but 
 now Mange's diary begins. Hist. Pimeria, 323-37. He says that Jironza 
 furnished 4 regular soldiers and hired 8 vecinos at 12 reals per day to com 
 plete the force" Venegas, Not. Cal., ii. 75-6, 97-103, gives a confused version 
 of this expedition at its beginning, making Salvatierra arrive in October. The 
 author of Apost. Afanes, 290-5, implies that Salvatierra came over for the 
 express purpose of northern exploration, and got an escort of 10 men. See 
 also Akgre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 124-6. None of the writers add anything 
 accurate to the original diaries of Salvatierra and Mange. 
 
 3 There is some discrepancy between the diaries respecting details of the 
 march from S. Juan to Caborca, but it seems that Salvatierra went to S. 
 Ignacio on the 24th, was joined by the soldiers thereon the 27th and by Kino 
 at Caborca; though Mange implies that Kino was with him all the way. 
 According to Apost. Afanes, Kino left Dolores March ^Ist, and went via 
 Cocospera, S. Simon, and Busanic. New names are Atf, 4 1. below Tubu 
 tama, and Soba, or Pitiqui, at the junction, where a pestilence was raging. 
 
SALVATIERRA AND KIXO. 495 
 
 had preached and exhorted with good apparent effect, 
 and had heard rumors of goods cast on shore from the 
 west, a fact which seemed to bear directly on the 
 main object of his journey. Remaining several clays 
 at Caborca, still under Padre Varilla, he was joined 
 by Kino, started on the 10th, and marched up to 
 Sonoita, where they arrived the 14th, after having 
 had great difficulty in finding water for their band of 
 a hundred horses. 4 
 
 From Sonoita the party, following at first the course 
 of the stream now known as Rio Pa"pago, went down 
 to the coast, 5 with the intention of following the 
 shore up to the mouth of the Colorado, against the 
 advice of Mange, who was sure that want of water 
 would prevent success, and favored the old route of 
 1G99 to the Gila. On the way they passed the foot 
 of Santa Clara Mountain, from the summit of which 
 Kino had already surveyed the gulf. Reaching the 
 shore on March 21st, the last ten leagues over barren 
 sands, it seemed to the padres that they were in lati 
 tude 32/ that the gulf at that point was twelve 
 leagues wide, that it narrowed to at most six leagues 
 in the north-west, and that the coasts probably came 
 together at a distance of about thirty-six leagues. 7 
 Their opportunities for observation here were not 
 nearly so good as those of Kino in his previous trip; 
 and the result was only a matter of opinion, on which 
 actual observations had less effect than theories and 
 the reports of Indians. Salvatierra and Kino thought 
 California to be a peninsula; but Mange was inclined 
 to the opposite opinion, relying mainly on the strong 
 gulf currents. An amigable disputa ensued in which 
 
 4 Caborca; S. Eduardo Baipia, 16 1. N. w.; S. Luis Bacapa, 30 1. N. and N. 
 W.; Sonoita, 191. 
 
 5 Route: Sonoita; Comaquidam, or Anunciata, 101. on river; Sicobntova- 
 bia, or Totonat, 10 1. s. w. on river; Basotutcan, or J. Jos6 Ramos Ayodsudao, 
 8 1. s. w. and w. over a plain at foot of Sta Clara Mt; Tupo, or Aibacusi, 8 
 1. w. over volcanic desert; Cubo Guasibavia, or Duburcopota, 8 1. w. over 
 sand, 2 1. from shore. 
 
 6 According to Aposf. Afanes, 31. 
 
 7 Salvatierra mentions only the width of the gulf and the conclusion that 
 
496 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 all the arguments pro and con were brought up, and 
 after which, as is usual in all discussions, opinions as 
 well as facts remained unchanged. It was manifestly 
 impossible for the whole party to follow the shore up 
 to the mouth of the Colorado, for nine horses had 
 died on the beach already; arid it was even deemed 
 too great a risk for Mange to make the attempt with 
 a small detachment as he desired. They therefore re 
 turned inland on the 23d, after Salvatierra had sent a 
 letter overland to Piccolo in California, a letter which 
 the native carriers never delivered. 
 
 After returning to the stream, while the soldiers 
 and horses went on to Sonoita, the friars and captain 
 made a day's trip to the north, and on March 31st 
 climbed a mountain some six leagues farther north 
 than Santa Clara. The view, taken in connection 
 with that below and Kino's observations about the 
 Gila mouth and the statements of a native chief who 
 served as guide, confirmed the padres in their belief 
 that there was no estrecJw; but Mange says, "we were 
 left in the same doubt as on the shore." At Sonoita 
 on April 6th the company separated. Salvatierra, 
 receiving Kino's promise to come up in the autumn, 
 when water would be plentiful, to clear up what little 
 doubt might still remain on the geographical problem, 
 returned with the train to Dolores, and went to 
 Guaymas, where he found the San Jose awaiting him, 
 and also a flourishing pueblo of incipient Guaymas 
 Christians, called San Jose de la Laguna and under 
 the care of Padre Manuel Diaz. He sailed for Cali 
 fornia in May. Kino and Mange in the mean time 
 crossed the country eastward to Bac and thence 
 reached Dolores April 16th by way of Cocospera. 
 The warriors of Bac were absent on a campaign 
 against the Apaches; and the natives of Cocospera 
 and Remedies were busy in building new churches. 
 
 the coasts came together. He says they saw a little island, examining the 
 beach and a good estc.ro. Mange says there was no sign of a port. They 
 were somewhat above Shoal Point, and the 36 leagues was merely an estimate 
 of the distance to where the mountain ranges seemed to unite. 
 
KINO ON THE GILA. 497 
 
 One hundred had been baptized during the trip and 
 four hundred new souls had been registered. 8 
 
 In fulfilment of his promise Kino set out on No 
 vember 3, 1701, and went by a partially new route to 
 Sonoita, 9 and thence to the rancheria San Pedro on 
 the Gil a. He had asked for a guard to explore the 
 mouth of the Colorado, but failed to obtain it on 
 account it seems of Jironza's removal from the mili 
 tary command. Neither tould Mange, his indefati 
 gable co-explorer and careful chronicler, go with him 
 this time, for he had to undertake an entrada against 
 the Apaches; 10 therefore the padre went alone, or 
 with one Spaniard who subsequently deserted. With 
 two hundred Pimas and Yumas he went to San 
 Dionisio, and thence, recrossing the Gila, down to 
 the last Yuma rancheria named Santa Isabel, enter 
 ing on the 19th the lands of the Quiquimas and calling 
 the first rancheria San Felix de Valois. These 
 stranger natives were hospitable, and were filled with 
 wonder at the padre's sacred vestments, and especially 
 at the horses, that could outstrip their fleetest runners. 
 One day farther down the Colorado he crossed the 
 21st on a raft pushed by the Quiquima chief and his 
 followers swimming. The spot was called Presenta- 
 cion, and the river was two hundred yards wide and 
 very deep. The horses could not cross, and Kino's 
 explorations on the western shore did not extend over 
 three leagues. He visited, however, the chieftain's 
 hut, amid a great concourse of Cutganas, Coanopas, 
 and Giopas, who were eager to receive the true faith 
 
 8 According to Apost. Afanes and Venegas, the padres founded a chapel at 
 Sonoita in honor of Our Lady of Loreto. Venegas took his account from 
 Kino's diary and did not see that of Mange. I have not deemed it necessary 
 to note slight differences between the diaries. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 
 124-0, consulted both. See also Dice. Univ. 
 
 'Dolores, Remedies, Cocospera, S. Lazaro, S. Luis Babi (?), S. Simon, 
 Busanic, S. Estanislao Ooltan, Sta Ana Anamic, 15 1. ; S. Martin, S. Eafael, 
 Sonoita, 19 1. from Sta Ana. 
 
 10 Mawje, IIi.it. Phneria, 337-40. Here end this writer's invaluable diaries. 
 He barely mentions the entrada of Kino and Gonzalez in 1702, and says there 
 were two others (one of them the present?) of which the records had been lost. 
 During the joint explorations of Kino and Mange they had travelled 3,000 
 leagues, registered 14,000 natives, and baptized 700. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 32 
 
498 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 and entertained their guests with dances. Here Kino 
 learned that the blue shells came, as had been sup 
 posed, from the contra costa of California, only eight 
 or ten days distant; and also that a day's journey 
 would bring him to the mouth of the Colorado. Had 
 his animals been available he would have pressed on 
 and solved the question of strait or no strait. As it 
 was he felt sure he was in California, and sent a letter 
 addressed to Salvatierra at Loreto ; but postal facilities 
 were not good on this route, and this letter like a 
 former one for Piccolo never reached its destination. 
 Returning by way of Sonoita, where he caught his 
 runaway servant, and found the church completed and 
 whitewashed, he reached Dolores the 7th of Decem 
 ber. This exploration strengthened the growing belief 
 that California was a peninsula, but did not, as most 
 writers state, prove it to be so. 11 I give herewith 
 Kino's map, which may be regarded as the earliest one 
 extant representing the Gila region from actual obser 
 vation. It is remarkably accurate considering the 
 circumstances under which it was made : much supe 
 rior to many modern maps, and may be supposed to 
 have been drawn by Kino on his return from the trip 
 just described. 12 
 
 11 The best account of this trip, made probably from Kino's report, is in 
 the Apost. Af ernes, 29G-3GO. See also Veiieyas,- Not. CaL, ii. 103-5; Alcgre, 
 Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 134. 
 
 12 Tabula California?, Anno 1702. Ex autoptica observations dclineata a R. 
 P. Chino e S. J. A photograph of an old copy with names in Latin, and in 
 which the portion below 25 was added from other sources than Kino's origi 
 nal. I have given the names their original Spanish form for the reader's con 
 venience. The map is also given in Lettres Ediftantes, v. 29; Lockman'x Trav. 
 Jesuits, i. 393; Marcoic's Notes, and Hintoii's Hand-book Ariz. Le Gobien, 
 in a letter translated by Lockman, p. 336, says this map was ' lately drawn by 
 Father Kino, who is very well skilled in the mathematics. ' According to 
 Apost. Afanes, 242-4, Kino sent several maps to Europe, but none of them 
 could be found. Le Gobien says of Kino's journeys, from which this map was 
 made : 'He advanced, in 1698, northward along the sea as far as the mountain 
 of Santa Clara. There, observing that the sea ran from east to west, instead 
 cf following its course farther, he entered the country; when travelling always 
 from South- East to North-West, he discovered in 1699, the banks of the Bio 
 Azul, or blue river, which after receiving the waters of the River Hila, runs 
 and discharges its own into the great river Colorado, or of the North. He 
 crossed the Blue river; and in 1700 arrived near the river Colorado, when 
 crossing it, he was greatly surprised, in 1701, to find himself in California, 
 and to hear that, about thirty or forty leagues from the place where he then 
 
PIMERf A ALTA. 
 
 FATHER KINO'S MAP, 1701. 
 
500 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 After a brief stay at home, Kino went back in 
 February to the Colorado, and Padre Francisco Gon 
 zalez of Oposura went with him. They reached San 
 Dionisio via Sonoita, and proceeded down to Santa 
 Isabel. From this point they were in new territory. 
 Going down the river through the Quiquima ranche- 
 rias, called San Rudesindo and San Casimiro, they 
 reached the tide- water on March 5th, and on the 7th 
 the very mouth of the river. Nothing but land could 
 be seen in the south, west, and north; surely they 
 thought there could be no estrecho and California was 
 a part of America; though Mange in noticing this 
 trip insists that it still left the matter in doubt. The 
 explorers were urged to cross to the western bank, 
 but the horses could not do it, and the illness of Gon 
 zalez hastened the start homeward. Kino indeed 
 attempted to take a short cut to Sonoita over the 
 sand-plains; but after advancing eighteen leagues was 
 obliged to return and take the Gila route. Gonzalez 
 had to be carried from San Marcelo and soon died 
 at San Ignacio. On April 2d Kino wrote to his 
 superior announcing his return, describing the jour 
 ney, and contradicting a report that both padres had 
 been drowned. He never visited either the Gila or 
 the Colorado again. 13 
 
 Kino was now old and his career as an explorer 
 was nearly at an end. Father Luis Velarde came to 
 aid him at Dolores about 1702. In 1704 he opened 
 a new route to Guaymas by way of Nacameri and 
 
 was, the Colorado, after forming a bay of a pretty long extent, empties itself 
 into the sea, on the eastern side of California, which thereby appears to be 
 separated from America only by this river. ' 
 
 Apo*t. A fanes, 301-9, from Kino's letter. The Indians had reported 
 another river, the Amarillo west of the Colorado, and said that the Colorado 
 separated into two branches before entering the gulf, thus forming a large and 
 fertile island. The author indulges in some speculations about the gulf geog 
 raphy which have now no interest or value. See also Alegre, Hist. Gomp. 
 Jesus, iii. 134-5; Vencrjas, Not. CaL, ii. 105-6; California, Hist. Chrct., 102- 
 3; Bunictfs Chron. Hist., iv. 358; Tuthill's Hist. CaL, 52. InApost. Afanes, 
 Padre Gonzalez is said to have died at Tubutama; but I have the record of 
 his death on Aug. 10th at San Ignacio, where he was buried by Padre Cam 
 pos. Sun Ignacio, Lib. Mision., MS., 30. There are some indications that 
 Gonzalez had been appointed to serve at San Javier del Bac. 
 
KINO'S LAST TOURS. 501 
 
 Populo; and in January and February of 1706 lie ad 
 vanced south and west from. Caborca, over land never 
 before explored, to the gulf shore, where he discovered 
 an island named Santa Ines, and a more distant land 
 named San Vicente, which might be California. He 
 was perhaps half way between Libertad and Tepoca, 
 though he called the latitude 31. H In October and 
 November of the same year he made his last extended 
 and recorded tour in the north. He went over to 
 Cuquiarachi for two cabos militares who were to 
 accompany him, and brought them back to Dolores, 15 
 whence they started on October 21st, and were joined 
 next day at Remedios by Manuel ~0juela, a Francis 
 can who had come from Guadalajara to seek alms. 
 Passing through Cocospera to Tubutama, 16 they were 
 welcomed by the new missionary Minutili, and then 
 passed on to Caborca and Sonoita. Kino preached 
 and baptized all along the way, and we may imagine 
 the brightening of the old man's eye as he pointed 
 out to the soldiers and the friar his enthusiastic and 
 respectful audiences, their stores of grain, their herds 
 of live-stock, and especially their neatly whitewashed 
 chapels and houses ; and then we may see the sad and 
 perhaps bitter expression with which he explained that 
 no padres could be induced to come and occupy these 
 houses and chapels. They went on yet a little farther, 
 climbing and camping for the night on Santa Clara 
 Mountain, from w^hich Kino took his farewell look 
 out over the gulf waters and river mouth in the hazy 
 distance, recapitulating to his companions the labors 
 and arguments by which he had satisfied himself and 
 many others that the opposite land was not an island, 
 and musing sorrowfully as he descended the hill on 
 the Pimas, Yunias, and Quiquimas, waiting at the 
 
 lf Taylor in Browne's L. Col., 34-5, speaks of Kino's port of S. Juan Bau- 
 tista, now Libertad. 
 
 15 Cuquiarachi; Real de Bacanuchi, 10 L; Dolores, 20 1. 
 
 16 Cocospera; S. Simon y S. Judas, 15 1.; Babasaqui; Sta Barbara, 141.; 
 S. Ambrosio Busanic, 4 1.; Sta Gertrudis Saric, 31.; S. Bernardo Aquimuri; 
 Tubutama. 
 
502 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 head of the gulf for salvation that was so long in 
 coming. Father Ojuela climbed a higher peak and 
 obtained a broader view, discovering as he thought a 
 fine bay which he named San Manuel. They returned 
 to Tubutama by another way 17 reaching Dolores the 
 16th of November. 18 
 
 With the exception of these last tours, the life of 
 Kino and the annals of Pimeria from 1703 to 1710 
 form but a series of failures and bitter disappointments 
 for the venerable apostle, interpersed with and largely 
 caused by not only the exasperating indifference but 
 the active opposition of the military government. 
 Campos at San Ignacio and Velarde at Dolores were 
 Kino's only permanent companions during this period, 
 though Piccolo from California visited him in 1706. 
 Minutili, who had come to Tubutama from California 
 for his health, did not probably remain there long; 
 Varilla also seems to have soon left Caborca; and 
 Coritreras had never returned after the burning of 
 Cocospera. One authority mentions the arrival of 
 four padres in 1701, and their distribution to Caborca, 
 Tubutama, Bac, and Guevavi, whence they soon re 
 tired on account of sickness and other causes; but 
 this is probably an error, and it is not likely that any 
 padres besides those who have been named were actu 
 ally stationed in Pimeria Alta during Kino's life, 
 though it seems that on several occasions missionaries 
 were appointed for the field by the provincial in 
 Mexico. Alegre notes that four padres started in 
 1703, but were frightened away by false rumors of 
 Pima hostilities. Frontier missionaries in different 
 places were said to have been assassinated ; the Pinias 
 
 "Sonoita; S. Rafael Actun, 18 1.; S. Martin; Sta Bibiana, 91.; S. Estan- 
 islao Octam, 121.; Busanic, 3 1. 
 
 18 The two c abos had orders to keep a diary, but did not send it to Mexico. 
 The best account of the trip is in Apost. Afanes, 323-6, taken from Kino's 
 report. The author saw also a report by Ojuela, but did not use it, because 
 as he says it contained things hard to believe which the padre had probably 
 recorded from hearsay. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 146-7, calls the Fran 
 ciscan Manuel de Ojeda. See also Venegas, Not. Cal., ii. 107; Cal., Hist. 
 Chrtt., 103. 
 
FALSE CHARGES. 503 
 
 were treacherous brutes, wholly unfit for Christianity; 
 the Sobas were in league with the Seris to invade 
 Sonera; the Sobaipuris were at the bottom of Apache 
 raids ; the Papagos inhabited a sterile w r aste of sand ; 
 the tribes of the Gila and Colorado were myths; the 
 neophytes of the missions already founded had just 
 killed their padres and fled, or were on the point of 
 doing so. 
 
 It would seem also that the military force and the 
 Spanish settlers became not only willing listeners to all 
 that could be said against the Pimas, but active op 
 ponents to Kino's plans. , This state of things began, 
 if we may believe Mange who was very likely not 
 altogether free from prejudice on the subject with 
 the accession of General Jacinto Fuens Saldana to the 
 command of the compania volante in place of Jironza 
 in 1701. He is said to have behaved very badly, and 
 his successor and nephew, Gregorio Alvarez Tun on, 
 still worse. The army was made up largely of men 
 who desired the spoils and glories of conquerors with 
 out great risks; long and tedious pursuits of Apache 
 raiders did not meet their requirements. Miners and 
 settlers wanted laborers, for which purpose Apa 
 ches were not available. It was not difficult to trump 
 up charges to serve as excuses for plundering the rich 
 Piina towns and enslaving the people. The stores of 
 maize and live-stock accumulated by the rancherias 
 under Kino's influence excited the avarice of the sol 
 diers no less than of the savages. Naturally this was 
 not long in bringing about an open quarrel with the 
 missionaries ; and a certain lieutenant of the province, 
 not named, went so far as to present formal charges 
 of a serious nature, not specified, against the Jesuits. 
 The charges were proven false, if we may accept the 
 Jesuit version, and the officer was removed from his 
 command. The Pimas of the south about Dolores 
 seem to have submitted to much abuse without resist 
 ance, running to Kino much as children would run to 
 a father to have their wrongs redressed, and never 
 
504 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 refusing aid against the savages. One officer is charged 
 with having forcibly carried away neophytes from 
 Kino's own mission, and others in the vicinity, and 
 with having burned some chapels. From the older 
 missions in the south converts were enticed away to 
 work in the mines and on ranchos, where they were 
 given the utmost license in respect of conduct and 
 morals, of course greatly to the prejudice of mission 
 progress. From the Sobaipuris of the north the 
 Spaniards, on attempting interference, met a prompt 
 rebuff. Chief Coro, at the head of his warriors, made 
 some pretty loud threats, and the Spanish officer was 
 not only driven away from Quiburi Valley, but spread 
 such reports of Coro's hostility that all Sonora was in 
 terror, and rushed to arms for self-protection, the 
 padres being ordered to secure church property and 
 to seek a place of safety. Kino was of course ap 
 pealed to, and had no difficulty in quelling a rebellion 
 that was purely imaginary, by simply summoning Coro 
 and other Sobaipuri chiefs to Dolores. 
 
 Meanwhile Kino's chief occupation was to visit and 
 pacify his flock, to protest against Spanish oppression, 
 to receive deputations from distant tribes whom his 
 infirmities no longer allowed him to visit, and to send 
 petitions to Mexico for padres who never came. His 
 only comfort was to note the patience and fidelity of 
 his beloved Pimas. In 1702-3, he had an idea of 
 going personally to Mexico; but the war in Europe 
 made it certain in his mind that such a trip would 
 be unavailing. In 1704 new churches were completed 
 at Remedies and Cocospera, equalling the finest in 
 Sonora. Kino's exploration south-westward in 1706 
 and his final tour to the north have been already 
 described. It was also in 1706 that he made extra 
 ordinary efforts -to obtain for Caborca, Suamca, Bac, 
 Busanic, and Quiburi, five of the eight padres allowed 
 to Pimeria by the king, from a new arrival of Jesuits 
 in Mexico. Mange and other officials made full re 
 ports to the viceroy in support of his claims, but as 
 
DEATH OF KINO. 505 
 
 usual nothing was accomplished. In 1707 he is said 
 to have attempted to secure the establishment of a 
 villa in northern Sonora. In 1710 he made his final 
 informe, addressed to the king in behalf of the Pima 
 missions, and then he died, as Velarde and Alegre 
 tell us, early in 1711. 19 
 
 I have thus narrated as fully as the records permit 
 the ofanes of this famous missionary, who in fulfil 
 ment of his vow to St Francis Javier had baptized 
 over 40,000 gentiles. His eulogy and the little that 
 is known of his death I quote literally from the 
 Jesuit historian. 20 "Who can tell the inner acts of 
 virtue by which he made himself so* worthy an instru 
 ment of salvation to many souls ? In all his mission 
 ary career he was known to have no other bed than 
 two sheep-skins, 21 a coarse blanket for a cover, and 
 for a pillow a pack-saddle. Such was the couch on 
 which, after long and tiresome journeys, even in the 
 most serious illness, at the age of seventy years, 
 he took barely a slight repose, and in which he died 
 at last, not without tears from his good companion, 
 Padre Campos, witness of his humility, mortification, 
 and poverty. Most of the night he spent in prayer, 
 and when at Dolores it was in the church, into which, 
 says his companion, Padre Luis Velarde, 22 during the 
 last eight years he heard him enter every night, but 
 with all his watching never heard him come out. To 
 this nightly prayer he joined a bloody disciplina, 
 which the Indians sometimes saw and talked about in 
 wonder. He was seen to enter the church for prayer 
 
 l9 Apost(tfico8 Afanes, 295-337; Velarde, Descrip. Hist., 385-6; Venegas, 
 Not. CaL, ii. 10G-7; Mange, Hint. Pimeria, 340. Several authors following 
 the Apont. Afanes, give 1710 as the date of Kino's death. Reyes, in Sonora, 
 Materials, 731, says that according to Ribas and Florencia the Jesuit reduc 
 tion of Sonora began in 1709; but according to the mission books of Cucurpe, 
 in 1560! Berrotaran, Informe, 207, says there were in Sin. and Son. 110 
 missions. 
 
 z Afegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 154-7, taken in substance and much of it 
 literally from Velarde, Descrip. Hist. , 385-6. 
 
 21 Safads, a provincial word applied to the skins used as sudaderos, or 
 saddle-cloths. 
 
 22 This and Velarde's own statement from which it is taken is the only 
 notice we have that Velarde came to Dolores before Kino's death. 
 
50G SONOKA AND SINALOA. 
 
 more than a hundred times in a day, in imitation of 
 the great apostle of Ireland, though his whole life 
 was a continual prayer. He was honored with the 
 gift of tears, with which the Lord endowed him, not 
 only in the holy sacrifice of mass which he never 
 omitted, but even in divine service which he always 
 said kneeling. He had ever on his lips the sweetest 
 names of Jesus and Mary; so that it is not to be 
 wondered at that even when insulted in his house he 
 replied with gentle words, tenderly embracing the 
 offender. His conversation was always of God, of 
 his holy mother, and of the conversion of gentiles. 
 He suffered frequent and acute fevers, of which he 
 cured himself by total abstinence for four or six days. 
 And even besides such occasions his food was very 
 meagre and coarse, without salt or other condiment 
 than some insipid herbs which he pretended to take 
 as medicine. All this harshness and austerity toward 
 himself became suavity and gentleness toward the 
 Indians, among whom he distributed all his allowance 
 and all he could by industry obtain. Finally Father 
 Kino was a perfect example for apostolic mission 
 aries, of whom it was a common saying : ' To discover 
 lands and to convert souls are the afanes of Padre 
 Kino. Continuous prayer, life without vice, nor 
 smoking, nor snuff, nor bed, nor wines." Campos, 
 having finished in his pueblo of Magdalena a small 
 chapel in honor of San Francisco Javier, 23 invited 
 Kino to the dedication mass, to which he gladly came. 
 The image on the altar represented the dying saint. 
 Saying mass he felt himself attacked by his final ill 
 ness, the saint wishing that he who had so perfectly 
 imitated him in the labors of the apostolic ministry 
 should rest in his chapel. 24 
 
 23 Bartlett, Pers. Narr., i. 424-7, relates a legend that the site of the 
 Magdalena church was selected by an image of San Francisco Javier, which 
 was carried on a mule's back, the animal stopping at a particular spot and 
 refusing to move. I believe mules have been known to act thus in other in 
 stances and in places where no chapels have as yet been erected. 
 
 21 A writer in Hutchings 1 Mag., iv. 504-7, says that Kino was buried at 
 
ANNALS OF PIMERf A. 507 
 
 It is most convenient to follow still farther the 
 sluggish course of progress in Alta Pimeria before 
 turning our attention to the more southern Sonora 
 districts. With the record before him of what Kino 
 had been able to accomplish in obtaining padres for 
 the northern field, the reader may readily imagine 
 that nothing was done in that direction for a longr 
 
 O O 
 
 time after his death. Velarde still served at Dolores 
 for twenty years at least, and Campos remained for 
 twenty-five years at San Ignacio; but with the ex 
 ception of Luis Maria Gallardi, who took charge of 
 Caborca about 1720, arid of Luis. Maria Marjiano, 
 who served at San Ignacio in 1722-3, during the 
 absence of Campos in Mexico, 25 there was no increase 
 of the force until after 1730. Campos, Kino's com 
 panion almost from the first, was perhaps no less 
 faithful a seeker for gentile souls, making such tours 
 among the pueblos as his home duties would permit; 
 and for a time messengers came as before from the 
 far north with urgent entreaties for padres; but 
 Campos had learned to be somewhat less profuse 
 than Kino in promises, which' as experience taught 
 could not be kept; and consequently communication 
 with the more distant tribes became less and less fre 
 quent, so that in many rancherias all that had been 
 learned of the new faith was well nigh forgotten. 26 
 
 In January 1715 Padre Campos was on the coast 
 and found a port which he named Ascension and 
 located in 30. Salvatierra had planned to come over 
 
 S. Antonio Oquitoa in a church built by himself, where there is a tablet to his 
 memory. Alegre tells us that during the four years preceding 1710 no manu 
 script of the period refers to Kino. 
 
 23 The printed authorities place Gallardi at Caborca; but in the original 
 mission registers S. lynacio, Lib. Mision, MS. ; Sta Maria Magdalena, Lib. 
 , MS. I find him at Magdalena in 1722-3, and at S. Ignacio in 1725-7. 
 
 not named is said to have come to Tubutama about the same time. A visit 
 of Bishop Tapis is recorded at Magdalena in 1715. 
 
 26 For general remarks on the decline of Pimeria Alta after Kino's death 
 see Apost. Afanes, 337, etc.; Ale<jre, Hist. Comp. Je*us, iii. 173; Venega-s, 
 Not, CaL, ii. 107, 522-4; Cat., Hist. Chret., 252-4; Gleeson's Hist. Cath. Ch., 
 i. 371-2. 
 
508 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 in June for a voyage of exploration ; Campos and Ve 
 larde accordingly waited for him at Caborca, making 
 signals of fire and smoke from the hilltops to guide the 
 vessel into Port Ascension; but the voyage was post 
 poned and finally given up, though Campos repeated 
 his preparations and signals at the end of September. 
 Disappointed in not meeting Salvatierra, he went up 
 the coast in October to a point twelve leagues above 
 Ascension, perhaps to the same region where Kino 
 and Salvatierra and Mange had been in 170 1, 27 a 
 region whose inhabitants now or a little later began 
 to be known, for some unknown reason, as Papagos, 
 or sometimes as Papabotes. 2 * The most important 
 circumstance, and indeed almost the only one re 
 corded in connection with this trip, was that Campos 
 from his own observations and what he could learn 
 from the natives felt himself justified in rejecting the 
 conclusions of previous explorers, and committing 
 himself to the opinion that there was a strait sepa 
 rating California from the main. Velarde concurred 
 in this opinion and recorded it fortified with learned 
 arguments and references to a Dutch map and old 
 narratives which, he had seen in his historical report 
 written in 1716. 29 This difference of opinion among 
 those who were deemed to have the best opportuni 
 ties for observation accounts in great measure for 
 the curious and long-continued discussions respecting 
 Californian geography. 30 
 
 In the middle of 1721 Padre Ugarte in the Triunfo 
 de la Cruz arrived at or near the mouth of the Rio San 
 
 27 The Port Ascension of Campos may possibly have been identical with 
 Kino's Sta Clara and the modern Adair Bay, though neither this hypothesis 
 nor any other seeins to agree with all the statements of the narrative. 
 
 28 Stone, Sonora, 20-1, speaks of padres left among the Papagos at Kino's 
 death; and other writers are wont to speak of the northern pueblos, particu 
 larly of Bac, as having been abandoned by their padres; but in fact there 
 had never been any resident missionaries north of Cocdspera and Tubutama. 
 
 29 Velarde, Description Histdrica de la Pimeria, 353-4. For notice of this 
 work see chap. x. of this volume. 
 
 30 Velarde's geographical ideas were very accurate so far as explored regions 
 are concerned, but in the N. w. beyond the limits of actual exploration he loses 
 his head in the mazes of the Northern Mystery. He made a map to illustrate 
 his report, but it does not appear either in my printed or MS. copy. 
 
MOQUI PROJECT. 509 
 
 Ignacio, bound on an exploring voyage elsewhere de 
 scribed. He met with many mishaps on this coast, 
 where he found no ports whatever, notwithstanding 
 the discoveries of Kino, Campos, and others. He met 
 Gallardi at Caborca, and was soon visited by Campos, 
 who hastened down from San Ignacio with all the 
 supplies he could gather on short notice. Captain 
 Mange also went down to the coast, intending, as he 
 says, to sail with Ugarte, but was prevented by an 
 accident. The reverend explorer recrossed the gulf 
 to continue on the contra costa the search whose re 
 sults proved once again 'that California was not an 
 island, Velarde and Campos to the contrary notwith 
 standing. 31 
 
 In 1723 the project of reconverting through Jesuit 
 agencies, by way of Pimeria, the Moquis, who had 
 been without instructors since they drove out the 
 Franciscans in the Ne"w Mexican revolt of 1680, was 
 mooted in Sonora and Mexico. Kino had supposed 
 the Moqui province not mere than thirty or forty 
 leagues distant from the limit of his own exploration, 
 and easily accessible from that direction. . As early 
 as 1711-12 the Moquis are said to have sent word by 
 natives of other tribes that they wanted J'esuit mis 
 sionaries ; but, as Alegre states, the society refused to 
 interfere in what might be considered a Franciscan 
 field. Again in 1720, according to the Afanes, a 
 mulatto boy brought to San Ignacio the report that 
 the Moquis were anxious for baptism, and Campos 
 became as anxious to undertake their conversion. 
 Captain Becerra of Janos claimed to have learned in 
 New Mexico that the Moquis wanted Jesuits and had 
 a horror of Franciscans, and he joined Campos in a 
 petition. In response the viceroy was ordered to pro 
 mote the proposed conversion, and in his perplexity 
 he consulted Bishop Crespo of Durango, who at first 
 favored the scheme; but when he understood the loca- 
 
 31 Venegas, Not. Cal, ii. 348-50; Mange, Hist. Pirn., 340. For Ugarte's 
 explorations see chap. xvi. of this volume. 
 
510 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 tion of the province, and that the " seraphic order " 
 had not yet abandoned their efforts in that direction, 
 he seems to have changed his mind, and the matter 
 was temporarily dropped. 82 
 
 In 1723 Campos", on a visit to Mexico, asked for 
 two padres for the northern missions, and also pro 
 posed the founding of a villa on the Gila, offering, in 
 the name of the provincial, live-stock, seeds, and 
 implements for one hundred families of pobladores; 
 but nothing could be effected. 33 In 1725, however, 
 Bishop Crespo visited Pimeria, and it happened that 
 while he was at San Ignacio messengers arrived from 
 Sonoita and Bac perhaps not altogether by accident 
 to remind the padre of their desire for instructors 
 and of the golden opportunities the Spaniards had 
 already lost by delay. The bishop became interested, 
 and wrote to the viceroy, offering to pay himself, if 
 the royal treasury would not, for the support of one 
 or two padres. Even on this basis the difficulties 
 were insurmountable, and the bishop applied to the 
 king in 1728, forwarding a petition of the Sobaipuris 
 and a report of General Rivera. This had some effect, 
 for in October of the same year the king ordered the 
 viceroy to take speedy steps to supply northern Sonora 
 with missionaries. 34 The order was obeyed but not 
 very promptly; for in 1730 the three padres were 
 still serving alone as before, save that Gallardi had 
 changed his residence first to San Ignacio, and again 
 after 1727 to Tubutama, becoming rector. Caborca 
 was now only a visita, though it was the largest of all 
 the four missions and fourteen pueblos. The whole 
 district had now less than twelve hundred converts, 
 not a very good showing, especially in view of the 
 fact that Dolores and San Ignacio had never lacked 
 
 **Apost. Afanes, 345-7. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesm, iii. 212-3, states that 
 Campos' petition was to the viceroy, and that the matter came to an end by 
 the refusal of the Jesuit authorities to furnish the padres asked for by Bishop 
 Crespo. See also Vencgas, Not. Gal. , ii. 526-7. 
 
 33 Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 213. 
 
 34 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 228-32; Velasco, Sonora, 140. Bishop's 
 visit recorded in S. Ignacio, Lib. Mision, MS., 30, 37. 
 
TEPOCAS AND SERIS. 511 
 
 missionaries and were now the smallest of all, having 
 but nine and thirty-two families respectively. The 
 Spanish population was apparently about three hun 
 dred. Cucurpe with its pueblos on the Rio San 
 Miguel seems now to have been included in this dis 
 trict, but is not included in the preceding figures. 
 
 I have already noticed the slight progress made in 
 attempts to convert the Tepocas and Seris of the gulf 
 coast above the mouth of the Yaqui, and the founda 
 tion of a mission pueblo of San Jose de Guaymas 
 with which Kino opened communication by a new 
 route from the interior. This Guaymas mission was 
 attached to the California establishments under Sal- 
 vatierra, never had any resident padre, was visited 
 purposely or accidentally at long intervals, probably 
 was merely a rancheria if not altogether deserted 
 except at these irregular visits, and naturally has left 
 no chronologic record. Several of the California 
 padres resided in Sonora at different times to attend 
 to the shipment of supplies, which were generally 
 despatched from the mouth of the Yaqui. Salvatierra 
 had visited the Seris, and made peace between them 
 and the Pimas in 1690. Again as we have seen in 
 1701 he was at Guaymas and met with some success 
 in preparing the natives for conversion. In 1709 he 
 was wrecked on the coast and improved the opportu 
 nity to work among the Seris, Tepocas, and Guaymas 
 for two months with very flattering success. Padre 
 Basaldua is also named as having taken charge of the 
 Guaymas mission about this time, and Ugarte being 
 cast on the same shore baptized many natives, built a 
 chapel, founded a pueblo de visita, and would, it is 
 said, have remained there had his superior permitted 
 it. Beyond these vague allusions we know nothing 
 whatever of the coast establishments down to 1730 
 and later. 35 
 
 35 Venecia*, Not. Cal, ii. 138, 176, 188-9, 205-8; Clavicjero, Storia CaL, i. 
 250-60; Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 124; Villavicencio, Vida Uyarte, 110-11. 
 
512 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 For the first thirty years of the century there is 
 no proper mission history of the old Sonora and Os- 
 timuri provinces. The excitement of the conquista 
 espiritual was past; there were in most mission juris 
 dictions no gentiles if many apostates left to convert; 
 the Jesuit establishments had passed the period of 
 their highest prosperity and were on the decline; the 
 neophytes had decreased and were rapidly decreasing 
 in numbers, from the effects of civilization, from pesti 
 lence, from desertion, and from the ever-increasing de 
 mand for laborers. The great desideratum of all mis 
 sionary friars, protection at first and non-interference 
 later, could never be realized. Petty quarrels with 
 the Spanish population, and petty losses from raids 
 of savages; the dull routine of religious service and 
 mission toil, an occasional runaway or flogging, now 
 and then a change of padres or the building or de 
 struction of a church, joyous occasions of procession 
 and fiesta, statistics of births and marriages and 
 deaths such were the current annals, and no wonder, 
 and small pity perhaps, that the record has not sur 
 vived. 36 
 
 On February 14, 1730, the visitador general Pedro 
 de Rivera in a report to the viceroy pictures the mis 
 sions in the brightest couleur de rose. They were 
 delightfully located in fertile valleys. The neophytes 
 were intelligent, industrious, well dressed, docile, de 
 vout, and well versed in Spanish. The management 
 was all that could be desired, the padres being kind in 
 their treatment of the neophytes, diligent as instruc 
 tors, skilled in the native idioms, and constantly ap- 
 
 36 P. Marcos Antonio Kappus, visitador; P. Daniel Januske, rector of 
 Stos Martires district in 1716. Velarde, Descrip. Hist., 376-8. Bravo in 1717 
 asked that the Ahomes and Yaquis be exempted from mita. The viceroy de 
 ferred his decision. Venegas, Not. Cat., ii. 301. Fifty pueblos in 1721. The 
 better the Indians are treated the faster they die. Industrious, have fine 
 churches, well grounded in the mysteries of the holy faith. Outside Indians 
 changing from lambs to tigers. Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 343, 394. In 1726-7* 
 Bishop Crespo visited Sonora. Apost. Afanes, 341. (It was really in 1725-6.) 
 Father Antonio Urquiza, a prominent Jesuit, who is said to have served in 
 the country over 30 years, died at San Felipe in 1724. Aleyre, iii. 217-22; Dice. 
 Univ., x. 696-7. 
 
MISSION STATISTICS. 513 
 
 plied to by gentiles for baptism. It is to be feared 
 that this report in the political and slangy parlance of 
 a later era would be classified as ' whitewash.' 37 For 
 the year 1730 also we have a very complete report on 
 the state of the missions, 38 by which it appears that 
 there were in Sonora including Pimeria Alta, but 
 not the Yaqui and Mayo districts four rectorados, 
 with sixty-six pueblos in twenty-five missions, with 
 twenty-four padres serving about ten thousand per 
 sons, one veteran, Father Gonzalez at Oposura, still 
 surviving from the last list of 1688. This document 
 affords no basis for an estimate of the Spanish popu 
 lation ; but that population was estimated a few years 
 later at one thousand men, besides the military force, 
 and including the southern province of Ostimuri. Of 
 the sixty-six pueblos thirty had good churches well 
 adorned and cared for; six had small and poor chap 
 els; in seventeen they were damaged or in ruins; 
 eight were in process of erection; and five had no 
 churches at all. I append in a note the substance of 
 the catdlogo. A. comparison with Zapata's report 
 
 37 nil-era, Iforme del Sr. Brigadier Visitador General al Sr. Virey del 
 extado de las Misiones de la Compania en las provincias de Sinaloa y Sonora, 
 in Son., Materialcs, 833-6. Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 229-30; Rivera had 
 made a tour of inspection to all the presidios of the north, including New 
 Mexico. Mota-PadUla, Conq. N. Gal. , 519. 
 
 38 Sonora, Estado de la promncia de Sonora con el catdlorjo de sus pueblos, 
 iglesiax, padres misioneros, numero de almas capaces de administration, len- 
 ijna* (/icersas que en ella se hablan y ler/uas qunse dilata; con una breve descrip 
 tion de la Sonora Jesuitica se'/un se ha/la por el mes de Julio de este aiio de 
 escrito por un padre, mixionero, etc., in Sonora, Hateriales, 617-37. 
 
 39 Yecora, population, 197; Sta Ana, 34. P. Pedro Proto (dead) with 231 
 Opatas. 
 
 San Francisco Javier Arivechi, 118; Bacanora, 116. P. Juan S. Martia 
 with 235 Eudeves. 
 
 Sahuaripa, 150; S. Mateo, 95. P. Cristobal Lauria with 245 6patas. 
 
 Cucurpe, 179; Sacarachi, 31; Toape, 187; Opodepe, 134. P. Marcos 
 Zamora with 517 Eudeves. 
 
 San Miguel Ures, 592; S. Pablo Pescadero, 237; S. Francisco Pitiquin. 
 P. Jose" Calderon with (1,100) Pimas. 
 
 Nra Sra del Pdpulo, 195 Seris; Rosario Nacameri, 62; Los Angeles ranche- 
 ria. P. Nicolas Perera with 561 Seris and Pimas. 
 
 Matapc, 35; Nacori, 25; Alamos, 45; Robesco (Reboico?), 8; P. Cayetano 
 Guerrero with 113 Eudeves. 
 
 San Francisco Javier Batuco, 188; Sta Maria Tepuspe (?), 212. P. Jose" 
 Armas with 400 Eudeves. 
 
 Tecoripa, 50; Suaqui, 42; Comuripa, 165; Hecatari, 127. P. Luis Maria 
 Marciamares, rector, with 401 Pimas. 
 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 33 
 
14 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 of 1678 40 is sufficient to show the rapid decline in 
 mission population, which was at least fifty per cent 
 in the aggregate for corresponding missions, Baseraca 
 being the only one that could show a gain. 
 
 The 'author of the Estado expresses very freely 
 his ideas about the state of the country, the people, 
 and the padres. He gives the natives even the 
 Opatas, who were the best of all a bad character, 
 pronouncing them "incredulous respecting Catholic 
 truths, of malicious spirit, deceitful, and very revenge 
 ful, particularly the women." They not only swore 
 falsely, but made use of the confessional to bear false 
 testimony, and were ever ready to poison their nearest 
 relatives, especially those wiio were likely to report 
 their evil doings to the padre. Extremely improvi 
 dent, they as a rule gambled away their year's supply 
 of seed and clothing the next day after receiving it. 
 They committed the most beastly imlnoralities and 
 
 San Ignacio Onabas, 457; Tonichi, 379; Sopopa ranch. P. Andres Gon 
 zalez with 836 Pinias. 
 
 Concepcion Mobas, 90; Nuri, 41. P. Juan Avendano with 129 Pimas. 
 
 San Miguel Oposura, 300; Cumupas, 146; P. Manuel Gonzalez (as in 1688) 
 with (427) Opatas. 
 
 San Francisco Guazava, 191; S. Ignacio Opotu, 248. P. Ventura Gutierrez 
 with 448 Opatas. 
 
 San Luis Bacadeguachi, 272; Guadalupe Nacori, 281; S. Ignacio Mochopa, 
 24. P. Nicolas Oro with 577 6patas. 
 
 Sta Maria Baseraca, 839; S. Miguel Babispe, 566; S. Juan Guachinera, 
 285. P. Prudencio Romero with 1,702 Opatas. 
 
 San Ignacio Cuquiarachi, 76; Cuchuta, 58; Teuricachi, 52; Presidio Fronte- 
 ras. P. Ignacio Arce with 190 6patas. 
 
 Asuncion Arizpe, 316; S. Jose" Chinapa, 204; Bacouiz (Bacuachic?), 51. 
 P. Crist6bal de Canas, visitador, with 650 Opatas. 
 
 San Lorenzo Huepaca, 71; Banamichi, 127; San Ignacio Sinoquipe, 91. 
 P. Jose" Toral with 300 Opatas. 
 
 Concepcion Babicora, 294; S. Pedro Aconchi, 285. P. Juan Echajoyan 
 with 579 Opatas. 
 
 Sta Rosalia Onapa, 76; Angeles Taraichi, 96; S. Ildefonso Ostimuri, 57. 
 P. Diego Gudino with 229 Pimas. 
 
 San Jose" Teopari, 259; Dolores, 180. P. Jose" Escalona with 439 Jovas. 
 
 San Pablo (Pedro?) Tubutama, 131; Sta Teresa, 81; Siete Principes Ati, 
 56; S. Antonio Oquitoa, 104. P. Luis Maria Gallardi, rector, with 395 
 Pinias. 
 
 Concepcion Caborca, 223; Natividad Pitiqui, 313; Jesus Maria Basani, 
 178; Gin co Senores Busanic, 253. P. Gallardi with 723 Pimas. 
 
 San Ignacio, 94; S. Jose" Imuri, 80; Magdalena, 63. P. Agustin Campos 
 with 247 Pimas. 
 
 Dolores, 29; Remedios, 20; Santiago Coc6spera, 74. P. Luis Velarde 
 with 135 Pimas. 
 
 40 See chapter x. of this volume. 
 
TROUBLES OF THE PADRES. 515 
 
 ran away when reproved. On the other hand there 
 were many skilled in music and painting, many faith 
 ful and even zealous in the performance of religious 
 rites, as indeed were all when the rites involved show 
 and music and fiestas. They kept their houses neat 
 and clean, and were willing to sell anything they had 
 to buy pictures for the walls; moreover they were 
 firm believers in hell and purgatory, and in the efficacy 
 of sacred relics. 41 
 
 The troubles of the padres, however, did not all 
 come from the Indians, who as this writer claims 
 were encouraged in their evil ways by Spaniards, ever 
 ready to welcome complainants and circulate their 
 calumnies against the missionaries, so that the posi 
 tion of the latter was fast becoming intolerable. 
 "Here," he says, "we are the mark for calumny 
 from domestics and strangers. Do we admit into our 
 
 O 
 
 houses some of the most judicious and noble of the 
 province ? then they say it is to abuse and give advice 
 against their enemies, since the province goes ever in 
 cliques. If we retire we are captious; if we offer 
 open house and table to the meritorious, we are prodi 
 gal; if we refuse, miserly. If we clothe the Indians 
 we are lost; if not, tyrants. If we give alms it is 
 from interested motives ; if we give none, it is because 
 we are avaricious. Adorning our churches, we are 
 rich and powerful; not decorating them, we live on 
 the sweat and toil of the Indians. In fact so full is 
 our ministry of thorns, toils, and persecutions, that 
 the padres assigned to missions may well wear on the 
 breast magnafacere et pati as a motto of their minis 
 try. So much suffering would be intolerable did not 
 the pity of God sow the road with beautiful flo\vers 
 not only those that by the waters of baptism go 
 
 41 The Indians were fond of historical and religious paintings, being espe 
 cially pleased with a picture of the crucifixion. One of the native teachers 
 observed that there were no Indians among the painted crucifiers, and pro 
 mulgated the rather novel doctrine that the Opatas were therefore in no 
 danger of hell. Another Indian refused to do any manual labor after playing 
 the part of one of the 12 apostles in a fi&sta. 
 
516 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 straight from our hands to heaven, but also others 
 of more advanced age who fill us with peculiar con 
 solation." 
 
 We have seen that General Jironza was succeeded 
 as comandante of the province, or of the "flying com 
 pany/' to which its defence was intrusted, in the au 
 tumn of 1701 by General Jacinto Fuens Saldana, who 
 is accused by Mange of having obtained his command 
 through unworthy subterfuges. Captain Andres Keza- 
 bal is also named as comandante at San Felipe in 1701. 
 Saldana was followed in his turn before 1712 by his 
 nephew, Captain Gregorio Alvarez Tufion y Quiros, 
 whose conduct, according to the same authority, was 
 still more corrupt. Retiring far from his presidio 
 he is said to have engaged for some nine years in 
 mining and agriculture, even employing some of the 
 soldiers in his own private work. The company was 
 never full, but pay for the whole number was drawn 
 from the treasury by Tunon, who covered up his irregu 
 larities in this direction by forged papers, and by fill 
 ing the ranks with criminals or vecinos for the rare 
 inspections. These charges are perhaps as likely to 
 have been true as false. It is to be supposed that all 
 this time the presidio forces were doing some service 
 in protecting the frontier settlements from Apache 
 raids; but excepting the outrages on the Pima pueblos, 
 already noticed, and the statement that Tuiion made 
 three entradas against the savages in 1724, we have 
 no definite records of campaigns in any direction. 42 
 The visitador Miguel Javier Almanza wrote to the 
 viceroy on October 6, 1724, that in spite of Tunon's 
 energetic efforts the Apaches had become so bold 
 
 42 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 211-12, vaguely alludes to the rumor 
 that the Tobosos had appeared on the frontier in 17'23, as having been circu 
 lated by malecontents with a view to rebel and overthrow mission rule during 
 the soldiers' absence. On Aug. 4, 1704, a junta extraordinaria de gucrra at 
 Mexico reported in favor of transferring the presidio of S. Felipe northward 
 to protect the Chinipas frontier and the Yaqui region; but against the 
 founding of a new presidio in the region of Teuricachi. N. Vizcaya, Doc., iv. 
 12-13. 
 
INDIAN AFFAIRS. 517 
 
 and their raids so frequent that the whole province 
 was threatened with ruin unless some more effective 
 means of defence could be devised; but at the same 
 time he asked that the comandante be ordered, when 
 not occupied with the Apaches, to keep the Seris in 
 order and protect them from the ravages of the 
 Pimas! 43 It seems that about this time the viceroy 
 was led to adopt a new policy with the savages, and 
 sent orders to Tuiion to suspend his entradas and 
 confine his efforts to a purely defensive warfare; that 
 is, to wait until the Apaches should attack him with 
 intent to destroy life, and 1 then ancl there to punish 
 them! Almanza protested in the name of the mis 
 sionaries and of the whole province against this 
 absurd and suicidal order, which he said had filled 
 with consternation all who knew anything of the 
 Apaches, since the latter could never be induced to 
 attack any point where there were soldiers. 44 How 
 far this new and brilliant policy was carried out in 
 Sonora does not appear. 
 
 In 1730 the Seris, Tepocas, Salineros, and Tiburon 
 islanders kept the province in great excitement, kill 
 ing twenty-seven persons and threatening all the pue 
 blos with a general conflagration, "which," says one 
 Jesuit, "we are expecting from hour to hour as a 
 blow from the wrath of God deserved for our sins 
 and negligence." 45 Captain Tufion was in command 
 down to 1724, and perhaps for ten years longer, for 
 no other comandante is clearly named. 46 
 
 43 'Almanza, Carta, Oct. 6th, in Konora, Materiales, 820-2. 
 
 4i Alnianza, Carlo, (no date), in Sonora Materials, 823-8. On Sept. 18th 
 Ventura Fernandez Calvo, alcalde of Nacosari, and other citizens wrote to 
 Tufion, praising him for his past efforts and condemning the new policy of the 
 Mexican authorities. Id., 828-32. 
 
 ^Sonora, Eatculb, in Sonora Materiales, 619, 630. April 26, 1729, viceroy 
 receives from king commission of Juan B. Anza as captain of the presidio of 
 Sta Rosa Corodeguachi. N. Hex. Ccdulas, MS. , 334-5. 
 
 40 In my MS. copy of torn. xvi. of the Archivo General in Mexico, in con 
 nection with the Sonora, Descrip. Gcog., of 1764, is a map bearing the date of 
 April 13, 1733, and the title: Provincia de la Nueva Andalucia 6 de S. Juan 
 Baut a de Sonora, dellneada por el Cappn de Cabos J). Gabriel de Prudhom 
 J/ci/der, But r on y Muxica, Baron de Heyder, Gravoshing Goldokre; quien por 
 merced del Ley la yoberno' ocho anos. A note refers to the pearl-fisheries, 
 
518 SONOKA AND SINALOA. 
 
 The name Sinaloa is added to the title of this chapter 
 as a mere formality, for of the territory bearing that 
 name in modern times, the southern coast provinces 
 from Culiacan down to Chametla, there is absolutely 
 nothing to be recorded at this period, save that the 
 settlements remained in existence as before. Here 
 may be appropriately noticed, however, the conquest 
 of Nayarit in 1721-2. This province was on the 
 frontier between New Galicia and Nueva Viscaya, 
 chiefly in the modern Jalisco, but on the borders 
 of Zacatecas, Durango, and Sinaloa; and it was the 
 last stronghold of aboriginal independence in all 
 this region, the refuge of fugitives, or so-called 
 rebels, from the time of Guzman and of the Mix- 
 ton war. 
 
 As Nayarit became surrounded by missions, several 
 minor and unsuccessful attempts were made in the 
 seventeenth century to penetrate this mountain fast 
 ness or to convert its valiant defenders; and naturally 
 exaggerated ideas became current respecting the 
 strength of its defences. The natives were strong in 
 the belief that they could not be conquered; permitted 
 no white man to enter their domain; massacred a 
 party under Bracamonte who attempted the entry in 
 1701, and presently gave their support to rebellious 
 tribes on the frontiers. Then followed a new series 
 of weak efforts, military and Franciscan, as before 
 without results. In 1720 the tonati, or chief, being 
 in trouble, was induced to visit Mexico and make 
 promises that he could not fulfil; the Jesuits, having 
 awaited their opportunity as was their custom, took 
 charge of the spiritual conquest, now that the govern 
 ment showed itself in earnest; and a strong military 
 force was sent under Juan de la Torre, which with 
 much diplomacy and some fighting accomplished very 
 little in 1721. Operations were continued, however, 
 under the command of Juan de Flores, and in Janu- 
 
 mostly abandoned since the Seri revolt ; also of the richness and neglect of 
 the mineral wealth. This is the only record of such a ruler. 
 
NAYAEIT. 519 
 
 ary 1722 the strongest penol of El Gran Nayar was 
 carried by assault. The subjection of the province 
 presented later only such difficulties as zealous mis 
 sionaries with a competent guard could overcome ; and 
 in a few years the bishop on his tour was delighted at 
 his reception by the converts of Nayarit. 47 
 
 47 For particulars see Hist. Mex., iii., this series. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 1731-1751. 
 
 COAST PROVINCES DETACHED FROM NUEVA VIZCAYA HUIDROBO AS GOV 
 ERNOR REVOLT or YAQUIS AND MAYOS A DECADE IN PIMERIA 
 ALTA KELLER AND SEDELMAIR BOLAS DE PLATA, OR ARIZONAC 
 VILDOSOLA'S RULE LETTERS AND QUARRELS GALLARDO AS VISITA- 
 DOR GENERAL PROPOSED REFORMS PARRILLA APPOINTED GOVERNOR 
 PRESIDIO CHANGES SERI WAR MOQUI SCHEME REVIVED EXPEDI 
 TIONS TO THE GILA SEDELMAIR'S EXPLORATIONS ROYAL ORDERS 
 SALVADOR'S CONSULTAS SECULARIZATION, PENAL COLONY, COLONIZA 
 TION JESUIT CATALOGUE OF 1750 PIMA REVOLT MARTYRDOM OP 
 RHUEN AND TELLO ITEMS ON THE SINALOA PROVINCES. 
 
 IN 1734 a change was made in the government. 
 Down to this time, since 1693, Sinaloa and Sonora 
 had been ruled by military commandants residing at 
 San Felipe and San Juan, and both subject in civil 
 and political matters to the governor of Nueva Viz- 
 caya. Now all the coast provinces were united in 
 one gobernacion called Sinaloa y Sonora, under Manuel 
 Bernal Huidrobo as the first governor. It would 
 seem that the rank of Huidrobo and his successors 
 was equal to that of the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, 
 who no longer had any jurisdiction over the coast. 
 The capital was perhaps deemed to be regularly San 
 Felipe de Sinaloa; but practically it was in Sonora, 
 at San Juan, Pitic, or San Miguel Horcasitas, where 
 the state of public affairs obliged the governor to 
 spend most of his time. Under him as comandante 
 general were the presidio captains; and the civil 
 affairs of the province were administered as before by 
 
 1520) 
 
YAQUI REVOLT. 521 
 
 alcaldes may ores. 1 Huidrobo ruled till 1741, being en 
 gaged during the first three or four years in quelling 
 disturbances in California. 
 
 Trouble was now brewing in the missions. In 1737 
 the Pimas of Tecoripa, Suaqui, and perhaps others 
 in the same district ran away to the Cerro Prieto 
 under the command of a native called Arizivi, or 
 God. Captain Juan Bautista de Anza of Fronteras 
 presidio brought back the fugitives after flogging the 
 ringleaders. 2 Anza was killed in a fight with the 
 Apaches two years later. 3 In 1740 a very serious 
 revolt broke out among the Yaquis and Mayos who 
 had been the most faithful and submissive of subjects, 
 the former since their submission to Hurdaide, whom 
 they had repeatedly defeated in battle, and the latter 
 from their first acquaintance with the Spaniards. 
 
 The exact cause of this outbreak, like most of its 
 subsequent details, is wrapped in mystery; but there 
 are indications that it originated as much in quarrels 
 between the Jesuits and the Spanish settlers as 
 in any dissatisfaction on the part of the natives. 4 It 
 
 1 fionora, Resi'imen de Noticias, 219; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 275. 
 
 *Sonora, Resumen de Noticias, 219; also MS. This brief document I 
 have found exceedingly valuable. All that is known of the author is con 
 tained in the following sentence, p. 225: 'En las noticias que aqui se dan no 
 cabe la menor duda porque 61 que las escribe las presencio y es tan antiguo en 
 el gobierno como su ereccion.' See also on this revolt, Panes, Vireyes, MS., 
 115-16. 
 
 *Apost. Afanes, 433-4. Juan Bautista Anza who was prominent in the 
 early history of Alta California was this man's son. 
 
 4 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 273-5, says the country 'was disturbed by the 
 seditions of the Yaquis and Mayos, backed by some vecinos who needed them 
 for their own private interests. Ill-feeling toward the Jesuits on the part of 
 one gentleman in office contributed not a little. The missionaries during the 
 whole revolt were but the mark for all the volleys and calumnies with which 
 their rivals wished to blacken them. ' According to the Sonora, Resumen de 
 Noticias, 219-22, the Yaquis some years before, while Gov. Huidrobo was in 
 California, had complained of the cruelty of two majordomos and had asked 
 for their removal, which the alcalde mayor of Yaqui and Ostimuri, Miguel 
 Quir6s y Mora, attempted to effect, the Jesuits resisting. Quiros was arrested 
 and put in irons by Lieut. Gov. Manuel Nicolas de Mena, whom Huidrobo 
 had left in command during his absence. Thereupon the Yaquis sent two of 
 their chiefs to Mexico to urge their complaints before Viceroy Vizarron 
 (whose rule ended in Aug. 1740), and during their absence of two years the 
 revolt broke out in 1740. Salvador, Consultay Repres., 639-40, states that 
 the Yaqui Chief Muni applied several times to Huidrobo, complaining of the 
 mission government, and asking that his people be allowed to pay tribute and 
 
522 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 was in some respects the same struggle that we shall 
 see repeated in Alta California nearly a century later. 
 The Spanish settlers wanted the mission lands and the 
 tamed Indians for laborers ; and they painted for the 
 neophytes secularization in its brightest colors, prompt 
 ing their petitions for a change. The Yaqui leaders 
 were Muni, Baltasar, 5 and Juan Calixto, the latter 
 commanding at first in Muni's absence. The outbreak 
 began in 1740, and peace was restored before the mid 
 dle of 1741 after many lives had been lost, churches 
 burned, crops destroyed, several hard battles fought, 
 the rebel leaders put to death, and Governor Hui- 
 drobo superseded. Beyond this outline all is con 
 fusion among the authorities, some of whom would 
 seem to have left the record intentionally vague. 
 Many of the irreconcilable details seem nevertheless 
 worth preserving in a note. 6 This revolt with its 
 
 be governed like those about the city of Mexico. Then he went to Mexico to 
 present the same request to the viceroy, who did not comply but flattered him, 
 and sent him back with the title of captain-general of his nation. On his 
 return he considered himself king, and began to stir up rebellion. Had his 
 request (secularization) been granted the trouble might have been prevented. 
 Reyes, Description y Not., 728, says the rising was caused by the unjust pun 
 ishment inflicted by a ' juez real ' on the native governor of a pueblo. Says 
 Velasco, Sonora, 75-6, the Yaquis rose at the instigation of a criminal who 
 escaped from prison and persuaded the Indians that the plan was to take 
 their lands from them. 
 
 3 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 520-27, gives the full names Juan Ignacio 
 Usacamea Muni and Bernardo Felipe Bacoritemea. The Resumen calls the 
 second perhaps Bernabelillo. 
 
 6 According to Alegre hostilities began in the Mayo missions with the 
 murder of the native governor and burning of the churches. Then the rebels 
 continued their ravages at Cedros and encamped at Bayoreca, the governor 
 retiring to Alamos. (The Resumen says that Huidrobo at news of the revolt 
 hastened to Cedros de Lucenilla Hacienda, but retreated by night to Alamos, 
 an act for which he lost his office a little later. Mota-Padilla tells us that 
 the inhabitants of the whole province were killed or driven to S. Felipe and 
 Alamos where they were besieged until aid was sent by the alcalde of Rosa- 
 rio and the governor of N. Vizcaya. ) Now, returning to Alegre, the Yaquis 
 learned of the imprisonment of Muni whom Capt. Mena had arrested but 
 soon released, whereupon they rose at Rahum and ravaged the missions of 
 that district. (According to the Resumen Muni was at this time in Mexico, 
 and according to Mota-Padilla this chief went to Mexico after the revolt be 
 gan, persuaded the viceroy that he had been working to check the hostilities, 
 and succeeded in getting an order for Huidrobo 's recall.) The governor paid 
 no attention for a while to the clamors of the province, but at last sent a lieu 
 tenant with a small force to Mayo where he thought there was the least dan 
 ger. The Mayos pretended to receive them kindly until they carelessly laid 
 aside their arms, when they were flogged and sent back. (Gov. Vildosola in 
 a later letter also refers to this occurrence.) The governor sent 60 men to 
 
PIMERf A ALTA. 523 
 
 causes and results may be regarded as marking the 
 end of all prosperity in the missionary history of 
 Sonora. 
 
 In Pimeria Alta, we left fathers Velarde, Campos, 
 and Gallardi toiling at Dolores, San Ignacio, and 
 Tubutama, awaiting help which had been definitely 
 promised. At last, late in 1731, three padres arrived 
 in the field and tarried awhile at San Ignacio and 
 Tubutama, both on account of illness and in order to 
 learn the language. They were Ignacio Javier Keller, 
 Juan Bautista Grashoffer, and Felipe Segesser, and 
 
 avenge this insult, but they were led into a swamp and nearly all killed. 
 The rebels now went to Basacora (Bacanora?)7 ravaged Ostimuri, and drove 
 the inhabitants to take refuge at Icora (Yecora?), whence they applied to the 
 governor of N. Vizcaya for aid to save Sonora. Next the Indians under Bal- 
 tasar and Calixto attacked Tecoripa, where they were repulsed and Baltasar 
 was killed after a hard fight, by Vildosola and a few presidio soldiers sta 
 tioned there. (The Resumen says nothing of the above disasters, but simply 
 that Huidrobo retreating to Alamos, sent Vildosola, sergeant-major of mili 
 tia, to the Tecoripa frontier where he defeated the Yaquis in two battles. ) 
 Capt. Usarraga entered the Tepahue mountains, found the Indians celebrating 
 the death of some Spaniards, defeated them, and left the heads of many nailed 
 to trees; but returning, he was himself wounded and defeated by the foe. 
 This encouraged Calixto to make another attack on Tecoripa with 1,600 Ya 
 quis, but he was again repulsed by Vildosola, and accepted propositions for 
 peace. The negotiations would perhaps have failed on account of Muni's 
 return at this time this is Alegre's only allusion to his absence had not 
 Huidrobo gone promptly to Yaqui and arrested many of the leaders, whom he 
 was about to punish when ordered to give up the government to Vildosola. 
 The latter visited different points, learned the plans of Muni and Bernabe, 
 whom he shot in June 1741, Calixto meeting a like fate a little later. (Ac 
 cording to the Resumen, Muni and his companion came back from Mexico to 
 Alamos and obtained leave to visit their people, promising to pacify them, 
 as they did, releasing 38 captives, including P. Pedro Mendivil, who were to 
 have been put to death next day. The new governor arrested Muni, Calixto, 
 and Bernabelillo, and shot them at Buenavista on suspicion of plotting a new 
 revolt. Mota-Padilla tells us that Muni came back from Mexico to plot a 
 rising for June 24th; but that Vildosola discovered his plans and executed 
 him with 14 others after he had confessed his guilt. The heads of the vic 
 tims were sent round to the pueblos, and the people came in by thousands to 
 thank the governor; 15,700 offered submission; the most guilty were ban 
 ished; others placed under surveillance; and all deprived of some of their old 
 privileges, such as living outside the pueblos or absenting themselves without 
 the padres' permission.) 
 
 Velasco, Sonora, 75-6, says the Yaquis gathered 7, 000 to 10, 000 men to op 
 pose Gov. Vildosola, who marched against them with 500 soldiers. They were 
 first routed on Mt Tambor, where they lost 2,000 men; and again on Mt 
 Otancahui, losing 3,000, when they sued for peace, and remained quiet until 
 1825. Berrotaran, Inform?, 197, says 300 men were sent from Chihuahua to 
 aid in putting down this rebellion. See also mention in Escudcro, Not. Son., 
 136; Stone's Sonora, 17; Soc. Hex. Georf. BoL, viii. 298-9; xi. 89-90; Zamqcois, 
 Hist. Mej., v. 558; N. Mexico, Cedula, MS., 109-10. 
 
524 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 they went to their stations in May 1732 Keller to 
 Santa Maria Suamca, Grashoffer to Guevavi, and 
 Segesser to San Javier del Bac; all of which pueblos 
 were now for the first time supplied with padres. 7 
 Captain Juan Bautista Anza of Fronteras accompanied 
 the padres, harangued the Sobaipuri caciques, and 
 saw that the new-comers were everywhere well 
 received, though the Christian ardor of olden times 
 had somewhat abated by long waiting. The names 
 of Velarde and Gallardi do not appear after 1730. 
 Of Grashoffer and Segesser we hear nothing after 
 1732-3, except that one of them died soon and the 
 other was stricken with a malady caused by the black 
 arts of a native sorcerer. 8 In 1733 Segesser, though 
 still remaining in Pimeria, was succeeded at Bac by 
 Padre Gaspar Steiger, a Swiss by birth, who served 
 there three years. The sorcerers tried on three occa 
 sions to kill him, and the result was an illness from 
 which he suffered all his life. He left Bac in 1736 
 and went to San Ignacio to take the place of Campos, 
 who retired or died about 1735. Here Steiger died 
 twenty-six years later. 9 Also in 1736 Jacobo Sedel- 
 mair came to Tubutama. Jose Javier Molina was at 
 Dolores from 1737, being vicar in 1740; and Jose 
 Torres is mentioned at Caborca in 1743. Other 
 
 7 Suamca had as pueblos de visita S. Mateo, S. Pedro, Sta Cruz Quiburi, 
 S. Pablo, and many rancherias, with 1,800 souls in all. Guevavi (S. Gabriel 
 or S. Rafael?) had S. Marcelo Sonoita (very far west?); Aribac, 18 1. west; 
 S. Cayetano (Tumacacori); and Jamac with 1,400 souls. Bac had S. Agus- 
 tin, 5 1. N. w. with 1,300 souls. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 245-6. Vene- 
 gas, Not. Caf., ii. 524-5, says Guevavi had many Spanish camps. 
 
 8 Grashoffer's signature appears in Suamca, Lib. Mision, MS., in Dec. 1732, 
 and Segesser's in San Ignacio, Lib. Mision, MS., on various dates of 1731-3. 
 Keller's name appears on the Suamca books from 1732 to 1759, and also at S. 
 Ignacio. The sorcerer is said to have tried his arts in vain upon Keller. 
 
 9 S. Ignacio, Lib. Mision, MS. , 33. Steiger was a native of Lucerne, Swit 
 zerland. He signed his name Stiger, and the Spaniards Estiger. These MS. 
 records of the Pimeria missions cited by me are fragments of the original 
 mission registers of Tumacarori, Tubac, Pitiqui, Caborca, Bisanig, Magda- 
 lena, San Ignacio, 'Santa Ana, San Ildefonso de Cieneguita, Tubutama, Ati, 
 Oquitoa, C6cospera, and Suamca. They cover the period from 1G93 to 
 1845, under both Jesuit and Franciscan rule, and I have no need to speak of 
 their great historic value. The originals were collected by M. Alphonse Pin- 
 art and from them my copies and extracts were made under the title, Pinart, 
 Coleccion de la Pimeria Alta, MS. 
 
BOLAS DE PLATA, OR ARIZONA. 525 
 
 names appearing on the mission books, some of them 
 probably those of mere visitors, were Jose Toral in 
 
 1736, Miguel Capetillo in 1734, Alejandro Rapuani 
 in 1740, and Lorenzo Ignacio Gutierrez in 17401; 
 all at San Ignacio. Also at Suamca Jose Torres 
 Perea in 1741-3; Joaquin Felix Diaz, 1744; Jos6 
 Garrucho in 1744-8, and Miguel de la Vega in 1749- 
 5 1. 10 
 
 Padre Keller is said to have visited the Gila Valley 
 in 1736 by way of Guevavi and Bac, and again in 
 
 1737. Many of the rancherias of Kino's time had 
 now been broken up by Apache raids. Keller went 
 down to the Casa Grande, and from a high rock 
 saw where the Salado and Verde united to form the 
 Rio de la Asuncion, and its junction with the Gila. 
 All had, however, been discovered by Kino before, 
 and named, except perhaps the Asuncion. He found 
 the Cocomaricopas at war, and returned homeward 
 by another way. 11 In 1737 Sedelmair also made a 
 tour through the rancherias of the Papagos, preach 
 ing, baptizing, gaining pagan recruits for Tubutama, 
 and possibly reaching the banks of the Gila. 12 The 
 bishop also came in 1737, and all the mission books 
 of the north were brought to San Ignacio for his in 
 spection. 13 
 
 There is one mining excitement which is worthy 
 of special mention here in connection with the annals 
 of Pimeria Alta from 1736 to 1741. I allude to the 
 discovery of the famous Bolas de Plata mines, called 
 also Arizona, which furnished the name to a modern 
 state, though not within its limits. In 1736 or a lit 
 tle earlier an Indian, said to have been a Yaqui, dis 
 covered and revealed to a trader the existence of rich 
 deposits of silver in the mountains between Guevavi 
 and Saric at the source of the arroyo which forms 
 
 l Pinart, Col de Pimeria Alta, MS.; Apost. Afanes, 338, 342-4, 353; 
 Sedelmair, fielacion, 856-7; Vildosola, Carta, in Sonora, Mat., 17. 
 11 Apost. Afanes, 348-9. 
 l * Apost. Afanes, 351^1. 
 13 8. Ignacio, Lib. Mision, MS., 31, 38. 
 
526 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 the eastern branch of the Rio Altar, or Tubu- 
 tama. 14 The report soon spread throughout northern 
 Sonora, and as was usually the case at each new 
 rumor of rich diggings, many of the roving vaga 
 bonds called miners who were scattered in small par 
 ties over the province rushed to the spot. The strike 
 proved to be very rich and the nature of the deposit 
 peculiar, since the silver was fouxid on or near the 
 surface in. bolas, or nuggets, of almost pure metal 
 weighing from twelve pounds to over a ton, and per 
 haps in a few cases even more. 15 
 
 The hill containing the treasure was called Cerro 
 de las Bolas; 16 the mines were known as Bolas de 
 Plata or Planchas de Plata; and the mining camp 
 established there was named Real de Arizona. This 
 name, very likely Arizonac in its original form, still 
 applied to these mountains and also to the state whose 
 boundary is a little farther north, was probably the 
 aboriginal term applied to the hill, stream, mountains, 
 or some other natural feature of the region. 17 It is 
 
 14 Different authorities give the date vaguely from 1736 to 1739, and one 
 as early as 1733; but apparently the original correspondence on the subject 
 was dated in 1736, the discovery having been possibly a little earlier. Stone, 
 Sonora, 26, says this find, or another similar one according to Jesuit records, 
 was in 1730. Sedelmair, Relation, 856-7, locates the mine eight leagues from 
 Guevavi. According to Sonora, Descrip. Geog., 502, 582, it was on the stream 
 two leagues north of Agua Caliente and 10 leagues south of Guevavi. Ac 
 cording to Appst. Afanes, 232-8, the treasure was in a hill a league and a half 
 long terminating in a Canada. 
 
 10 \Vard, Mexico, ii. 136-8, saw the original correspondence of 1736 on the 
 sulject, and had a certified copy of a royal decree of May 28, 1741, in which 
 a nugget of 2,700 Ibs. and another of 275 Ibs. are mentioned. It also stated 
 that over two tons of silver in bolas, planchas, y otras piezas had been taken 
 from the mine. According to Apost. Afanes, one nugget of 3,500 Ibs., and 
 10,000 lb&. in all were taken out. Most of the Spanish authorities mention 
 this bola of 140 arrobas. Velasco, Sonora, 98, makes the date 1762, referring 
 for the big nugget to the Afanes and to the Memoria del Sec. del Gobierno, 
 1829. Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 138-9, says the miners placed forges against the 
 masses of silver to melt it into bars suitable for transportation. Mota-Padilla, 
 Conq. N. Gal, 317, mentions a nugget of 160 arrobas on the authority of Fer- 
 min the finder and other truthful persons. Many of 20 and 22 arrobas were 
 found. The author of Sonora, Descrip. Suscinta, 704, speaks of the ' prodigio 
 que produj6 la Arizona en la Pimeria Alta, descubierto por un indio hiaqui 
 que llamo la atencion de otros que hallaron diversas bolas de plata perfecta 
 de varios estraordinarios tamaiios. ' 
 
 16 Mota-Padilla calls it San Antonio, as does perhaps the Sonora, Descrip 
 tion Suscinta. 
 
 17 A MS. map in my possession already referred to (see note 46 of chapter 
 
RICH SILVER MINES. 527 
 
 said that the silver of Las Bolas was in some instances 
 soft when first dug out, but became hard when exposed 
 to the air. This peculiarity, doubtless imaginary and 
 perhaps invented for the purpose, caused or enabled 
 the presidio captain, who acted as mining judge in 
 this district, to set up the claim that it was not to be 
 classed as a mine proper, but if not as a deposit of 
 hidden treasure, at least as a criadero, ' growing-place' 
 or pocket, and that it consequently belonged to the 
 king. 
 
 On this ground pending a decision he stopped for 
 a time all work at Arizona. After some discussion 
 in Mexico the viceroy seems to have decided in 
 favor of the miners, and the embargo was raised. 
 Later, however, in the decree of 1741, already alluded 
 to, the king reversed the viceregal decision, declared 
 the Arizona mine to be a criadero de plata, and ordered 
 it to be worked for the account of the royal treasury. 
 There is no evidence that Philip's revenues were ever 
 increased from this source, and in fact nothing more 
 is definitely known on the subject. It is, however, 
 probable that by the time the royal order was enforced 
 the superficial deposit of silver on the Cerro de las 
 Bolas rich but exaggerated, and of limited extent 
 had been exhausted, and the district abandoned. 
 Had the nuggets still promised a bonanza, nothing 
 could have kept the miners, either royal or private, 
 away from Arizona; but the sterile nature of the 
 region, the excessive expense of reducing ores, the 
 hostilities of savages, and the unfortunate condition 
 of the whole province during the following years were 
 
 xvii.) bears an inscription to the effect that the author D. Gabriel Prudhom 
 ' f undo en la Pimeria Alta el Pueblo y Real del Arizonac, ' in which real he 
 made this map April 13, 1733; but strangely enough he has not located 
 Arizonac on the map at all. Ward implies that the original correspondence 
 used the name Arizona. It is also used in the Apost. A fanes, before 1754; 
 in the Descrip. Suscinta about 1760; in the Descrip. Geog. of 1764; and by 
 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 270, about 1765. I have heard the suggestion 
 that 'Arizona' is a corruption of the Spanish narizona, 'woman with a big 
 nose'; this is ingenious, but much less probable than that the name was a 
 native word. The terminations ac and ic were quite common in Pimeria, the 
 final ' c' having been dropped later. 
 
528 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 more than sufficient to prevent the working of the 
 richest mines of the ordinary type. 18 
 
 Don Agustin Vildosola became governor ad interim 
 probably in the middle of 1741, receiving his appoint 
 ment from the king at the end of that year. 19 Two 
 new presidios, both named for the vicerey, were 
 founded, one at Pitic, or San Pedro de la Conquista, 
 on the site of the modern Hermosillo, to hold in check 
 the Yaquis, Seris, Pimas, and Tepocas, and the other 
 in the north at Terrenate, or San Bernardo Gracia 
 Heal, designed to protect the missions of Pimeria 
 Alta from Apache raids. The new ruler resided for 
 the most part at Pitic. 20 Respecting the condition of 
 affairs in connection with the government in 1742 we 
 have three letters of the governor to the Jesuit pro 
 vincial Mateo Ansaldo. 21 On August 14th he complains 
 of reports circulated against him by malicious persons, 
 partisans of Huidrobo, who have charged among other 
 things that he was strongly opposed by the Jesuits, a 
 statement which was false, as the visitador Luis 
 Maria Marjiano, and the rector, Jose Toral, had been 
 at great pains to certify. Then he has much to say 
 
 18 According to Apost. A fanes, the district was depopulated before the de 
 cree arrived; the experts to be sent in the interests of the king from N. Viz- 
 caya, receiving 110 advance of pay, declined to serve; and the treasure 
 very little of which could have been removed remained untouched (1752). 
 The men who made fortunes at Arizona had for the most part squandered 
 their gains as was usual with Sonora miners. The author urges that 
 100,000 or 200,000 pesos spent by the king on this enterprise would be a 
 paying investment. Ward says the royal order prevented individual enter 
 prise and the district was deserted; an attempt to send a kind of colony 
 failed, and the very name of Arizona was forgotten. Sedelmair says the de 
 posit was soon worked out on the surface by the vecinos. According to the 
 Descrip. Suscinta, Indian hostilities had much to do with the abandonment, 
 and no work under the royal order was done to about 1760 at least. 
 
 19 Though there are some slight indications, particularly in Vildosola's 
 later letters, that he became governor in 1740, the date given by Velasco. 
 
 20 Sonora, Resumen de Noticias, 222; Sonora, Descrip. Gcog., 557, 607; 
 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 521-2, with reference to a letter of Vildosola to 
 viceroy, dated Oct. 8, 1741; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 289-90. On Jan. 
 18, 1741 (2?), P. Javier Jose" Molina writes from Tecoripa to Gov. Vildosola 
 urging a division of the gobernacion, giving to Sonora all above Alamos with 
 a capital at Pitic or S. Jose" de Pimas, and a force of 100 soldiers. Sonora, 
 Materiales, 918-20. 
 
 21 Vildosola, Cartas, 174%. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie iii. torn. iv. 921-32; 
 Eerie iv. torn. i. 5-17. 
 
VILDOSOLA'S LETTERS. 529 
 
 in a general way of his great labors for the welfare of 
 the province. He had made some entradas against 
 the Apaches, this year more hostile than ever before; 
 he had defeated and captured two large parties of 
 Yaquifi and allied peoples who had fled to the moun 
 tains and threatened a new revolt more destructive 
 than the first possibly alluding, however, to the plots 
 for which Muni was put to death; he had opened 
 several old and new mines of silver; and sent two ex 
 peditions to fish for pearls, without much success, but 
 proposes another trial. His chief obstacle in the way 
 of reducing all the natives, especially the Seris and 
 coast tribes, to pueblo life, is the lack of authority 
 and money to afford them a little aid during the first 
 years of their civilization. Yet he hopes to restore 
 the province to its old prosperity, and to be thus 
 repaid for his ceaseless toil and bitter persecutions by 
 the friends of his predecessor. Another trouble he 
 has, in the extreme reluctance of the central govern 
 ment to reimburse sixty-six thousand pesos which he 
 has spent in restoring order. 22 
 
 The 6th of September he writes from Buenavista a 
 long and for the most part unintelligible letter, com 
 plaining that many of the padres are unjustly preju 
 diced against him, and breathing bitterness against 
 Huidrobo and his ' dogs' of friends, prominent among 
 whom seem to be Captain Francisco Bustamante and 
 Santiago Ruiz Ail. The letter is a disgusting exhi 
 bition of petty spite toward personal foes ; of self-glori 
 fication for reforms which have saved the country ; of 
 whining and hypocritical cant; of excessive devotion to 
 " our most sacred mother, the company," and " my be 
 loved brethren, the missionaries;" of flattery for friends 
 in power, and of calls upon God to forgive the sins of 
 those who fail to appreciate the purity and greatness of 
 the writer. The third letter of October 4th is of the 
 same type, but its extravagant ravings make us chari- 
 
 22 In this letter are some allusions to the revolt of 1740, but nothing which. 
 " ditional light on the details of t' 
 HIST. N. HEX. STAIES, VOL. I. 34 
 
530 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 table, and suggest that on the subject of his griev 
 ances the writer is perhaps insane, though clear-headed 
 enough on other matters. On Padre Keller is ex 
 pended a large share of his fury, for some offence not 
 clearly defined, but apparently his disapproval of the 
 governor's treatment of the so-called traitor Muni, a 
 verdadero Huidrobino. Yildosola suggests the trans 
 fer of many padres from one mission to another as 
 indispensable for the peace of Sonora. 23 
 
 In 1744 the governor received from the viceroy an 
 order to extinguish the two new presidios of Pitic and 
 Terrenate. This order was based on royal instructions 
 to cut down expenses, and on reports that the pre 
 sidios were not needed; that the Spaniards between 
 Sinaloa and Tecoripa could defend themselves by mili 
 tia companies ; and that the thirty men of Sari Felipe 
 might as well be transferred to Tecoripa. On June 
 24th Vildosola protested against this order and de 
 clared his intention to disobey it until the viceroy 
 could consider the accompanying statement to the 
 effect that the measures ordered would infallibly cause 
 the ruin of the w r hole province, and that the persons 
 suggesting them must be foes to the Catholic faith 
 and Spanish crown. His arguments were strong, and 
 seem to have been effective, since the presidios were not 
 abolished. 24 For 1745 the standard historical work of 
 
 a3 The names of the padres were: Francisco Javier Anaya, and Arriola, 
 Yaqui; Gabriel Urrutia, for Cucurpe; Jos6 Ignacio Palomino, for Banamichi; 
 Antonio Estrada; Felipe Segner (Segesser?), rector, Tecoripa; Jose Roldan, Ari- 
 vechi; Ignacio Duque, P6pulo; Jose Miquio, for S. Javier del Bac; Ign. Javier 
 Keller, Sta Maria; Manuel Cartajena, for Onabas; Juan Antonio Arce, for Ca- 
 borca; Roque Andonaiqui, forS. Ignacio; Caspar Steiger, Dolores; Manuel Cor- 
 daveras, for Tecoripa; Buenaventura Gutierrez, Oposura; Juan Estanislao 
 Nieto, Cuquiarachi; Nicolas Perera, Cucurpe; Carlos Boaxas (Rojas), Arizpe. 
 
 24 Vildosola claims that the transfer of the Sinaloa force would leave the 
 south exposed to great dangers. The white settlers up to Alamos are less 
 than COO, scattered in ranches and mines, poor and obliged to work for a liv 
 ing, with no time for military service, and withal very ineffective soldiers. 
 The valor of the Indians is shown by the facts that the Mayos flogged 30 Span 
 iards in one of their pueblos, and that Huidrobo with his armed force, two 
 companies from N. Vizcaya and 286 Indian allies, was once hard pressed at 
 Alamos. Ostimuri has less than 400 of Spanish and mixed blood in the same 
 condition as those below, so frightened as to have been several times on the 
 point of leaving the country, surrounded by 25 pueblos of Yaquis, etc. So 
 nora has not over GOO Spaniards with G6 pueblos and many rancherias. Pitic 
 
GALLAHDO'S VISITA. 531 
 
 Villa-Senor y Sanchez contains a good deal of informa 
 tion, chiefly geographical and statistical, respecting 
 Sonora and Ostimuri, which I have utilized as far as 
 possible in different parts of rny work. 25 
 
 Vildosola's troubles increased, and his opponents 
 multiplied, until in 1748 the viceroy, perplexed by 
 contradictory reports of the opposing factions, sent 
 Josd Rafael Rodriguez Gallardo as visitador general 
 to make an investigation. Vildosola went to Mexico, 
 and Diego Ortiz Parrilla was appointed to succeed 
 him, arriving in 1749. Gallardo's instructions to Par 
 rilla as to the line of policy to be followed are dated 
 December 1749 and March 1750. In the first, after 
 noting many local changes he had made or recom 
 mended in Sinaloa, he indicates his views of what is 
 needed for Sonora, his plan involving no radical 
 changes except so far as a change from disregard of 
 the laws to obedience might be termed radical. It 
 was deemed best not to attempt any removal of na 
 tives who had been settled for ten years in one place; 
 to strictly enforce the passport system, and the laws 
 against vagabondage; and to transport all persistent 
 transgressors to the frontier presidios. Great care 
 should be taken to prevent abuses by employers, who 
 
 is near the Cerro Prieto, the resort of all the fiercest barbarians, and 50 leagues 
 from Tecoripa. The extinction of the presidio would leave this region without 
 Spanish influence to become the breeding-place of revolutions. The northern 
 presidios had all they could do to resist the Apaches, and could do nothing 
 for the south or coast. The Spanish miners in three valleys were protected 
 by Terrenate, and would at once quit the country if the presidio were given 
 up. And finally it was hard to sacrifice all that had been gained at a time 
 when the prospects were so favorable ( !). He refers for support to his argu 
 ment to his consulta of March 17, 1741; reports of Apache outrages at the 
 Sanchez rancho in 1743, where over 40 persons perished; the petition of the 
 Jesuit visitador and padres of the present year for aid absolutely needed; and 
 another from vecinos of Pimeria Alta. He also announces his intention of 
 spending the coming winter in a vigorous campaign against the Apaches. 
 Sonora, Materiales, 675-82. 
 
 * 5 Theatre Americano, ii. 367-403. This author mentions the following pre 
 sidios: Buenavista, with 32 men; Pitic, with 50 men; Corodeguachi de Fron- 
 teras, with 51 men; and San Felipe de Jesus Guevavi, with 50 men. The last 
 is perhaps an error, for the Terrenate presidio had apparently not yet been 
 moved across to Guevavi. Capt. Josd Gomez de Silva named at presidio of 
 San Mateo in 1743. Suamca, Lib. Mis., MS., 48. Apache raids in 1742, 1744, 
 Cherry's Kept., S. Juan, 15, 16, 55. 
 
532 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 should be made to pay up back wages, and not allowed 
 to make large advances. The custom had become 
 common for employers to get one of a band of laborers 
 appointed as governor, and then through him to rule 
 and punish the Indians without any subjection to the 
 authorities or laws; which must be stopped. Weights 
 and measures had been found unequal, even those 
 officially sealed not corresponding to those of other 
 provinces. Mining camps must not be founded with 
 out the proper formalities, and the establishment of a 
 regular government. Rancheros must not live at long 
 distances from the pueblos and thus enjoy vagabond 
 age under pretence of owning a few cattle. The 
 burning of straw in the fields should not be allowed. 
 Tfacendados must not take the law into their own 
 hands in cases of theft. A few small pueblos by ad 
 vice of the padres might advantageously be joined to 
 larger ones. Such are the most important of the 
 reforms suggested for the good of Sonora; all well 
 enough, but amounting merely to a general recom 
 mendation that the laws be enforced. 26 The author 
 speaks very highly of ex-Governor Huidrobo, imply 
 ing that the country's misfortunes are largely due to 
 the bad management of Yildosola. 
 
 The second document is devoted to more important 
 matters. In it Gallardo calls attention to the critical 
 state of the province and to the necessity of reducing 
 the Seris, Guaymas, Upanguaymas, and Pimas Bajos, 
 and of exploring Cerro Prieto and Tiburon Island, 
 all of which cannot, as the orders from Mexico direct, 
 be acomplished at once for want of force and money. 
 The best way was to attack one nation at a time, the 
 Seris receiving particular attention, and the tribes 
 being, if possible, involved in quarrels with each 
 other. The Guaymas, being now friendly, and hostile 
 
 26 GaUardo, Instrucciones que en virtud de Superior 6rden remitid el Lie. D. 
 Jos6 Gallardo, al teniente coronel D. Dieyo Ortiz Parrilla, electo Gobernador y 
 Capitan General de la Gobernaclon de Sonora, ano de 1749, in Sonora, Mate- 
 riales, 860-86; also MS. Dated Horcasitas, Dec. 13, 1749. 
 
REFORMS PROPOSED. 533 
 
 to the Seris, should be treated kindly. 27 The Pimas 
 also, as they were committing no hostilities beyond 
 the stealing of cattle, should be dealt with gently 
 until the Seris could be disposed of. With the latter 
 people a very strict policy should be adopted. In the 
 past captains had been content to punish the leaders, 
 leaving the rest to revolt at the first opportunity. 
 Now they should be reduced or annihilated, in but 
 one more war. They might be 'extracted/ but if 
 so they should be sent to New Spain and not allowed 
 to return. Boats are ready at Yaqui for an entrada 
 to Tiburon, but scarcity of water and lack of money 
 have thus far prevented it. The Papagos are a small 
 cowardly tribe, and their lands- being unfit for mis 
 sions they should be 'extracted' to other lands. Many 
 have already moved, and San Ignacio is more Papago 
 than Pima. Gallardo had been ordered to put a stop 
 to 'sorceries' among the Pimas Altos, but found it a 
 difficult matter by reason of false accusations for ven 
 geance, false confessions from fear, and lack of quali 
 fied judges; he had, therefore, not inflicted the ex 
 treme penalty, but had issued a bando at Terrenate. 
 He had also disobeyed orders to unite different 
 pueblos, on account of objections from the padres 
 or from other motives of policy. 
 
 Another plan had been to repeople the frontier 
 pueblos with Indians from large towns of the Yaquis 
 and Mayos, or with rebellious Pimas or Seris; but of 
 course this had been found impracticable. Bad Ind 
 ians could not be kept on the frontier without a 
 soldier for each Indian; and to the removal of 'good' 
 ones the padres objected, to say nothing of the mani 
 fest injustice of such an act. The visitador had 
 ordered, however, the construction of proper houses 
 for the Indians and of defensive works for each pueblo, 
 the arrangement being that the neophytes should 
 
 27 It would be well to found a mission at San Jose" de Guaymas, and P. 
 Agustin Arriola is named as a person well acquainted with this people. This 
 shows that no permanent establishment had been kept up at Guaymas by the 
 California missionaries. 
 
534 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 work two days in the week for themselves, two for 
 the comunidad, and two on the new buildings; but 
 the padres and alcaldes would, he thought, require 
 frequent stirring-up. There was not, says the writer, 
 a single regularly established real or settlement in 
 the province, or one having over ten permanently resi 
 dent families. The population was scattered and con 
 stantly changing with the discovery of new mines. 
 San Juan was nominally the capital, but had no prison 
 or place for the records. The whole settlement of the 
 country had been planned with too exclusive reference 
 to the convenience of the native and mission pueblos. 
 One vecindario formal had, however, been begun at 
 San Miguel Horcasitas, and to it San Juan had been 
 ordered joined. 
 
 The presidio captains had been very strict in keep 
 ing their pledges to the Apaches, who consequently 
 were wont to send in an old woman with a cross to 
 make a truce while the warriors went to attack some 
 other point; this was to be changed. Yecindarios of 
 Indians in connection with the presidios were desirable 
 but very hard to establish. The orders from Mexico 
 were that Apache campaigns be made more secretly, 
 with less preparation and expense, and joining of dif 
 ferent companies; but the truth was that in the past 
 not more than fifty men had usually started, and less 
 could do nothing. 28 Gallardo intended to go up to the 
 
 28 The author of the Apost. A fanes, 429-46, gives a very full account of the 
 Apaches and their modes of warfare, bounding the Apache country by Chi 
 huahua, Janos, Fronteras, Terrenate, Gila, Moqui, N. Mexico, and El Paso. 
 Captains Escalante and Anza were killed by these savages, and after the 
 latter's death in 1739 they became more daring in their raids than ever before. 
 The representations and petitions of the padres were regarded as exaggerated 
 or attributed to timidity; but in 1747 they had some effect, and a grand 
 united effort was ordered to be made by 30 men from each presidio. Unfor 
 tunately the troops from N. Mexico failed to carry out their part of the pro 
 gramme. The other five presidios joined their forces instead of entering 
 Apacheria separately as they should have done. The Apaches allowed them 
 to enter and took advantage of the occasion to attack points left unprotected. 
 The officers of Sonora and Chihuahua made a bad matter worse by a vain 
 attempt to reach Moqui. Another expedition was undertaken in the autumn 
 of 1748, when the soldiers with a force of militia and 500 Pimas and 6patas 
 marched from Fronteras, reached the Apache stronghold in the Sierra of 
 Chiquisagui, or Chigagua, found it deserted, and captured only 10. Some 
 
CHANGES BY THE VISITADOR. 535 
 
 Colorado and make further explorations, but was pre 
 vented by Apache troubles; he regarded, however, 
 Consag's trip of 1746 as conclusively proving Cali 
 fornia to be a peninsula, although he still regarded 
 explorations in this direction as more important than 
 any that could be directed toward Moqui. Presidio 
 captains had instructions to visit from time to time 
 the more distant missions, but for want of soldiers 
 neglected the duty. The natives of the region round 
 about San Javier del Bac were more gentiles than 
 Christians, stealing horses to eat, and when caught 
 swearing they took the animals from the Apaches; 29 
 yet Gallardo deemed it best to ignore their faults, 
 since without their aid as auxiliaries the northern 
 country w r ould soon have to Be abandoned. The 
 writer closed this interesting document with the re 
 mark that to enforce all the minor formalities of the 
 law in relation to mining operations would be to drive 
 away all the poor miners struggling for an existence; 
 and with a suggestion that the jurisdictions of Sonora 
 and Sinaloa should be separated for the advantage of 
 both. 30 
 
 The visitador seems also to have moved the presidio 
 of Pitic to San Miguel Horcasitas, and perhaps that 
 of Terrenate to a site near Guevavi. The former 
 change did not please the Seris at Populo, whose 
 lands to some extent were taken and divided among 
 the vecinos of the new town; and the discontent was 
 not allayed when Governor Parrilla punished the com 
 plaints of the eighty families at Populo by arresting 
 them all, and by sending them, or perhaps only their 
 women, to be distributed over .all parts of New Spain. 
 Then Parrilla, in accordance with Gallardo's instruc- 
 
 bands came in a little later to make peace, in the continuance of which nobody 
 had much confidence. The padres favored, as did Vildosola, the founding of 
 a villa on the Gila as the best defensive measure; also that the troops be 
 made wholly subject to the missionaries. Experience had taught that this 
 was the only safe policy. See also Venegas, Not. CaL, ii. 552-9; Tamaron> 
 Yl^/a de Duranyo, MS., 97-8. 
 
 29 Strange that Kino did not rise from his grave to refute this charge. 
 
 w Gallardo,. Instructions, 887-918, dated Matape, March 15, 1750. 
 
536 ANNALS OF SONOBA AND SINALOA. 
 
 tions, began his war of extermination at the head of 
 seventy-five soldiers and four hundred Pimas. The 
 result was very different from the annihilation pro 
 posed, since although the army crossed over to Tibu 
 ron Island, only a few Seris were killed, and some 
 thirty women and children captured. 31 
 
 Returning to the north, we find that in 1742 the 
 scheme of Moqui reduction was again revived, that 
 people, as it was said, refusing to be converted by 
 anybody except the padres prietos y de ciiatro piques 
 as the Jesuits were called; and a royal cedula was 
 obtained through the influence of the bishop intrust 
 ing the task to the society. Padre Keller accordingly 
 made ready for a trip to Moqui and set out in July or 
 September of 1743. From the Gila he went north 
 ward through an unknown country, and was soon 
 attacked by Apaches, who though repulsed killed one 
 soldier with a poisoned arrow and got away with most 
 of the horses and supplies. 32 In the same year Sedel- 
 mair visited Sonoita in September and the Gilg. in 
 November, but we have no details of the trip. In 
 October 1744 he also started with a view of penetrat 
 ing to Moqui, going up through the Papago country 
 to the Gila, dealing out his trifling presents with a 
 liberal hand and everywhere welcomed. The Pimas 
 gladdened the padre's heart with the information that 
 the Moqui province was easily accessible and only 
 three or four days off; but next day they changed 
 their minds and refused to serve as guides. Sedel- 
 
 31 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 290-1, says that after a campaign of two 
 months Parrilla came back with 28 women, boasting that he had exterminated 
 the accursed race, and comparing himself to Caesar. The truth M T as that at 
 Tiburon none of the soldiers could be induced to attack the Seris in their 
 retreats, although the Pimas did take a few prisoners. Yet the same author 
 says, p. 118, that the Seris were ousted from Tiburon and almost exterminated 
 by Parrilla! According to Apost. Afanes, 366-8, though the soldiers would 
 not attack, the Pimas killed every Seri on the island. The Resumen, p. 220, 
 has it that they found and killed only a few old men, the rest escaping to the 
 main. See also Vdasco, Sonora, 124; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., 557-9; Vene- 
 gas, Not. Gal, ii. 560-1; Nayarit, Frag. Hist., MS., 11-15. 
 
 32 Apost. Afanes, 348-51; Sedelmair, Relation, 848, 854; Alegre, Hist. 
 Comp. Jesus, iii. 276-7; Venegas, Not. CaL, ii. 526-30. 
 
SEDELMAIR ON THE COLORADO. 537 
 
 mair then went down the Gila past the big bend to 
 the Cocomaricopas, who were willing to guide him to 
 the north, but also changed their minds next day, 
 though promising to notify the Moquis of the visit. 
 The devil was in it clearly, and after exploring the 
 Gila, noting the Rio Azul, and going down to the 
 Yumas on the Colorado, he returned in November to 
 Tubutama. 33 Such is the version of the standard 
 writers; but according to the statement of Sedelmair 
 himself the trip was a much more important one 
 geographically. He claims, doubtless truthfully, that 
 he crossed the Gila near the Casa Grande, and thence 
 went down the north bank, across the Asuncion, ex 
 ploring for the first time the big bend, crossing over 
 to the Colorado, discovering on its bank a fine spring 
 of water named San Rafael Otaigui, and finally going 
 up to the junction of another "blue river near the 
 boundaries of the province of Moqui" doubtless the 
 modern Bill Williams Fork. 34 The padre in his nar 
 rative describes the Casa Grande and other groups of 
 ruins, with the broken pottery so common in this 
 
 region. 
 
 About this time the Spanish authorities manifested 
 some signs of interest in the settlement not only of 
 California but of Pimeria as being the most practi 
 cable route for conquest in the north. A cedula of 
 November 13, 1744, called for information on the sub 
 ject; and ordered the extension of the missions to be 
 encouraged in every possible way. Each mission was 
 to have two padres, one of whom might occupy him 
 self with tours of conversion and exploration; an 
 escolta was to be given the journeying padres to be 
 
 S3 Apost. Afanes, 351-8. It seems that Sedelmair had instructions not to 
 interfere at Moqui if he found the Franciscans at work. Sedelmair, Rela 
 tion, 846, says that they reached the Gila by way of Papaloteria in 1744, 
 which date is clearly an error as he goes on to describe another trip in that 
 year, 
 for 
 Villa- 
 CaL, Hist. Chret., 255-6. 
 
 34 Sedelmair, delation, 846; Id., Entrada, 20. 
 
533 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 entirely under missionary control; and finally one of 
 the two presidios, Pitic or Terrenate, was recom 
 mended to be moved to the Gila or Colorado. This 
 cedula, though favorable, dealt for the most part in 
 generalities, or at least additional provisions were 
 required in order that the Jesuits might put in prac 
 tice the suggestions. The detailed report called for 
 was given by the provincial Escobar in 1745 in a 
 memorial, approving all the suggestions of the cedula 
 except in relation to moving the presidios, neither of 
 which could be spared, though it might be well to 
 move Terrenate nearer to Suamca and to station a 
 detachment of its force at Bac; but the provincial 
 urges instead the founding of a new presidio of one 
 hundred men on the Gila to keep back the Apaches, 
 protect the proposed new conversions, open the way 
 to Moqui, and ensure the reduction of California. 35 
 
 Sedelmair also went to Mexico, probably at the 
 request of the provincial, to solicit padres for the 
 northern field, to give information respecting Pimeria, 
 and to aid in taking proper advantages of the king's 
 favorable disposition. In his relation presented on 
 his arrival early in 1746 he gives a resume of what 
 had already been done, a full description of the coun 
 try and its people as observed by himself and others, 
 and his own ideas respecting the territory and tribes 
 not yet seen. He presents as motives for the foun 
 dation of the missions the fertility of the soil; the 
 great number of Indians awaiting salvation; the min 
 eral wealth awaiting development; and the desirability 
 of a new base of operations from which to protect the 
 old missions, to reduce the Moquis, to check the 
 Apaches, to learn if California is an island, to push 
 the reduction up to Monterey, and to solve the great 
 geographical mysteries of the far north. 36 
 
 35 Apost. Afanes, 368-83; Veneyas, Not. Oal., ii. 507-10, 536-46; Clavirjero, 
 Stor. CaL, ii. 115-20; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 286. Venegas tells us 
 that while waiting for an answer to his memorial, Escobar directed new 
 entradas to be made and each padre to send in a history of his mission, 
 
 36 Sedelmair, Relation que hizo al Padre Jacobo Sedelmair de la Comp. de 
 
NORTHERN AFFAIRS. 539 
 
 The result of Escobar's memorial was a cedula of 
 the new king, Fernando IV., dated December 4, 1747, 
 in which he ordered the viceroy in general terms to 
 investigate the matter, and enforce such measures as 
 he might deem necessary. So far as Sonora was con 
 cerned no practical result was reached. 37 In a letter 
 of March 20, 1747, Sedelmair writes to his rector 
 that he has been unable to make an entrada to the 
 Colorado because the governor refused an escort, and 
 that such an escort is becoming more and more in 
 dispensable, though there is little hope of anything 
 being done by the present authorities in Sonora. Con- 
 sag's voyage of the preceding year, 33 however, is 
 deemed conclusive as to the peninsular character of 
 California, lately called in question by reason of Cam 
 pos' theories, and he believes there is now no obstacle 
 to the conversion of "the whole continent as far as 
 Japan, Yerdo, and Tartary." He has himself made 
 a trip to the coast, and has brought back a whole 
 rancheria of two hundred and ten gentiles to be set 
 tled at Ati. 39 
 
 I have already alluded to an attempt to reach 
 Moqui this year by the military force collected for 
 an Apache campaign. No details are known save 
 
 Jesus, misionero en Tubutama, con la occasion de haber venido d Mexico por el 
 mes de Febrero del ano de 1746 & sollcitar operarios para fundar misiones en 
 los rios Gila y Colorado que habia descubierto en dos entradas que hizo d la 
 gentilidad al norte de su mision, in Sonora, Matcriales, 843-59; also MS. It 
 would seem most likely that Sedelmair was called to Mexico to consult with 
 the provincial before his memorial was sent to the king; but the dates given 
 indicate the contrary. The version in the Apost. Afanes, 372, is that Sedel 
 mair consulted his superiors as to the best way of carrying into effect the 
 ce"dula, advising that some well qualified Jesuit make out a full report and 
 petition. The superior liked the idea and invited Sedelmair to do the work, 
 whereupon he came to Mexico before the provincial made his report. It is 
 not impossible that there is an error in the date of Sedelmair's fidacion as 
 printed. See also Gal, Hist. Chret., 256-8; Gleesoris Hist. Calk. Ch., i. 
 372-3. Gleeson says that Keller explored toward the Gila in 1745 and 
 Sedelmair in 1746. 
 
 37 Veneyas, Not. Cat., ii. 517-20; Clavigero, Stor. Cal, ii. 119-20. 
 
 38 See for Cousag's voyage, chapter xvi. of this volume. 
 
 39 Sedelmair, Carta in Sonora, Materials, 841-2; Apost. Afanes, 358- 9; 
 Alecjre, Hist. Cornp. Jesus, iii. 286. The last two authorities imply that tho 
 trip to the coast was in 1746, and say that it was made in search of a port 
 about Caborca for the California vessels, a port which could not be found. 
 
540 ANNALS OF SONOKA AND SINALOA. 
 
 that the expedition was a failure in an exploring as in 
 a military point of view. 40 
 
 On October 13, 1748, Sedelmair started from his 
 mission with fifteen soldiers, 41 and in ten days reached 
 the Gila by way of Papagueria. Here he preached 
 on the sin of polygamy to the Cocomaricopas, who 
 laughingly assented to his doctrine, saying that their 
 great trouble was to get one wife apiece. Passing 
 down the Gila, past the Sierra of Sibupue, he noticed 
 the ' painted rocks/ and listened to various traditions 
 respecting these relics of antiquity. Near the place 
 whence he had in 1744 turned off to the Colorado he 
 found a warm spring, named Santa Maria del Agua 
 Caliente, and from this point went down the river, for 
 the first time on the northern bank, naming one place 
 San Jiidas Tadeo, and turning off so as to strike the 
 Colorado about two leagues above the junction at a 
 point named by him San Jose. Another locality near 
 the junction, but south of the Gila, he called Loreto. 
 The Yumas exhibited some timidity and much curios 
 ity, stole some horses, and even threatened an attack. 
 They were at enmity with the Quiquimas across the 
 river, and with the Cocomaricopas. Their peculiar 
 actions, the fear of being obliged to kill some of them, 
 the illness of certain soldiers, and the bad condition 
 of the horses prevented Sedelmair from going down 
 to the mouth as he had intended, and he returned 
 early in November. Next year he proposed another 
 entrada, but could get no guard; and in June 1750 a 
 Yuma messenger came down with saludos from his 
 tribe to ask for another visit and get some presents. 42 
 
 It was in November and December 1750 that 
 Sedelmair made his next and last journey to the 
 
 40 Apost. Afanes, 439-40. 
 
 41 His own narrative has it 1749, doubtless a slip of pen or type. 
 
 42 Seddmair, Entrada d la Nation de los Yumas gentiles por el mes de Octu- 
 bre y Noviembre del ano de 1740 (8), in Sonora, Materiales, 18-25; also MS. 
 The report is dated at Tubutama Jan. 15, 1750. Apost. Afanes, 360-1. Vene- 
 gas, Not. Gal., ii. 559-60, says that trouble with the soldiers had much to do 
 with the return; and Gallardo, Instrucciones, 909, that the padre was driven 
 back by the Yumas. 
 
SALVADOR'S CONSULTAS. 541 
 
 Gila, going down the Colorado farther than before to 
 the rancherias of the Quiquimas, or Quirnacs, who not 
 only prevented his advance to the mouth, but in their 
 eagerness to get the horses forced a battle, in which 
 several were killed, deeply to the missionary's regret. 
 On the return he was guided across to Sonoita by a 
 new route from the Yuma country without going up 
 to the Gila. Soon after his return the Yumas brought 
 down three horses that had been lost an extraor 
 dinary proof of their honesty. 43 
 
 Captain Fernando Sanchez Salvador, acting in an 
 official capacity, the exact nature of which does not 
 appear, but who had evidently travelled and observed 
 much in the north, addressed four consultas, or re- 
 prcsentaciones to the king on the condition and needs 
 of Sinaloa and Sonora, the last bearing the date 
 of March 2, 175 1. 44 In the first, which treats chiefly 
 of Sinaloa, though including the Mayo and Yaqui 
 districts, he urges the secularization of all the Jesuit 
 missions, the subjection of the natives in religion to 
 curates, and in government to the ordinary civil au 
 thorities, and the release of the padres who may find 
 enough to do on the frontiers in the conversion of new 
 tribes. He reminds the king of the original under 
 standing that Indians were to become tribute-payers 
 in ten years after conquest, claiming that the best 
 interests of the country demand an enforcement of 
 the laws, and going largely into details which need 
 not be noticed here. It seems that curates were al 
 ready in charge of Alamos, Bayoreca, and Rio Chico. 45 
 
 In his second representation Salvador advocates the 
 
 43 Apost. Afanes, 362-4. Sedelmair estimated the Yumas at 4,000; the 
 Yutcama across the river at 700; and the Quiquimas at 5,000. 
 
 44 Salvador, Copia de la Consultu que hace d S. M. D. Fernando Sanchez 
 Salvador, Alcalde de la Santa Hermandad y Capitan de Cdballos corazas de las 
 proas de Sinaloa, Sonora, costas del Mar del Sur, y fronteras de la gentilidad 
 (Segunda Representation, etc., etc.), in Sonora, Materlahs, 638-66; also MS. 
 
 45 About this time the missions of Durango and Topia were secularized, as 
 we shall see in a subsequent chapter. Nothing was done in the matter, how 
 ever, so far as Sonora was concerned. 
 
542 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 establishment of a presidio and penal colony on the 
 Tres Marias, to which not only white criminals and 
 vagabonds may be sent and kept at work, but, what 
 is still more important for the welfare of Sonora, where 
 unruly Indians may be banished. The California ves 
 sels in their regular trips can transport prisoners to 
 the island at very small expense, and once there they 
 will not be able to escape, as they always do sooner or 
 later if sent south by land. This colony and system once 
 established, a radical change in Indian policy on the 
 frontier should be made. Now the natives are allowed 
 on frivolous pretexts to visit the presidios, and they 
 make use of the privilege to discover weak points and 
 to plan attacks. There should be no more of this tri 
 fling, and no more truces and pardons, which, as every 
 body knows, are only temporary expedients. Let the 
 Indians understand that they can have peace or war, 
 but let the raiders, malecontents, and evil-doers of all 
 classes be imprisoned at the presidios until they can be 
 sent to the Tres Marias, and thus may the country be 
 rid gradually of its pests. 46 
 
 The third document dwells on the importance of 
 encouraging the settlement of the country by Spanish 
 farmers and. miners. In behalf of the former a more 
 liberal land policy should be adopted, so that the mis 
 sions cannot monopolize all the desirable spots; and 
 for the latter steps should be taken to reduce the cost 
 of quicksilver, sending it by water from Acapulco and 
 delivering it at Alamos and Rosario at Mexico prices. 
 The fourth and last of these interesting and ably pre 
 pared papers is devoted to the far north, to the region 
 of the Colorado and of California of the former as a 
 most desirable field for settlement, and especially as 
 the only medium for colonizing the latter. His views 
 on the subject are for the most part similar to those 
 of others of the time and need not be repeated here; 
 
 46 It is stated that the Pimas and Seris have recently destroyed the Real 
 del Aguage. In 1750 Gov. Parrilla urged the vice roy to furnish two vessels to 
 run between Acapulco and Guaymas, but it was not done. 
 
MISSIONS OF PIMERlA. 543 
 
 but one somewhat astonishing peculiarity should be 
 noticed. He advances the theory that the Colorado 
 before reaching the gulf throws off a branch to the 
 westward, which flows into the Pacific between Mon 
 terey and Point Concepcion, and is doubtless iden 
 tical with the Rio Carmelo of Cabrera Bueno! It 
 will furnish an easy means of communication with 
 the coast. 47 
 
 Meanwhile a storm was gathering in the north 
 among the Pimas Altos, where no special precautions 
 had been deemed necessary. Several new padres 
 were now at work in Pimeria, without their arrival 
 having left any trace in the records. According to a 
 catalogue of 1750 there were nine Jesuits in Pimeria 
 Alta, distributed as follows: Sedelmair, visitador, at 
 Tubutama; Steiger, superior, at San Ignacio; Tomas 
 Tello at Caborca, Keller at Suamca, Garrucho at 
 Guevavi, Francisco Paver at Bac, Juan Nentvig at a 
 mission not named probably at Tubutama with espe 
 cial charge of Saric Enrique Rhuen,. or Ruhn, at 
 Sorioita formerly San Marcelo but now San Miguel 
 in accordance with the wishes of the marques de Villa- 
 puente, who at his death in 1739 had endowed this 
 mission and that of Busanic and Miguel Sola at 
 Baseraca. 43 I add in a note the full list of the thirty- 
 four missionaries in the other two provinces of Sonora 
 and Sinaloa from the same catalogue. 49 
 
 47 His theory was perhaps founded on a report of the natives, who in 1748 
 told Sedelmair, when on the Colorado above the Gila, that if he crossed the river 
 and went north-west, he would in two days come to the same river where 
 it flowed from east to west. 
 
 48 Catuloyus Personarum Soc. Jesu, 1850; Apost. Afanes, 343, 359, 366, 
 448; Alerjre, iii. 271, 291; Venegas, Not. Cal., ii. 77-8, 525-6, 561-2; Keller, 
 Consulta, 28; Lizazoin, Informe, 686; and Suamca, Lib. Mis., MS., where 
 Rhuen signs his name thus. 
 
 49 Sonora: Felipe Segesser, visitador, Ures; Carlos Rojas, Arizpe, superior; 
 Jose" Pvoldaii, superior, Arivechi; Jose"Toral, Huepaca; Nicolas Perera, Babia- 
 cora; Salvador Peiia, Cucurpe; Francisco Loaisa, Populo; Francisco Pimen- 
 tel, Tecoripa; Antonio Bentz, Comuripa; Guillermo Borio, Matape; Alejandro 
 Rapicani (Rapuani), Batuco; Juan Zerquera, Onabas; Jose Franco, Onapa; 
 Tomas Miranda, Sahuaripa; Buenaventura Gutierrez, Oposura; Tomas Perez, 
 Guasava; Manuel Aguirre, Bacadeguachi; Bartolome" Saeiis, Cuquiarachi. 
 
 Sinaloa: Diego Valladares, visitador, Mochicavi; Lucas Ludovico Al- 
 
544 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 The Pima revolt broke out in November 1751 at 
 Saric, the native place of the leader, Don Luis, who 
 had been made captain-general of the western Pimas 
 for his services as commander of the native allies in 
 the late Seri war and on other occasions. This chief 
 used his high position to incite a rebellion which was 
 to drive out the padres and the Spaniards. His 
 plottings were so secretly conducted that he had 
 aroused all the rancherias and pueblos, including the 
 Papagos and perhaps part of the Sobaipuris, without 
 exciting any definite suspicions until a very few days 
 before the outbreak. On the 20th or 21st of Novem 
 ber San Luis entertained a party of his Spanish 
 friends at his house until late at night, and then 
 attacked them at the head of a large force which had 
 been held in readiness, burning the house and killing 
 the whole party of eighteen. Padre Nentvig escaped 
 to Tubutama and gave the alarm. 
 
 At Tubutama Sedelmair and Nentvig with seven 
 or eight settlers took refuge in the church and defended 
 themselves for two days until two of the defenders 
 were dead, both padres wounded, and their ammu 
 nition exhausted, when they were enabled, almost 
 miraculously it would seern, to reach San Ignacio, 
 where a sufficient number of settlers and soldiers were 
 assembled to save their lives and the mission. Mean 
 while the rebels had attacked Caborca and Sonoita, 
 killed fathers Tello and Rhuen, and destroyed all the 
 mission property, no particulars of these events being 
 known save that a party of Spanish prospectors were 
 among the victims. Neither have we any exact infor 
 mation as to what took place in the north, where Bac 
 and Guevavi were perhaps plundered, although the pa 
 dres escaped to Keller's mission of Suamca, which was 
 
 vares, superior, Sinaloa; Juan Lorenzo Salgado, superior, Huiribis; Ignacio 
 Lizazoin, Guaymas; Agustin Arriola, Rahun; Lorenzo Garcia, Torin; Miguel 
 Fernandez Somera, Sta Cruz; Isidore Fernandez Abad, Nabojoa; Jos6 Esca- 
 lona, Camoa; Patricio Imaz, Conicari; Bartolome" Fentaiiez, Toro; Francisco 
 Anaya, Tehueco; Jose" Palomino, Gn.azave; Ignacio Gonzalez, Nio; Bernardo 
 Mercado, Chicorato; Jose Garfias, Mocorito. 
 
THE PIMA REVOLT. 545 
 
 not attacked. When all the missions, pueblos, reales, 
 and ranchos of the north-west had been destroyed, 
 and a large number possibly a hundred of Span 
 iards had been killed, troops arrived under the governor 
 and presidio captains; the progress of the rebellion 
 was checked, and finally in 1752, after many embassies 
 and very little fighting, peace was made and Don Luis 
 promised for himself and people exemplary conduct 
 in the future. 50 
 
 As before there is historical record proper of events 
 in the southern coast provinces of the modern Sina- 
 
 50 Keller inSuamca, Lib. Jfis., MS., 49-50, says there were 119 persons 
 killed besides the two pacjres. Sedelmair was wounded with an arrow, and 
 Nentvig knocked down with an adobe. Gov. Parrilla was the one to blame 
 from beginning to end. See also accounts in Nayarit, Fraymento Hist., MS., 
 20-34; Tamaron, Visita, MS., 94-5; Realms Cedillas, MS., i. 202-3. Alegre, 
 Hint. Comp. Jesus, in. 291-3, says that the captains brought the padres to 
 Suamca, captured and executed a relative of Luis, and would have done as 
 much for Luis himself if the governor had not interfered and tried concilia 
 tory measures, sending embassies from his head-quarters at S. Ignacio. Be 
 fore the surrender of Luis, the Papagos, seeing no prospects for more plunder, 
 left the rebel ranks. Luis promised to rebuild churches, etc., but failed to 
 keep his promise. The Apost. A fanes was written just after this rebellion 
 broke out, and the author only knew what was contained in the governor's 
 report to the viceroy on Jan. 14, 1752, together with a few other letters. He 
 says the viceroy has determined on a new presidio of 50 men; that the gov 
 ernor is confident of success, though the latest reports are less encouraging; 
 that two new padres probably Espinosa and Pfefferkorn have been sent; 
 and that the souls of the two martyrs will doubtless have an influence with 
 God to promote conversion. Keller, Consulta, in Sonora, Materiales, 26-32, 
 says that the northern district about Bac did not join Luis at first, and there 
 fore the four padres and the presidio of Tcrrenate escaped. Capt. Juan Au- 
 tonio Menocal was the officer who would have put down the revolt if not 
 interfered with. Capt. Santiago Ruiz de Ail was comandante at Terrenate, 
 and Capt Jos6 Diaz de Carpio was another prominent officer. This author's 
 allusions are not sufficient to give a clear idea of Parilla's movements, but 
 he claims that Luis had the best of the warfare and of the diplomacy, and 
 submitted only when he had failed to form an alliance with the Apaches, and 
 feared the wrath of the Sobaipuris. According to the Sonora, Resumen de No- 
 tidas, 222, there were two leaders of the rebels, both named Luis, and it took 
 Gov. Parrilla over a year to reduce the Pimas, partly by arms and partly by 
 negotiations; after which he retired to Horcasitas and soon learned of his 
 successor's coming. In Sonora, Descrip. Suscinta, 704, the following places are 
 named as having been destroyed in the revolt: Jupe, near S. Miguel (Toape?), 
 San Juan de Sonora, Autunes, Opodepe, S. Javier, Soledad, San Lorenzo, S. 
 Juan Nacosari, and Arizona. Most of these places are in the south, indicat 
 ing hostilities in that direction of which we have no record. In Sonora, De- 
 scrip. Georj., 504-5, 555-6, 583, the Pimas are said to have shown themselves 
 less brave than the Opatas. Venegas, Not. Cul, ii. 56, 77-8, notes a letter 
 of Padre Taraval stating that Tello and Rhuen were killed by Seris. Men 
 tion also in Och, lleizc, 73. 
 
 HIST N.MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 35 
 
546 ANNALS OF SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 loa; but from the descriptive matter published by 
 Villa-Senor in 1747, 51 and from the instructions of 
 Visitador General Gallardo to the governor in 1749, 
 
 51 From Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatro Amer., ii. 377, et seq.: Province of 
 Chametla, or Rosario, from the Rio Canas northward. Head-town, Real del 
 Rosario, with an alcalde mayor. Many mines of silver and gold, but mostly 
 abandoned on account of water and lack of facilities for working. Drain 
 age is being effected, and some of the mines are rich enough to support the 
 real and all the province of Acaponeta in New Galicia. The pueblo of Cha 
 metla has only five or six Indians left, supported by Spanish, mestizo, and mu 
 latto residents of the ranches. The only other pueblo is Esquinapa, inhabited 
 by Mexican Indians, exempt from tribute on account of their services as 
 guards. Tobacco, cotton, maize, and salt produced. Under two curates at 
 Rosario and Chametla. 
 
 Province of Maloya, east of Rosario, on the slopes of the Sierra Madre cle 
 Topia, producing maize, honey, and silver. It has four pueblos of Mexican 
 Indians, the largest with about 50 families; and the Real tie Minas of Santa 
 Rita. Under an alcalde mayor and curate. 
 
 Province of Copala, N. N. w. of Chametla. Head-town, villa de San Sebas 
 tian, where live an alcalde mayor and a curate, with a small population of 
 Spaniards, mestizos, etc. It is on the slope of the Sierra, and at the foot are 
 four pueblos of Mexican Indians; also some ' rancherias ' of Spaniards. Ma- 
 zatlan near the coast, inhabited by mulattoes who guard the port and live 
 on maize and fish. North of S. Sebastian is the Real de Copala with several 
 silver mines; and two leagues farther the Real de Charcas, near which are 
 the Haciendas de Panuco, where ore is worked. A curate serves both reales, 
 and has besides two pueblos of mountain Indians speaking Mexican. North 
 of Charcas is the Real de Cosela (Cosala), and farther east the pueblo of 
 Badiraguato. A newly erected curacy in the Villa de San Javier de Cabazan 
 on the Rio Piastla. 
 
 Province of Culiacan: Between the Rio Elota and the villa, 30 1., is Real 
 de Cosala, mines not flourishing, many pueblos of Mexican Indians, several 
 plantations where Spanish miners raise sugar-cane. A curate at Cosala, whose 
 curacy reaches to the Rio Tabala. At the Villa de Culiacan are an alcalde 
 mayor and curate, and many families of Spaniards, mestizos, and malattoes; 
 much salt and fish. Four pueblos of Mexican Indians under Franciscans (?) 
 there are Tacuchameta, Buya, Binapa, and Bayta. Badiriguato is also in 
 this province with some sugar plantations and pueblos administered by Jesuits; 
 also ranches of Spaniards in the mountains. 
 
 Province of Sinaloa: On the river on which is San Felipe the capital, are 
 the missions Noguera, Bacaburito, Bamoa, Guazave, Ocoroni, and Mocorito. 
 On the Rio del Fuerte is the Villa de Montesclaros, with a few families and a 
 curate; and on the river or near it are the missions Tehueco, Sivirijoa, Charay, 
 Mochicahui, San Miguel, and Haome" ( Ahome) near the fine port of same name. 
 Above the villa N. E. are the mission pueblos of Toro, Baca, Toriz, Cuites, 
 Temoris, Chinipas, Valleumbroso, Guazapares, and Tehueco; and on the 
 branch river the missions S. Ignacio, Concepcion, and Jatebo; and N. N. E. 
 Guadalupe, Sta Ana, and Loreto. Between Villa del Fuerte and Real de 
 Alamos, 20 1., several haciendas of stock, maize, ,and sugar. Alamos sur 
 rounded by rich mines, five reduction works. At Alamos is a curate. Mayo 
 River mission pueblos: Achogoa, Caurimpo, Navajoa, Tecia, Canamoas, Gua 
 dalupe, Mocoyaqui, Tepahue, and Batacosa. Between the Fuerte and Mayo, 
 20 1. from S. Felipe, is the Real de los Frailes, mines not so productive as form 
 erly; 30 1. E. is theprovincie of Batopilas. The Jesuit missions in Sinaloa are: 
 Chinipas, Zerocalmy, Moris, Yecora, Guazapares, Tubares, Sinaloa, Baco- 
 burito, Tehueco, Mochicahui, Nio, Bamoa, Chicorato, Mocorito, Guazave, 
 Conicari, Camoa, Navajoa, Sta Cruz de Mayo, Bacuna, Torin, Caun, Toro, 
 
SIXALOA PROVINCES. 547 
 
 to which I have already alluded, may be extracted 
 a few items respecting the condition of the settle 
 ments in that region. Such information I append in 
 a note. 
 
 Baca, Bethlen, Ocoroni, S. Juan Francisco Regis, Noguera, Loreto, Sta Ana, 
 Lobera, San Ramon, and S. Juan Evangelista. 
 
 Province of San Ilclefoiiso tie Ostimuri: Mining reales, Rio Chico, capital, 
 with alcalde mayor and curate; Todos Santos and San Miguel, each with 
 curate; San Nicolas, Tacupeto, San Marcos, Nacosari, San Marcial, and San 
 Joseph, for the most part abandoned. Jesuit missions: Bethlen, Ruan, Potan, 
 Bocon, Cocorin; Moabas, Nuri, Zuaqueo, Yecora, Comuripa; Onabas, Tonichi. 
 Onapa, Arivechi, Bacanora, Saguaripa, Las Juntas; Tecoripa, San Javier, 
 Nacori, Matape (Oposura, Cumpao, Ouazavas, Oputu, Thesico de Guachi). 
 
 From Galiardo, fnstrucciones, 11 '49. In the visita of Rosario, Chametla, 
 and Maloya by Capt. Mata the reestablishment of the pueblo of Cacalotan 
 was ordered with the curate's consent. There was complaint about the 
 manner of working the mines, but as there was a suit pending and no one 
 was willing to work the mines if the present contractors leave them, it was 
 decided not to interfere. The alcalde mayor should give new bonds. In the 
 visita of S. Jose" de Copala, Villa de S. Sebastian, and partidos of S. Javier 
 and S. Ignacio de Piastla by Jose" Tomas Loaiza, on complaint of padres of 
 Sta Polonia and S. Ignacio it was ordered that the Indians should be required 
 to give more attention to public buildings. The juxticia Jose" Blanquel re 
 placed by Pedro Matias tie la Pena, who has done better. Pinteles was the 
 alcalde mayor. Pueblo of Sta Catalina of only six families joined to that of 
 Jacobo. Ordered the enforcement of viceroy's order about election of pueblo 
 governors and repartimentos of tapizques. In visita of Badiraguato and San 
 tiago de los Caballeros, by Capt. Castafieda ordered Serrano the alcalde mayor 
 to join the two pueblos of Bamapa and Soyotita to that of Cariatapa; tribute 
 lists to be formed; scattered Indians to be brought in except such as had 
 lived 10 years on a hacienda and were well instructed. In visita of San 
 Miguel de Culiacan by Castafieda, ordered that pueblos of Bachibalato and 
 Otameto should be joined to Culiacan, Olaguruto, or S. Pedro. Indians of 
 Bachimeto to be brought from the coast by force and joined to the most 
 inland pueblos, their old lands being rented for their benefit; vagrants to be 
 collected and made to build houses and till the soil; pueblos of Tepuchi, 
 Cominate, Yacobito, and Capizato to be united in one or two pueblos. More 
 formalities to be observed at the Real de Cosala. 
 
CHAPTEE XX. 
 
 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONOBA. 
 1752-1767. 
 
 A WAR ON PAPER JESUITS VERSUS GOVERNOR INVESTIGATIONS DISCUL- 
 PATION OF THE MISSIONARIES RULE OF GOVERNORS ARCE AND MEN- 
 DOZA WAR WITH THE SERIS MENDOZA KlLLED APACHE WARFARE 
 RAIDS OF SAVAGES AND SOLDIERS MISSIONS OF PIMERIA ALTA IN THE 
 LAST YEARS No PROGRESS PADRES, NEW AND OLD FINAL STATIS 
 TICS RULE OF CUERVO AND PINEDA FROM BAD TO WORSE CAM 
 PAIGNS RECOMMENDED REFORMS VARIOUS REPORTS CAPTAIN CANCIO 
 AND HIS LETTERS ELIZONDO'S EXPEDITION COMING RESUME OF COR 
 RESPONDENCE AND EVENTS A PERIOD OF SUSPENSE MISSION STATIS 
 TICS, 1760-7 EXPULSION OF THE JESUITS LIST OF JESUITS WHO SERVED 
 IN SlNALOA AND SONORA. 
 
 THE Pirna revolt was followed by a bitter warfare 
 of words between the Jesuits and Governor Parrilla 
 respecting its causes and the manner of its suppression. 
 Padre Keller opened the campaign with a consulta 
 addressed to the viceroy, 1 in which he claimed that 
 the revolt had been caused by the attentions and 
 honors bestowed by the governor on Don Luis. The 
 latter for his services in the Seri war had been made 
 captain-general of the Pinias, given a special company, 
 or body-guard of native warriors, and so flattered that 
 he came home with the idea that he was sovereign of 
 the whole country, owing no allegiance to Spanish 
 officials and especially no respect to the missionaries. 
 He moreover charged Parrilla with having blundered 
 
 1 Kdler, Consulta del Padre Kder al Virey sobre el ahamiento de la Pimeria, 
 en 25 de Agosto de 1752, in Sonora, Materiales, 26-32. The author was at 
 this time in Mexico. He has something to say on the subject also in Suamca, 
 Lib. Mis., MS. 
 
 (548) 
 
GOVERNOR VERSUS PADRES. 549 
 
 most outrageously in his military operations, prevent 
 ing all effective action by his subordinates, and leav 
 ing important points needlessly exposed; with having 
 sent many ambassadors, who joined Luis or were 
 killed by him according to their personal sympathies, 
 thus giving the rebel chief all the time he wanted to 
 obtain allies; and finally when Luis from fear of the 
 Sobaipuris and failure to form an alliance with the 
 Apaches, offered to submit, with having received him 
 with open arms, restored him to all his titles and 
 privileges, and left him with all his old arrogance and 
 entire freedom from missionary control. Keller ad 
 vised the viceroy to accept Parrilla's resignation for 
 the good of Sonora. 
 
 The governor, on his side, charged the Jesuits with 
 having provoked the revolt by their ill-treatment of 
 the natives. He alleged that the padres had left the 
 neophytes no time to till their milpas and provide for 
 their own support; that they starved them; that their 
 chastisements were unnecessarily frequent and severe, 
 besides being administered illegally by servants ; that 
 the Indians had therefore come to feel an intense 
 hatred of their masters and tormentors, being forced 
 into revolt to escape an intolerable oppression. These 
 charges were sent in to the government, supported by 
 the testimony of many residents of Sonora, who swore 
 to the general truth of the charges, and to a long list 
 of particular instances of Jesuit cruelty and tyranny. 
 Pending investigation Keller was removed by the 
 provincial at Parrilla's demand, and was in Mexico 
 when he wrote the formal charges given above; but 
 the Indians of Suamca were so attached to their padre 
 that he had to be restored to prevent another out 
 break at least so say the Jesuit w r riters. 2 
 
 Padre Sedelmair also made a formal statement de 
 nying every charge of ill-treatment. He had, he said, 
 built churches in seven or eight of his twelve pueblos, 
 
 2 Don Luis himself took a very prominent part in giving and collecting 
 testimony against the padres. Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 296-8. 
 
550 LAST OF TEE JESUITS IN SOXORA. 
 
 chiefly by the labor of Pdpago gentiles, who coming 
 in as skeletons had gone away fat, slow, and inefficient 
 workmen, but accomplishing much by their numbers. 
 He had reduced fifteen rancherias to pueblo life, the 
 chief inducement being presents of food. He had 
 baptized over one thousand adult gentiles, whom he 
 fed gratuitously while they were learning the doc- 
 trina. Food was constantly given away to all natives 
 who applied for it, and it had been his custom after 
 mass of a Sunday to open the dispensa and distribute 
 to all who presented themselves. He had never al 
 lowed any Indian to work without being fed; and for 
 every one who worked there were three or four who 
 ate. The very week of the revolt eight Indians came 
 in from Sonoita and were given all the wheat their 
 horses could carry; and even Luis had often partaken 
 of the padre's food. In connection with the other 
 priests he had furnished supplies for the Pimas in 
 the Seri war and in other expeditions. He had not 
 only given the neophytes time to work, but had given 
 them seed and lent them implements; and on the 
 theory of no time to work for their own support he 
 would like to know how Parrilla could account for 
 the large amount of grain sold yearly and the large 
 stores found in some of the pueblos. Complaints 
 about lands being taken from the natives had no 
 foundation, save that outside gentiles coming in had 
 been lent lands, and had in a few instances been dis 
 satisfied when a change became necessary. Punish 
 ments had been mild, not exceeding ten blows, arid 
 always administered by the proper official; Luis him 
 self had blamed the padre for his leniency; and one 
 of the majordomos charged with special cruelty had 
 been spared by the rebels when in their power. Luis 
 was publicly praised in church for his services in the 
 Seri war; and Parrilla had always -been treated by 
 the padres with the greatest respect. The Indians 
 say they dared not complain for fear of not being be 
 lieved and of still more cruel treatment; but Sedel- 
 
INVESTIGATIONS. 551 
 
 mair does not deem himself responsible for their 
 ii-ars since he had given, no cause for them. The 
 charges were all falsehoods and calumnies. 
 
 The subject-matter of the quarrel was investigated 
 both by the secular and Jesuit authorities, the Jesuit 
 side of the case being presented in a report by the 
 procurador, Miguel Quijano, to the viceroy. 3 In this 
 informe the testimony of forty prominent residents of 
 Sonora, including civil and military officials, ecclesias 
 tics, and native chiefs, is given, ~all testifying against 
 the truth of Parrilla's general charges of oppression. 
 Of the special instances of cruelty alleged they were 
 either wholly ignorant or knew them to be false. It 
 would serve no good purpose to repeat here these 
 special charges and the answers thereto, many of the 
 former being trifling or absurd. In addition to this 
 mass of testimony the Jesuit procurador calls atten 
 tion to the joyous reception of Keller by his people, 
 showing that he was not hated; to the fact that the 
 rebels had not directed their ravages specially against 
 the padres or the places where they resided; to the 
 advantages of Parrilla in getting testimony, the padres 
 having no authority save perhaps over the common 
 Indians ; to the testimony of several persons that they 
 had sworn to the charges through fear, while some of 
 the Jesuit's witnesses were afraid to let their names 
 be known; to the ease with which Indians could 
 always be found to testify against the padres, who 
 were obliged to restrain and punish them at times; 
 and finally to the bad character of native witnesses and 
 their uniform readiness to swear to anything against an 
 enemy in fact the writer has known an Indian to 
 swear most solemnly that his personal enemy " helped 
 kill King David, and he saw the act committed." 
 Evidence was also presented to show that Tello and 
 Rhuen, the murdered missionaries, were particularly 
 gentle in their treatment of the neophytes; and that 
 
 3 Quijano, Informe d Su Excelcncia por el Padre Miguel Quijano, in Sonora, 
 Mate stales, 33-76. The exact date is not given, but it was after 1754. 
 
552 LAST OF THE JESUITS IX SOXORA. 
 
 Parrilla had been exiled from New Mexico as a rebel 
 lious and troublesome man. 
 
 It is true that all we know of this quarrel comes 
 from Jesuit sources, 4 a fact that should of course ren 
 der the student cautious in forming an opinion as to 
 the merits of the respective parties; yet the reader 
 who understands the condition of affairs in Sonora at 
 the time, and to whom the very name of Jesuit is not 
 a synonym for all that is bad, will probably not hes 
 itate to decide in favor of the missionaries, who had 
 by persuasion and gifts of food reduced thousands of 
 natives to pueblo life, and all of whose interests were 
 in the direction of peace, and consequently of kindness, 
 against a Spanish and mixed-breed population of ad 
 venturous fortune-seekers, composed largely of the 
 criminal classes of Mexico, and looking upon the 
 padres as the only obstacle which kept from their 
 grasp the fertile and well-irrigated mission lands, the 
 stores of grain and herds of live-stock, the native 
 women whom they wanted for mistresses, and the 
 stalwart males to be their slaves. It is true the 
 Jesuits were technically wrong in wishing to retain 
 for themselves and their neophytes the benefits of 
 past labor and hardships beyond the period which by 
 the government had been deemed sufficient for the 
 transformation of savages into tribute-paying citizens ; 
 but no formal demand had been made upon them to 
 give up the missions, and the settlers' policy was 
 apparently to provoke them to the commission of acts 
 which should put them in bad repute with the gov 
 ernment, and thus prepare the way for their removal. 
 It is by no means unlikely that individual padres were 
 betrayed by the peculiarities of their own tempera 
 ment or irritated by the doings of their neophytes 
 or foes into occasional acts of petty cruelty, as 
 parents are sometimes cruel to their children; yet 
 neither the missionary padres nor fathers in the llesh 
 
 4 Oct. 9, 1752, the viceroy called a junta to consider the matter. Various 
 measures, not specified, were adopted, llobles, JJiario, iv. 33. 
 
SONORA AND CALIFORNIA. 553 
 
 can be classed as cruel-hearted tyrants. Again the 
 work of the padres was like that of most, perhaps all, 
 missionaries, a failure, unless perchance their theories 
 respecting future salvation should prove true, because 
 they did not civilize the Indians, nor could they have 
 civilized them even if not interfered with, since sav 
 ages cannot be civilized under the tuition of superior 
 races; yet it by no means follows that our sympathy 
 should be taken from the missionaries who did all 
 they could for the natives, and^given to those who 
 would have destroyed them by slavery and cruelty 
 just as surely and much more rapidly than the padres 
 did by kindness and religion. 
 
 This same question will come up later with much 
 more complete evidence on both sides in the case of 
 the Franciscans in Alta California; but there are 
 three important points of difference that may be 
 noticed in favor of the Jesuits. In California the 
 padres had in each mission a military escort for pro 
 tection, and by the aid of which in many cases they 
 made converts by force; while in Sonora there were 
 no escorts and consequently no force could have been 
 used, neither were the temptations to cruelty' so 
 strong. Again in California there was at times a 
 large foreign and coast trade, with opportunities for 
 smuggling, almost exclusively in the hands of the 
 friars, who were accused of overworking and ill-treat 
 ing the neophytes with a view to pecuniary gain ; but 
 in Sonora there was no exterior commerce, and there 
 is no evidence that the padres engaged in trade even 
 with the settlers and soldiers, whom in any case it 
 was for their interest to conciliate. Finally the Span 
 ish population of Sonora as a mining country was 
 much larger than that of California, and of a very 
 much more troublesome class, the Indians being at 
 the same time not only superior in numbers and in 
 telligence, but much more unmanageable in case of 
 trouble. 
 
 The tedious investigations of this quarrel growing 
 
554 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 out of the Pima revolt lasted five or six years, and 
 the result would seem to have been a general disculpa- 
 tion of the Jesuits from all charges of maladministra 
 tion of their trust. In the mean time the new presidio 
 of Tubac had been founded in 1752; 5 a small garrison 
 had probably been stationed at Altar; and in 1753 
 Parrilla had been superseded by Governor Pablo de 
 Arce y Arroyo, who ruled about a year and a half. 6 
 During his term of office the Seris made overtures 
 for peace and were kept tolerably quiet under a prom 
 ise to grant so far as possible their demands, which 
 were; the return of their women who had been scat 
 tered in the south, the restoration of their lands at 
 Populo and Los Angeles, the re-transfer of the pre 
 sidio from San Miguel to Pitic, and the appointment 
 of Nicolas Pereira as their missionary. Some of the 
 conditions it was impossible to fulfil, especially that 
 concerning the women, to which the Indians attached 
 most importance, and they soon resumed their hostil 
 ities. 7 Still earlier they had attacked the new mission 
 of San Jose de Guaymas refounded in 1751 by Padre 
 Lizazoin, forcing the padre to retire, killing eight con 
 verts, scattering the hundred families of the pueblo, 
 and burning the church. For over ten years they 
 seem to have kept the Spaniards out of Guaymas. 8 
 
 6 Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser. torn. i. 212. This is the earliest appearance in 
 the records of this name Tubac. The full name was San Ignacio Tubac, and 
 it was possibly at this S. Ignacio instead of the mission that Parrilla had 
 fixed his head-quarters for putting down the revolt. 
 
 6 Sonora, Resumen de Notitias, 223; Aleyre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 298. 
 Arce was perhaps only governor ad interim. He was appointed in l)ec. 1752. 
 Castro, Diario, iv. 58. In Pinart, Col. MSS., 7, it appears that a permanent 
 garrison was established at Sta Barbara de Altar in 1757. Horcasitas presidio 
 founded in 1755. Zumacois, Hist. Mej., v. 578-9; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 237. 
 Presidio of Bayorca, expense $20,715 per year. 1758, Certification de Mer 
 cedes, MS., 42. S. Miguel de Horcasitas, $20,065; S. Felipe de Jesus de 
 Guevavi y Terrenate, $20,665; Sta Rosa Corodeguachi, or Fronteras, $20,665; 
 and Pimeria Alta (?), $20,665. Id., 31-41. Officers named in the mission reg 
 isters of Pimeria Alta, chiefly at Altar: Col. Francisco Julian Alvarado, Capt. 
 
 y Uavailos, ex-governor 
 Dec. 1757. 
 
 7 Sonora, Descrip. Geofj., 557-8; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 298; Nay- 
 arlt, Fraa. Hid., MS., 15-21. 
 
 8 Lizazoin Iiiforme, 685. 
 
MAP. 
 
 555 
 
 SONOEA AND SlNALOA. 
 
55G LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 Juan de Mendoza became governor in 1755, 9 and at 
 once began to wage a vigorous warfare on the Seris, 
 who after a year were so hard pressed that they 
 sued for peace, suspended hostilities, and asked for 
 time to collect their scattered families for pueblo life. 
 The time being granted, it was spent by Governor 
 Mendoza in a tour of two months to Pimeria Alta, 
 and by the Seris in retiring with all their property to 
 the Cerro Prieto a complicated net- work of barran 
 cas and mountains about half way between Guaymas 
 and Hermosillo, affording extraordinary facilities for 
 defence where they could laugh at the Spaniards' 
 ineffectual efforts. Mendoza led many expeditions 
 against the stronghold, but the occasional killing of 
 an isolated fugitive and the capture of some ' pieces 
 of chusma,' or women and children, were the only 
 successes achieved. At last, on November 25, 1760, 
 the governor with a hundred men succeeded in cor 
 nering a band of nineteen Seris near Sacarachi, who 
 bravely resisted for several hours, until their leader, 
 El Becerro, fell. Mendoza rushed forward, and was 
 killed by an arrow discharged by the dying chief 
 tain. 10 
 
 During the rule of governors Arce and Mendoza, 
 
 9 His appointment was in January. Castro, Diario, v. 82. 
 
 10 Sonora, Res Amen de Noticias, 223. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 298, 
 gives the only details of the governor's death. A document in Doc. Hist. 
 Mex., 3d ser. i. 214, states that Mendoza was killed by a band of Seris and 
 Pimas who attacked the Real de Saracachi. See also Tamaron, Visita, MS. , 
 95-6. On the same day there were hostilities near Nacori, GO leagues away. 
 Mendoza himself in a letter to the visitador Carlos de Rojas, dated Feb. 15, 
 1757, at Horcasitas, in Sonora, Materiales, 84-8, reports that he has killed 
 no end of Christ's barbarian foes by the aid of his glorious patron San Joa- 
 quin. Aug. 29, 1757, a council in Mexico on Indian affairs in Sonora. Cas 
 tro, Diario, vi. 170. One of his successful campaigns was directed against 
 the fastnesses of the Cerro Prieto. Lorenzo Jose" Garcia was chaplain on one 
 of the expeditions and writes to the visitador Lucas Atanasio Merino on Nov. 
 23, 1760, describing it minutely. Three hundred and fifty men under tho 
 governor and captains Urrea and Anza (?) had come within sight of the Seris, 
 but on account of the rough country, want of horses 300 having been lost 
 desertion of allies, and wet powder it was determined to return. The chap 
 lain advised this retreat, was blamed by somebody, and wrote in his own 
 defence. Garcia, Carta, in Sonora, Materiales, 104-20. Sixty families from 
 Suaqui, eight leagues south of Tecoripa, took refuge in the Cerro Prieto in 
 1760. They afterward went to Belen, and returned to Suaqui in 17G2. Reyes t 
 Descrip. de Misiones, 740-1. 
 
APACHE WARFARE. 557 
 
 there were several entradas into Apacheria from the 
 northern presidios. In 1754 the Apaches killed the 
 curate of Fronteras presidio on one of his tours. 11 In 
 November 1756 Captain Gabriel Vildosola with fifty 
 men from Frontreras and Terrenate and one hundred 
 and forty Opata archers marched north-eastward 
 eighty-four leagues to where the Gila flowed out of 
 the Sierra de Mogollon at a place called Todos San 
 tos. Here he was joined by Captain Bernardo Busta- 
 mante with seventy soldiers and sixteen Tarahumares 
 from Chihuahua, and the combined forces raided in 
 detachments over the country lying between the Gila 
 and San Francisco, killing a few 'gandules' or l bucks/ 
 and taking an occasional piece of clmsma. They 
 noticed many ruined edificios, with fragments of pot 
 tery and other relics of antiquity, obtaining a very 
 accurate idea of local geography, but were unable to 
 penetrate the mountains, as they wished, by following 
 the Gila above Todos Santos. 12 
 
 Mendoza in his letter of February 15, 1757, speaks 
 of two expeditions to Apache land, one of which was 
 probably the one described by Sanchez, the other 
 being under the governor in person, who inarched to 
 the Gila, 13 three hundred and sixty-two leagues out 
 and around and back, in the midst of winter, punishing 
 the incorrigible, encouraging the well-disposed, and 
 
 ll Tamaron, Visita, MS., 110-11. 
 
 12 Sanchez, Carta del P. Bartolom6 Sanchez al P. Prior y Rector Juan An 
 tonio Baltasar el a/To de 1757, in Sonora, Materiales, 88-94; also MS. The 
 letter was written from Cuchuta March 6th. The following names should be 
 preserved as this is the first definitely recorded exploration of the region, 
 although the record is not sufficient to fix exact localities: Sierras of Pitai- 
 cachi, Embudos, Espuclas, Enmedio, and Animas, between Fronteras and 
 Janos some 30 leagues south of the Gila; Sto Domingo, Penol de los Janeros, 
 Sta Lucia, Todos Santos, and Sierra de Mogollon (from a high peak they 
 saw t\vo branches from the north and south unite to form the Gila farther up 
 in the mountains); Rio S. Francisco (impassable); Casita, S. Francisco Javier 
 (both on Gila above S. Francisco); S. Simon, Sierra de S. Marcial, Sierra de 
 Chichicagui; S. Bernardino, 15 leagues from Fronteras, 22 leagues from S. 
 Simon, which is 20 leagues south of Gila; S. Luis, Guadalupe. From Todos 
 Santos New Mexico was thought to be three days distant. The Sierra de 
 Mogollon had been named for a governor of New Mexico who had been de 
 feated here by the Apaches. 
 
 13 J/ew/osf/, Carta, in Xonora Materlales, 84-8. He mentions 30 'bucks* 
 and 37 pieces of clmsma as the fruits of this eiitrada. 
 
558 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 preparing the way for future conquests. In July 
 1758 Sanchez writes again to describe another entrada 
 just made under Vildosola, in which Lieutenant Juari 
 B. Anza was also engaged. This time again they 
 reached the Gila in nearly the same region as before, 
 killing the usual gandules and capturing the chiisma; 
 but what more than all else attracted their attention 
 was blankets and buffalo-skins which the Apaches said 
 they had got seven days' journey northward where 
 there were many cattle and cultivated lands, and 
 where the people were not Apaches. This northern 
 people was supposed to be the Moquis, and the padre 
 announced the readiness of himself and of the soldiers 
 to penetrate to that province if it were deemed best. 14 
 Of subsequent operations against the Apaches down 
 to 1767, the limit of the Jesuit epoch and of this 
 chapter, there is not much to be said. The raids of 
 the savages continued, 15 and the presidio forces com 
 bated them as best they could; but only one or two 
 entradas are specially mentioned, and those are of the 
 usual type with the usual results. In 1764 a promi 
 nent writer intimately acquainted with the country's 
 affairs expressed the belief that campaigns in Apache- 
 ria were utterly useless, since there were no towns 
 or crops to destroy, and no property to seize, and a 
 few women and children as captives were all that 
 could be expected. The force should be employed in 
 scouring the country between the presidios, to keep 
 the inhabitants on the alert and succor threatened 
 points. One year of such policy would do much to 
 relieve the country so thought, according to this 
 writer, all who knew the country well except the pre 
 sidio captains. 16 In October 1765, monthly cam 
 paigns by the three presidios alternately were agreed 
 
 14 Sanchez, Carta.. .al M. JR. Padre Visitador Jos6 Roldan en el ano de 
 17o8, in Sonora, Materials, 94-7. Dated Cuquiarachi, July 24th. 
 
 15 Lizazorn, Inform?, 687, writing in 1763, says the invasions of the Apaches 
 are not so continuous as those of the Seris and Punas, but even more disas 
 trous on account of superior numbers. 
 
 16 Sonora, Descrip. Geofj., 613-16. See general account of Apache rav 
 ages in Nayarit, Frag. Hist., MS., 21-5. 
 
WAR ON THE APACHES. 559 
 
 upon in a junta of captains, and two entradas were 
 made with some results. One was in February and 
 March 1766, by Captain Anza, who was now in com 
 mand at Tubac. It was like a hundred other cam 
 paigns ; forty captives in all were taken and distributed 
 by lot among the captors; excellent reasons were 
 given as usual why the success was not more complete 
 chiefly the rough country to w 7 hich the savages re 
 treated and the exhausted condition of soldiers and 
 horses when they overtook the foe. During Anza's 
 absence the Apaches drove off three hundred cattle 
 from Bac. 
 
 In April of the same year the governor ordered a 
 suspension of the campaigns on account of the with 
 drawal of a part of the force for the Seri war, against 
 the protest of Captain Yildosola, the commander at 
 Fronteras. Still the captain and his men marched to 
 the south, and during their absence the presidio horses 
 were stampeded, so that before offensive operations 
 could be resumed new animals had to be obtained and 
 trained. In May and June 1767 a correspondence 
 took place between Vildosola and the governor, in 
 which the latter found fault with the former's inaction 
 and neglect to punish the Apaches; but the captain 
 claimed that the savages were constantly coming in 
 to demand peace and an exchange of prisoners, and 
 that under such circumstances he could not lawfully 
 attack them. It seems that the Indians made the 
 exchange of prisoners a most effective way of entering 
 the province. They came in fully armed, confident 
 that the Spaniards would do nothing to imperil the 
 lives of the captives; insisted on a particular spot of 
 their own choosing for the exchange; and when it had 
 been effected proceeded to their main business by scat 
 tering in small bands over the whole country to plun 
 der on their roundabout way home, knowing well that 
 only a few of the parties at most could be successfully 
 interfered with. They often insisted also on a truce 
 for a certain number of clays to cover their retreat, 
 
560 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 shrewdly supposing that the Spaniards would not 
 break tne truce except after red-tape formalities of 
 proof which would give them all the time they needed. 17 
 
 Of the missions and missionaries of Pimeria Alta 
 from the revolt of 1751 down to 1767, we know but 
 little beyond the fact that San Ignacio, Tubutama, 
 Caborca, Guevavi, Suamca, and Bac, with a few 
 pueblos de visita, were reoccupied by the Jesuits and 
 maintained a precarious existence to the last. A few 
 neophytes were induced by the persuasions of the 
 padres and by the hope of occasional protection from 
 the presidios against the Apaches to remain faithful; 
 the missions \vere moreover convenient places for the 
 Pimas, Sobas, P^pagos, and Sobaipuris in which to 
 leave their women, children, old, and infirm while 
 living themselves in the mountains or perhaps aiding 
 the Seris and Pimas Bajos in their ever increasing 
 depredations; convenient resorts for food when other 
 sources failed, and even well enough to live in occa 
 sionally for brief periods. The natives lived for the 
 most part as they pleased, not openly rebellious nor 
 disposed to molest the padres so long as the latter 
 attempted no control of their actions, and were will 
 ing to take their part in quarrels with settlers or 
 soldiers. Missionary work and progress were at a 
 stand-still; the Jesuit establishments had only a nom 
 inal existence; the mission period of Sonora history 
 was practically ended. But for the hostility between 
 Pimas and Apaches the Spanish occupation of Pime 
 ria Alta would probably have been confined to the 
 four garrisons of Fronteras, Terrenate, Tubac, and 
 Altar, with a few bands of adventurous miners risk 
 ing an occasional sortie beyond the protection of the 
 presidios. 18 
 
 Carta, March 17, 1766, in Sin. ySon., Cartas, 108-12; Vildosola, 
 Carta (March 29, 1766), in Sonora, Materidles, 186-9; Id., June 8th, 10th, in 
 Id., 200-6. 
 
 18 Mowry, Arizona. 18-19; Memoir, 4; in Ind. Affairs, Kept., 1857, 297, 
 has much to say of a map made by the Jesuits in 1757 copied by Capt. Stone 
 
PIMERfA ALTA. 561 
 
 Padre Sedelmair may have returned to Tubutama 
 for a time, but later he went south to Matape. 19 Soon 
 after the revolt Alonso Espinosa and perhaps Ignacio 
 Pfefterkom were sent to Pimeria. In or about 1756 
 a party of German Jesuits came to these missions, 
 one of whom, Bernardo Midden dorf, founded a new 
 mission among the P&pagos which he soon left for 
 Mobas in the south, his Indians having acted badly, 
 stealing the padre's food and bringing him to the cloor 
 of death with hunger, exposure, and grief. The Ind 
 ians, not named, to whom padres Hawe and Miguel 
 Gerstner were sent, refused to receive them and they 
 had to retire, the latter settling at Sarie. Och and 
 Steiger served at San Ignacio, having also charge 
 of Imuri and Magdalena. Och wished to attempt 
 the reestablishment of Sonoita, but his superior 
 deemed it unsafe. 20 In 1763 according to the report 
 of Padre Lizazoin, Espinosa was in charge of San 
 Javier del Bac and wrote that nearly all his Indians 
 except the old and sick had abandoned the mission; 
 and the same state of things or worse existed at Tuc 
 son, which appears to have been one of his visitas. 
 Pfefferkorn was at Guevavi arid wrote that nearly all 
 
 from its original in Mexico, on which are laid down over 40 towns and vil 
 lages in northern Sonora and southern Arizona. The title of the map and its 
 names were written in French, and it was dedicated by the society of Jesus 
 to the king of Spain. Mowry gives the impression that he supposes these 
 'towns and villages,' or many of them, to be Spanish settlements, or at least 
 mission pueblos; but the names given and doubtless all the rest, except the 
 few missions and presidios mentioned in the preceding text and shown in my 
 maps, were those of Indian rancherias which had at different times been 
 visited by the Jesuits. It is not certain that in 1757, excepting the presidio 
 soldiers, there was a Spaniard in any one of them, certainly none on the Gila 
 and north of it. Modern publications generally, and especially the latest, 
 such as Hinton's Handbook and Iledfjc^ Arizona as it is, ascribe to the Span 
 
 ish settlements of Sonora and Arizona an antiquity, number, and prosperity 
 very much in excess of the facts in the case. 
 
 19 Apost. A fanes, 260-1. Padre Baltasar is said to have sent to Europe in 
 1752 an account of late events in Pimeria. Vener/as, Not. Cal., ii. 562. 
 
 20 Och, Rcize, in Murr, Nachrichten, 72-6. The author relates that when 
 the party on their arrival were approaching Ures, the German padre at that 
 place thought to have some fun at their expense, and stationed two companies 
 of Indians in a wood, who at the proper moment rushed with yells upon the 
 astonished missionaries. They were naturally terrified and their mules still 
 more so, rushing into the woods and leaving the padres piled up one in a 
 heap rather promiscuously; but the Indians were delighted with the sport. 
 
 HIST. N. MKX. SiATts, VOL. I. 36 
 
562 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 the Pdpagos had fled from Tumacacori and Calabazas, 
 only the Pimas remaining. The Indians pretended 
 to be influenced by fear of the Apaches, but it was 
 feared this was but a pretext for robberies. Experi 
 ence had taught that the submission of both Piuias 
 and Papagos, was but "a slumbering flame covered 
 with ashes." 21 
 
 The abandonment of Tucson, where it would seem 
 there had been a few settlers de razon, attracted the 
 attention of the governor, who ordered some investi 
 gation to be made with a view to bringing back the 
 Indians, making certain changes of location, or estab 
 lishing new missions. Padre Manuel Aguirre, who 
 was perhaps visitador, wrote several letters on the 
 subject and made inquiries of Espinosa at Bac. Un 
 fortunately the fragments of the correspondence are 
 not sufficiently complete to show the state of things 
 in the north nor exactly what changes were proposed; 
 but it does not matter much since nothing was done. 
 Aguirre was in favor of bringing in the Papagos 
 to the valleys of San Luis, Buena Vista, and Santa 
 Barbara, and called on the provincial for two new 
 padres; the presidio of Tubac would guard against 
 the retreat of the Papagos; Terrenate would keep the 
 Sobaipuris in their valley; Fronteras would attend to 
 the Apaches; while Altar and San Miguel would be 
 left for the Cerro Prieto foe. The governor, however, 
 concluded that it was not advisable to send any padres 
 nor to attempt the reduction of the Sobaipuris, fear 
 ing that an attempt to exercise any restraint would 
 convert that people from friends into foes. 22 
 
 Bishop Pedro Tamaron visited Sonora in 1760 on 
 his grand diocesan tour, and while he did not reach 
 Pimeria Alta he included statistics of those missions 
 in his report, which I give in a note. It is not un 
 likely that the date should be a few years later, agree 
 ing with report rather than with the visit. For 1764 
 
 21 Lizazoin, Informe, 686. 
 
 22 Aguirre and Pineda, in Sonora, Materiales, 124-38. 
 
BISHOP'S VISIT. 563 
 
 there is extant a report which gives the names of 
 missionaries serving at the different establishments. 
 The original mission records in my possession give 
 the names of both the regular missionaries and of 
 visiting Jesuits from other Pimeria missions and from 
 those of Sonora in the south, it being often impossi 
 ble to distinguish clearly between the different classes. 
 And finally we have the catalogue of the Jesuits 
 serving at the time of , the expulsion in 1767. I have 
 united the information from these four sources in an 
 appended note. 23 Jesuits whom we have met in 
 
 23 Tamaron, Visita, MS., 112-16; Sonora, Descrip. Geog., 566-84; Pinart, 
 Col. de Pimeria Alta, passim; Compania de Jesus, Catdlogo. 
 
 Suamca (Sta Maria), 30 1. N. w. Arizpe, pop. 114 Indians; Cocospera (San 
 tiago), 10 1. s., 133 Ind. P. Jose" Barrera, in 1764, no record of Keller's retire 
 ment. Barrera called Diego still in 1767. According to the mission books 
 the pueblos de visita were S. Juan Quiburi, Santiago Optuabo, S. Andre's 
 Esqugbaag or Baclz, S. Pablo Baibcat, S. Pedro Turisai, Sta Cruz Babisi. 
 Padres whose names appear: Keller, 1751-9; Vega, 1751; Nentoig, 1753; 
 Joaquiii Felix Diaz, 1760; Francisco Alava, 1756-7; Juan Labora, 1757; Bar 
 rera, 1760-7; Miguel Elias Gonzalez (?), 1767-8. 
 
 Terrenate (S. Felipe Gracia {Real), presidio, 4 1. N. Suamca, 30 1. w. 
 Fronteras, pop. 411 gente de razon, including garrison of 50 men under Capt. 
 Francisco Elias Gonzalez. 
 
 Guevavi (S. Miguel), 20 1. N. N. w. Suamca, 111 Ind.; Calabazas, 1.5 1. N. 
 W., 116 Ind.; Sonoita, 7 1. E. N. E., 91 Ind. [a visita of Tubutama in 1764]; 
 Tuniacacori, 8 1. N. N. w., 199 Ind. In this district there were also 172 gente 
 de razon at Guevavi, Sta Barbara, and Buenavista. Padre Jimeno in charge 
 in 1764. Succeeded by Pedro Rafael Diez before 1767. 
 
 Tubac (S. Ignacio) presidio, 4 1. N. Guevavi, pop. 421 de razon, including 
 50 soldiers under Capt. Juan B. Anza. Tubac is in the curacy of Nacosari 
 80 1. distant, but has a chaplain, Bro. Jose" Manuel Diaz del Carpio, brother 
 of the captain's wife. 
 
 Bac (S. Javier), 26 1. N. Tubac, 399 Ind.; Tucson, 5 1. N., 331 Ind. Padre 
 Espinosa in charge in 1764-7. No mention of any white population at 
 Tucson. 
 
 Saric (Santiago), >30 1. s. w. Guevavi, 6 1. Bac, 212 Ind.; Aquimuri (Qui 
 buri?), 4 1. E., 67 Ind.; Arizona, 5 1. N. E., 15 Ind., 45 gente de razon, here 
 were the ' Bolas de Plata de Agua Caliente;' Busani, 3 1. jr., 41 Ind. Padre 
 Gerstner in charge 1764-7. 
 
 Tubutama (S. Pedro), 7 1. s. Saric, 368 Ind.; Sta Teresa, 5 1. w., 156 Ind. 
 Had Sonoita as a visita in 1764, and Ati and Oquitoa down to 1757. Padre 
 Vivas in charge 1764-7. 
 
 Ati (S. Francisco), 7 1. w. Tubutama, 142 Ind.; Oquitoa (S. Antonio), 7 1. 
 w., 131 Ind. Down to 1757 both were visitas of Tubutama, and again in 
 1762 apparently after the death of P. Jose" Haffenrichter. Names of padres 
 appearing in the mission books : Pfefferkorn, 1757-61; Gerstner, 1757; Vivas, 
 1759-67; Haffemichter, 1761-2; Francisco Javier Villaroya, 1763; Jos6 Mco- 
 Ids Mesa [at Altar], 1763-S; Juan Gorgoll [perhaps not a Jesuit], 1763-87; 
 Espinosa, 1765-6; Diez, 1767. 
 
 Altar (Sta Gertrudis), presidio, 7 1. s. Ati, pop. 285 de razon, including 
 garrison of 50 men under Capt. Bernardo Urrea, Served by the padre of Ati. 
 
 Caborca (Concepcion), 13 1. w. Altar, 556 Ind.; Pitic (or Pitiqui), 2 1. E., 
 
564 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 Pimeria Alta, but who in 1764-7 were serving in 
 other parts of Sonora, were Garrucho, Nentoig, Och, 
 Middendorff, Pfefferkorn, Sedelmair, and Villaroya. 
 
 On Mendoza's death in 1760 Jose Tienda de Cuervo 
 became governor ad interim, ruled for two years, and 
 was succeeded by Juan Claudio de Pineda in 1762. 24 
 Under these rulers, but not necessarily by their fault, 
 matters in Sonora went on from bad to worse. The 
 Apaches, as we have seen, kept up their depredations 
 on the northern frontier; the Seris and Pimas of the 
 south-west were also unceasing in their hostilities; 
 many of the mission Indians were only nominally 
 submissive; the padres misioneros had lost all real 
 control over the neophytes through the interference 
 of Spanish settlers and the growing arrogance and 
 independence of native chiefs under the settlers' 
 promptings; local troubles and petty revolts were of 
 frequent occurrence; the savage raiders plundered 
 and killed almost with impunity on account not only 
 of the smallness of the military force, but of the 
 presence in almost every pueblo of confederates who 
 made known each movement and plan of the soldiers ; 
 Entradas to the Cerro Prieto and other strongholds 
 of the foe were frequent but ineffectual, as no consid 
 erable number of the savages could ever be overtaken 
 together. Meanwhile population was decreasing; mis 
 sions, pueblos, mines, and ranches were being aban 
 doned; and officials of different grades and branches 
 
 269 Ind.; Bisani, 51. E., 241 Ind.; P. Antonio Maria Beutz (or Beroz), in 
 1764; P. Custodio Jimenez in 1767. P. Vega also on the registers of Pitiqui 
 in 1766-7. 
 
 San Ignacio, 45 1. E. Caborca, 98 Ind.; Imuris (S. Jose"), 3 1. N. E., 326 
 Ind.; Magdalena, 2 1. s., 107 Ind.; also 131 gente de razon at Sta Ana. In 
 charge of P. Francisco Paver 1764-7, Steiger having died in 1762. Other 
 names on the registers of S. Ignacio and Magdalena; Vivas, 1753-4; Espi- 
 nosa, 1754-5; Bentz, 1756; Och, 1756-8; Francisco Gutierrez, 1756-7; Juan 
 Antonio Zedano, 1756; Alava, 1756-7: Middendorff, 1756-8; Pfefferkorn, 
 1756; Gerstner, 1756-7; Mesa, 1767-8. 
 
 2 * According to the generally accurate Sonora, Eesumen de Noticias, 223-4, 
 Cuervo's term began in 1761, and Pineda's in 1763; but Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
 Jesus, iii. 298-9, gives the former date as 1760, and P. Salgado writes to Pineda 
 aa governor in Oct. 1762. Sonora, Materiales, 120-4. 
 
REPORTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS. 565 
 
 of the service were calling upon Mexico and Spain 
 for aid, each giving his views as to the only practica 
 ble means for saving Sonora from impending ruin. 
 
 An anonymous writer of 1760, or thereabouts, 
 deems the remedy to be a large reenforcement of 
 troops, not less than three thousand, to become set 
 tlers later, and to be infantry instead of the cavalry 
 hitherto sent.' 25 In 1761 Governor Cuervo sent a large 
 force to the Seri country, and the campaign was one 
 of the most successful of its class; yet but little was 
 really accomplished. 26 In November 1762 another 
 expedition was fitted out, the first under Governor 
 Pineda's orders. 27 The prominent men of Sinaloa and 
 Sonora sent a representation to the new governor 
 probably Pineda in 1762 on the great things that 
 were expected of him ; but they seem to have had no 
 very clear idea of the measures that were to afford 
 the desired relief. 23 In 1763 Padre Tomas Ignacio 
 Lizazoin made a long report on the unfortunate con 
 dition of the province resulting from the ' inhuman 
 cruelty' and ravages of Seris, Pimas, and Papagos, 
 which had caused the almost total abandonment of 
 Pirneria and Sonora provinces, the inhabitants having 
 taken refuge in Ostimuri and Sinaloa. The padres 
 dared not enforce proper discipline for fear of provok 
 ing a general revolt in the missions. Instances of 
 attack and murder were given, and the writer laid 
 great stress his report was probably to the viceroy 
 on the great mineral wealth that was being lost. His 
 
 25 Sonora, Descrip. Suscinta, 702-7. Horses required too much time in 
 care, could not reach the mountain retreats, and were moreover the chief 
 temptation to raiders. Expense can be no objection to a king who spends 
 so much on a whim in S. America. 
 
 2G Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 298-9, mentions a battle on Nov. 7th in 
 which 420 Spaniards and Indians killed 49 Seris, and took 63 with 322 horses. 
 According to Sonora, Descrip. Geoy., 562, the Pima allies suffered more than 
 the Seris, as they deserved for their lying promises to the Spaniards. 
 
 27 Salrjado, Carta, in Sonora, Materials, 120-4. The padre writes that in 
 spite of precautions the plans are known to the foe. The rations for this 
 campaign were 1 almud of pinole for 25 men, and 1 vara of tasajo for 3 men 
 per day. He writes from his Yaqui mission of Uiribis, and calls attention to 
 a gathering of Indians between the Yaqui and Mayo at Cocoraqui on pre 
 tence of sowing, but really to be free from all authority. 
 
 2S Sonora, Materiales, 207-18. 
 
566 LAST OF THE JESUITS 1ST SONORA. 
 
 plan for relief was two-fold: First, as a temporary 
 expedient two new presidios near Gnaymas and Ba- 
 bispe should be established, made independent of the 
 pueblos as in California, and otherwise modified to 
 ensure effective service. Secondly, the province should 
 be settled by Spaniards, there being plenty of ' lazy 
 and useless' people in the large cities suitable for the 
 purpose! 29 
 
 The anonymous author of the valuable work on 
 Sonora in 1764 which I have so often had occasion 
 to cite, 30 after giving a most complete description of 
 the province and its condition, has bub very little to 
 say in his closing chapter of the best method of free 
 ing Sonora from her scourges, beyond recommending 
 a general policy of trust in God and dry powder. 
 The Seri and Pima confederates, however, should be 
 removed to some country beyond the sea; the right 
 to do this cannot be questioned, and the expense 
 would be more than repaid by the revival of mining 
 and agricultural industry. Padre Salgado, ajri old 
 veteran who had spent twenty-four years in this field, 
 wrote to the governor in August 1764 attributing a 
 part of the prevalent evils, in the Yaqui district at 
 least, to the scandalous conduct of the Spaniards and 
 residents of color quebrantado, who lived " sin Dios, 
 ley ni Rey." In former times the so-called white 
 settlers had been subject to the pueblo justices, and 
 should be made so again, since their lawless conduct 
 results from the great distance of Spanish judges. 31 
 
 29 Llzazoin, Informe, 683-702. The only difficulty is that of transporta 
 tion, for which vessels should run between Acapulco and Guaymas. These 
 vessels would more than pay their cost by the transportation of soldiers and 
 supplies, and by the increased product of the mines; but if the government 
 will not pay for them, doubtless the merchants of Mexico will do it, if allowed 
 to hold an annual fair at Yaqui or Guaymas. 
 
 30 Sonora, Description Geograjica, Natural y Citriosa de la Provlncia de 
 Sonora por un amicjo del sermcio de Dios y del Key Nr. Sr., ano de 1764, in 
 Sonora, Materials, 489-616; also MS. On Seri and Pima troubles of 1764, 
 see Tamaron, Visita, MS., 181-3; Galvez, Inform?., 139-40. 
 
 31 Salgado, Carta (Aug. 23d), in Sonora, Materiales, 140-1. In another 
 letter, Id., 130-3, Salgado contradicts the rumors of an inpending revolt of 
 the Yaquis, who lie says are behaving splendidly. On June 10, 1765, Juan 
 Jose" Montaiio writes to the governor, Id,, 142-4, from Oposura to complain 
 
CANCIO'S LETTERS. 5(37 
 
 To Don Pedro Gabriel de Aragon, who wrote from 
 Alamos on September G, 1765, the salvation of the 
 county seemed to depend on the establishment of a 
 new presidio south of the Yaqui instead of in the 
 north, he insisting that the greatest interests and 
 the greatest dangers lay in Ostimuri, and that the 
 fatal mistake in the past had been too exclusive atten 
 tion to the sterile north. 32 The presidio was, how 
 ever, established at San Carlos de Buenavista. 
 
 In January 1766 the Indians of Suaqui, or most 
 of them, ran away and Captain Lorenzo Cancio, co- 
 mandante at Buenavista, was ordered by the governor 
 to investigate and report upon the matter. This 
 duty, among his first in Sonora, Cancio performed 
 with great zeal, presenting a voluminous report from 
 which little more appears than that the fugitives had 
 been enticed away to join the Seri foe. 33 It is to 
 Cancio's letters that we must look for a very large 
 part of all that is known of Sonora history for several 
 years. The Mexican authorities were now somewhat 
 aroused to the importance of energetic measures; a 
 military expedition under the immediate command of 
 Colonel Domingo Elizonclo and under the general 
 supervision of the visitador general, Jose de Galvez, 
 was determined on; and Cancio was the man who 
 superintended the preparations for the expedition and 
 who was intrusted with the Jesuits' expulsion, of 
 which more hereafter. He \vas not only a zealous 
 and able officer, but a graceful and industrious writer. 
 If the events noted by him are for the most part of a 
 
 of constant depredations of Apaches and Seris, and of the mission's destitu 
 tion and defenceless condition. He attributes many of the disasters to the 
 people's carelessness in going unarmed and not keeping together; has fined 
 some of them 12 to 25 pesos for this. 
 
 32 Arayon, Carta, in Sonora, Materials, 182-6. 
 
 33 Cancio, Noticias sacadas de /o.s autos que formo D. Lorenzo Cancio solre 
 Jafucjii quehicieronlos Indioft del pneblode Suaqui, in Sonora, Materiales, 145- 
 81. The writer seems to feel called upon to record in detail and with all 
 possible legal formality and circumlocution, every step taken and every word 
 littered from the time' he received the governor's order to the final delivery 
 of the papers. P. Francisco Javier Gonzalez was now missionary at Suaqui, 
 and the fugitives numbered perhaps 300 men. 
 
568 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 trivial nature of no great interest to the reader of 
 history, it was riot his fault, but because there were 
 no more important matters to be recorded. 34 
 
 July 21, 1766, Cancio addresses the viceroy ex 
 plaining the nature of the Sonora warfare and the 
 reasons why three hundred regular soldiers cannot 
 restore quiet, although they could easily defeat the 
 combined forces of the foe in a pitched battle. The 
 runaway Sububapas of Suaqui have committed many 
 hostilities, even attacking the presidio of San Car 
 los; but being repulsed they have come to Belen 
 and made peace with Captain Vildosola, falsely claim 
 ing to have had nothing to do with the attack. The 
 writer has no faith in the peace and will undertake a 
 decisive campaign in September. 35 In June a military 
 junta in Mexico had authorized Governor Pineda to 
 raise 'flying militia companies' for service in the prov 
 ince; but Pineda in view of the submission of the 
 Suaquis, the approach of Elizondo's army, instruc 
 tions to be economical, and lack of direct orders from 
 the viceroy, hesitated and consulted Cancio, who on 
 September llth replies, enclosing the resolutions of 
 the junta which had been sent to him by Galvez. He 
 urges the immediate formation of the companies, the 
 submission of the rebels being too sudden and volun 
 tary to be real, and there having been no movement 
 of the Mexican troops as late as July 26th in fact 
 the timber not yet having been cut of which the 
 transport vessels were to be built! 36 On the 22d 
 Galvez wrote to Cancio that he could not rely on 
 the treasury to defray expenses, but could get two 
 
 3i Cancio, Carta*, in Slnaloa y Sonora, Cartas, 158-334. The letters are 
 40 in number dated from 1766 to 1709, and chiefly directed to Gov. Pineda. 
 He often addresses the governor in the most familiar terms, and seems to have 
 done always very much as he pleased, calling on Pineda to ratify his acts as 
 a matter of course. His letters are often amusing as well as important. 
 
 35 Cancio, Cartas, 164-9. The viceroy replies on Sept. 13th, saying noth 
 ing in particular. 
 
 ^Cancio, Cartas, 158-63. The writer dwells on the good that may be 
 done by the militia in preparing for a grand blow when the troops shall come. 
 But Sonora and Ostimuri are so depopulated that they should not be called 
 upon for militia recruits save as volunteers. 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR PROSPERITY. 569 
 
 hundred thousand pesos from merchants in Mexico 
 and Spain, with which sum he hoped to reconquer 
 Sonora and to found thirty Spanish settlements on or 
 near the Yaqui. In his reply of October 31st the 
 captain states his belief that instead of founding new 
 settlements it would be better to reenforce old and 
 abandoned ones, add Spaniards to the Indian pueblos, 
 and encourage intermarriage. Besides the Yaqui dis 
 trict was in better condition and needed settlers less 
 than any other. But this matter of colonization is a 
 secondary one that can be attended to later; the first 
 thing is to conquer the Seris and Pimas, and that 
 scourge removed prosperity will surely return. One 
 half the sum mentioned will suffice for the conquest; 
 as to colonization it will be well to go slowly and try 
 experiments. Transport vessels are now being built 
 on the Rio Santiago, arms have been received at 
 Horcasitas, and two flying companies are being or 
 ganized. 37 
 
 March 3, 1767, Cancio reports the murder of the 
 curate of Bayoreca at Los Cangrejos. 33 March 23d 
 Bernardo de Urrea advises the governor from Altar 
 that in his opinion either Belen or Pitic would be a 
 better base of operations than Guaymas; 39 yet the 
 latter place was chosen, and work was immediately 
 begun there on soldiers' quarters, warehouses, water- 
 
 37 Cancio, Cartas, 158-79. The troops sent from Mexico should be 
 dragoons, and 200 in number; 200 soldiers will be taken from the 6 presidios, 
 the full force being left at Fronteras, and the rest being replaced by militia 
 temporarily; the two flying companies will furnish 100 men; 200 Indians 
 should be taken along, chiefly to be shown how the Spaniards can fight, for 
 they generally do nothing and boast much. Supplies for 6 months will be 
 stored at Pitic under a militia reserve. From August to February is the best 
 time for operations, which should be conducted in several divisions so as to 
 force the foe to concentrate. Provisions can be obtained from missions and 
 ranches, but bakers must be brought, and money which as a curiosity will 
 have a good effect, also clothing, tobacco, soap, and strong shoes. There is 
 not a man on the coast who can make any part of a ship, and the few pearl- 
 tishing craft here will be of little use as transports. The writer names about 
 20 wealthy men who can and probably will contribute either money or cattle. 
 A copy of this letter was sent to Gov. Pineda on November 21st. 
 
 36 Cancio, Cartas, 181-3. ' What a sound this will have in Mexico,' saya 
 he; 'instants are centuries till this region is protected.' Many of his letters 
 on petty details I have not noticed. 
 
 petty detz 
 39 Sonora, 
 
 Materials, 192-4. 
 
570 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 tanks, surveys of the port, and storing of supplies. 
 Cancio made one or two personal visits to assure him 
 self that the work was being properly done, and his 
 letters from April to June are almost exclusively 
 occupied with the details of this matter. 40 Writing 
 on July 5th he has heard by private letters that Eli- 
 zondo and his troops were at Tepic in May, but that 
 the vessels could not get out of the Rio Santiago 
 before the rise of water in September. The colonel 
 had however detained the California barco and Osio's 
 lancha, and was awaiting permission from the viceroy 
 to embark with at least two hundred men, who might 
 therefore be expected to arrive any day. 41 
 
 Captain Antonio Casimiro Esparza writes to the 
 governor the 2d of October from Bacanora, describing 
 one of the typical Apache raids and the steps taken 
 to punish the savages, all so vague as to be useless. 
 He also complains of the people's carelessness despite 
 their danger, and will if permitted oblige all the men 
 to appear daily at review as at mass, to go always 
 armed, and to keep their horses ready. This will 
 cause dissatisfaction and some will have to be put in 
 the stocks ; but in no other way can the savage bands 
 be pursued at once without the usual delay of search- 
 
 40 Cartas, 184-205. Lieut. Oliva was Cancio's assistant, and Capt. Bergosa 
 commanded one of the flying companies. Gov. Pineda seems to have done 
 some active service, for April 19th, 27th, Cancio warns him not to go on with his 
 small force, as Padre Salgado writes that it is unsafe and the province cannot 
 afford to lose another governor. The Indians made a dash into Guaymas on 
 May 10th, and drove off a few horses. The crops were good except in Osti- 
 muri and the Indians were restricted in their sales. The pearl-craft were 
 impressed into the transportation service. June 3d, Cancio answers a letter 
 from Mexico of Jan. 5th, announcing the departure of Corbalan, the comisa- 
 rio de guerra, and complimenting both Cancio and Vildosola. The former 
 thanks the writer, but is evidently uneasy about the praise awarded to Vildo 
 sola, who as he mysteriously hints is not worthy of much confidence and 
 knows but little of Indian- fighting. Lieut. Lumbreras seems to have been in 
 command at Guaymas. The captain neglected nothing, and June 25th assured 
 the governor that the privies for the army were being constructed in the most 
 approved style. 
 
 n Cartas, 205-8. He is very anxious that all be ready for the troops' re 
 ception, as it would have been long ere this had his advice been followed ! 
 He complains of the system of Corbalan, now at San Antonio, in paying out 
 moneys. Sept. 2Gth, Juan Jose Echeveste writes from Mexico a most melan 
 choly letter expressing anxiety about the expedition, which probably cannot 
 leave Mataiichel before the middle of November. Sin. y /Son., Cartas, 124-8. 
 
A STATE OF SUSPENSE. 571 
 
 ing for and repairing arms, making balls, preparing 
 supplies amid the lamentations of women and a scene 
 of inevitable confusion. 42 Cancio states that he has 
 enlisted one hundred and thirty Yaquis, paid them 
 two reales each, and caused them to shout "Viva el 
 Hey." For these allies he must have two hundred 
 and fifty fanegas of pinole. 43 October 14th he writes 
 of impending trouble with the Yaquis, those of Bacum 
 and Vicam having deserted their_pueblos. The curate 
 of Bayoreca, Francisco Ildefonso Felix, is accused of 
 having incited this revolt, by telling the Indians the 
 Spaniards were coming to take away their property. 44 
 November 19th he recommends changes in Indian 
 governors, because the Jesuits had always selected 
 the most severe and cruel for the position, and now 
 the Indians should be led to expect kinder treatment. 
 There was a prevalent idea among the natives that 
 the troops were coming to kill them, and it was feared 
 some trouble might occur when the vessels first came 
 in sight. Finally on December 16th Cancio closes 
 the correspondence of the year with some unimportant 
 remarks on the progress of the work at Guaymas. 45 
 The preceding resume of correspondence, vague as 
 it is, gives an idea not only of all that is known, but 
 probably of all there was to know of Sonora history 
 at this epoch. It was an epoch of suspense and ex 
 pectation for all classes. The Indians were in doubt 
 whether the great military expedition of which they 
 
 42 Exparza, in Sin. y Son., Cartas, 124-8. 
 
 43 Cartas, 220-2. As the next crops will be a failure in Yaqui district, 
 much of the pinole must be bought elsewhere. 
 
 44 Id., 222-4. He proposes to reconnoitre the Rio Mayo, for the Mayos and 
 Fuertenos will be sure to follow the Yaquis in a revolt. Oct. 28th, he writes 
 to Joaquin Alcaide that the men of Ostimuri must reconnoitre all exposed 
 places four times a month, and must also protect the country during the 
 coming campaign. Id., 225-7. Nov. 10th, he sends a memorial of the militia 
 captain EsWvan Gandarilla asking for the privileges granted to his rank 
 in the Spanish army that is, immunity from the jurisdiction of civil author 
 ities. Cancio favors the claim as the militia captains are usually the best 
 gentlemen of the province and their chief incentive is the desired immunity. 
 Id., 229-31. 
 
 45 Id., 231-9. He also hints that somebody does not know so much about 
 something as somebody would have somebody suppose perhaps referring to 
 Capt. Vildosola of whom he was very jealous. 
 
572 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN GONORA. 
 
 heard so much was to benefit or annihilate them, 
 many suspecting that no expedition was coming at 
 all; but there are some indications that during the 
 period of suspense they were less hostile than before. 
 All Spaniards looked forward to Elizondo's arrival as 
 the panacea that was to cure all the ills of the prov 
 ince by crushing the savages. This scourge once 
 removed, the Jesuits fairly out of the way, and a 
 military force in readiness to hold rebellious neophytes 
 in check, the settlers and miners looked forward to a 
 renewed era of prosperity and ease. Meanwhile they 
 did nothing but wait. 
 
 There is little to be said of the Jesuit missions and 
 missionaries in the last years. The padres' authority 
 and influence were well nigh gone, save over a few 
 women, children, and infirm old men; they were re 
 garded with ever increasing jealousy and hatred by 
 the settlers; and many of them, especially the Ger 
 man element of new-comers, became discouraged arid 
 fretful, remaining to perform mechanically the routine 
 of mission duties only in obedience to superior orders. 
 Like all other classes they were waiting for a change, 
 which in their case came, before the arrival of troops 
 from Mexico, in a radical and unexpected form their 
 expulsion from the province and from America. Statis 
 tics from the bishop's visita, the descriptive list, and the 
 Jesuit catalogue, corresponding to those already given 
 for Pirneria Alta, are appended in a note, in which I 
 include the province of Sinaloa proper and Ostimuri, 
 and to which I add Tamaron's statistics of the south 
 ern coast provinces from Culiacan to Rosario. 46 From 
 
 46 Tamaron, Visita, MS.; Sonora, Descrip., Geog., 566-84; Comp. Jesiis, 
 Catdlofjo. 
 
 Rectorate of S. Francisco Borja. Onapa, 33Ind.; Taraichi, 14 1. E., 50Ind. 
 P. Miguel Almela in 1764, who went to Opodepe and was succeeded by P. 
 Antonio Castro lief ore 1767. 
 
 Arivechi, 5 1. N. Onapa, 112 Ind.; Ponida, \ 1. N., 131 Ind.; Bacanora, 10 
 1. N. \v., 163 Ind.; also 449 de razon including valley of Tacupeto. P. Jose" 
 Roldan, 1764-7. 
 
 Sahuaripa (S. Miguel), 5 1. N. Arivechi, 140 Ind.; Teopari (S. Jose"), 14 1. 
 N. E., 121 Lid., besides 46 in rancheria of S. Camilo, 7 1. E. [also in 1764 Sto 
 
MISSION STATISTICS. 573 
 
 the items thus presented we learn that in the terri 
 tory corresponding to the modern Sinaloa and Sonora 
 during the last years of the Jesuit era there was a 
 population of gente de razon of Spanish, negro, and 
 mixed blood amounting to thirty-two thousand souls, 
 
 Tomds, including Ind. of Chamada; and S. Juan de Dios Chipafora rancho 
 8 1.]; also 52 Span, in district. P. Tomas Perez in 1764, retired and suc 
 ceeded by Bartolom6 Saenz before 1767. 
 
 Mobas (Concepcion), 7 1. s. Rip Chico, 121 Ind.; Nuri (Sta Ana), 5 1. x. E., 
 70 Ind. P. Bernardo MiddendorfF, 1764-7. 
 
 Onabas (S. Ignacio), 111. N. Mobas, 520 Ind.; Tonichi, 5 1. X., up river, 
 372 Ind.; Soyopa (S. Francisco), 14 1. x., 221 Ind. P. Enrique Kurtzel, rec 
 tor, 1764-7. 
 
 Comuripa (S. Francisco Javier), 81. s. E. Rio Chico, 180 Ind.; Buenavista, 
 12 1. S., 299 Ind. P. Benito Antonio Romero, 1764-7. 
 
 Tecoripa (S. Fran. Borja), 20 1. N. w. Comuripa, 210 Ind.; Suaqui, 10. 1. 
 s., 391 Ind.; S. Jos< de Pimas, 16 1. w., 190 Ind. P. Francisco Javier Gon 
 zalez, 1764-7. 
 
 Matape (S. Jose), 30 1. N. Tecoripa, 114 Ind.; Nacori (Sta Cruz), 3 1. s. w., 
 108 Ind.; Alamos (Asuncion), 7 1. N. w., 113 Ind.; also 3 Spanish settlements, 
 Rebeico, Nacori, and Mazatan, with a pop. of 256. "P. Jacobo Sedelmair, 
 1764-7. 
 
 Rectorate of Santos Martires. Batuco (S. Fran. Javier), 4 1. E. Matape, 
 210 Ind.; Tepuspe, 1.51. S., 163 Ind. Also 4 Spanish settlements, Realito, 
 La Mesa, Chihuahua, and Todos Santos, with a pop. of 301. P. Alejandro 
 Rapicani, 1764-7. 
 
 Oposura (S. Miguel), 8 1. E. Aconchi, 205 Ind.; Cumpas, 10 1 N., 116 Ind.; 
 Terapa, 51. S., 57 Ind. Also 7 Spanish settlements: Conadepa, 10 1. N.; 
 Jamaica, 81. x. ; Yecora, 6 1. x. ; Toiserobabi, 31. N. ; Tombabi, 51. E. ; Pi- 
 uipa, 2 1. S. ; Tepachi, 12 1. s. [Tecori, Jonivavi, and Nacosari in the printed 
 report], with a pop. of 1,266. P. Jos6 Garrucho, 1764-7 
 
 Guazava (S. Fran. Javier), 18 1. E. Oposura, 205 Ind.; Opotu, 11 1. x., 
 221 Ind. and 27 Yaquis. P. Juan Nentoig, in 1764-7, rector; also, in 1767, 
 P. Ramon Sanchez. 
 
 Bacadeguachi (S. Luis Gonzaga), 5 1. E. s. E. Guazava, 208 Ind. ; Nacori 
 (Asuncion), 9 1. w., 208 Ind.; Mochopa, 12 1. s., 183 Ind. P. Manuel 
 Aguirre in 1764; P. Jose" Liebana in 1767. 
 
 Baseraca (Sta Maria), 24 1. x. Bacadeguachi, 546 Ind.; Guachinera (S. 
 Juan Bautista), 51. s., 200 Ind. P. Joseph Och in 1762-4; P. Pio Laguna in 
 1767. 
 
 Babispe (S. Miguel), 5 1. N. Baseraca, 259 Ind. Visita of Baseraca in 
 1764; P. Javier Pascua in 1767. 
 
 Nacosari (Rosario), real, 50 1. s. w. Babispe, pop. 165. Had a curate, but 
 he deserted and went tp Fronteras. 
 
 Rectorate of San Francisco Javier. Cuquiarachi (S. Ignacio), 171. N. of 
 Nacosari, 115 Ind.; Cuchuta (S. Fran. Javier), 5 1. S. E., 73 Ind.; Tehurichi 
 (Asuncion), 81. s., 82 Ind. P. Bartolom^ Saenz in 1764, succeeded by P. 
 Jose' Neve before 1767. 
 
 Fronteras (Sta Rosa Corodeguachi), presidio, 59 1. w. Janos, 3 1. N. Cu 
 quiarachi, garrison of 50 men under Capt. Gabriel Antonio Vildosola, pop. 
 484; curate of Nacosari here. 
 
 Arizpe (Asuncion), 30 1. s. w. Fronteras, 393 Ind.; Chinapa (S. Jose"), 6 1. 
 x. E., 296 Ind.; Bacoachl (S. Miguel), 8 1. x. E., 92 Ind. Also in the reales 
 of Chinapa, Basochuca, and Bacanuchi, a Spanish pop. of 291. P. Carlos de 
 Rojas, visitador, 1764-7. 
 
 Banamichi, 20 1. E. Cucurpe, 158 Ind.; Guepaca, 5 1. s., 129 Ind.; Sino- 
 
574 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 living in fifty or more settlements villas, presidios, 
 and mining camps, with the attached ranchos and 
 haciendas; served in part by some fifteen secular 
 clergy, and also by Jesuits acting as curates. In care 
 of the curates, and chiefly in the south', were six thou 
 sand Indians living in over forty native settlements. 
 There were also twenty-five thousand neophytes liv 
 ing in one hundred and twenty pueblos, forming fifty 
 
 quipe (S. Ignacio), 51. N., 134 Ind. Also Spanish settlement of Motefore, pop. 
 296; 531 Spanish in valley of Sonora. P. Francisco Javier Villaroy a in 1764-7. 
 
 Aconchi (S. Pedro), 8 1. E. Opodepe, 205 Ind.; Babiacora (Concepcion), 7 
 1. s., 2i)4 Ind. P. Nicolas Pereira in 1764-7. 
 
 tires (S. Miguel), 12 1. w. Batuco, 236 Ind.; Sta Rosalia, 12 1. s., 53 Ind. 
 Also in Gavilan and other ranchos 125 Spaniards. P. Francisco (or Andre's) 
 Michel, 1764-7. 
 
 Horcasitas (S. Miguel), villa, capital of Sonora, garrison of 50 men, 
 founded in 1750, pop. 488 de razon; Real de S. Jos< de Gratia, 7 1. s., pop. 
 152; Hacienda of Pitic, 151. S. w.j abandoned pueblos of Populo and Los Au- 
 
 Opodepe (Asuncion), 16 1. N. Horcasitas, 413 Ind.; Nacameri, 51. S., 113 
 Ind. Also 153 Spaniards in the two pueblos. P. Francisco Loaiza in 1764, 
 who retired and was succeeded by P. Miguel Almela before 1767. 
 
 Cucurpe (Stos Reyes), 16 1. s. w. S. Ignacio, 141 Ind.; Saracachi, 7 1. N. E., 
 109 Ind.; Toape, 7 1. a. w., 173 Ind. Also 188 geiite de razon in district 
 including the real de Saracachi. P. Ignacio Pfefferkorn, 1764-7. 
 
 Rectorate of Dolores, or Pimeria Alta, see p. 563 of this volume. 
 
 Rectorate of S. Ignacio de Yaqui. Pueblos on the Yaqui and Mayo rivers. 
 Bacum, 1,900 Ind. ; Cocorin, 3 1. below, 2,530 Ind. P. Julian Salazar 1764-7. 
 
 Torin, 6 1. below Bacum, 3,645 Ind.; Vicam, 2.5 1. S. S. w., 3,618 Ind. P. 
 Lorenzo Garcia, 1764-7. 
 
 Rahum, 1 1. w. N. w., 2,684 Ind.; Potam, 3 1. s. s. w., 2,458 Ind. P. 
 Juan Blanco, 1764-7. 
 
 Huiribis, 1.5 1. N. W. Rahum, 1,436 Jnd.; Belen, 2 1. N. w., at mouth of 
 river, 1,054 Ind.; Guaymas, 18 1. W., Indians transferred to Belen, 550. 
 Belen was a cabecera after 1764. P. Maxirniliano Le Roi, 1764-7; P. Lor 
 enzo Salgado, 1767. 
 
 Conicari, on Rio Mayo, 196 Ind.; Mocoyahui, 81. N., 596 Ind.; Camoa, 5 
 1. s., 200 Ind.; Tesia, 6 1. s., 388 Ind. P. Vicente Rubio, 1764-7. P. Jose" 
 Ronderos at Camoa, 1767. 
 
 Nabojoa, 10 1. s. Tesia, 309 Ind.; Cohurimpo, 3 1. S., 630 Ind. P. Lucas 
 Merino, 1764-7. 
 
 Mayo (Sta Cruz), at mouth, 200 Ind.; Echohoa, 81. N., 1,156 Ind. P. 
 George Fraideneg, 1764-7. 
 
 Tepahue, on Rio Ceclros, 8 1. N. W., Rio Mayo, 211 Ind.; Batacosa (ca 
 becera after 1764), 10 1., 109 Ind. P. Francisco Ita, 1764-7. 
 
 Los Alamos, real, with lieutenant-governor and curate; good mines; pop. 
 3, 400 de razon. 
 
 Bayoreca, real, 331. N. W. Alamos, pop. 1,004, Spanish and mixed. 
 
 Rio Chico, real, 26 1. N. Bayoreca, pop. 1,400; with a curate. 
 
 Trinidad de Plata, real, 25 1. N. E. Rio Chico; with 3 other reales, Con 
 cepcion, Guadalupe, and S. Antonio; pop. 715; mine rich; assistant curate. 
 
 Soyopa, or S. Antonio de la Huerta, real established in 1759, pop. 300; 
 14 1. N. Rio Chico; gold placer mines; curate. 
 
 Rectorate of (province of Sinaloa). Mocorito, 190 Ind.; Bacubi- 
 
MISSION STATISTICS. 575 
 
 missions under as many Jesuit missionaries. Of gen 
 tile population no reasonable estimate is possible. 
 
 The names of the Jesuits expelled in 1767 are 
 given in the statistical note. Of the expulsion so far 
 as it particularly concerned these provinces there is 
 little to be said. Captain Cancio, appointed by the 
 
 rito (S. Pedro), 10 1. s. w., 110 Ind. PP. Francisco Alava and Fernando 
 Berra in 1767. 
 
 Sinaloa (S. Felipe), villa, pop<. 3,500; Jesuit serving as curate; P. Jose" 
 Garfias rector in 1767. 
 
 Chicorato, on Rio Sinaloa, 156 Ind.; S. Ignacio de Sta Marfa, 41. E., 137 
 Ind.; Ohuera, 81. S. w., Ill Ind. P. Juan Antonio Cedano, 1767. 
 
 Ocoroni, 8 1. N. w. Sinaloa, 636 Ind.; Bamoa, 81. S., 522 Ind. P. 
 Miguel Fernandez Somerain 1767. 
 
 Nio, 41. S., downriver, 800 Ind. P. Ignacio Gonzalez, 1767. 
 
 Guazave, 2 1. s. Nio, 651 Ind.; Tamazula, 2 1. s., 589 Ind. P. Jose" Palo 
 mino, 1767. 
 
 El Fuerte (S. Juan de Montesclaros), villa 28 1. w. Sinaloa, 1,886 pop., 
 with a curate; Real de Sivirijoa, rich gold and silver mines. 
 
 Vaca, on Rio Fuerte, 145 Ind.; Huites, 5 1. N., 208 Ind. P. Sebastian 
 Cava, 1767. 
 
 Toro, 4 1. s. Vaca, 216 Ind.; Chois, 10 1. E. Vaca, 204 Ind.; Biamena, 8 1. 
 E., 461 Ind. P. Juan Francisco Acufia, 1767. 
 
 Telmeco, 15 1. s. Toro, 612 Ind.; Sivirijoa, 4 1. s., 700 Ind.; Charai, 11 1. 
 S. 920 Ind. P. Javier Anaya, 1767. 
 
 Mochicavi, 4 1. s., 1,600 Ind.; S. Miguel, 4 1. s., 660 Ind.; Ahome, 8 1. s., 
 at mouth of river, 501 Ind. P. Antonio Ventura, 1767. 
 
 Province of Chinipas (largely in Chihuahua), Batopilas, real, pop. 227. 
 
 Navogame, 265Ind.; Chinatun, 238 Ind.; Sta Rosalia, 290 Iiid.; P. Bias 
 Miner, in 1767. 
 
 Baburigame, 2 days N. Navogame, 300 Ind. ; Real de S. Juan Nepomuceno, 
 8 1. w., 55 Ind., 36 Span.; Cinco Llagas, 12 1. s., 155 Ind.; Basonopa, 12 1. w., 
 150 Ind.; Sta Rosa, 7 1. w., 73 Ind.; Tenoriba, 1.5 days w., 121 Ind.; S. 
 Andre's [cabecera in 1767, P. Luis Martin], 2 days N., 287 Ind.; Sta Paciencia 
 de Cristo, 3 days N., 110 Ind.; Gueachic, 12 1. N., 176 Ind. P. Javier Weis, 
 1767. 
 
 Satevo (Sto Angel), 4 days N. Baborigame, 220 Lid.; Concepcion, 16 1., 
 217 Ind. P. Wenceslao Kolub, 1767. 
 
 Tubares (S. Ignacio), 10 1. N. E. Satevo, 250 Ind.; S. Miguel, 10 1. E., 210 
 Ind. P. Jose" Felix Sebastian, 1767. 
 
 Serocagui (S. Fran. Javier), 2 days N. E. Tubares, 139 Ind.; Cuiteco, 8 1. 
 N., 293 Ind.; Churuc, 8 1. N. E., 231 Ind.; Guapaleina, 12 1. E., 118 Ind., 15 
 Span. P. Nicolds Sachi, 1767. 
 
 Guazapares (Sta Teresa), 151. E. Serocagui, 300 Ind.; Temoris, 3.51. s., 
 195 Ind.; Tepochi, 11 1. N., 85 Ind. P. Pedro Pablo Macida, 1767. 
 
 Chinipas (Sta In<s), 18 1. w. Guazapares, 146 Ind.; Guadalupe, 10 1. N., 
 177 Ind. P. Juan Cubedu, visitador, 1767. 
 
 Santa ^Ana, 19 1. N. Chinipas, 280 Ind.; Loreto, 10 1. N., 599 Ind. P. 
 Manuel Klever, rector, 1767. 
 
 Batopililla (S. Jose"), 24 1. E. Sta Ana, 388 Ind.; Barboruco, 2 daysw., 
 211 Ind. [Cabecesa, in 1767.] P. Francisco Slesac, 1767. 
 
 Moris (Espiritu Santo), 20 1. N. Batopilillas, adjoining Ostimuri, 145 Ind. 
 P. Juan Steb, 1767. 
 
 Yecora (S. Ildefonso), 55 1. x. Moris, 118 Ind.; Maicoba, 14 1. E., 271 Ind. 
 P. JoscS Wazet, 1767. 
 
 Southern coast provinces (including a portion of Topia). Masatan, 253 
 
576 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 government comisionado for the purpose, proceeded 
 during August and September to carry out his orders 
 as rapidly and secretly as possible by removing the 
 Jesuit padres from all the missions and sending them 
 to Guaymas. The majordomo of each establishment 
 was put in charge and made responsible for a short 
 time until the arrival of the regularly appointed 
 comisarios, who took possession by inventory and 
 held all the property subject to the order of the gov 
 ernment. The padres sent to Mexico in the aggre 
 gate some thirty thousand dollars, but with this 
 exception the society retained nothing whatever. 
 The few curates in the country were instructed to 
 take charge of the spiritual interests of the natives 
 
 Ind.; Sta Maria, 2.5 1. s., 175 Ind.; S.Juan, 3 1. s., 130 Ind.; Otatitlan, 2 1. 
 s. w., 55 Ind.; Cacalotlan, 2 1. N., 41 Ind.; Sta Cruz, 4.25 1. s., 293 Ind. A 
 few settlers. All under a curate of Masatan. 
 
 Plomosas, real, 14 1. N. E. Masatan, pop. 422, assistant curate; Rosario, 
 real, 5 1. s. s.w. Masatan, pop. 2,459, curate and several clergy; good build 
 ings, mine failing; Chametla, 51. S. Rosario, 21. from sea, on river, pop. 
 500 Ind., 357 Span.; Escuinapa, 8 1. E. Rosario, 110 Ind., 90 Span. 
 
 San Sebastian, villa, 500 Span, and 2,000 in ranches and haciendas, assist 
 ant alcalde and curate ; Mazatlan, 6 1. s. w. , 41. from sea, 8 1. from port, 966 
 mulattoes, assistant curate; Jacob, 5 1. s. E., 500 Ind.; Sta Catarina, 6 1. w. 
 80 Ind. 
 
 Copala (S. Juan), real, 10 1. N. S. Sebastian, pop. with real de Arrona, 
 766; 543 in reales of Paiiuco and Charcas; also curates; Guasima, 61s., 101 
 Ind.; S. Pablo, 28 Ind.; Carrizal, 7 1. N. E., 74 Ind.; Sta Lucia, 10 1. N., 98 
 Ind. 
 
 Jan Javier, villa, 40 1. N. w. Copala, 35 1. w. Rosario, pop. 876, curate 
 and alcalde; Cabazan, 2 1. w., 106 Ind. 
 
 San Ignacio, pop. 374, 100 Ind.; Ajoya, 12 1. s. E., 442 Ind.; Sta Polonia, 
 15 1. s. E. up river, 92 Ind.; S. Juan, 3 1. s., 192 Ind.; S. Agustin, 6 1. w. 
 down river, 215 Ind. 
 
 Cosala, real, 271. \v. S. Ignacio, pop. 1,897, curate; S. Juan Bautista 
 Coristaca, 101. s., 152 Ind.; Abnia, 18 1. s. s. w., 235 Ind.; Tabala, 16 1. N. E., 
 115 Ind.; Tecuichamona, 181. s. w., 123 Ind.; Binapa, 181. s. w., 122 Ind. 
 
 Alaya, 8 1. N. w. Cosala, 220 Ind., some Span., rich mines of El Cajon, 
 pop. 414 in two adjoining valleys, curate; Otatitlan, 12 1. N. N. E.. 68 Ind.; 
 large river between three pueblos and Cosala. 
 
 Culiacan (S. Miguel), villa, 351. N. Cosala, pop. 1,583, alcalde mayor; 
 pop. of 633 in ranches and haciendas; rich mine of Palo Blanco; Navito, 
 20 1. s. w., 80 Ind.; Aguila, 18 1. s., 58 Ind.; Imala, 7 1. N. E., 63 Ind.; Te- 
 puche, 5 1. N., 40 Ind.; Jacobito, 12 1. N., 24 Ind.; Bachigualito, 3 1. w., 123 
 Ind.; Olaguarato, 4 1. w., 162 Ind.; S. Pablo Culiacan, 4.51. w., 83 Ind.; 
 S. Pedro, 5 1. w., 335 Ind.; Nabolato, 10 1. w., 322 Ind.; Bachimeto, 11.5 1. 
 s. w., 94 Ind.; Otameto, 12 1. N. w., 20 Ind.; Capirato, 12 1. N. w., 210 Ind.; 
 Camarito, 13 1. N. w., 201 Ind. 
 
 Badiraguato, 26 1. N. w. Culiacan, 104 Ind., curate; Cariatapa, 7.5 1. E., 
 98 Ind.; Morirato, 101. E., 89 Ind.; Guatenipa, 13.5 E., 149 Ind.; Bamupa, 
 18 1. N., 39 Ind.; Soyatita, 28 1. N., 159 Ind.; S. Javier, 7 1. S. w., 70 Ind.; 
 San Beiiito, 12 1. N. w., pop. 910 Span., curate; Sta Cruz, 5 1. :N. N. E.', 55 Ind. 
 
THE EXPULSION. 577 
 
 until further provision should be made, but it is to be 
 feared that the duty was not very thoroughly, how 
 ever faithfully, attended to. Of the acts and words 
 and feelings of the padres on reception of the wholly 
 unexpected order to give up their missions, their 
 neophyte subjects, the results of all their toils, the 
 homes where many of their number had grown old, 
 we know absolutely nothing, since for some unknown 
 reason the Jesuits themselves have kept silence, and 
 it was the policy of the government to observe the 
 strictest secrecy. 
 
 August 9th Cancio writes to the governor that 
 the Jesuits of the Fuerte, Mayo, and Yaqui have 
 assembled at Santa Cruz as ordered except Padre 
 Cava, who is sick, and Anaya, who has shown no 
 sio^n of obedience, and for whom an officer has been 
 
 O ' 
 
 sent. Cancio with twelve of the padres is now at 
 Camoa en route, perhaps for Guaymas, where he will 
 remain five or six days on account of sickness and hot 
 weather. Again on October 3d he writes that on 
 September 19th he despatched nineteen padres from 
 Las Cruces in two lanclias under a sergeant and eight 
 soldiers; but they came back with the story that 
 they could not enter Guaymas on account of the tide. 
 The zealous captain kept the padres on board, put 
 the masters in the stocks, and himself paced the beach 
 as sentinel all night. At last, on the 22d, he got a 
 receipt for the nineteen Jesuits from Lieutenant Lum- 
 breras in command at Guaymas. October 24th the 
 Governor approved Cancio's management of the whole 
 business. December 20th Cancio speaks of rumors 
 that the Jesuits confined at Guaymas leave the quar 
 ters at night to hold interviews with the Indians, 
 talking of independence from Spain and English in 
 terference. While he thinks the rumors may not be 
 well founded, he has ordered redoubled vigilance, for 
 the Jesuits might do great harm in the country's 
 present critical condition. 47 
 
 " Cancio, Cartax, 208-41. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 37 
 
578 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONORA. 
 
 The exiles seem to have sailed from Guaymas early 
 in 1768 and from America late in the same year. 
 Only thirty of the fifty lived to reach Spain in July 
 1769. Father Baegert gives some details of their 
 sufferings for nine months in the wretched ' cattle- 
 sheds' at Guaymas, on the voyage of forty-eight days 
 to Matanchel, and on the painful march across the 
 country to Vera Cruz. 48 No friars or curates came 
 in 1767 to take the place of the banished missionaries, 
 though there was some correspondence on the subject. 
 I append an alphabetical list of the Jesuits who served 
 in Sinaloa and Sonora from the beginning. For the 
 earlier and later years, as for the northern missions, 
 the list may be regarded as practically complete; but 
 for the intermediate period and the southern districts 
 there are doubtless some omissions. 49 
 
 * s Baeyert, Nachrichten, 299-301; Comp. Jesus, Catdlogo. Nentoig, Perera, 
 and Pedro Diaz were among those who died before leaving America. Of the 
 others we have met in Pimeria, Paver died in Spain in 1770, Sedelmair in 
 1779, Garrucho in 1785, and Espinosa in 1786. Ignacio Gonzalez died in 
 Sinaloa in 1767. 
 
 49 The dates are those when the padres are shown by the records to have 
 been in the country. In most cases they give no indication of the respective 
 terms of service. Names marked with a * were serving in other parts of 
 Mexico in 1767. Dates in parentheses are approximately correct. 
 Abaci, Isidoro Fernandez, 1750. Benavides, Martin, (1G97)-1700. 
 
 Acufia, Juan Francisco, 1767. Bentz, Antonio Ma., 1750-66. 
 
 Adame, Laurencio, 1609. Berra, Fernando, 1767. 
 
 Aguila, Vicente, (1606)-1641. Beyerca, (1695). 
 
 Aguirre, Manuel, 1750-64.* Blanco, Juan, 1748.* 
 
 Alava, Francisco, 1756--7. Bonifacio, Luis, (1609)-1640. 
 
 Albieuri, Juan, 1633. Borio, Guillermo, 1750. 
 
 Almela, Miguel, 1764-7. Bueno, Pedro, (1646). 
 
 Alvarez, LiicasLud., 1750. Burgesio, Martin, (1618-20). 
 
 Anaya, Fran. Javier, 1742-67. Burgos, Juan Muiioz, 1677-94. 
 
 Andonaiqui, Roque, 1742.* Calderon, Jose", 1730.* 
 
 Angel, Juan, (1619-21). Calvo, Juan, (1609). 
 
 Anzieta, Juan B., (1678)- 1681. Campos, Agustin, 1693-1735. 
 
 Arce, Ignacio, 1730. Canal, Gerdnimo, (1644)-1653. 
 
 Arce, Juan Antonio, 1742. Canas, Cristobal, 1730. 
 
 Armas, Jose", 1730. Capetillo, Miguel, 1734. 
 
 Arriola, Agustin, 1742-50.* Cardenas, Juan, (1619-21). 
 
 Avendaiio, Juan, 1730. Cardenas, Lorenzo, (1630). 
 
 Azpilcueta, Martin, (1630)-1636. Carranco, (1696). 
 
 Balestra, Angel, (1619J-1644. Cartagena, Manuel, 1742.* 
 
 Baltasar, Juan Ant. 1757. Castaiio, Bartolom6, (1618-46). 
 
 Barrera, Diego Jos^, 1760-7. Castellanos, Pedro, (1688). 
 
 Basaldua, 1710. Castini, Pedro Juan, (1618-44). 
 
 Basilio, Tomas, 1617. Castro, Antonio, 1767. 
 
 Bastiromo, Melchor, (1699)-1701. Castro, Francisco, 1593-1627. 
 
LIST OF JESUITS. 
 
 579 
 
 Cava, Sebastian, 1767. 
 Cavero, Juan Fern., (1678)-! 690. " 
 Cedano, Juan Ant., 1756-67. 
 Celestri, Carlos, (1688). 
 Cervantes, Andres, (1678). 
 Cervantes, Baltasar, (1640). 
 Clericis, Alberto (1609). 
 Clever see Klever. 
 Collantes, Jose", (1632)-1644. 
 Confreres, Pedro Puu'z, 1697-8. 
 Copart, Juan B., (1678). 
 Cordaveras, Manuel, 1742. 
 Cortes, Jacinto, (1668-71). 
 Covarrubias, Jos, (1678). 
 Cruz, Diego de la, (1616). 
 Cubedu, Juan, 1767. 
 Da vila, Luis, 1678. 
 Diaz, Joaquin Felix, 1744-60. 
 Diaz, Manuel, 1701. 
 Diez, Pedro Rafael, 1767. 
 Duque, Ignacio, 1742. 
 Echajoyan, Juan, 1730. 
 Egidiano, Andres, (1660)-1667. 
 Escalona, Jose", 1730-50. 
 Esgrecho, Felipe, 1688. 
 Espinosa, Alonso, 1754-67. 
 Fentaiiez, Bartolome", 1750. 
 Fernandez, Juan, (1720-30). 
 Flores, Lorenzo, (1640). 
 Fraideneg, George, 1767. 
 Franco, Jose", 1750. 
 Gallardi, Luis Ma., (1720)-30. 
 Garcia, Lorenzo Jose", 1750-67. 
 Garfias, Jose", 1750-67. 
 Garrucho, Jose", 1744-67. 
 Gerstner, Miguel, 1756-67. 
 Gil, Adan, (1099)-! 700. 
 Godinez, Miguel, (161S)~1644. 
 Gomar, Antonio, (1618)-1700. 
 Gomez, Marcos, 1632. 
 Goiii, Pedro Matias, 1677-8. 
 Gonzalez, Andres, 1730. 
 Gonzalez, Francisco, (1699)-! 702. 
 Gonzalez, Fran. Javier, 1764-7. 
 Gonzalez, Ignacio, 1750-1767. 
 Gonzalez, Manuel, (1688)-! 730. 
 Gonzalez, Miguel Elias, 1767. 
 Gorgoll, Juan, 1763-7. (?) 
 Gfashoffer, Juan B., 1731-2. 
 Gudifio, Diego, 1730. 
 Guerrero, Cayetano, 1730. 
 Gutierrez, Buenav., 1742-50. 
 Gutierrez, Francisco, 1756-7. 
 Gutierrez, Lorenzo Ign., 1740-1. 
 Guzman, Diego, 1615. 
 Haffenrichter, Jose, 1761-2. 
 Hardenas, Juan, (16'24-44). 
 Ha we, (1756). 
 Hidalgo, Tomas, (1671). 
 Imaz, Patricio, 1750. 
 
 Ita, Francisco, 1764-7. 
 Januske, Daniel, 1693-1716. 
 Jimenez, Jose", (1678). 
 Jimeno, Custodio, 1764-7. 
 Kappus, Marcos Ant., 1694-1716. 
 Keller, Ignacio Javier, 1742-59. 
 Kino, Eusebio, 1684-1711. 
 Klever, Manuel, 1767. 
 Kolub, Wenceslao, 1767. 
 Kurtzel, Enrique, 1764-7. 
 Labora, Juan, 1757. 
 Laguna, Pio, 1767. 
 Lauria, Cristobal, 1730. 
 Le Roy, Maximiliano, 1764-7. 
 Leal, Aiilonio, 1688-1701. 
 Liebana, Jose, 1767. 
 Lizazoin, Ignacio, 1750-63.* 
 Loaiza, Francisco, 1750-64. 
 Lombardo, Natal, 1678. 
 Loyola, Marcos, (1688). 
 Macida, Pedro Pablo, 1767. 
 Maires, (1701). 
 
 Marciamares, Luis Ma., 1730. 
 Marjiano, Luis Ma., (1722-3). 
 Marras, Daniel A., (1673)-89. 
 Martinez, Juan, (1678). 
 Martinez, Manuel, 1632. 
 Masquina, Diego, (1678). 
 Mendez, Antonio, (1678). 
 Mendez, Pedro, (1592)-1635. 
 Mendivil, Pedro, 1740. 
 Mendoza, Juan, (1646). 
 Meneses, Juan, (1690). 
 Mercado, Bernardo, 1750. 
 Mercado, Nicolas, 1701. 
 Merino, Lucas, 1760-7. 
 Mesa, Jose" Nic., 1763-8. 
 Mesa, Pedro, (1678). 
 Michel, Francisco Andre's, 1764-7. 
 Middendorff, Bernardo, 1756-67. 
 Miguel, Domingo, 1688. 
 Miner, Bias, 1767. 
 Ming, Guillermo, (1700). 
 Minutili, Geronimo, 1706. 
 Miquio, Jose", 1742. 
 Miranda, Tomds, 1750.* 
 Molarja, Ignacio, (1653). 
 Molina, Jos< Javier, 1737-45. 
 Montepio, Egidio, 1646. 
 Montoya, Francisco Jav., (1700). 
 Navarro, Gonzalo, (1671)-! 678. 
 Nentoig, Juan, 1750-67. 
 Neve, Jose", 1767. 
 Nieto, Juan Estan., 1742. 
 Och, Joseph, 1756-64.* 
 OKnano, Francisco, (1618-20). 
 Ordaz, Manuel, (1(397). 
 Oro, Nicolas, 1730. 
 Orobato, Juan B., (1592-1600). 
 Osorio, Jose", (1678). 
 
580 
 
 LAST OF THE JESUITS IN SONOEA. 
 
 Oton, (1619-21). 
 Paez, Melchor, (lC56)-76. 
 Palomino, Jos6 Ign., 1742-67. 
 Pantoja, Pedro, (1639). 
 Paredes, Bias, (161S)-1636. 
 Paris, Francisco, (1646)-1653. 
 Pascua, Javier, 1767. 
 Pascual, Juan, (1G18)-1632. 
 Paver, Jos< Fran., 1750-67. 
 Pecoro, Fernando, 1681. 
 Peiia, Salvador, 1750.* 
 Perea, Jos6 Torres, 1741-3. 
 Perera, Nicolas, 1730-67. 
 Perez, Martin, 1591-1626. 
 Perez, Tomas, 1750-64.* 
 Pfefiferkorn, Ignacio, 1756-67. 
 Pimentel, Francisco, 1750. 
 Pistoya, Geronimo, (1678). 
 Polici, Horacio, (1695). 
 Prado, Nicolas, 1681-97. 
 Proto, Pedro, (1728). 
 Rapuani, Alejandro, 1740-67. 
 Reuter, Francisco, (1678). 
 Rhuen, Enrique, 1750"-!. 
 Ribas, Andres Perez, 1604-20. 
 Rio, Miguel Marcos, (1646)-53. 
 Rojas, Carlos, 1742-67. 
 Roldan, Josd, 1742-67. 
 Romero, Benito Ant., 1764-7. 
 Ronderos, Jos6, 1767. 
 Rubio, Vicente, 1764-7. 
 Sabanzo, Antonio Diego, (1678). 
 Sachi, Nicolas, 1767. 
 Saenz, Bartolome, 1750-67. 
 Saeta, Francisco Jav. , 1695. 
 Salazar, Julian, 1764-7. 
 Salgado, Juan Lorenzo, 1740-67. 
 Salvatierra, Juan Ma., 1680-90. 
 Sanchez, Bartolome", 1757. 
 Sanchez, Manuel, (1678). 
 Sanchez, Ramon, 1767. 
 Sandoval, Luis, (1678). 
 San Martin, Juan, 1730. 
 Santaren, Hernando, (1592)-1600. 
 
 Santiago, Alonso, (1592)-1594. 
 Sebastian, Jos6 Felix, 1767. 
 Sedelmair, Jacobo, 1 736-67. 
 Segesser, Felipe, 1731-50. 
 Sepulveda, Francisco, (1678). 
 Sierra, Alvaro Flores, (1670)-73. 
 Silva, Pedro, (1678). 
 Slesac, Francisco, 1767. 
 Sola, Miguel, 1750. 
 Somera, Miguel Fern., 1750-67. 
 Soto, Francisco Jav., (167S)-SS. 
 Steb, Juan, 1767. 
 Steiger, Gaspar, 1733-62. 
 Tapia, Gonzalo, 1591-4. 
 Tapia, Jose, (1676-8). 
 Tello, Tomas, 1750-1. 
 Tomas, Gaspar, 1678-81. 
 Toral, Jose, 1730-50. 
 Torices, Francisco, (1632). 
 Torres, Jose, 1743. 
 Ugarte, Martin, 1604-24. 
 Urquisa, Antonio, 1678. 
 Valladares, Diego, 1750. 
 Vandersipe, Diego, (1618)-51. 
 Varela, Gaspar, (1619)-36. 
 Varela, Juan, (1619)-36. 
 Varilla, Gaspar, 1696-1701. 
 Vega, Miguel, 1749-67. 
 Velarde, Luis, 1702-30. 
 Velasco, Juan B., (1592)-! 61 3. 
 Velasco, Pedro, 1607-(1621). 
 Ventura, Antonio, 1767. 
 Victoria, Alonso, (1678). 
 Villafaiie, Hernando, (1592)-1634. 
 Villafane, Nicolds, 1678. 
 Villalta, Cristobal, 1604-23. 
 Villammo, 164^. 
 
 Villaroya, Francisco Jav., 1763-7. 
 Vivas, Luis, 1753-67. 
 Wazet, Josd, 1767. 
 Weis, Javier, 1767. 
 Zambrano, Pedro, (1631). 
 Zamora, Marcos, 1730. 
 Zerquera, Juan, 1750. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYA, OR' DURANGO AND CHIHUAHUA. 
 1701-1767. 
 
 AND LIST OF RULERS PRESIDIOS AND INDIAN WARFARE 
 RIVERA'S TOUR BERROTARAN'S REPORT PRESIDIAL CHANGES MIS 
 SION ANNALS REPARTIMIENTOS THE JESUIT COLLEGE SECULARI 
 
 ZATION OF THE DURANGO MISSIONS STATISTICS EXPULSION OF THE 
 
 JESUITS LIST OF MISSIONARIES THE FRANCISCANS SECULARIZATION 
 CUSTODY OF PARRAL MISSIONS AT JUNTA DE LOS Rios ECCLESIAS 
 TICAL AFFAIRS AND LIST OF BISHOPS TAMARON'S VISITA AND RE 
 PORT STATISTICS OF POPULATION LOCAL ITEMS IN THE SOUTH AND 
 NORTH SAN FELIPE EL REAL DE CHIHUAHUA AND MINES OF SANTA 
 EULALIA. 
 
 FROM 1701 to 1767, the period covered by this chap 
 ter, there was no other change in the boundaries than 
 the separation of Sinaloa and Sonora in 1733-4 as 
 elsewhere related, and none whatever in the political, 
 military, or ecclesiastical government of Nueva Viz- 
 caya. The capital was still Durango, but the governor 
 and captain-general was permitted to have his head 
 quarters for most of the time at Parral, more con 
 veniently located for the supervision of Indian affairs. 
 Juan Bautista Larrea was governor from 1700, and 
 Juan Felipe Orozco y Molina lieutenant-governor to 
 1714, there being no record respecting intermediate 
 rulers if there were any such. Ex-governor Pardinas 
 was exiled from New Spain in 1703 for engaging in 
 contraband trade. Manuel de San Juan y Santa Cruz 
 ruled from 1714; Martin de Aldai from 1720; Jc/se 
 Sebastian Lopez de Carbajal from 1723; Ignacio 
 Francisco de Barrutia from 1728; Juan Francisco de 
 Vertiz y Ontanon, about 1737; Juan Bautista de 
 
 (581) 
 
582 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Belaunzaran, with Manuel de Uranga as lieutenant- 
 governor, in 1738-48; Alonso Gastesi, ad interim, in 
 1752-4; and Jos6 Cdrlos de Agiiero in 1760-8. It is 
 not unlikely that there were two or three other rulers 
 not named in this list. The actions of these successive 
 chiefs gave rise to no important controversies or scan 
 dals so far as can be known. 1 
 
 There were five presidial garrisons at the beginning 
 of the century : Pasage, Gallo, Cerro Gordo, Conchos, 
 and Janos, besides small detachments of troops at 
 Durango, Santa Catalina, and various other points at 
 different times. Of Casas Grandes as distinct from 
 Janos nothing more is recorded. For the first fifteen 
 years savage hordes from the Bolson de Mapimi con 
 stantly infested the line of travel northward to Parral 
 in spite of the protection afforded by the presidios 
 of Pasage and Gallo. Disasters were frequent and 
 sometimes serious, though few particulars are known. 
 Haciendas were repeatedly plundered and destroyed 
 until the country was nearly abandoned. Caravans 
 of traders and travellers required a strong military 
 escort, and even when thus protected were several 
 times defeated with heavy loss. The Indians some 
 times fought desperately when cornered, bat generally 
 avoided a conflict with the soldiers unless the advan 
 tages were all on their side, reaching their inaccessible 
 retreats in the mountains with the loss of a few men 
 after every raid. In 1704 a junta of high officials 
 experienced in northern warfare was held in Mexico 
 and resolved on a systematic series of campaigns in 
 the regions between Nueva Vizcaya and Coahuila. 2 
 
 1 On the succession of rulers, government, and Indian affairs see : Berro- 
 taran, In forme; N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hit. t iv. 5-12, 14-21, 39-47, 194; N. 
 Mex., Ccdulas, MS., 150-1, 338-49; Rivera, Diario; Arlcgid, Cron. Zac., 73, 
 98, 202-3; Escudero, Not. Son., 60-2; Id., Not. Chih., 23; Instruc. Virrcyes, 
 99-100; Maltratamiento de Indios, MS., no. 9; Certif. de Mercedes, MS., 40- 
 3; Villa-Senor, Theatro, ii. 340-50, 422-3; Castro, Diarjo, v. 114; Nayarit, 
 Frag., MS., 3-4; Soc. Mex. Geog.,BoL, v. 114; Lizazain, Inf., 6S7-8; Robbs, 
 Diario, iii. 458; Cedulario, MS., i. 217; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 167; 
 Arevalo, Comp., 30; Gaceta de Mex. , v. 180. 
 
 2 Record of the junta de guerra in N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iv. 5-12. The 
 
SAVAGE WARFARE. 583 
 
 The result of these movements after a number of 
 years seems to have been that the country was re 
 stored to a condition of comparative security, though 
 danger was never entirely averted even in the vicinity 
 of the larger towns. 3 Meanwhile the line of presidios 
 was strengthened by the reoccupation of Mapimi in 
 1711, and the stationing a garrison at San Bartolomd 
 which soon became a regular presidio. From 1715 
 also Governor San Juan claimed not only to have 
 afforded adequate protection by military measures, 
 but to have established an Indian pueblo on the Rio 
 Nazas with the most beneficial results. He advo 
 cated the forming of other similar towns as the best 
 means of securing permanent peace; and he also 
 favored a reestablishment of the presidios in new 
 positions on the frontier in fertile spots where villas 
 would take their places in a few years.* Governor 
 Aldai had been a famous Indian-fighter, and during 
 his rule in 1720 some of the worst of the hostile 
 bands came voluntarily to live in peace near Cerro 
 Gordo. In 1725 Brigadier-general Pedro de Rivera 
 made a tour of inspection, visiting each presidio. His 
 diary was published, 5 but contained nothing of his 
 official acts or recommendations. In accordance with 
 
 members were Francisco Cuervo y Valde"s, governor-elect of N. Mexico, Gre- 
 gorio de Salinas y Baraona, captain and ex-governor of Coahuila, Juan Ignacio 
 de Vega y Sotomayor, Martin de Sabalza, and Captain Juan de Salaiza. A 
 guard of 10 men was to be left in each of the presidios, arid all the rest, 230 in 
 number, should march in detachments from different directions to the haunts 
 of the hostiles. 
 
 3 According to Arlerjui, Cr6n. Zac., 202-3, the savages committed depre 
 dations in the outskirts of Durango in 1735, killing two persons and taking 
 three captives for torture. At Canatlan, Sail Juan del Rio, and Casco within 
 two years no less than 40 were killed. 
 
 4 Undated petition of Gov., or Ex-gov., San Juan, in N. Vizcaya, Doc. 
 Hist, iv. 14-21. 
 
 5 Diario y Dcrrotero de lo caminado, visto, y Obcervado en el discurso de la, 
 visita general de Precidhs, situados en las Provincias Internets de Nueva Espana, 
 que de 6rden de Su Mar/estad executo D. Pedro de Rivera, Brigadier de los 
 rrafes exercitos. JIaviendo tran*itado por los Reinos del Nuevo de Toledo, el 
 de la Nuera Galicia, el de la Nueva Vizcaya, el de la Nueva Mexico, el de la 
 Nueva Estremadura, el de las Nuevas Philipinas, el del Nuevo de Leon. Las 
 provincial, de Sonora, Oxtimuri, Sinaloa, y Guasteca. Ympresso en Guathe- 
 mala, por Xebati<rii de Arebalo, ano del736. Folio, 38 1., with MS. notes. It 
 is a detailed diary of the route, with slight descriptive details of the places 
 visited. 
 
584 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 the latter, however, a new reglamento was issued in 
 17 29, "affecting, so far as Nueva Vizcaya was con 
 cerned, only minor details of presidio management, 
 and not the number or position of the presidios. 6 
 
 While the main route and the Spanish establish 
 ments thus became comparatively safe, it was yet 
 necessary for the troops to undertake one or more 
 expeditions each year to protect some threatened 
 point or bring out fugitive and threatening neophytes 
 from their mountain retreats. Captain Jose de Ber- 
 rotaran, in command at Mapimi and Conchos for 
 thirty-five years, made a report to the viceroy in 1748 
 on the campaigns made by himself and the other 
 captains during that period, which document is the 
 best authority extant not only on Indian affairs but 
 on the succession of rulers. 7 It would serve no good 
 purpose to catalogue the various expeditions men 
 tioned, one being very much like another, and many 
 similar campaigns being chronicled in other parts of 
 this work. After 1743 it appears that the southern 
 garrisons had no service in the field, and a proposition 
 was made to save expense by suppressing them. Ber- 
 rotaran opposed this policy, claiming that peace was 
 maintained only by the presence of the soldiers; 
 though he approved some changes of sites, and also 
 favored the policy of founding towns of Indians and 
 Spaniards, he having been successful in 1728 in found 
 ing the pueblo of Cinco Senores with one hundred 
 and twenty Tarahumara families brought out from 
 the barrancas of the Sierra. 
 
 In 1751 five of the seven presidios were suppressed, 
 Gallo, Mapimi, San Bartolome, Cerro Gordo, and 
 
 6 Escudero, Not. Son., 60-1, implies that the 7 presidios were established 
 by this reglamento; but they had all existed before. The force at Janos was 
 47 men, at each of the other posts 33 men, a reduction from the former force. 
 In Durango a pestilence of measles is recorded in 1728, also a severe snow 
 storm and epidemic in 1736-7. 
 
 7 Berrotaran, Informe acerca de los presidios de la Nueva Vizcaya, in Doc. 
 Hist. Mex., 2d series, i. 161-224, dated Mexico, April 17, 1748. The other 
 presidio captains whose services are to some extent recorded in this report 
 wre Francisco Jose and Juan B. Lizaola, Martin and Jos<S Aldai, Juan de 
 Salaiza, Jos6 de Beasoain, Antonio Rodela, and Antonio Becerra. 
 
PEESIDIAL CHANGES. 585 
 
 Conclios; leaving Pasage in the south and Janos in 
 the north-west, besides Paso del Norte belonging to 
 New Mexico in the north-east. In 1752, however, 
 a new presidio was founded at Guajuquilla with a 
 double garrison to take the place of Conchos, San 
 Bartolome, and Cerro Gordo; 8 and in 1760 the presidio 
 of Belen was founded near the junction of the Conchos 
 and Rio del Norte, to be transferred in 1766 to a 
 new site at Julimes. The marques de Rubi made a 
 tour of inspection in 1766, and his diary, kept by the 
 engineer Nicola's Lafora, is similar to that of Rivera 
 in 1725, containing little beyond local items. 9 Mean 
 while nothing is known in detail of either savage raids 
 on the northern frontier from Janos to El Paso, or of 
 campaigns against the Apaches. With a few unim 
 portant exceptions of local happenings we have only 
 the general complaint in all reports, secular, mis 
 sionary, and ecclesiastical, that each establishment 
 was constantly exposed to destruction at the hands 
 of the cruel foe, and that the Apaches often acted in 
 secret concert with renegade Tarahumares and natives 
 of other tribes nominally converted. 
 
 There are no missionary annals proper extant for 
 this period, not even the monotonous local particulars 
 so abundant in earlier times; yet most that has been 
 said of the padres' troubles and triumphs in the last 
 part of the seventeenth century might doubtless be 
 repeated in a general way for the first half of the 
 eighteenth. The period of true prosperity had passed ; 
 but the decadence arising from savage raids, neophyte 
 apostasy, and controversy with ecclesiastical and sec 
 ular authorities, seems to have been somewhat less 
 
 8 According to Garcia Conde in Soc. Geog. Mex., BoL, v. 269; Escudero, 
 Not. Chih., 23, General Hugo Oconor made a tour of inspection about 1750, 
 and his report seemed to have caused the changes. The authors named are 
 apparently in error, however, when they speak of the presidios of Janos, 
 Galeana, Carrizal, Norte, Coyame, S. Elceario, and S. Carlos, besides the 
 flying companies of Jimenez, Namiquipa, Conchos, and S. Pablo as estab 
 lished at this period. 
 
 9 Lafora, Viaye d Santa Fe de Nuevo Mexico, 17GG. MS. 
 
586 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 rapid and disastrous than in the coast provinces. 
 Later in this chapter I present some local statistics 
 showing the condition of the different establishments 
 in 1767. In a consulta of 1744 the governor discoursed 
 at length to the viceroy on the condition of the mis 
 sion and pueblo Indians, showing that very little had 
 been accomplished toward reducing the natives to 
 well-ordered, Christian, civilized, and Spanish-speaking 
 communities. The system of repartimientos was 
 deemed to be a necessity, and should be of great 
 benefit to the laborers as well as the employers; but 
 irregularities had practically made it a curse. Four 
 per cent of the community was the repartirniento 
 allowed by the king; but in reality on requisitions 
 from captains, alcaldes, and other subordinate officers 
 many of the pueblos were nearly depopulated at the 
 time of planting. The Indians were cheated in the 
 matter of time, left free from all control in respect of 
 religion and morals, and forced to go long distances 
 for their wages, which were paid in such articles as 
 the agents happened to have rather than in such as 
 the laborers needed. Thus they were forced into the 
 mountains in quest of food not existing at their homes; 
 and from being fugitives they readily became rebels. 
 The governor favored an increase of the repartimientos 
 from four to thirty- three and one third per cent; but 
 at the same time insisted that the system should be 
 subjected to strict and wholesome regulations, which 
 should apply not only to employers in mines and 
 haciendas but to missionaries, military officials, and 
 native alcaldes and governors. Doubtless many sim 
 ilar complaints were made without any practical 
 results. 10 
 
 I have before me a report on the condition of the 
 Jesuit college at Durango, from 1742 to 1751. Spirit 
 ually and in the matter of education the institution 
 with its eight resident padres had accomplished satis- 
 
 10 Sept. 1, 1744, governor of N. Vizcaya to viceroy, in N. Vizcaya, Doc. 
 Hist., iv. 39-47; also MS., in Maltratamiento de Indios, no. 9. 
 
SECULARIZATION IN DURANGO. 587 
 
 factory results. It had entertained without charge 
 all sick and indigent travellers who had presented 
 themselves; religious exercises had been regularly 
 performed in honor of the different saints, though 
 sometimes on credit, the sums of money promised not 
 always being paid; and the padres had often been 
 cheered by miraculous interventions which are mi 
 nutely described. Yet in temporal affairs the college 
 was represented as on 1 the brink^of ruin, there being 
 no hope of succor from human sources. Buildings 
 were dilapidated; live-stock had nearly disappeared; 
 a debt of $27,000 had been incurred; and drought 
 had raised the price of food to fabulous rates. The 
 seminary at Parral, according to Alegre, had been 
 abandoned in 1745. 11 
 
 As early as 1746 the Jesuit provincial had pro 
 posed to give up the Durango missions, that is those 
 of the Tepehuana and Topia districts, to the bishop. 
 Only slight fragments of the ensuing correspondence 
 for six years are extant; but it appears that the 
 bishop w r as greatly troubled by a lack of curates to 
 replace the missionaries, and there were bitter com 
 plaints that the Jesuits had not taught their neo 
 phytes to speak Spanish, thus greatly increasing the 
 difficulties of the clergy. There was also trouble 
 about the division of property. The bishop proposed 
 to divide it into three portions, two for the church 
 and one for the Indians by whose sweat and blood it 
 had been accumulated; while the Jesuits protested, 
 unsuccessfully as it would seem, that the 'sweat and 
 blood' of the missionaries should be taken into the 
 account. Finally the secularization was accomplished 
 in 1753, when twenty-two establishments, all that 
 existed in Durango, with five of Tarahumara Baja in 
 
 11 Anna del Colegio de Durango, 1742-61, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser. iv. 
 48-59; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 284. See Braun, Carta . . . sobre la 
 cmogttilica vida, virtudes, y santa muerte del P. Francisco Hermano Glan- 
 dorff, Mexico, 17G4, 8vo, 33 pages, on the life of one of the prominent Jesuits 
 who died at Tomochic in 1704, after 40 years of service. The author also 
 served in Chihuahua. 
 
583 NUEVA YIZCAYA. 
 
 Chihuahua, were turned over to the church. Father 
 Och, who visited this region in 1756, tells us that 
 secularization w T as an end of all prosperity on account 
 of the bad character and inexperience of the curates, 
 some of them mulattoes. Some establishments were 
 abandoned within three months; and the church 
 property went rapidly to ruin. Och said mass at an 
 abandoned mission, where the natives not only at 
 tended in person but brought three hundred skulls, 
 that their dead friends might share the benefit. There 
 is reason to suspect that this Jesuit somewhat exag 
 gerates the destruction caused by the transfer. 12 
 
 In 1705, according to Berrotaran, there had been 
 seventy-one mission pueblos under the Jesuits in 
 Nueva Vizcaya, a number increased to seventy-five 
 in 1748. 13 In 1751 fifty-one Jesuits were serving, 
 sixteen in the college and at Parras, Parral, and Chi 
 huahua, and thirty-five at the same number of mis 
 sions in the three districts of Tarahumara, Tepehuana, 
 and Piastla as Topia was then called. 14 In 1753 
 twenty-two of the establishments were secularized as 
 just mentioned. In 1763 there remained fifteen mis 
 sions, or about fifty pueblos, all in Tarahumara Alta. 15 
 And finally, at the time of the expulsion in 1767, 
 nineteen padres were serving at nineteen missions, 
 while an equal number were stationed at the college 
 and residencias. 16 Of circumstances connected with 
 the expulsion from Chihuahua nothing whatever is 
 
 Alegrc, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 287-9; Clavigero, Storia ddla CaL, ii. 
 120; Casati, Dictdmen del Padre Provincial sobre la entrega de 22 misiones, 
 1750; Instruction de Virreyes. 98-9; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 169; Och, Reize, 
 68-71; in the Memoria de las 22 misiones cedidas por la Oompania de Jesus 
 d la Mitra de Durango, d fines del ano de 1753, in N. Vizc., Doc. Hist., iv. 
 60-1, the establishments are named as follows: Topia; S. Ignacio de Piastla, 
 S. Juan, Sta Maria cle Utias (Otais), S. Gregorio, Otatitlan, Tasula (Tama- 
 zula), Baridagitato, Coriantapan. Tepehuana; Cinco Seuores, Papasquiaro, 
 Zape, Las Bocas, S. Pablo, Guexotitlan, Sta Cruz de Herrera, Sta Maria de 
 las Cuevas, and Satevo. 
 
 13 Berrotaran, Informe, 206-7. 
 
 u Catalogus Personarum Soc. Jesu. The distribution is indicated in the 
 local items in note 23, as is also that of the catalogue of 1767. 
 
 15 Tamaron, Visita, MS. 
 
 16 Comp. Jesus, Catdlogo. Thote expelled may be identified by the date 
 in the list in note 17. 
 
EXPULSION OF JESUITS. 
 
 589 
 
 known. Seven of the exiles died on the way to 
 Europe. I append an alphabetical list of one hun 
 dred and eighty-seven Jesuits who served in Nueva 
 Vizcaya from the beginning. It is doubtless much 
 less complete than the lists for Sonora and Baja Cali 
 fornia. 17 
 
 17 The dates show when each padre is known to have been in the country, 
 but not always when he came or departed. 
 
 Abee, Juan Isidro, 1767. 
 Acacio, Juan, 1616. 
 Acebedo, Diego, 1616-64. 
 Agreda, Antonio, 1751. 
 Agustin, Juan, 1598. 
 Almmada, Luis, 1615. 
 Alavez, Luis, 1602-16. 
 Alvarez, Juan, 1616-23. 
 Alvarez, Luis, 1750. 
 Arias, Antonio, 1717. 
 
 Arista, , 1755. 
 
 Arrieda, Rafael, 1751. 
 Arteaga, Francisco, 1678. 
 Arteaga, Manuel G., 1678. 
 Ascarza, Domingo, 1767. 
 Ayerve, Floriano, 1609. 
 Bafiuelos, Francisco, 1678. 
 Barrio, Fernando, 1678. 
 Barrionuevo, Francisco, 1674. 
 Basilio, Jacome Antonio, 1652. 
 Basurto, Joaquin, 1751. 
 Betaucur, Juan, 1615. 
 Boltor, Juan, 1678-1729. 
 Braun, Bartolome", 1751-67. 
 Bravo, Cristobal, 1678. 
 Caamano, Fernando, 1751. 
 Cardaveraz, Diego, 1751. 
 Carmona, Mateo, 1767. 
 Cartagena, Manuel, 1751. 
 Castillo, Andres, 1678. 
 Castillo, Rodrigo, 1645-68. 
 Castro, Diego, 1616. 
 Celada Francisco, 1678-1707. 
 Cepeda, Nicolas, 1645. 
 Chaves, Jose", 1751. 
 Cisneros, Bernardo, 1608-16. 
 Conte, Juan, 1616. 
 Contreras, Diego, 1678. 
 Contreras, Caspar, 1615-53. 
 Corro, Ildefonso, 1767. 
 Cuervo, Pedro, 1767. 
 Cuesta, Pedro, 1678. 
 Cueto, Gonzalo, 1609-33. 
 Diaz, Cosine, 1767. 
 Diaz, Gabriel, 1630. 
 Dominguez, Tom as, 1615. 
 Douazar, Joaquin, 1751. 
 
 Escalante, Pedro, 1665-78. 
 Escamefa, Bartolome, 1759. 
 Escobar, Cristdbal, 1746. 
 Espadas, Jose", 1767. 
 Espinosa, Juan Agustin, 1594. 
 Estrada, Ger6nimo, 1630-78. 
 Estrada, Ignacio, 1717. 
 Ferrer, Nicolas, 1678. 
 Figueroa, Geronimo, 1639-68. 
 Flores, Manuel, 1767. 
 Fonte, Juan, 1598-1616. 
 Foronda, Juan Ortiz, 1690. 
 Franco, Lazaro, 1767. 
 Fuente, Antonio, 1767. 
 Fuentes, Juan, 1751. 
 Gamboa, Juan Manuel, 1675. 
 Gera, Lorenzo, 1751. 
 Giron, Luis Tellez, 1751. 
 Glandorff, Herman, 1751-63. 
 Godinez, Comelio, 1650. 
 Gomez, Alonso, 1610. 
 Gomez, Luis, 1615-52. 
 Gonzalez, Andres, 1616. 
 Gonzalez, Claudio, 1767. 
 Gonzalez, Javier, 1767. 
 Gonzalez, Juan Manuel, 1767. 
 Gonzalez, Miguel, 1751. 
 Gravina, Pedro, 1616-35. 
 Guadalajara, Tomas, 1678. 
 Gualde, Pedro, 1742. 
 Guendulain, Juan, 1725. 
 Guerra, Vicente, 1767. 
 Guevara, Jose", 1678. 
 Gustambide, Pedro, 1742. 
 Heredia, Juan, 1630. 
 Hidalgo, Jos6 Antonio, 1751-67. 
 Hierro, Cristobal, 1751. 
 Hierro, Juan Manuel, 1751. 
 Ibarra, Arias, 1717. 
 Iranzo, Jose", 1767. 
 Isassi, Francisco, 1751. 
 Jatino, Leonardo, 1664. 
 Jimenez, Diego Pedro, 1632- -78. 
 Kauga, Juan Francisco, 1751-67. 
 Kiylt, Antonio, 17C7. 
 Larios, Diego, 1615. 
 Lartundo, Juan, 1767. 
 
590 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Of the Franciscan establishments even less is known 
 than of those under the Jesuits, though evidently the 
 experience of the two orders was much the same dur 
 ing this period. Arlegui, whose standard chronicles 
 were published in 1737, gives a few details for the first 
 years of the century. He mentions the murder of the 
 friars Ramiro Alvarez and Diego Evia by the Indians 
 of San Bernardino de Milpillas in 1702, and the con- 
 
 Lomas, Jose", 1009-18. 
 
 Lopez, Andres, 1605. 
 
 Lozano, Francisco Javier, 1751-67. 
 
 Maez, Vigilio, 1646-50. 
 
 Mallen, Juan, 1616. 
 
 Mancuso, Luis, 1717. 
 
 Maten, Santiago, 1767. 
 
 Medina, Ignacio, 1662. 
 
 Medrano, Francisco, 1678. 
 
 Mendoza, Francisco, 1662-78. 
 
 Miqueio, Jose", 1751. 
 
 Moranta, Ger6nimo, 1602-16. 
 
 Moreno, Cristobal, 1751. 
 
 Morillas, Juan Sebastian, 1751. 
 
 Muiioz, 1645. 
 
 Murillo, Dionisio, 1751. 
 
 Najera, Caspar, 1616-64. 
 
 Nava, Juan Jose", 1751. 
 
 Navarrete, Francisco, 1717. 
 
 Nortier, Juan, 1767. 
 
 Nunez, Juan Antonio, 1751. 
 
 Och, Joseph, 1756. 
 
 Orena, Antonio, 1678. 
 
 Orozco, Diego, 1602-16. 
 
 Osorio, Diego, 1645. 
 
 Palacios, Rafael, 1767. 
 
 Pal ma, Bias, 1751. 
 
 Pangua, Diego Diaz, 1615. 
 
 Pascual, Jose", 1639-52. 
 
 Pastrana, Jose", 1751-67. 
 
 Pereira, Jose", 1767. 
 
 Perez, Francisco Jose", 1750. 
 
 Plaza, Francisco, 1678. 
 
 Prado, Martin, 1678. 
 
 Prieto, Sebastian, 1751. 
 
 Ramirez, Francisco, 1594. 
 
 Ramirez, Geronimo, 1596-1621. 
 
 Retes, Pedro, 1751-3. 
 
 Rico, Felipe, 1751. 
 
 Riualdini, Benito, 1743-51. 
 
 Rios, Antonio, 1751. 
 
 Rivas, Andre's Perez, 1616. 
 
 Rivero, Ramon, 1767. 
 
 Robledo, Jose", 1751-9. 
 
 Robles, Cristobal, 1661. 
 
 Robles, Pedro, 1678. 
 
 Rodero, Gaspar, 1717. 
 
 Rodriguez, Este"van, 1664. 
 Ruanova, Felipe, 1751-67. 
 Ruiz, Alonso, 1600-18. 
 Saenz, Diego, 1678. 
 Salazar, Jose", 1751. 
 San Ciemente, Ger6nimo, 1609. 
 Sanchez, Manuel, 1690. 
 Sanchez, Mateo, 1751. 
 Santander, Hernando, 1599-1616. 
 Sarmiento, Juan, 1665-78. 
 Serrano, Francisco, 1635. 
 Serrano, Juan Domingo, 1753. 
 Sola, Miguel, 1767. 
 Soto, Bernab<, 1662. 
 Steffel, Mateo, 1767. 
 Sterkianowski, Antonio, 1767. 
 Suarez, Pedro, 1638-62. 
 Sugosti, Ignacio, 1742. 
 Tarda, Jose", 1674-8. 
 Texeiro, Antonio, 1751. 
 Tobar, Hernando, 1608-16. 
 Torija, Juan, 1751. 
 Treviiio, Bernardo, 1751-3. 
 Trujillo, Gaspar, 1751. 
 Tutiiio, Andres, 1602-16. 
 Ugalde, Pedro, 1753. 
 Urizar, Miguel, 1751. 
 Urroz, Antonio, 1767. 
 Urtasum, Jose", 1767. 
 Uveis, Francisco, 1751. 
 Uvirs, Miguel, 1751. 
 Vadillo, Francisco, 1767. 
 Valdtis, Francisco, 1678. 
 Valde's, Miguel, 1767. 
 Vallarta, Martin, 1751. 
 Valle, Juan del, 1608-16. 
 Valle, Juan del, 1740. 
 Vazquez, Nicolas, 1751. 
 Vega, Jos6 Honorato, 1767. 
 Vera, Francisco, 1610-78. 
 Villar, Gabriel, 1648-78. 
 Vivanco, Manuel, 1767. 
 Yanez, Luis A., 1751-67. 
 Ydiaquez, Antonio, 1751. 
 Yta, Sebastian, 1615. 
 Zapata, Juan Ortiz, 1662. 
 
FRANCISCAN MISSIONS. 591 
 
 sequent transfer of the convent to San Francisco de 
 Lajas the next year, this being the twenty-eighth 
 convent of the Zacatecas province. Arlegui records 
 several instances of attacks upon parties of travellers, 
 in which friars were terrified, robbed, and once even 
 wounded, but not killed. Indeed he claims that the 
 Franciscans were often spared by the savages when 
 they had no pity for members of other orders Sev 
 eral cases of miraculous rescue in response to prayer 
 are recounted. About 1703, according to the same 
 authority, the bishop attempted to secure the secular 
 ization of twelve Franciscan cloctrinas ; but by sending 
 a representative to Spain the friars obtained from the 
 council of the Indies an order of restoration. 18 All of 
 the southern missions were, however, turned over to 
 the secular clergy before 1763, when Bishop Tarnaron 
 mentions seven or eight of them as being under curates; 
 but I have found no record whatever of the transfer 
 or even its date. 
 
 In the north, or the modern Chihuahua, the cus- 
 todia of San Antonio del Parral was formed by a bull 
 of Clernente XI. in 1714, and put in operation by the 
 provincial council of San Luis Potosi in 1717. Padre 
 Antonio Mendigutia was the first custodian, and his 
 jurisdiction extended from San Bartolonie to Casas 
 Grand es. 19 In 1714 the natives living near the junc 
 tion of the Conchos and Rio del Norte asked for mis 
 sionaries, their country having been visited several 
 times in former years. Accordingly in 1715 padres 
 Gregorio Osorio and Juan Antonio Garcia, with a 
 guard of thirty soldiers under sergeant major Juan 
 Antonio Transviiia Retis, went to the Junta region 
 and began the work of conversion. Five or six friars 
 soon came to join the pioneers, arid six missions were 
 founded, including eleven pueblos. For about ten 
 years all went well; but then the Indians became dis 
 satisfied at the neglect of the government to accede 
 
 Arhciui, Crdn. Zac., 92-3, 201-8, 250-2. 
 
 19 N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iii. 13; Arlnjui, Crdn. Zac., 124-5. 
 
592 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
BISHOPRIC. 593 
 
 to their petitions regarding irrigation works, and 
 finally revolted in a quiet way, causing the friars to 
 retire in 1725. The abandonment continued, except 
 for occasional temporary visits when the natives were 
 always friendly, until 1753. In this year the reoccu- 
 pation of the Junta missions was ordered, and though 
 there were some delays in the matter of obtaining 
 proper military escorts, it would seem that very soon 
 the object was accomplished. 20 I find no definite 
 record of the reoccupation ; but Tamaron in 1763 re 
 ports the missions as in -existence, though the natives 
 were at that time rebellious, making objection to the 
 presidio lately founded in their country. The pre 
 sidio as we have seen was soon removed to Julimes. 
 In these years the Franciscans had in Nueva Vizcaya 
 twelve missions with 4,000 neophytes. They also re 
 ceived the old Jesuit missions in 1767. 
 
 On the promotion of Bishop Legaspi, Manuel de 
 Escalante Columbres y Mendoza was appointed in 1700 
 to the see of Durango. He had been four times rector 
 of the university of Mexico, and to his name was 
 attached a long list of ecclesiastical titles. Taking the 
 green hat in Mexico on July 26, 1700, he took posses 
 sion of his office on September 29, 1701, and held it 
 until 1704, when he was made bishop of Michoacan. 
 Bishop Escalante was especially noted for his charity, 
 having pledged even his pontifical robes in that sacred 
 cause. Ignacio Diego de la Barrera, who had been 
 doctor of canon law and advocate of the audiencia,, 
 
 20 N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iv. 131-72, containing many details of the 
 original founding in correspondence, with Retis' diary of his expedition;. 
 ViUa-SeTior, Theatro, ii. 424-5; Mosaico Mex.,\i. 163. Berrotaran, hiforme, 
 177-9, mentions a difficulty about irrigation works in 1720, when Capt. 
 Lizaola went to investigate and make promises; see also Soc. Hex. Gcog., BoL, 
 v. 312-13, 319-20. Rivera, Diario y Derrolero, mentions the revolt in 1725, 
 in which two friars are said to have been taken prisoners. The mission pue 
 blos of the Junta de los Rios were : Santiago de la Cienega del Coyame, Nra 
 Sra Begoua del Cuchillo Parado, Loreto, S. Juan Bautista, S. Francisco de 
 Asis de la Junta, Nra Sra de Aranzazu, Guadalupe, S. Jose 1 , S. Antonio, and 
 S. Cristobal. The friars were: Osorio, Garcia, Raimundo Gras, Antonio- 
 Aparicio, Francisco Lipiani, Luis Martinez Clemente, and Andres Baro. 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 38 
 
594 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 became bishop on May 7, 1705, and died in office 
 September 20, 1709. Barrera distinguished himself 
 by attempting to establish a collegiate seminary, which 
 however by his successor was incorporated with the 
 Jesuit college. This successor was Pedro Tapiz, a 
 native of Andosilla, Spain, who had been abbot and 
 vicar-general. He took possession by proxy February 
 21, 1713, and died April 13, 1722. Three days after 
 his death he was appointed bishop of Guadalajara. 
 The next incumbent was Benito Crespo, knight of 
 Santiago, dean of Oajaca, and formerly rector and pro 
 fessor in the college of Salamanca. His appointment 
 was dated March 22, 1723; and on January 20, 1734, 
 he was transferred to the diocese of Puebla. Bishop 
 Crespo made three extensive tours through Nueva 
 Vizcaya and the coast provinces, and was the first to 
 visit New Mexico. His confirmations numbered 
 forty-six thousand, and he built many churches in 
 Durango. 21 Martin de Elizacoechea, a native of Azpil- 
 cueta, Navarre, educated at AlcaH, and who had held 
 high positions in Spain and Mexico, having been pro 
 posed for the see of Cuba, was next made bishop of Du 
 rango, which office he held from September 6, 1736, to 
 March 8, 1747, when he was promoted to the see of 
 Guadalajara. This bishop's term was marked by a 
 controversy and law -suit between him and the bishops 
 of Guadalajara and Valladolid respecting the tithes of 
 cattle straying across the diocesan boundaries to graze. 
 On April 9, 1747, the appointment was made in favor 
 of Pedro Anselmo Sanchez de Tagle, a native of San- 
 tillana, educated at the universities of Salamanca and 
 Valladolid, and who had been senior magistrate of the 
 inquisition in Mexico. He took possession August 
 27, 1749, and ruled until September 26, 1757, when 
 he was made bishop of Michoacan. At the same 
 time Pedro Tamaron was made bishop of Durango, 
 
 21 Crespo, Memorial Ajustado, is an argument in a law-suit between this 
 bishop or his successor and the Franciscan authorities, arisingfrom the appoint 
 ment of a vicar in New Mexico and other acts not approved by the missionaries. 
 
LOCAL ITEMS AND STATISTICS. 595 
 
 taking the office in 1758. He was a native of Toledo, 
 Spain, and came to America in 1719 in the suite of the 
 bishop of Caracas, where he completed his studies. 
 His rule ended with his life on December 21, 1768, 
 his death occurring in Sinaloa. Tamaron issued sev 
 eral series of instructions for priests and friars; and 
 he spent much of his time in tours of inspection. In 
 obedience to royal orders he kept a full record of his 
 travels and observations, which record for 175963 is 
 one of the most valuable sources of information ex 
 tant, being utilized in this and other chapters, espe 
 cially for local items and statistics/ 
 
 '2-2 
 
 From the elaborate report of Bishop Tamaron's 
 episcopal tour of 1759-63, confirmed but only very 
 slightly modified by comparison with several other 
 general accounts pertaining to the period covered by 
 this chapter, I extract the local item's appended in the 
 form of notes. 23 From the statistics thus presented 
 
 22 For list of bishops and ecclesiastical affairs generally in 1701-67, see: 
 Concilia* Prov., 142, 333-5, 346, 372-5; Iglesias y Conventos, Eel., 317-18; 
 Ramirez, in Ilust. Mex., i. 22-4; Alcedo, Dice., ii. 54-6; Dice. Univ., iii. 
 143-4; vii. 207-8; viii. 375; ix. 269; Robles, Diario, iii. 257; Doc. Hist. Mex., 
 2d series, iv. 119-20, 171-209; Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 593; Aleyre, Hist. 
 Comp. Jesus, iii. 228; Ardvalo, Compendia, 13, 37; Aposttilicos Afanes, 381; 
 Arlegui, Crdn. Zac., 108; I<jlesiadeDur.,Espejo, Jurid., passim; N. Espana, 
 Breve Res., MS., ii. 317-19, 346; Tamaron, Visita, MS., passim; Villa-Senor 
 y Sanchez, Theatro, ii. 337-9; Providencias Reales, MS., 71-2; Castro, Diario, 
 vi. 230; Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 298; Buelna, Compend., 57. 
 
 Padre Matias Blanco is described as a distinguished theologian and pro 
 fessor in the college of S. Pedro y S. Pablo of Durango. He left some works 
 in print and MS., dying in 1734. In 1702 some Franciscans from Quer^taro 
 held a mission, or revival, in Dnrango, causing much commotion. Income 
 of the diocese in 1728, $60,000. In 1736, $22,000 for bishop's share. In 1767, 
 $50,000, bishop's share $12,519. Tithes from 1756 to 1767 were $460,303. 
 
 Rivera, Diario y Derrotero (1725); Guendulain, Carta (1725); Villa- 
 Senor y Sanchez, Theatro (1745), ii. 339-67; Berrotaran, Inform* (1748); 
 Tamaron, Visita (1759-63), MS.; Lafora, Viage d Sta Ft (1766), MS.; N. 
 Espana, Breve Resumen (1767), MS., ii. 346. Also the following, chiefly 
 referring to the cities of Durango and Chihuahua: Santos, Chron. Hi.it., ii. 
 465-6; Arlefjui, Cr6n. Zac., 59-63, 98-9, 107-9; N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iii. 
 13; iv. 119-20, 195, 316-17, 462; Artvalo, Comp., 94-5, 174; Mota-PadiUa, 
 Conq. N. Gal., 229, 314-15, 517; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 270; ii. 220; 
 iii. 178; lylesias y Conventos, Rel., 322-4; Dicciouario Universal, ix. 72. 
 
 Durango, capital city, residence of the governor or in late years of the 
 lieutenant governor of Nueva Vizcaya ; also cathedral town of the bishopric 
 of Guadiana. or Durango. Population, 8,937. Four convents or monastic 
 institutions of different orders, a hospital, and several churches and chapels; 
 branch of the royal treasury; secular and ecclesiastical cabildos; fine water- 
 
596 ' NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 it appears that in southern Nueva Vizcaya, that is 
 the modern Durango with parts of Sinaloa on the 
 west and the Parras and Saltillo districts of Coahuila 
 on the east, there was a Spanish and mixed popula 
 tion of about 46,000 souls. Only a small percentage 
 of this gente de razon was of pure Spanish blood; 
 and it would seem that the number must have in 
 cluded many laborers in the mines and haciendas who 
 were full-blooded Indians. Nine thousand of this 
 population lived in the capital city of Durango; while 
 the rest were distributed in some thirty-six settle 
 ments, including two villas, one presidio, and fourteen 
 reales de minas, besides many large haciendas which 
 were practically small towns. There were about forty 
 towns, or communities of Indians so called, represent- 
 
 works built by Bishop Crespo about 1728, at his own expense of about $7,000. 
 Many descriptive details of the city with its buildings, institutions, and sur 
 roundings, are given in the authorities cited. The cathedral curate had 
 charge of three visitas: San Juan Analco, in suburbs of Durango, with 610 
 Tlascaltecs; Tunal, 2 1. s. w., 328 Indians; Santiago, 31. s., 221 Ind. 
 
 Nombre de Dios, villa; not apparently in the bishopric of Durango, as it 
 is not mentioned by Tamaron. Lafora in 1766 found 'a few Spaniards, some 
 mulattoes,' and 800 Mexican Indians under an alcalde mayor and curate. 
 
 Mezquital (S. Francisco), 20 1. s. W. Dur.; formerly a Franciscan mission, 
 pop. 257 gente de razon, 121 Ind.; also hacienda of Sta Elena, 41. W., pop. 
 193. The curate has charge of six visitas: Sonora, 20 1. w., 96 Ind.; Jaco- 
 nosta, 20 1. s., 57 Ind.; Sta Maria, 35 1., 264 Ind.; Tenaraca, 40 1. S. w., 165 
 Ind.; Ocotan, 50 1. S. w., 165 Ind.; Jicara, 55 1., 79 Ind. 
 
 Guazamota (Sta Maria), 70 1. s. w. Dur., 50 1. from Mezquital, on the 
 borders of Nayarit; a Franciscan serves as curate; 153 Ind. Visitas: S. 
 Bemabe, 4 1. N., 59 Ind.; S. Antonio, 1. N., 190; S. Lucas de Galpa, 21. s., 
 299 Ind. All very destitute and liable to destruction. 
 
 Lajas (S. Francisco), 50 1. S. Dur., 60 1. N. Guazamota; Franciscan curate; 
 220 Ind. Visitas: Milpillas, 1 day N. E,, 52 Ind.; Tagicaringa, 1.5 days w., 
 39 Ind.; Ylametech, 1.75 days w., 69 Ind. 
 
 Pueblo JSTuevo (Concepcion), 2 1. w. Lajas, 40 1. s. w. Dur.; formerly 
 belonged to Jesuits; P. Nicolas Vazquez in 1751; 348 Ind. Under the curate 
 is the mining camp of San Diego del Rio with a population of 246, and many* 
 silver mines. 
 
 Guarizame (S. Pedro), 40 1. N. Pueblo Nuevo, 40 1. w. Dur. ; Jesuit mis 
 sion to 1753; 193 Ind. Visita, Tumazen, 8 1. N., 114 Ind. 
 
 Otais (Sta Maria), 4 1. N. Guar., 741. w. Dur.; secularized in 1753; 221 
 gente de razon, 125 Ind.; P. Juan Fuentes in 1751. Visita, Bassis, 12 1. E., 
 50 1. w. Dur., a real de minas discovered in 1763 and causing a great rush, 
 chief mine called Tajo; pop. 2000. 
 
 San Gregorio, 2 days from Otais; secularized in 1753; 91 Ind.; gente de 
 razon at S. Javier, 4 1. w., 99; La Huerta, 10 1. N., 84; S. Juan 20 1. w., 52; 
 Bincon, 128; Sta Efigeiiia, 35. Visita, Soyupa (Soibupa), 71. w., 114 Ind. 
 P. Mateo Sanchez in 1751. 
 
 Los Remedies (formerly S. Ildefonso?), 3 days s. Soyupa; secularized 1753; 
 146 de razon, 108 Ind.; P. Miguel Gonzalez in 1751. Visitas, S. Juan, 6 1. s. 
 
DURANGO STATISTICS. 597 
 
 ing the old mission pueblos, now under secular curates, 
 with an aggregate population of eleven thousand. 
 Thus the nominally civilized and christianized inhab 
 itants numbered somewhat less than sixty thousand; 
 the number of gentiles in the mountains of Durango 
 cannot be even approximately estimated, but was 
 comparatively small. 
 
 Again I append in a note similar local statistics for 
 
 \v., 106 Ind.; Sta Catalina, 6 1. N. \v., 105 Ind.; also valleys of Palma and 
 Amaculi, pop. 123. 
 
 Valle de Topia (S. Pedro), 43 1. from Soyupa, formerly Franciscan mis 
 sion; 142 Ind., 78 de razon, also 47 at the Topia mine 8 1. north. Visitas: 
 Canelas, real de minas, 14 1. w., pop. 395; Sianori, mines, 20 1. w., pop. 432; 
 Tabahueto, mines, 201. N., pop. 115. 
 
 Tamazula (S. Ignacio), 3 days s. from Sianori and Canelas; P. Manuel 
 Cartagena in 1751; secul. 1753; 225 Ind. Visita, Agua Caliente, 2.5 1. N. E., 
 115 Ind.; 820 de razon in ranches. 
 
 Zape, secul. 1753, 78 Ind. Visita, Guanasevi, real de minas, 51. N. ; mines 
 of La Paz 20 1. E.; gold mine of Merced 3 1. w., pop. of all 805. 
 
 Santa Catalina, 48 1. N. w. Dur., 14 1. s. Zape; P. Pedro Retes in 1751; 
 secul. 1753; 65 Ind., 948 de razon. 
 
 Papasquiaro (Santiago), 12 1. s. w. Sta Catalina; P. Antonio Rios in 1751; 
 secul. 1753; 101 Ind. ; the whole parish has a pop. de razon of 2,728. Visitas: 
 Atotonilco, 3 1. N., 261 Ind.; S. Nicolas, 3 1. s. w., 115 Ind. 
 
 Canatlan (S. Diego), 12 1. N. w. Dur.; formerly a Franciscan mission; 
 133 Ind. ; also many haciendas with a pop. of 2145. 
 
 San Juan del Rio, 24 1. N. Dur. ; formerly Franciscan mission; curate has 
 4 assistants; 363 Ind., 2588 gente de razon. Visitas: Avinito, real de minas, 
 10 1. N. E. S. Juan, pop. 1,230; Panuco, mines 1. from Avinito, pop. 1,469; 
 Coneto, mines, 12 1. s. S. Juan, pop. 736 in 1761, but greatly reduced before 
 1765. 
 
 Cuencame", real de minas, pop. with haciendas of Atotonilco and Saucillo, 
 2,148. The curate has 6 lieutenants. Visitas: Santiago, near Cuencame", 
 100 Ind.; Oguila, 1.5 1. E., 166 Ind.; El Penol, 10 1. w., 447 Ind.; Cinco 
 Seuores, 151. N., once a Jesuit mission, P. Felipe Ruanova in 1751, 22 Ind. 
 In the adjoining haciendas, a pop. of 898. 
 
 Pasage, presidio, 3 1. N. N. w. Cuencame", 25 soldiers, pop. 509 in district. 
 
 Parras (Sta Maria), 601. E. Cuencame", 1,559 Ind., 3,813 de razon. Visitas: 
 Patos, hacienda, 20 1. E., owned by Marques de Aguayo, pop. 1,201; 300,000 
 sheep. Alamo, Tlascaltec town, 20 1. w., 455 Ind., 270 de razon. Morn", 
 Diario, 384-99, gives some particulars about this district, which was very 
 productive, but cursed by land monopolists. Most of the land was owned in 
 1778 by three non-residents. 
 
 Saltillo, villa ; no statistics, as it was not in the bishopric of Durango, but 
 in that of Guadalajara. With its haciendas it probably had a population of 
 not less than 5,000. In 1726 there were over 700 Tlascaltecs. 
 
 Mapimi, formerly a presidio, 60 1. w. Parras, pop. 1,260. It had been 
 resettled in 1716, after long abandonment. 
 
 El Gallo, a presidio until 1751, 20 1. N. E. Mapimi, pop. 546. Pop. 800 in 
 1766, according to Lafora. 
 
 El Oro, real de minas, 41 1. N. Gallo, pop. 1,082. Visitas: Sta Cruz, 3 1. 
 s. \v., Jesuit mission until 1753; P. Cristobal Moreno in 1751, 148 Ind.; 28 do 
 razon on hacienda of Encino; Iud(5, real de niinas, 6 1 E., pop. 866; Hacienda 
 
598 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 northern Nueva Vizcaya, or the modern Chihuahua. 2 * 
 Here there were twenty-three thousand Spanish and 
 mixed gente de razon, living in sixteen settlements 
 with adjoining haciendas and ranches, including two 
 villas, four reales de minas, and three presidios. The 
 christianized native population of twenty-seven thou 
 sand was divided in three classes: five thousand living 
 in Indian pueblos under parish priests as in Durango; 
 four thousand in twelve missions, or twenty-three 
 pueblos, under Franciscan missionaries; and eighteen 
 
 de Mimbres, 7 1. E. N. E. Inde", pop. with ex-presidio of Cerro Gordo, and 
 other haciendas 1,032; Tizonazo, 8 1. s., formerly Jesuit mission; P. Man 
 uel Vivanco in 1751, 217 Ind.; Hacienda S. Jose" de Ramos, 18 1. s. w., 
 pop. 742. 
 
 Las Bocas, 19 1. N. El Oro, 15 1. s. S. Bartolome", formerly Jesuit mission; 
 P. Juan Fran. Kauga in 1751, 251 Ind., 296 de razon in parish. Visita, San 
 Gabriel, 2 1. w. Bocas, 102 Ind. 
 
 24 Valle de San Bartolome", pop. 1,833 (pop. of district in 1766, including 
 21 haciendas, 4,751), curate; also Franciscan convent. Presidio removed in 
 1751. Visita, San Francisco de Conchos, 20 1. N. E., 289 Ind.; Conchos, ex- 
 presidio, pop. 1,330. 
 
 Atotonilco, Franciscan mission, 10 1. E. S. Bartolom< on Rio Florido, 280 
 Ind. 
 
 Guajuquilla (Nra Sra de las Caldas), new presidio founded in 1752, 5 1. E. 
 Atotonilco. Garrison, C5 men; pop. 1,400 (?). In 1706 according to Lafora 
 26 men had been withdrawn, and the pop. besides soldiers \vas 195. 
 
 Parral (S. Jose"), real de minas, 7 1. N. N. w. S. Bartolome", 20 1. w. Conchos, 
 pop. 2,693. Curate, Franciscan convent, and Jesuit college. Parral was 
 often the residence of the governor and captain-general, who left a lieutenant 
 at the capital. 
 
 Santa Barbara, real, called also a villa, 6 1. w. Parral, pop. 1,020. 
 
 Tarahumara Baja: Santa Cruz del Padre, 301. N. N. w. Sta Barbara, 
 formerly Jesuit mission, P. Cristobal Moreno in 1751; 348 Ind., 767 gente de 
 razon in curacy. Visitas: S. Felipe, 10 1. E. N. E., near R. Conchos, 242 Ind.; 
 La Hoya (Olla?), 4 1. N. N. w., 218 Ind.; S. Jose", 10 1. N., 129 Ind. 
 
 Huexotitlan (S. Geronimo), 10 1. S. Sta Cruz, formerly Jesuit mission; 
 P. Benito Rinaldini in 1751, 112 Ind. Visitas: Guadalupe, 51. N., 30 Ind.; 
 S. Ignacio, 5.5 1. N., 120 Ind.; S. Javier, 1.5 1. S., 170 Ind.; Cienega de los 
 Olivos, 6 1., pop. 740 de razon in vicinity. 
 
 San Pablo, 7 1. s. w., S. Javier, 240 Ind., with two adjoining rancherias, 
 Baguirachi 130, and Tecorichi 282 Ind. Formerly Jesuit mission; P. Lazaro 
 Franco in 1751. Visitas: S. Mateo, 4 1. N., 264 Ind.; S. Juan, 2 1. w., 45 Ind., 
 and an adjacent Spanish settlement, pop. 287. 
 
 Tarahumara Alta : Satevo, 40 1. N. Parral, 448 Ind. , 760 de razon. For 
 merly Jesuit mission; P. Juan Ant. Nunez in 1751; Visita, Sta Ana de la 
 Hoya, 5 1. N., 100 Ind. 
 
 Babonayagua (Santiago), 3 1. N. Satevo, 203 Ind.; Franciscan serving as 
 curate; 109 gente de razon. Visitas: Guadalupe, 5 1. N., 100 Ind.; Concep- 
 cion, 61. N., 90 Ind. 
 
 San Lorenzo, 28 1. w. Chihuahua, 8 1. s. Cuziguariachic, 589 Ind., 345 de 
 razon. Formerly Jesuit mission. Visitas: Cuevas, 6 1. E., 747 Ind.; P. Fe 
 lipe Rico in 1751; Sta Rosalia, 3 1. E., 246 Ind. 
 
 Coyachic (S. Ignacio), Jesuit mission, 8 1. s. S. Lorenzo, 30 1. E. (\v. ?) 
 
CHIHUAHUA STATISTICS. 599 
 
 thousand in the fifteen Jesuit missions, or fifty pue 
 blos, of Tarahumara Alta. Thus the total population 
 of so-called civilized beings in Chihuahua was about 
 sixty thousand as in Durango, though the Spanish 
 population was only half that of the southern province. 
 Near the Franciscan mission of Nombre de Dios 
 mines were discovered in the first years of the cen 
 tury, about 1703-5, which proved to be among the 
 richest in the new world. Contradictory statistics 
 extant make the product of silver before 1800 from 
 fifty to one hundred millions of dollars. Two reales 
 
 S. Felipe el Real, 3 1. w. Cuziguariachic, 283 Ind. Visitas : Cuziguariachic, 
 4 1. s. (?), 290 Ind.; Napabechic, 7 1. w. (or 8 1. N.), 210 Ind. In 1725 these 
 three pueblos had 614 Ind., showing a gain of 169. P. Jose" Hidalgo in 1751: 
 Francisco Vadillo, 1767. 
 
 San Francisco de Borja (Tehuacachic), Jesuit mission, 15 1. s. E. Coyachic 
 (16 1. from Carichic), 415 Ind. Visitas: Sta Ana, 4 1. s. w., 453 Ind. (in 1725, 
 Yequatzi, 3 1. B.); Teporachic (or Teopari), 5 1. E. (or 6 1. N.), 110 Ind.; Sa- 
 
 fuarichic (or Soguarachi), 3.5 1. N. (or 3 1. w.), 302 Ind. There were in all 
 17 families in 1725. P. Luis T. Giron in 1751; Mateo Steffel in 1767. 
 
 Nonoava (Nra Sra Monserrate), Jesuit mission, 12 1. s. Borja, 750 Ind. 
 Visita, Umariza, 8 1. s. (or N.), 420 Ind. Population of the two in 1725, 
 1,070. P. Antonio Ydiaquez in 1751; Pedro Cuervo in 1767. 
 
 Sisoguichic (Noinbre de Maria), Jesuit mission, 20 1. N. N. w. Nonoava, 
 332 Ind. Visitas: Bacoina, 3 1. w., 326 Ind.; Guasarori, 12 1. S., 114 Ind.; 
 Vacaino, 18 w., 319 Ind.; total, 1,091. In 1725 there were 1,960, the two 
 visitas being called Guacuina and Gacayba, under P. Juan Francisco Rexis. 
 P. Martin Vallarta in 1751; Ildefonso Corro in 1767. 
 
 Gueigachic (Nra Sra del Populo), Jesuit mission, 50 1. w. Sisoguichic, 460 
 Ind. Visitas: Pamachic, 61. N., 621 Ind.; Guagueibo, 6 1. w., 208 Ind.; 
 Sameichic, 81. E., 229 Ind. P. Bart. Braun in 1751; Josd Iranzo in 1767. 
 
 Tonachic (S. Juan Bautista), Jesuit mission, 50 1. w. Gueigachic, 400 Ind. 
 Visita, Tecabonachic, 18 1. s. w., 278 Ind. P. Santiago Maten, 1767. 
 
 Horogachic, or Norogachi (Nra Sra del Pilar), Jesuit mission, 18 1. N. 
 Tonachic, 1,525 Ind. Visitas: Papahichic, or Paipachi, 61. s., 1,084 Ind.; 
 Tetaguichic, 10 1. w., 910 Ind.; Paguichic, 8 1. N., 345 Ind. In 1725, 1,220 
 Ind. P. Lorenzo Gera in 1751; Antonio Sterkianowski, 1767. 
 
 Carichic (Jesus), Jesuit mission, 40 1. N. Horogachic, 12 1. s. Cuziguariachic, 
 507 Ind. Visitas: Bacaguerachic, or Bocarinachic, or Bucaguarachi, 51. s., 
 564 Ind.; Teguerichic, 15 1. s., 276 Ind.; Pasigochic, or Pangochic, 41. w., 
 263 Ind.; Tagirachic, 3 1. w., 184 Ind.; in 1725, 2,034 Ind. P. Luis Yanez, 
 in 1751-67. 
 
 Temaichic, or Tameichi (S. Jose"), Jesuit mission, 14 1. s. Pasigochic, 16 1. 
 E. Cuziguariachic, 180 Ind. Visitas: Alamos, 101. E., 243 Ind.; Pachera, 41. 
 N., 304 Ind.; Pichachi, or Pichachiqui, 7 1. w., 265 Ind.; in 1725, 991 Ind. 
 P. Jose" Miqueo in 1751; Antonio Kiylt, 1767. 
 
 Tomochic (Concepcion), Jesuit mission, 20 1. E. Temaichic, 368 Ind. Vis 
 itas: Tresiachic, 91. N., 404 Ind.; Caburichic, 181. s., 344 Ind.; Peguachic, 
 9 1. w., 164 Ind. In 1725, Temotzi, with visitas, Aleasachi and Culiachi, 
 with 2,112 Ind. under Padre Glandorff. P. Glandorff to 1764; P. Juan Man 
 uel Gonzalez in 1767. 
 
 .Papigochic (Purisima), 75 1. E.- Tomochic, Jesuit mission, 328 Ind. Visitas: 
 Paguirachic, or Pugiburachi, 3 1. s., 221 Ind.; Muguriachic or Moleachic, 3 1. 
 
600 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 de minas, or mining towns, were founded a few 
 leagues apart and named respectively San Felipe 
 and Santa Eulalia. The former in 1718 was made 
 a villa under the title of San Felipe el Real de 
 Chihuahua, this being the first appearance of the 
 name Chihuahua since applied to the state, having 
 been probably the Indian name of a rancheria in the 
 vicinity. Notwithstanding its position on the distant 
 frontier, exposed to constant inroads of the savage 
 
 w., 93 Ind. In 1725, 500 families. P. Sebastian Prieto in 1751; Jose" Vega, 
 1767. 
 
 Santo Tomas, Jesuit mission, 50 1. w. Chihuahua, 4 1. N. Papigochic, in 
 valley of the Basuchi, 631 Ind., 40 de razon. Visitas: S. Miguel, 1 1. w., 
 228 Ind. ; Cocomorachic, 12 1. w., 910 Ind. ; in 1725, 1,770 Ind. P. Bias Palma 
 in 1751; Rafael Palacios, 1767. 
 
 Matachic (S. Rafael), Jesuit mission, 5 1. s. w. Sta Tonics, 200 Ind. Visitas : 
 Tegolocachic (S. Gabriel), 4 1. s., 143 Ind., 11 de razon; in 1725, 638 Ind. P. 
 Felipe Ruoanova in 1767. 
 
 Temotzachic (S. Javier), Jesuit mission, 3 1. N. Matachic, on Yaqui River, 
 616 Ind. Visita, Tepomera, 3 1. w., 510 Ind., 105 de razon. In 1/25 there 
 were 980 Ind. P. Juan Manuel Hierro in 1751; Bartolome' Braun, 1767. 
 
 Chinarras (Sta Ana), Jesuit mission, 6 1. N. E. Chihuahua, across river 
 from S. Ger6nimo, 74 Ind. In 1725 seven families under P. Antonio de Arias. 
 P. Dionisio Murillo in 1751; Claudio Gonzalez, 1767. 
 
 Cuziguariachic (Sta Rosa), real de minas, 30 1. w. Chih., pop. 1,353, under 
 curate. Visita, Cieneguilla, 71. E. , pop. 546, with rancho of Laguna, 8 1. N. 
 
 Bachiniva (Nativioad), Franciscan mission, 5 I. w. Cuziguariachic, 100 
 Ind. Visita, Cosiquemachic, 79 Ind. 
 
 Namiquipa, Franciscan mission, 20 1. N. Cuziguariachic, 121. N. E. S. Buen., 
 42 Ind., 70 de razon. In 1763 the fiscal was killed by the Indians and the 
 padre Ignacio Fernandez died of fright. Visita, Cruces, 6 1. S. w., 86 Ind. 
 
 San Buenaventura, Spanish settlement, 60 1. N. E. Chih., pop. 479, and 
 118 in the Carmen hacienda. Exposed to attacks of savages, and guarded 
 by 30 soldiers from Guajuquilla. 
 
 Janos, presidio, 301. N. S. Buen., garrison of 50 men, pop. 434 (455 in 
 1766), under a chaplain curate. District swarms with Apaches. 
 
 San Andre's, Franciscan mission, 10 1. N. Cuziguariachic, 183 Ind., 210 de 
 razon. Visitas: S. Bernabe", 10 1. N. w., 210 Ind.; S. Buenaventura, 61. w., 
 394 Ind. 
 
 Santa Isabel, Franciscan mission, 8 1. s. S. Andre's, 201. w. Chih., 285 
 Ind. Visitas: S. Bernardino, 61. s., 88 Ind.; Sta Cruz, 7 1. S., 319 Ind.; 
 Concepcion, 7.5 1. w., 61 Ind. 
 
 Chihuahua (San Felipe el Real), villa, chief town of the province in popu 
 lation and commerce, surrounded by rich mines, but in constant danger from 
 the Apaches. Population 4,652, 55 at Sacramento rancho, 115 at Fresnos, 
 and 37 prisoners and 12 Ind. at Encinillas, 18 1. N. Curate, 4 priests, and 
 13 presbyters. Jesuit college and Franciscan convent. Cabildo with one 
 corregidor, 2 alcaldes, one procurador, 3 deputies for trade and mines, assayer, 
 etc. Lafora in 1766 says the town was visibly declining on account of non- 
 productiveness of mines and Indian raids ; pop. 400 families. 
 
 Santa Eulalia, real de minas, 5 1. E. Chih., pop. 4,755, under a lieutenant 
 corregidor and assistant curate. Bishop Tamaron in 1760 blessed the first 
 stone of a fine church. 
 
 Nombre de Dios, Franciscan mission, 1 1. N. Chih., 100 Ind. Visitas: S. 
 
CITY OF CHIHUAHUA. 601 
 
 Apaches, the new town was for many years the most 
 flourishing Spanish settlement in all the North Mex 
 ican States. Before 1767, as we have seen, it had a 
 population of nearly five thousand, while Santa Eulalia 
 had the same number in its immediate vicinity, in 
 cluding many haciendas. The grand cathedral which 
 is still shown to visitors as the city's chief attraction 
 is said to have been built at a cost of nearly a million 
 by a tax of one real on each mark of silver produced 
 by the Santa Eulalia mines, amounting to about one 
 and a half per cent. Most authorities represent the 
 edifice as having been completed in 1789; but others 
 say it was built in twelve years, from 1738 to 1750. In 
 the Gaceta de Mexico of November 1728 I find that 
 the audiencia in that year approved the offer of the 
 miners to pay half a real on each mark of silver for 
 the building of the parish church ; and it is to be noted 
 that Bishop Tamaron, speaking of the church in 1760, 
 describes it as "de fabrica sumptuosa, which might 
 any where be a fine cathedral," not implying that it was 
 incomplete. The bishop also blessed the corner-stone 
 of a fine church at Santa Eulalia, which may indicate 
 that the tax in favor of Chihuahua was no longer 
 collected. 
 
 Geronimo, 4 1. E., 121 Lid.; Chuviscar, 4 1. w., 123 Ind., with sitio of S. Juan 
 Alamillo, 8 1. N., pop. 28. 
 
 Santa Cruz Tapacolmes, Franciscan mission, 9 1. S. Julimes, 20 1. \v. 
 Conchos, G9 Ind.; visita, S. Pedro, 71. S., 74 lud. 
 
 Julimes, Franciscan mission, 22 1. N. Chih., 52 Ind. Visita, S. Pablo, 4 1. 
 S., 36 Ind. In 1766 the presidio of Junta de los Eios was transferred to 
 Julimes el Viejo, according to Lafora. 
 
 Junta de los Rios, 4 Franciscan mission pueblos, under 3 padres, not 
 visited by Bishop Tamaron on account of the Indians being in revolt in 1760. 
 The missions were : S. Juan Bautista, near the Conchos, 5 1. from the junction, 
 309 Ind. ; two visitas, Mezquites and Conejos, having been joined to the cabe- 
 cera; S. Francisco, w. of the Conchos at the junction, 167 Ind.; Guadalupe, 
 across the Conchos from S. Francisco, 194 Ind. ; S. Crist6bal, 1 1. down river 
 from Guadalupe, 117 Ind., its visita Puliques, 10 1. below, having been aban 
 doned. 
 
 Belen, or Junta de los Rios, presidio, midway between S. Francisco and 
 Guadalupe. Founded in 1760, much to the displeasure of the natives; garri 
 son of 50 men, pop. 138. Transferred as stated above to Julirnes in 1766. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 1701-1800. 
 
 A GLANCE AT NEW MEXICO COAHUILA, OR NUEVA ESTREMADURA GOV 
 ERNMENT AND RULERS GENERAL PROGRESS AND STATISTICS LOCAL 
 ITEMS CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD-^MILITARY AND MISSION AFFAIRS 
 TEXAS, OR NUEVAS FILIPINAS OPERATIONS OF ST DENIS RAMON'S 
 EXPEDITION MISSIONS REFOUNDED GOVERNOR ALARCON FOUNDING 
 OF BEJAR AND SAN ANTONIO FRENCH INVASION EXPEDITION OF GOV 
 ERNOR SAN MIGUEL DE AGUAYO VILLA OF SAN FERNANDO REDUCTION 
 OF MILITARY FORCE QUERETARO FRIARS TRANSFER THEIR MISSIONS 
 FRENCH BOUNDARY QUESTION SUCCESSION OF GOVERNORS APACHE 
 WARFARE PENITENT LIPANES TROUBLES OF THE FRIARS MISSIONS 
 OF SAN JAVIER RABAGO'S EXCESSES CONTRABAND TRADE SAN SABA, 
 PRESIDIO AND MISSION ZEAL OF CONDE DE REGLA A MASSACRE 
 PARRILLA'S CAMPAIGN RULE OF OCONOR AND RIPPERDA NORTHERN 
 ESTABLISHMENTS ABANDONED BUCARELI AND NACODOCHES QUERE 
 TARO FRIARS RETIRE EFFORTS OF MEZIERES MORFI'S WORK LOCAL 
 AFFAIRS CONDITION OF THE PROVINCE LAST DECADES OF THE CENTURY. 
 
 FOR the earlier periods I have given a brief sketch 
 of New Mexican history; but now that the time of 
 exploration, of conquest, of mission-founding, of revo 
 lution, and of reconquest was past, annals of the 
 province afford scanty material for a resume. The 
 country had fallen into the condition of monotonous 
 non-progressive existence that sooner or later came 
 upon most Spanish provinces. One governor suc 
 ceeded another at intervals of a few years, most rules 
 being marked by quarrels and complicated legal in 
 vestigations. The friars toiled faithfully according 
 to their methods and lights to keep their mission 
 communities in the narrow path. The missionary 
 force varied from forty to twenty-five during the 
 
 (602) 
 
NEW MEXICO. COS 
 
 century; the neophyte population from fifteen thou 
 sand to ten thousand; while the Spanish and mixed 
 population increased from perhaps five thousand to 
 twenty thousand. The mission Indians, though bap 
 tized and complying with certain religious obligations, 
 were practically not changed by their nominal con 
 version, and were still strongly addicted to their old 
 idolatries. Hardly a year passed without rumors of 
 impending revolt; but no great disaster occurred. 
 Early in the century Zuni was "abandoned for a time 
 but recovered; while the Moquis in despite of en 
 treaties and force persisted in maintaining their relig 
 ious independence, even in the later years when 
 drought, pestilence, and raids of savages had reduced 
 their numbers from seventeen thousand to less than 
 one thousand, though many individuals of this nation 
 were baptized from time to time. Shortly after 1767 
 several of the missions adjoining Spanish settlements 
 were put in charge of secular curates ; and after the 
 ravages of small-pox in 1780-1 the missions were re 
 duced against the wishes of the friars to nineteen by 
 consolidation. Controversies were frequent, but not 
 very bitter. Santa Fe, La Canada, Alburquerque, 
 and El Paso acquired a Spanish population of over 
 two thousand each. Trade was carried on both by 
 Spaniards and Indians with the northern gentiles; 
 and each year a great caravan of traders went to 
 Chihuahua to exchange products of the north for 
 needed articles of merchandise. Meanwhile attacks 
 of savage foes on the frontier posts were frequent; 
 and there were few years in which a campaign, gen 
 erally ineffective, was not made by the presidial forces. 
 Some bands of Apaches, Comanches, and Navajos 
 were generally on the war-path, while others found it 
 advantageous from time to time to make treaties of 
 peace. Warfare against the savages was more actively 
 waged under Governor Anza after the organization 
 of the Provincias Internas; and finally the Comanches, 
 after defeat in several campaigns, became allies of the 
 
604 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 Spaniards against the Apaches. Details of New 
 Mexican annals for the century are given in another 
 volume of this series. 1 
 
 The province of Coahuila, also called Reino de la 
 Nueva Estremadura, extended northward across the 
 Rio Bravo to the Rio Medina, which was generally 
 regarded as the boundary between that province and 
 Texas, known also as Nuevas Filipinas. 2 In 1785 
 the district of Saltillo and Parras was detached from 
 Nueva Vizcaya and added to Coahuila, making the 
 southern boundary practically the same as on modern 
 maps. In 1691-2, as we have seen, Domingo Teran 
 de los Rios was governor of Coahuila and Texas, and 
 was succeeded perhaps by Francisco Cuervo y "Val- 
 des. In 1702 or a little later Martin de Alarcon 
 became governor, 3 and his authority was extended 
 over Texas on the reoccupation of that province in 
 1716. His successor, the Marques de San Miguel de 
 Aguayo, ruled both provinces in 171922; as did 
 possibly his successor, Fernando Perez de Almazan, 
 in 1722-6; but later each province seems to have had 
 a separate ruler. 4 The rulers of Texas will be named 
 later in this chapter; for Coahuila I find no record 
 of their names except that Clemente de la Garza 
 was governor in 1738 until 1753, when Pedro Rd- 
 
 1 See Hist. N. Mex. and Ariz. 
 
 2 The boundary line is not a very satisfactory one, as the Medina is a 
 branch of the San Antonio, and there is no indication that the southern bank 
 of this stream near the gulf was ever deemed a part of Coahuila. A map of 
 about the middle of the century, copied from the Archivo General, in Prieto, 
 Hist. Tamaullpas, and given in Hist. Mex., iii., this series, makes Nuevo 
 Santander extend up to the San Antonio; but nothing else appears in support 
 of such a division. Again Morfi, in 1778, Diario, 452, says the Nueces was 
 the line between Texas and Santander; but this view is also unsupported. 
 As a matter of fact there were no exact bounds, as none were needed. Coa 
 huila and Santander had settlements on the Kio Grande; Texas on the San 
 Antonio; and there was no settlement between. Why the Medina rather 
 than the Nueces or Hondo was generally spoken of as the bound it is hard to 
 determine. 
 
 3 Alarcon, Relation, MS., 306, etc. In 1704 Gregorio de Salinas y Baraona 
 is named as ex-governor. N. Viz., Doc. Hist., iv. 6. 
 
 4 According to Guerra de N. Esp., ii. 711, the separation was in 1720. 
 Yoakum, Hist. Tex., i. 77, following a document in the Bejar archives, tells 
 us that separate governors were appointed in 1727. 
 
RULERS OF COAHUILA. 605 
 
 bago y Teran held the office, as he had done perhaps 
 for many years. In 1756 Angel Martos y Navarrete 
 took the place; and about 1760 changed places with 
 Governor Jacinto de Barrios y Jduregui from Texas. 
 The end of Barrios' term does not appear; but after 
 him ruled Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola/ succeeded in 
 1778 by Juan de Ugalde, and he apparently by Pedro 
 Fueros in 1783, who was still governor in 1789. 6 
 
 From 1776 Coahuila and Texas belonged to the 
 Provincias Internas, the organization and changes of 
 which government are noted in another chapter; and 
 from 1786 Colonel Ugalde held the military power 
 as comandante de armas. 7 Also in 1786 the two 
 provinces were attached to the intendencia of San 
 Luis Potosi; but of political rulers after Fueros under 
 the new system I find no record. In judicial matters 
 these provinces were transferred in 1779 from the 
 audiencia of Mexico to that of Guadalajara; and 
 ecclesiastically in the same year from the see of Gua 
 dalajara to the new one of Nuevo Leon. 8 
 
 Coahuila in this century was in every way more 
 prosperous than Texas, obstacles in the way of progress 
 though of similar nature being somewhat less formid 
 able. The province was often raided by savages, but 
 they came from a distance and their ravages were 
 local. The natives as neophytes were not perhaps less 
 fickle and lazy and vicious than those of Texas, but 
 they were more completely under control of the friars, 
 and the Tlascaltecs in several establishments were 
 comparatively models of industry. Many settlers of 
 Spanish and mixed blood were of the usual worthless 
 character; but there were exceptions, and in several dis 
 tricts haciendas, ranchos, and even a few mines were 
 prosperously maintained. No serious derelictions are 
 recorded against provincial or presidio rulers; nor do 
 they seem to have been often involved in controversies 
 
 6 Morfi, Diario, 415, 418. 
 
 6 Gaccta de Mcx., i. 76; Ziifiiga y Ontiveros, Col. Man., 86. 
 
 1 Instruction formada en virtud de real drden. 
 
 8 Selena, Recop., i. pt. iii. 291. 
 
606 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 with the missionaries. But it was only in comparison 
 with one or two other provinces, and taking into con 
 sideration the difficulties encountered by a small and 
 indolent population constantly exposed to the attacks 
 of savage hordes, that Coahuila could be called flour 
 ishing; and mission work was almost a complete failure. 
 The number of mission Indians was about 1,800 in 
 1786, and 1,600 seven years later; but two thirds of 
 the number were TIascaltecs. The total population 
 of neophytes and gente de razon, including the families 
 of the soldiers, was estimated in 1780 at about 8,000, 
 but was nearly doubled by the addition of the Saltillo 
 and Parras district in 1785. I append some items of 
 local information respecting the different establish 
 ments. 9 
 
 9 Monclova, Santiago de, villa and presidio, capital, founded 1G87. Pre 
 sidio sometimes called San Francisco. Garrison of 35 men, and population of 
 400 families 150 Spanish in 1744-5. Annual cost of presidio about 1758, 
 $13,057. By the reglamento of 1772 the presidio was transferred to the Rio 
 Grande, about 20 leagues above S. Juan, with 43 men; but I have no record 
 of its annals at the new site except the visit of Gen. Croix in 1778. The 
 villa consisted in 1778 of low adobe buildings; public edifices insignificant. 
 
 San Miguel de Aguayo, adjoining Monclova on the north, founded as a 
 mission in 1675. Arricivita says it was sacked by the Tobosos in 1702, which 
 may be an error. Adjoining San Miguel, and forming a separate barrio, and 
 practically a part of the town of Monclova in later years, was San Francisco 
 de Nueva Tlascala, founded with TIascaltecs about 1690. The natives, and 
 to a less extent the TIascaltecs, became of mixed Indian, negro, arid Spanish 
 blood before 1778, when there was a good church at S. Francisco, under a 
 curate. Tithes had yielded $80,000 above expenses. A barefooted friar took 
 charge of S. Miguel in 1781. In 1786 S. Miguel had a population of 192, and 
 S. Francisco of 470. One hundred and eighty-one and 399 were the figures in 
 1793. 
 
 San Fernando de Austria, or de Rosas, villa, founded in 1753, in the 
 valley of Las Animas, 13 (or 3) 1. s. w. of the presidio of Monclova, 22 1. w. 
 of S. Juan Bautista. Seventy-six families in 1778. Two ranchos of Patiiio 
 and San Ildefonso near by. 
 
 Agua Verde, presidio, 3.5 1. from the Rio Grande, 10 1. N. w. of Monclova 
 presidio, visited by Gen. Croix in 1778. This was apparently one of the four 
 presidios Monclova, Cerro Gordo, S. Saba, and Sta Rosa transferred to the 
 Rio Grande by the reglamento of 1772. 
 
 Santa Rosa, villa, 26 1. s. w. of the presidio of Monclova, near the Rio 
 Sabinas. Visited by Croix and Morfi in 1778. Some ranchos and mines in 
 the vicinity. Here seems to have been the presidio of Sacramento, founded 
 in 1736, and having a garrison of 50 men in 17445. No record of the change 
 from presidio to villa. Perhaps it A* as in 1772, and this 'was the presidio 
 called Sta Rosa, 
 
 San Antonio de la Babia, presidio, 32 1. N. K. w. of Sta Rosa, 16 1. E. of 
 N. Vizcaya boundary. Visited by Croix in 1778. This was another of the 
 four presidios transferred in 1772, the other two being beyond the limits of 
 Coahuila. 
 
 Nadadores, Nra Sra de la Victoria, or Santa Rosa, mission, founded about 
 
LOCAL ITEMS. 607 
 
 There is but little to add in the form of chrono 
 logical annals. At the beginning of the century the 
 Queretaro friars obtained a military guard soon con 
 stituting the regular presidio of San Juan Bautista, 
 under the protection of which they maintained near 
 the Rio Grande several missions for many years. At 
 times there was much prosperity in respect of agri 
 culture and stock-raising. Sometimes one or more 
 of the missions, as in 1715, were abandoned on ac 
 count of Apache raids. Sometimes the neophytes 
 ran away; but others were found to take their places. 
 The records are very meagre so far as details are con 
 cerned. In 1729 there was, as Berrotaran tells us, 
 
 1677, * 1. w. of Monclova villa. Soon abandoned by natives, whose place 
 was taken by Tlascaltecs. Population 305 in 1786, under a Franciscan of the 
 Pachuca college since 1781. Population 309 in 1793. Nothing is heard of 
 S. Buenaventura after 1745, when it is mentioned by Villa-Senor. 
 
 San Juan Bautista, or presidio del Rio Grande, founded in 1702; continued 
 with garrison of 43 men by reglamento of 1772. A badly constructed, ugly 
 town in 1778. The captain had civil jurisdiction over three missions, a villa, 
 and several ranches. Chaplain got $1,500 per year in fees. 
 
 San Juan Bautista mission, adjoining the presidio; founded 1699, but 
 transferred to this site in 1700. Down to 1761 the baptisms by the Queretaro 
 friars were 1,434; burials 1,606. Population in 1778, 35. In 1786 the mission 
 had 75 Indians, 30 stone houses, 4,200 sheep, 380 cattle. Fertile fields and 
 extensive irrigation works. Good church and buildings. Population 63 in 
 1793. 
 
 San Bernardo, near the presidio of S. Juan, founded in 1703, and the site 
 changed several times. Baptisms numbered 1,618 down to 1761. In 1777 
 deemed the richest mission in Coahuila. An irrigation canal 20 1. long brings 
 water from the river. Fine church nearly completed, but described as a 
 wretched affair in 1786. Population in 1786, 146; 5,000 sheep, 250 cattle, 
 270 horses, 40 stone houses. One hundred and three Indians in 1693. A 
 mission of San Francisco Solano, transferred to S. Ildefonso Valley in 1703, 
 and to the Rio Grande, 3 1. from S. Juan, in 1708, was finally moved to the 
 San Antonio River in Texas in 1718. 
 
 Peyotes, Nombre de Jesus, mission, 111. from the Rio Grande, founded 
 in 1688, and on later site perhaps in 1698. The poorest of all the missions, 
 sometimes had no padre. Thirty-five Indians in 1777; 59 in 1786; 56 in 
 1793. 
 
 San Pedro de Gigedo, villa, adjoining Peyotes mission; founded about 
 1753 or later with 'delincuent mulattoes' and other settlers. Under spiritual 
 care of the mission. Two hundred and seven inhabitants in 1786. 
 
 San Francisco Vizarron, mission, near Peyotes, and 10 1. from the presidio; 
 founded 1737. Nearly ruined when the barefooted friars took charge. Bap 
 tisms, 17S1-7, 285. Population in 1786, 108; in 1793, 82. 
 
 San Bernardino de Candela, mission, near the border of N. Leon, 24 1. 
 from Monclova; founded in 1690 with Tlascaltecs and natives, the latter dis 
 appearing later. Tlascaltec population in 1786, 488; in 1793, 448. 
 
 San Carlos, villa, adjoining S. Bernardino; founded in 1774, or possibly 
 transferred here from a short distance where it had been established a little 
 earlier. Population 381 in 1786. Served by padre of the mission. 
 
608 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 an exploration of the Rio Grande from San Juan up 
 to the Conchos junction. Cavo says that two pre 
 sidios were founded in 1736, thirty and fifty-five 
 leagues respectively distant from Monclova. One of 
 them was Sacramento, or Santa Rosa; but I know 
 nothing of the other. The historian Villa-Seiior y 
 Sanchez includes in his work much information about 
 the condition of Coahuila in 1745. In 1771-2 the 
 Queretaro Franciscans gave up their missions to the 
 Jalisco friars. According to Arricivita they had bap 
 tized in Coahuila and Texas 10,244 natives, burying 
 6,434, and leaving to their successors 1,064. The 
 reglarnento of 1772 transferred the presidios of Mon 
 clova and Santa Rosa, with San Luis from the San 
 Saba in Texas, to the vicinity of the Rio Grande, to 
 form with San Juan and with the garrisons of Texas 
 and Nueva Vizcaya a line of frontier defences against 
 the savages. In 1777-8 the province was visited by 
 the Caballero de Croix, commander of the Provincias 
 Internas; and in Padre Morfi's diary of the expedi- 
 tiort we have an excellent description of all the estab 
 lishments. From this time an earnest effort seems 
 to have been made to render the military service more 
 effective, and with much success, especially under the 
 direction of Colonel Ugalde, who both as governor 
 and comandante de annas made many successful cam 
 paigns against the Apaches in both provinces. We 
 have no definite record of mission affairs while the 
 Jalisco friars were in exclusive charge; but it was 
 clearly a period of rapid decadence and not of prog 
 ress. In 1781, however, all the missions were turned 
 over to the barefooted Franciscans of the Pachuca 
 college; and these zealous workers in the face of great 
 difficulties seem to have effected a marked improve 
 ment as is shown in the reports of 1786-7 by padres 
 Arze y Porteria and Garcia. The viceroy Revilla 
 Gigedo included in his report of 1793 a full account 
 of the Coahuila missions, recommending their secular 
 ization. I suppose the establishments were put in 
 
ST DENIS IN TEXAS. 609 
 
 charge of curates before 1800, though I have found 
 no record of the change. Indeed there is practically 
 no information extant respecting events in these prov 
 inces during the last decade of the century. 10 
 
 The Texas missions had been abandoned in 1693. 
 The friars were always eager for a reoccupation, but 
 their petitions for government aid were without effect. 
 The necessary impulse for a new expedition, as for 
 the original occupation, was to Be afforded by the 
 French. An officer from Louisiana is said to have 
 traversed the country to the borders of Coahuila and 
 back about 1705; and six years later Padre Hidalgo 
 wrote to the French governor requesting his inter 
 vention in some unexplained manner among the 
 Texan tribes. 11 We have only a bare mention of 
 these things, and know not what influence, if any, 
 they had on later developments. In 1713, however, 
 Governor Cadillac authorized the same French offi 
 cer, Louis de St Denis, to visit the old Spanish mis 
 sions for the purpose of purchasing live-stock. 12 This 
 was mainly but a pretext, the chief object being, not 
 political encroachment as some have believed, but 
 the opening of commercial relations with the Spanish 
 settlements. St Denis left St Jean, near Mobile, in 
 September with twenty-four Canadians, proceeding 
 by water to Natchitoches on Red River, where he 
 
 10 For Coahuila annals of 1700-1800 see Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 94-7, 
 216-22, 241-4, 439-49; Espinosa, Chrdn., 445, 432-85, 528-34; Villa-Senor y 
 Sanchez, Theatre, ii. 306-19, 347-8; Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 27 de Die. 1793, 
 444-7, also MS.; Orozco y Berra, Carlo, Etnog., 303-4; Arze y Portria, In 
 fo rme dado al P. Guardian del Coleaio de Pachuca, del Extado, pasado como 
 actual de las misiones de Coahuila, 1787, MS.; Garcia, Informe acerca de las 
 Mitiones del Rio Grande, 1786, MS.; Morfi, Diario, 420-50, 467-87; Presidios, 
 Rrglam. e Instruc.; N. Espana, Breve Resumen, MS., ii. 312-13; Altamira, 
 Pantos, MS., 497-8; Berrotaran, Informe, 191; Arlegui, Crdn. Zac., 202-8; 
 Cai-o, TresSir/los, ii. 137; Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 511. 514; Soc. Geo<j. 
 Alex., Bol., 2da e"p. i. 570-1; Escndero, Not. Son., 63-5; Pinart, Col. Doc. 
 Mex., MS., 239-40; Rivera, Diario y Derrotero, 53; Unalde, Documentor, MS., 
 passim ; Certification de Mercedes, MS. , 35-6. 
 
 u Tsxas, Doc. Hit., MS., 160, 166, 242. Hidalgo's letter was dated Jan. 
 17, 1711. According to Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf, 221-2, Hidalgo was blamed 
 by the government for his suggestion of French intervention, the request 
 having been merely to interfere to make peace between the tribes. 
 
 12 Patent dated Sept. 12, 1713, in Texas, Doc. Hist., MS., 159-60. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 39 
 
610 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 left a large amount of merchandise and part of his 
 men. In the spring of 1714 he went on to the coun 
 try of the Tejas, where cattle were found in great 
 abundance. The natives expressed a strong desire 
 for the return of Padre Hidalgo and Captain Urrutia, 
 the latter being perhaps one of the men who had re 
 turned to live with the Indians after the padres' 
 departure. Accordingly a force of Tejas under the 
 chief Bernardino joined St Denis, who sent back 
 most of his Canadians, and was delighted to have an 
 additional excuse for visiting the Spaniards. On the 
 way they had a fight with the Lipan Apaches on the 
 Rio San Marcos; 13 but they were victorious, and in 
 August arrived at the presidio of San Juan Bautista 
 on the Rio Grande, where they were kindly received 
 by Captain Diego Ramon. 
 
 The Frenchman was entertained at the presidio 
 while the news of his arrival was sent to the governor 
 and viceroy; and then by the latter's orders he was sent 
 to Mexico, where he arrived in June 1715, and made 
 a sworn statement respecting his journey and mo 
 tives. 14 The authorities were somewhat startled at 
 this bold entry of a foreigner into Spanish territory; 
 and began to realize how easily that territory might 
 be lost. St Denis himself warmly advocated the 
 occupation of Texas, picturing the country in most 
 glowing colors; and he even offered to enter the 
 Spanish service in person. He also urged the advan 
 tages of an agreement making the Mississippi the 
 boundary between the Spanish and French posses 
 sions. 15 The Frenchman's original purpose had been 
 to lay the foundation for profitable smuggling opera 
 tions; but during his stay at San Juan he had sur 
 rendered to the charms of Captain Ramon's daughter, 
 whom he wished to marry; hence his zeal in behalf 
 
 13 No longer confounded with the Colorado as before. 
 
 li St Denis, Deda ration, 1715, MS., in Texas, Doc. Hist., 160-8; repeated 
 in substance in the following dictdmen fiscal. Also in Mayer MSS. t no. 29. 
 
 r MorJi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 133-4; Juntas de Gaerra, MS., in Texas, 
 Doc. Hist., 266 et seq. 
 
TEXAS REOCCUPIED. 611 
 
 of the Spanish cause. Two juntas were held, at 
 which it was decided to despatch an expedition and 
 accept the services of Don Luis. By orders issued 
 in October the command was given to Captain Do 
 mingo Ramon, St. Denis receiving the same salary 
 of five hundred dollars. 
 
 For the missions were sent five Queretaro Francis 
 cans under Padre Isidro Felix Espinosa, and four from 
 Zacatecas under the famous Antonio Margil de Jesus, 
 besides three lay brothers. 16 Twenty-five soldiers 
 marched with the commander from Saltillo in February 
 171G ; and from San Juan Bautista, after the marriage 
 of St Denis with the commandant's sister or niece had 
 been celebrated, the whole company set out in April 
 for the promised land. The march was uneventful; 
 in June they were well received by the Tejas and 
 kindred tribes; and in July they established four mis 
 sions and a presidio in the region between the Trinity 
 and Red rivers, on or near the branches of the Neches 
 and Sabinas. Two other missions were added this year 
 or the next. 17 Captain Ramon went to Natchitoches 
 on Red River, where the French had now a fort and 
 garrison, and where he was hospitably entertained; 
 while St Denis, accompanied by Alferez Ramon and 
 several Spaniards, went to Mobile to settle his affairs, 
 returning soon with a considerable amount of merchan- 
 
 16 Espinosa, Chrtfnica, 417, the author being the prelate named. The other 
 Quer6taro friars were Gabriel de Vergara, Benito Sanchez, Francisco Hidalgo, 
 Manuel Castellanos, Pedro Perez de Mezquia; and the Zacatecanos were 
 Matias Sanz de San Antonio, Pedro de Mendoza, and Agustin Patron. On the 
 life of P. Margil, see Margil de Jesus, Notizie, 74-82; Arricivita, Cron. Serdf., 
 1-157 ; Espinosa, Nuevas Empresas, 1-46. 
 
 17 Ramon, Derrotero para las Mtsiones, 1716, MS., in Texas, Doc. Hist., 
 179-208; also in Mayer MSB., no. 22. To it are joined reports of July 22d, 
 by Ramon and the padres. All the members of the company are named. Diego 
 Ramon was alferez. The six missions were as follows there being no agree 
 ment respecting their exact location: S. Francisco (Tejas, Neches, or Nacoches), 
 4 1. farther inland than its former site; Purisima Concepcion (Asinais), 8 or 
 9 1. E. N. E. across a river; Guadalupe (Nacodoches), 8 or 9 1. E. s. E.; S. Jose* 
 (Xoachis or Nazones), 7 or 10 1. N. or N. E.; Dolores (Aes); San 31iguel de 
 Cuellar (Adaes). The northern missions were given to the Querdtaro friars 
 and the southern to those of Zacatecas, or rather their efforts were to be made 
 in those directions respectively. The founding of S. Miguel and Dolores is 
 described by P. Margil in a letter of Feb. 13, 1718. Texas, Doc: Hist., MS., 
 284-G. 
 
612 
 
 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 dise. 18 Meanwhile the friars continued their work 
 with some success. The natives were friendly, because 
 it was now for their interest to be so; but were fickle, 
 resisting all efforts to reduce them to regular pueblo 
 
 TEXAS. 
 
 life. The missionaries soon became clamorous for 
 additional aid. 
 
 On December 2, 1716, a junta de guerra was held 
 
 Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 138; Texas, Diet. Fiscal, 1716, MS., 
 passim. 
 
FATE OF ST DENIS. 613 
 
 in Mexico to consider Spanish interests in Texas. The 
 records of this meeting, including particularly a report 
 of the fiscal Velasco dated November 30th, form the 
 best narrative extant of Texan annals from 1789, giv 
 ing full details of all that I have presented in outline. 
 The value of the province, the danger of French en 
 croachment, and the urgent importance of putting the 
 occupation on a secure basis were set forth in their 
 strongest light. And it was accordingly decided to 
 strengthen the military force, to send a better class of 
 soldier-settlers, to adopt strict measures of precaution 
 against contraband trade, to establish a new mission 
 nearer Coahuila than those already existing, and to 
 send a competent governor to rule over Texas and 
 Coahuila. As to the fortification of Espiritu Santo 
 Bay and the erection of a fort on the north-eastern 
 frontier, it was thought that there was no urgent 
 necessity for these measures at present, and that royal 
 orders might be awaited. 19 
 
 In the report just cited St Denis figured somewhat 
 prominently, and his actions were pronounced sus 
 picious in many respects. Several statements made 
 by him in Mexico were declared to have been proven 
 false. A letter from him to the French authorities 
 in Louisiana urging the occupation of Espiritu Santo 
 Bay was said to have been found. The Spanish 
 comandante at Pensacola made some charges against 
 him. The recent founding of Natchitoches, the visit 
 of St Denis and Ramon to that fort and to Mobile, 
 and the amount of goods brought back by the former, 
 all tended to put the Frenchman's conduct in an un 
 favorable light. There is little room for doubt that 
 the original purpose of St Denis, only slightly modi 
 fied by his love affair, was to open the way for exten 
 sive and profitable smuggling operations. Such was 
 the purport of the fiscal's conclusions, and Don Luis 
 was brought to Mexico under arrest. Nothing very 
 
 19 Texas, Junta de Guerra, 1716, MS., in Id., Doc. Hist., 266-84; Texas, 
 Dictdmen Fiscal, 1716, MS., in Id., 226-66. 
 
614 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 serious was proved against him in the ensuing inves 
 tigation, the friars and all others in Texas warmly 
 espousing his cause; but in his wrath he indulged in 
 some violent language and threats, which prolonged 
 his imprisonment. In January 1719 his release was 
 ordered by the king, but he was to be established in 
 Guatemala, at a safe distance from the northern 
 frontier. He had managed, however, to escape, and 
 went with his wife to Louisiana, where he was soon 
 put in command at Natchitoches. 20 
 
 Martin de Alarcon was governor of Coahuila, and 
 his authority was now extended over Texas, his ap 
 pointment being dated February 9, 1716. His past 
 services had given all classes a confidence in his abili 
 ties not justified by results. He was to introduce 
 fifty married soldiers of good character into the prov 
 ince; and with a somewhat smaller number of doubt 
 ful character he entered Texas, or Nuevas Filipinas, 
 early in 1718. On the river of St Anthony, far from 
 the coast, he founded the presidio of San Antonio de 
 Bejar, and near it the mission of San Antonio de 
 Valero under Padre Antonio Olivares, who trans 
 ferred to it a few neophytes from his abandoned 
 mission of San Francisco Solano on the Rio Grande. 
 Bejar was for a time considered the capital; but 
 Alarcon went on to make an exploration of Espiritu 
 Santo, and thence to the old missions, where he left 
 a few soldiers. He resigned his position when the 
 viceroy declined to furnish the aid he asked for. The 
 friars claimed that Alarcon failed to carry out his in 
 structions, and accomplished nothing for the welfare 
 
 20 Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 138-40. On St Denis' expedition and the 
 reestablishment of the Texas missions in 1716 see also: Id., 12-13, 47-53; 
 Texas, Diet. Fiscal, 1716, MS., 242-54; Bonilla, Compendia, MS.; Altamira, 
 Puntos, MS.; La J/arpe, Jour. Hist., in Mayer MSS., No. 29; Hidalgo, Carta, 
 1718, MS., in Texas, Doc., 290; Espinosa, Chrdn., 415-46, 467; Arrh'^rlta, 
 Cron. Serof, 97-101, 221-5; Villa-Senor, Theatro, ii. 324-6, 333-4; M<a- 
 Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 383-4; Tornel, Tejns, 17-21; Alvares, Estudios, iii. 
 353-64; Revilla Giyvlo, Carta, 1797, v. 448; Filisola, Mem. Hist., i. 30-2; 
 Soc. Mex. Geo(j., BoL, 2da ep., i. 571; Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 48-9, 65-6; 
 Gayarre's Hist. La., i. 1G5-78, 191; Kennedy's Texas, i. 218-19; Mayer's Mex. 
 Aztec, i. 226-7. .^ 
 
FRENCH INVASION. G15 
 
 of the province; but they do not clearly specify the 
 nature of his misdeeds. He succeeded in obtaining 
 high praise in a royal order of 1719. 21 
 
 War having been declared between France and 
 Spain, the governor of Louisiana not only attacked 
 lYnsacola, but authorized hostile operations against 
 Texas. In June 1719 a force of French and Indians 
 from Natchitoches took possession of San Miguel de 
 los Adaes, capturing the friar in charge, who escaped, 
 however, to carry the news to the presidio and other 
 missions. 22 Governor Alarcon had, apparently, left the 
 country just before this invasion. 23 The friars favored 
 resistance, or at least afterward claimed to have done 
 so, but the soldiers refused to follow their advice, and 
 retired without waiting for further hostilities to Bejar, 
 whither the missionaries soon followed them. The 
 inland presidio and its mission of San Antonio for 
 two years constituted the whole of Spanish posses 
 sions in Texas, and from this post the garrison might 
 easily have been driven; but the Frenchmen made 
 no demonstrations, and do not appear to have crossed 
 the Trinity River. Indeed, French policy in this 
 affair is not clear. All mission and presidio property 
 
 21 Alarcon, Relation de los Empleps, etc., del Sarywito Mayor. . .cabnllero 
 del (Jrden de Santiago, MS., in Texas, Doc. Hist., 300-13; Alarcon, Direc- 
 torio 6 I nstruc clones para el Viage, 1717, MS., in Id., 291-300; Lop<z, Misiones 
 de Texas, MS., in Id., 413; Morfi, Mem. Hist. Texas, MS., 141-3; Enpinosa, 
 Chron., 437-8, 440-56; Arricivita, Cr6n. Sera/., 343; Bonilla, Compendia, 
 MS.; Altimira, Pantos, MS., 502-3; Villa-Seuor, Theatro, ii. 320-1, 334. I 
 have before me a dozen or more works which give 1698 as the date of found 
 ing B6jar, and a few which favor 1692. 
 
 22 The Spanish authorities imply that St Denis was in command of the 
 party, composed mainly of Natchitoches and Cadodachos Indians; but such 
 was perhaps not the case. La Harpe, Historical Journal, 72, who was at 
 Nassonite, where he had established a French post in 1718, says he got news 
 on Aug. 1st that M. Blondel at Natchitoches had driven away and pillaged 
 the Franciscans at Los Adaes; also that the Spaniards had retired across the 
 Trinity. 
 
 23 It appears that he resigned because the viceroy refused aid to prevent 
 French encroachments. La Harpe, Hist. Jour., 70-1, gives some correspond 
 ence of May 1719 with Alarcon and Padre Marcillo (Margil?), in which the 
 former protests against the French occupation of Nassonite, and the latter 
 states that the governor will soon leave the country. It is hardly possible 
 that Alarcon could have waited until the attack before retiring, for such an 
 act would have made trouble for him in Mexico. If it were not for the cor 
 respondence cited 1 should suppose that he left the country considerably 
 earlier than May 1719. 
 
616 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 was destroyed, chiefly perhaps by the natives; but no 
 effort was made to take permanent possession for 
 France. We are tempted to believe either that the 
 invasion was intended by St Denis as a temporary 
 scare for the Spaniards, or that the comandante at 
 Natchitoches acted without orders on hearing of the 
 war; yet a party was sent down the gulf coast, and a 
 weak attempt was made by La Harpe in 1721 to 
 occupy Espiritu Santo Bay, without success because 
 of opposition from the natives. 24 Meanwhile the Span 
 iards at Bejar did nothing but wait for aid from Mex 
 ico, listen to rumors of what the Frenchmen were 
 doing, and finally in 1720 establish a new mission 
 of San Jose y San Miguel de Aguayo near the pre 
 sidio. 
 
 The French invasion naturally caused alarm in 
 Mexico, where the viceroy at once issued orders for 
 an expedition to reconquer Texas. An army of about 
 seven hundred men was raised and put under the 
 command of the Marques de San Miguel de Aguayo 
 as governor of Coahuila and Texas. So slowly, how 
 ever, did the preparations proceed that the army did 
 not leave Monclova until November 1720; and before 
 this time news came of a truce in Europe, which 
 caused Aguayo's instructions to be somewhat modi 
 fied. In February 1721 the camp was still on the 
 Rio Grande near the presidio. Then, on receipt of 
 some disquieting rumors from Captain Garcia in com 
 mand at Bejar, a detachment was sent there under 
 Lieutenant-general Fernando Perez de Ahnazan, in 
 cluding a force under Diego Ramon, to occupy Es- 
 pi'ritu Santo Bay. In April the marquis arrived 
 with the main force, and in May started for the 
 north, having sent back instructions for a supply- 
 vessel to run between Vera Cruz and Espiritu Santo. 
 Meeting no obstacles whatever the army reached the 
 
 2 *La ffarpe's Hist. Jour., 78, 86, 95 et seq. First in 1720 Beranger was 
 3ent to explore the bay, and left there five men, four of whom perished, and 
 one, named Belisle, was rescued and returned before La Harpe started iu 
 Aug. 1721. 
 
AGUAYO'S EXPEDITION. 617 
 
 region of the abandoned missions late in July; and 
 on the Rio Neches had an interview with St Denis, 
 who came from Natchitoches and made no objection 
 to the Spanish reoccupation. The natives were also 
 found to be as friendly as ever, with an undiminished 
 capacity for receiving gifts. In August five of the 
 old missions were reestablished at or very near their 
 old sites, as was also the presidio of Texas near Con- 
 cepcion, where Captain Cortina was stationed with 
 twenty-five men. Later the marquis crossed the 
 Sabinas into the country of the Adaes. The French 
 commandant at Natchitoches, in the absence of St 
 Denis, made some objections but no resistance; and 
 not only was the mission of San Miguel rebuilt, but 
 adjoining it and seven leagues from the French fort 
 was founded the presidio of Pilar garrisoned by one 
 hundred men. 
 
 Then Governor Aguayo returned to Bejar, arriving 
 in January 1722 and taking steps to strengthen that 
 post. Here also was founded the new mission of San 
 Javier de Najera under Padre Jose Gonzalez. Thence 
 proceeding to the bay Aguayo in March and April 
 superintended the erection of a presidio on the site 
 of La Salle's fort, now called Santa Maria de Loreto 
 de la Bahfa del Espiritu Santo, or Bahia for short; 
 and under its protection was founded the new mission 
 of Espiritu Santo de Zuniga, with Padre Agustin 
 Patron as minister. Ninety men were stationed here 
 at first under Captain Diego Ramon. The sites of 
 these bay establishments were subsequently changed 
 to the San Antonio River. In May the governor 
 returned to Coahuila, leaving Almazan in command 
 as lieutenant-governor; and after making full reports 
 on the value of Texas and the measures required for 
 the welfare of that province, he soon resigned his 
 commission in favor of Almazan. 25 
 
 K Penn, Dlario del Marques de San Miguel de Aguayo, escrito por el B. D. 
 Juan Antonio de la Pefia, capellan Mayor del batallon de San Miguel de 
 Aragon, 1720-2, MS. In Texas, Doc. Hist., 385-449; and Mayer MSS., 
 
CIS TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 Governor Perez de Alrnazan ruled in Texas from 
 1722 to 1726. He seems to have been a competent 
 man, yet the period was not one of prosperity. Aguayo 
 with his large military force and ample pecuniary re 
 sources had introduced a system of liberality which 
 his successor was not able to continue. The presidio 
 commandants showed little zeal for the country's wel 
 fare or desire to cooperate with the governor. The 
 Apaches became troublesome and Almazan was for 
 bidden by the viceroy's orders to engage in active 
 warfare against them. The Indians of the bay aban 
 doned the mission and killed Captain Ramon of the 
 presidio. The padre therefore founded a new mission 
 in the interior, and the new captain soon followed 
 with his force. Thus the sites of La Bahia and 
 Espiritu Santo were changed. We have no details 
 of mission affairs in the north-east, but evidently the 
 friars made little progress as the memory of Aguayo's 
 gifts faded from the minds of the natives. Melchor 
 de Mediavilla y Ascona succeeded Almazan, but his 
 rule in 1727-30 was marked neither by reforms nor 
 disasters. On Aguayo's recommendation the king 
 had ordered the establishment of four hundred families 
 from the Canary Islands near Bejar; and after long 
 delays fifteen such families arrived; as many more 
 were collected from southern provinces; and about 
 1730 the villa of San Fernando de Bejar was founded. 
 The settlers seem to have accomplished nothing, how 
 ever, beyond a bare existence. 
 
 no. 19; closely followed in Morft, Mem. Hist. Texas, MS., 143-93. See also 
 on matters connected with the French invasion and Aguayo's expedition: 
 Espinosa, Chr6n., 452-8; Altamira, Puntos, MS., 504; Bonilla, Compendia, 
 MS.; Arricivita, Cron. Sera/., 99-103, 225; Vitta-Senor, Theatro, ii. 320-1, 
 334-5; Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 107-10; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 52-3; Zama- 
 cois, Hist. Mej., v. 540-5; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 109-10; Alvarez, E stud., 
 iii. 364-6, 371; Arispe, Mem., i. 11; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra, i. 32; La- 
 cunza, Discursos, xxxv. 508-9; Mexico, Not. Ciudad, 280-1 ; Museo Mex. , iv. 
 508; MonettSs Hist. Discov., i. 235-6; Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 67-7(3; Shea's 
 Cath. Miss., 86; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 237-8; Kennedy's Tex., i. 219-20; 
 Oayarre's Hist. Louisiana, 257-8. Domenech, Maillard, Holley, Grattau, 
 Falconer, Hunt, and others for the most part those who put the founding 
 of Bejar in 1698 tell us that La Bahia, later called Goliad, was founded 
 in 1716. 
 
TRANSFER OF MISSIONS. 619 
 
 During Mediavilla's rule General Pedro Rivera 
 was sent as visitador to make an inspection of Texas 
 in 1727-8; and by his recommendation an order was 
 issued in 1729, suppressing the presidio of Texas, and 
 reducing the aggregate force of the other three pre 
 sidios from two hundred and forty to one hundred 
 and forty men. The friars protested against the re 
 duction of military force, and the governor favored 
 their view of the matter, which policy was probably 
 the cause of his removal in 1730. His successor was 
 Captain Juan Bustillo y Cevallos, comandante of the 
 Bahia presidio. Deprived of the garrison the Quere- 
 taro friars appealed to their college and obtained per 
 mission to transfer their three missions, San Francisco, 
 Concepcion, and San Jose, to the San Antonio near 
 the presidio of Bejar, which was done in 1731, the 
 name of San Jose being changed to San Juan Capis- 
 trano. The Zacatecan friars continued their labors 
 at the old missions under the protection of the Pilar 
 presidio. In the region of Bejar the Apaches caused 
 great trouble to the missions, and though Governor 
 Bustillos killed two hundred of them in one campaign 
 their ravages did not cease. Manuel de Sandoval 
 became governor in 1734, and continued the warfare 
 against the savages without any permanent success. 26 
 
 In 1735 the French transferred their fort of Natchi- 
 toches from its original site to the western bank of 
 the Red River. This action was met with protests 
 from Gonzalez, the presidio commandant, and from 
 Governor Sandoval, who claimed Red River as the 
 
 26 For details of events during the rule of Almazan, Ascona, Bustillo, and 
 Sandoval, see Texas, Doc. Hist., MS., 11-17,453-7, 460, 572, 009-10, C19-20; 
 Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 26, 43,47, 52, 193-245; Espino*a, Chrdn., 458- 
 66; Arricivita, Cr6n. SerAf., 340-5; Altamira, Puntos, MS., 504-8; Villa- 
 Senor, Tkentro, ii. 321; Cavo, Tres Stylo*, ii. 130; Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. 
 Gal., 319; Viarjero, Univ., xxvii. 117-18; Mexico, Inf. Pesq., 110; Encudero, 
 Not. Son., 62; Fili*ola, Mem., i. 32; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 230; Yomkum's 
 Hist. Tex., i. 78-80; Kennedy's Tex., i. 220-1; Pinkerton's Mod. Geo;/., in. 
 223; McCabe's Comprehensive View, 756; Crockett's Life, 308. From JRirera, 
 Diario y Derrotcro, 10, 60-7, we learn that Nuevas Filipinas was in June 
 1726 added to the bishopric of Guadalajara; also that in 1725 maps of the 
 province were made by Barreiro for the viceroy. Several writers say that a 
 Spanish post at Nacodoches was established in 1732. 
 
620 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 boundary between Texas and Louisiana. St Denis, 
 however, maintained that the boundary was rather 
 the line between the Adaes and Natchitoches tribes, 
 pointed to the fact that the French had always had 
 some buildings and corrals midway between the fort 
 and presidio, and refused, under orders from his 
 superiors, to suspend the transfer. The Spaniards 
 did not use force, but were content to supplement 
 their protests with orders prohibiting all intercourse 
 with Natchitoches, much to the inconvenience of the 
 Frenchmen. Relations soon became friendly as 
 before, though Sandoval incurred the displeasure of 
 his government and was superseded; but for many 
 years nothing is recorded in detail of events in this 
 north-eastern district. Colonel Carlos de Franquis 
 came as governor in 1736, and put Sandoval under 
 arrest on several charges, including that of having 
 permitted the French encroachment. But Franquis, 
 by his arbitrary conduct in other matters, soon became 
 involved in a quarrel with the missionaries, who ac 
 cused him of nearly ruining the missions by illegally 
 taking the neophytes as laborers for his own benefit 
 and that of certain partisans among the settlers. 
 After several ineffectual reprimands the viceroy sent 
 Governor Jauregui of Nuevo Leon as visitador in 
 1737, who sent the governor south under arrest and 
 appointed a ruler ad interim. Sandoval was sub 
 mitted to a residencia in 1738, and Franquis still had 
 influence enough to prolong for several years the legal 
 proceedings against his foe m connection with the 
 charge of permitting the building of a French fort on 
 Spanish soil. Yet Sandoval was substantially ac 
 quitted of all blame, and the investigations favored 
 the conclusion that the French possessions really ex 
 tended westward of Red River to a place known as 
 La Gran Montana. 27 
 
 27 Morfi y Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 245-53; Altamira, Puntos, MS., 508-12; 
 Bonilla, Compendia, MS.; Yoakum's IJist. Texas, i. 81-G; Onis, Mem. Nccjoc., 
 pt. ii, 51. 
 
NO PROGRESS. 621 
 
 The governor ad interim appointed by Yisitador 
 Jauregui was Prudencio de Orobio y Basterra, a 
 merchant from Saltillo, who was chiefly interested in 
 the profits of his office and who failed to agree with 
 the presidio comandantes. He ruled in 1737-40, and 
 was succeeded by Tomas Felipe Wintuisen, whose 
 term was in 17413. Justo Boneo y Morales was 
 sent as governor in 1743, with orders to investigate 
 the French boundary and Sandoval's acts; but he 
 died soon after his arrival at the presidio of Adaes. 
 Francisco Garcia Larios ruled ad interim in 1743-8, 
 generally opposed to the views of the friars; and 
 Pedro del Barrio Junco y Espriella in 1748-50, prov 
 ing himself a still more bitter foe of the Franciscans 
 and of mission interests. Jacinto de Barrios y Jau 
 regui was governor from 1751 to 1760, and he also 
 generally favored the comandantes and settlers in 
 their controversies with the padres, but he appears 
 to have lived at the Adaes presidio, interfering but 
 slightly in the affairs of his government, and exerting 
 himself less in preventing contraband trade with the 
 French than in a fruitless search for rich mines. 
 
 The records of the period, though somewhat bulky 
 in respect of certain local and topical details, afford 
 but slight material for a connected historical sketch. 
 It was not a period of prosperity for any Texan inter 
 est except so far as the officers, soldiers, and settlers 
 may be said to have prospered in their great work of 
 living with the least possible exertion. Officials as a 
 rule kept in view their own personal profit in handling 
 the presidio funds rather than the welfare of the 
 province. The Franciscans were doubtless faithful 
 as missionaries, but their influence, even over the 
 natives, was much less than in other mission fields. 
 The Texans never became neophytes proper in regu 
 lar mission communities; and between the incon 
 stancy of their converts and the opposition of soldiers 
 and settlers the padres could accomplish but little. 
 In their many bitter controversies the friars seem 
 
C22 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 to have been generally in the right, as compared 
 with their opponents. It is true the evidence conies 
 mainly from Franciscan sources, but it is confirmed 
 by the results of occasional investigations by the gov 
 ernment. Of local details and statistics of mission 
 progress no reports are extant, if any were made; but 
 it is evident that not one of the establishments was 
 at any time prosperous from either a spiritual or 
 material point of view. At each missionary work 
 was a constant struggle to prevent excesses and out 
 rages by the escoltas, to protect land and water from 
 encroachment by settlers, to guard mission live-stock 
 from Apache raids, to keep the few Indians from run 
 ning away, and to watch for and counteract ruinous 
 changes projected from time to time by the secular 
 authorities. A few general topics require further 
 notice. 
 
 Depredations by one or another tribe of the wild 
 Apaches were of constant occurrence, but involved no 
 serious disaster. At first campaigns against the sav 
 ages were made from time to time by the presidiai 
 forces, much like the expeditions in other parts of my 
 territory, and requiring no description, with results 
 often exaggerated for effect in Mexico, but of no real 
 advantage except to settlers who had horses to sell. 
 After 1741, however, the comandantes were ordered 
 to act on the defensive, though one expedition is re 
 corded in 1745 resulting in many captives. Then the 
 Lipan Apaches, formerly the most troublesome, being 
 hard pressed by their foes the Comanches and desiring 
 to recover the captive women and children, became 
 friendly, made peace, and even begged to be settled 
 in a mission. Their good faith was naturally sus 
 pected even by the padres, and through a neglect of 
 their warnings Padre Silva was killed with several 
 companions by the Matages or Mescaleros on the 
 Coahuila road in 1749. The Lipan s remained at peace 
 and the friars favored an experimental mission for them 
 on the Guaclalupe River. Captain Urrutia of San 
 
APACHE MISSION. C23 
 
 Antonio also favored the project and it was approved 
 in Mexico as early as 1750 ; but after long delay it was . 
 decided in 1756 to establish the Apache mission on 
 the San Sabd, River and to protect it with a garrison 
 of one hundred men. The results of this experiment 
 will appear later. 
 
 There was constant trouble between the friars and 
 the captains about the mission escoltas. Vicious and 
 unmanageable soldiers were often detailed for the 
 service, and remonstrances were met with threats to 
 remove the guards altogether. Captain Costales and 
 later Basterra of Bahia gave most trouble in this re 
 spect; but the viceroy's orders were uniformly favor 
 able to the missionaries. The vecinos of San Fernando 
 were always trying to obtain the services of mission 
 Indians as laborers. They sent an agent to Mexico 
 on the subject about 1740, without immediate results; 
 but a few years later by a new effort they succeeded 
 in obtaining a decree in their favor, which also for 
 bade the padres from selling mission produce or rais 
 ing more than was required for their neophytes. This 
 led to a controversy in Mexico with the result that 
 the decree was annulled in 1745 as having been based 
 on false representations. In connection with the in 
 vestigation of the French boundary and of Ex-governor 
 Sandoval's acts in 1744 the Marques deAltamira made 
 a report containing a good resume of Texan annals 
 which I have cited often in my notes. 
 
 About 1744 the friars obtained permission to estab 
 lish missions on the San Javier River, 28 though bitterly 
 opposed by the governor and Captain Basterra from 
 the first. San Javier, Candelaria, and San Ildefonso 
 were the new establishments; and they were in con 
 stant trouble from the first, through adverse reports 
 from the military officials. The friars successfully 
 defended their policy and conduct against bitter at 
 tacks, but accomplished little else. The Indians often 
 
 28 It is not clear what river this was, but there are indications that it may 
 have been a branch of the Brazos do Dios, or of the Colorado. 
 
624 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 ran away and the three missions never had more than 
 three hundred neophytes, the total of baptisms being 
 444. The guard was at first twenty-two men, and 
 was soon increased to a regular presidio of fifty men 
 on the recommendation of the auditor Altarnira, and 
 of Captain Eca y Muzquiz sent as visitador to investi 
 gate the matter; but the soldiers behaved badly under 
 the influence and example of their officers, who were 
 determined to thwart all missionary effort. In 1751 
 Felipe de Rabago y Teran was made captain of the 
 San Javier presidio, continued the controversy with 
 increased virulence, and was at one time excommu 
 nicated by one of the padres. In 1752 the missionary 
 president urged a radical change in the whole system, 
 abolishing presidios in favor of mission guards of vol 
 unteer soldiers to become settlers, and putting the 
 mission temporalities in charge of an intendente ap 
 pointed by the government. This was to accomplish 
 great results at a greatly reduced cost; but the plan 
 was not adopted. Meanwhile Rabago went on from 
 bad to worse, and at last caused the assassination of 
 Padre Ceballos, for which crime he was sent to Mexico 
 for trial. His successor in 1753 was his brother Pedro 
 who was a friend of the friars; but the stream 'had 
 dried up, epidemics had resulted, most of the Indians 
 had run away, and the few remaining \vere transferred 
 to the Rio San Marcos. Later when the Apache 
 mission was planned it \vas decided to attach these 
 natives to San Antonio, whereupon they ran away, 
 and thus the San Javier missions came to an end. 
 Meanwhile in 1749 the presidio of La Bahia and its 
 mission of Espiritu Santo were again moved farther 
 inland and ten leagues nearer San Antonio; and the 
 padres of this mission are said to have established a 
 new one of coast Indians called apparently Rosario, 
 whose exact site is not recorded. Of the north-eastern 
 district under the Zacatecanos during this period noth 
 ing is known. 29 
 
 29 For details of the annals of this period outlined in my text see : Morfi, 
 
BOUNDARY QUESTION. 625 
 
 The boundary question was not a very exciting or 
 important one, the Spaniards showing a tendency to 
 admit the accuracy of the French view. The matter 
 came up from time to time in Mexico and Spain; but 
 the decision was always against offensive measures, or 
 even such defensive policy as might lead to hostilities. 
 Even a survey and settlement of the boundary were 
 not regarded as urgent necessities. Yet further en 
 croachments must not -be permitted, and especially 
 must trade be prevented at all "hazards. There is 
 much reason, however, to believe that the trade was 
 never interfered with, but rather encouraged by Texan 
 officials. Indeed, contraband trade with the French 
 seems to have been the chief occupation of all classes 
 on the frontier, including the governor, and perhaps 
 even the friars. Before 1750 a fewFrenchmen settled 
 among the Spaniards, and became practically agents 
 of the governor in the fur- trade. But later Governor 
 Barrios, deeming his term of office nearly at an end, 
 and fearing his residencia, arrested these foreigners 
 who were sent to Mexico and, as is stated, to Spain. 
 Barrios represented the province as in danger, recom 
 mending new forts; and finally in 1755 at a junta in 
 Mexico it was decided to establish a new presidio with 
 fifty Tlascaltec families. The site was Los Horcon- 
 citos, or Horcaquisac, on the Trinidad River, and the 
 presidio was named San Agustin de Ahurnada. 
 
 Angel de Martos y Navarrete came to Mexico from 
 Spain in 1756 with a commission as governor of 
 Texas; but as it was desired that Barrios should at 
 tend to the founding of San Agustin, it was arranged 
 that Martos should go to Coahuila instead, where he 
 remained until 1760, and then the two changed places. 
 The governor of Louisiana protested against the es 
 tablishment on the Trinity, but the viceroy paid no 
 
 Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 20-4, 253-328; Texas, Doc. Hist., MS., 224, 365-84, 
 463-91, 512-52, 585-6, 621; Bonilta, Compendia, MS.; Altamira; Puntos, MS., 
 505-7; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., i. no. 1; Arricioita, Cron. Serdf., 323-65; 
 Espinosa, Chr6n., 467; Villa-Seiior, Theatro, ii. 320-1; Virrcyes, Instruc., 
 29-30, 97; Mosaico Mex., vi. 163. 
 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 40 
 
626 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 attention to the protest, no quarrel ensued, more 
 Frenchmen settled in the country, and contraband 
 trade went on much as before. In 1762 all ground 
 of dispute respecting boundaries was removed, France 
 ceding to Spain that part of Louisiana west of the 
 Mississippi. 30 
 
 In the mean time it had been decided, as we have 
 seen, to establish a presidio with one hundred men on 
 the Rio San Saba. The cause of Apache conversion 
 found an enthusiastic and powerful promoter in the 
 person of Pedro Romero de Terreros, conde de Regla, 
 who in 1756 offered to pay the whole cost for three 
 years, not including that of the military establishment 
 already ordered, of as many missions not exceeding 
 twenty as could be ^advantageously founded under the 
 general supervision of Padre Alonso Giraldo Terreros 
 of the Queretaro College. The offer was accepted, the 
 colleges of Santa Cruz and San Fernando were to fur 
 nish each half the needed friars, and Colonel Diego Ortiz 
 Parrilla was appointed to the military command. The 
 expedition, including five padres, reached Bejar at the 
 end of 1756, and proceeded in April 1757 to the new 
 field. The presidio was called in the viceroy's honor 
 San Luis de las Amarrillas; and the mission of San 
 Saba was located a league and a half distant on the 
 river. The Apaches were pleased and friendly, but 
 declined under one pretext or another to congregate 
 permanently at the mission. Padre Terreros was 
 soon forced to admit in letters to his superiors that 
 he had been grievously disappointed in the character 
 of the natives, and that the prospects for successful 
 mission work were far from encouraging; yet with 
 two companions he remained and undertook the task. 
 
 The real motive of the Lipanes in favoring the 
 founding of a presidio and mission was to utilize the 
 
 so Virreyes, Instruction?.?, 96-7; Instruc., Virreyes, MS., i. No. 4; Texas, 
 Doc. Hint., 595; Castro, Diario, iv. 29-30, 207; N. Alex., Cedulas, MS., 352-3; 
 Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., 344-7; Bonllla, Compendia, MS.; Kennedy's Texas, 
 i. 215-16; Yoakum's Hist. Texas, i. 90-100. 
 
MASSACRE AT SAN SABA. 627 
 
 Spaniards as allies against the Comanches and other 
 hostile tribes, by whom they were hard pressed. The 
 northern inland bands, crediting the Apache boasts 
 of their new alliance, became bitterly hostile to the 
 Spaniards, and formed a league to defeat their new 
 foes. The Apaches, well pleased with the course of 
 events, gave warning of the approaching danger, a 
 warning that caused so much terror at the different 
 
 O 
 
 forts, that but little attention was given to the pro 
 tection of San Saba". Yet Parrilla sent a force of 
 seventeen men to reenforce the guard; and the next 
 day, March 16, 1758, the savages appeared some 
 thousands strong under the command of a Comanche 
 chief at the mission. Too late to effect a surprise, 
 they obtained admittance by pretending friendship 
 and soon began their work of destruction. The 
 buildings were plundered and burned. The only sur 
 vivors were Padre Molina and two or three soldiers, 
 who managed to conceal themselves and escaped at 
 midnight. Padre Terreros was killed with a bullet, 
 and Padre Santistevan was beheaded. The number 
 of victims is not known, but they included a party 
 sent from the presidio and drawn into an ambush. 
 Only a few Apaches were present to share the disas 
 ter. 
 
 In his report of this affair Parrilla recommended a 
 removal of the presidio, an increase of the force to 
 one hundred and forty men, and an expedition to 
 chastise the savages. Only the last suggestion was 
 approved in a junta held at Mexico in June; and a 
 conference of officers at Bejar in January 1759 made 
 plans for the campaign. At the same meeting Padre 
 Morales presented a defence of the friars, who it 
 seems had been blamed for the late disaster, and even 
 offered in behalf of the college to give up the missions ; 
 but his proposal wasdeclined. The army of five hundred 
 soldiers and volunteers, with a large force of Apache 
 auxiliaries in the best of spirits, started in August 
 under the command of Parrilla. After marching 
 
628 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 some hundred and fifty leagues they surprised a ran- 
 cheria, killing fifty-five of the foe and taking many- 
 captives. Then they advanced against the towns of 
 the Taovayases, and in the region of what was later 
 called San Teodoro found six thousand Indians of 
 different tribes in a strongly fortified position, many 
 of them armed with muskets, and displaying a French 
 flag, though there is no reason to suppose that they 
 were in any way aided by the foreigners. The sav 
 ages did not wait to be attacked, but made a sortie in 
 force, and the Spaniards fled in a panic, only the 
 Apaches making a slight resistance. Thus an expe 
 dition which had cost $60,000 accomplished nothing. 
 Emboldened by their victory the Indians now ex 
 tended their raids in every direction. No serious 
 disasters are recorded, but the Spaniards for several 
 years were barely able to protect their posts without 
 thinking of vengeance or of new establishments. Gov 
 ernor Martos arrived in 1760, but we are told by 
 Morfi that he neglected his duties and lived among 
 the Adaes rather as an Indian than a Spaniard, in 
 spiring no fear or respect. At the same time Parrilla 
 went to Mexico for an investigation of his conduct, 
 and was succeeded in the command at San Luis in 
 October 1760 by Felipe de Rabago, of old the bitter 
 foe of the missionaries, but now their friend. Mean 
 while Padre Calahorra ventured alone to San Teodoro, 
 scene of the Spanish defeat, and succeeded in making 
 peace with the northern tribes. He wished to trans 
 fer the presidio thither and to establish missions ; but 
 naturally his enthusiasm was not shared in Mexico; 
 and the Apaches set about the task of averting this 
 new clanger to their own interests. Plundering and 
 murdering in the north they left Spanish articles along 
 their way as evidence against their supposed allies; 
 then they attacked different Spanish posts, retreating 
 towards the north and taking care to leave the proper 
 proofs of their identity. This policy was entirely 
 successful, and soon the northern tribes were as hostile 
 
OCONOR, RUBf, AND RIPPERDA. 629 
 
 as ever. The Apaches had manifested an ever in 
 creasing desire for missions, and were rewarded in 
 1761-2 by the founding of San Lorenzo and Cande- 
 laria, perhaps on the upper San Antonio, where some 
 four hundred natives were congregated. The pros 
 pects seemed brighter than before, and preparations 
 were made to reoccupy San Sabd; but the result did 
 not equal expectations, and while no details are re 
 corded we are told that in 1767 the missions were 
 abandoned by order of the viceroy. 31 
 
 Governor Martos had a personal quarrel with Cap 
 tain Pacheco of San Agustin, in an attempt to arrest 
 whom the presidio was assaulted and set on fire, the 
 captain escaping; but this caused the governor's re 
 moval, and in 1765 Hugo Oconor was appointed ad 
 interim. Raids of the savages continued, and Oconor 
 himself was once defeated in an expedition against 
 the Comanches. In 1767 the Marques de Rubi made 
 a visita, found all the establishments in a bad condi 
 tion, and rendered a long report. Baron de Riperda 
 came as governor in 1770; and it required not only 
 assurances and entreaties on his part but positive 
 orders and threats to prevent all the settlers from 
 abandoning the province, as many had already done. 
 The Queretaro friars also desired to give up the 
 missions, but the viceroy would not permit it. The 
 governor worked with much energy and skill, but by 
 reason of his attempted reforms made many enemies, 
 especially among the vecinos of San Fernando, who 
 
 zl Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 328-87; Bonilla, Breve Comp., MS.; Arri- 
 civlta, Cr6n. Serdf.> 368-93; Ripperdd, Be^res., MS., 621-3; Texas, Informe 
 de MisioHcros, MS., 586-90; Castro, Diario, vi. 47; Molina, Relacion, MS., 
 555-66; Texas, Doc. Hist., MS., 590-6, 602-9; Palou, Vida, 40-3; Yoal'<n,t, 3 * 
 Hist. Tex., i. 88-9; Kennedy's Tex., i. 222. PP. Junipero Serra and Fran 
 cisco Palou, afterwards famous in California, were assigned to Texas about the 
 time of the San Sab massacre, but the plans were subsequently changed. 
 According to Alcivia, Carfas, MS., in Texas, Doc. Hist., 611-2, the Indians 
 of Espiritu Santo Bay rose in 1759 and killed from 30 to 80 persons. Accord 
 ing to Certification de Mercedes, MS., 35-8, the expense of the four presidios 
 in 1758 S. Agustin, Pilar, Bahia, and S. Antonio was $69,470. 
 
630 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 are said to have gone so far as to instigate the Apaches 
 against him. 
 
 In accordance with the recommendations of Bubi, 
 and in connection with general changes affecting the 
 frontier defences of the Provincias Internas, an order 
 was issued in 1772 to suppress the northern presidios 
 of Los Adaes and Horcaquisac, that is Pilar and San 
 Agustin, to transfer San Luis to the Bio Grande in 
 Coahuila, to maintain La Bahia with fifty-three men, 
 and to increase the garrison of San Antonio to eighty 
 men under the governor's command. Useless and 
 unprotected missions were to be abandoned. These 
 orders were carried out immediately by Bipperda, and 
 the few families of northern settlers were transferred 
 to the south, soon followed by the Zacatecan friars. 
 Thus the northern district, the original Texas proper, 
 was practically given up to the savages. The gov 
 ernor urged for that region the enlistment of three 
 hundred French scouts, arid a presidio of two hundred 
 men at Los Almagres; but his proposals met with no 
 favor in Mexico, partly because of opposition from 
 Ex-governor Oconor, who presently came to Texas as 
 inspector to cause more trouble to Bipperda. The 
 northern families transferred to Bejar were not con 
 tent, however, and within four or live years a new 
 settlement called Bucareli was established on the 
 Trinidad Biver under Antonio Gil y Barbo as alcalde 
 and comandante. Some natives were attached to the 
 town, and a Zacatecan friar took charge of spiritual 
 interests. But the site was not a good one, Bucareli 
 did not prosper, and before 1779 it was transferred 
 northward toNacodoches at or near the old mission site. 
 
 In 1774 or possibly, I think, in 1772 the Quere- 
 taro friars gave up all their missions in Texas to the 
 Zacatecans. In 1778 Comandante General Croix of 
 the Brovincias Internas extended his tour of inspec 
 tion to this province; and with him came a new gov 
 ernor, Domingo Cabello. 32 At a junta held at Bejar 
 
 32 In Soberanes, Doc. Hist. CaL, MS., 8-19, I have an original letter of 
 
MORFI'S MEMOIRS. 631 
 
 by the general's order Lieutenant Athanase de Me- 
 zieres was present. He was in command at Natchi- 
 toches under the Spanish governor of Louisiana; and 
 in all these years he was very active and successful in 
 efforts to control the northern Indians, extending his 
 tours to the rancherias of the Taovayases which he 
 named San Teodoro and San Bernardo, on the upper 
 Red River. He made peace with many tribes, and 
 advocated trade and alliance with the friendlv natives 
 against the Comanches, whose ravages like those of 
 the Apaches were now constant. Some of Mezieres' 
 letters and reports are extant. Meanwhile the Eng 
 lish made some encroachments both in the northern 
 interior and on the coast. One party is said to have 
 landed near the mouth of the Neches, beginning the 
 work of erecting buildings and cultivating the soil; 
 besides attempting to conciliate the natives, perhaps 
 in anticipation of a war between Spain and England; 
 but for some unknown reason they suddenly departed, 
 leaving one ship wrecked. 33 
 
 In 1783 occurred the death of Padre Juan Agus- 
 tin Morfi, bringing to a close his historical memoirs, 
 the standard authority for Texan history down to this 
 date, though never published. The same period is 
 covered by the original documents consulted and 
 closely followed by Morfi, which have been frequently 
 cited by me, and which contain material that cannot 
 be fully utilized in the space at my disposal. 34 In 
 
 Gov. Cabello dated Jan. 8, 1 783, which was sent to the viceroy with a gift of 
 some live buffaloes, or cibolos. 
 
 33 On events of 1763-83 see Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 1-3, 23-33, 56, 
 130, 391-462; Bonilla, Breve Comp., MS.; Ripperdd, Reprcs., MS., 617-34; 
 Id., Cartas, MS., 634-9; Meziercs, Cartas, MS.; /(/., Expedition, MS.; Arri- 
 civita, Cr6n. Serdf, 437-49; Presidios, Reylamento e Instr.; Re villa Gif/edo, 
 Carta, 1793, v. 448-51; Arrillai/a, Recop., 1834, 182-4; Razon de Doctrinas, 
 in Soc. Mex. Geofj., BoL, 2da ep., i. 571; Croix, Carta, in Uyalde, Doc., MS., 
 4; Pinart, Col. Doc. Ckih., MS., i. 17-20; Pagt, Voyage, in Berenyer, Col. 
 Voy., vi. 31; Filisola, Mem., i. 33; Tornel, Tejas, 17; Escudero, Not. Son., 
 63-5; Kennedy's Tex., i. 222; Baker's Hint. Tex., 64. 
 
 34 Morfi, Memorias para la Historia de Texas, MS., 462 folios. Copy of 
 1792 made by P. Manuel de Vega from the original in the archives of the 
 convent hi Mexico. Morfi had visited Texas in 1778, writing the diary of 
 
632 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 1785 Padre Josd Francisco Lopez, president of the 
 Texas missions, made an elaborate report to the bishop 
 of Nuevo Leon on their condition and prospects. I 
 append in a note a list of the establishments, with 
 some statistical information derived from this report 
 and supplemented to a certain extent by other similar 
 reports of earlier and later date. 35 From the frag- 
 
 1852 for the Andrade collection. Many of the documents I have cited by 
 their special titles. The first in the volume is the Breve Compendio de los 
 Sucesos ocurridos en laProvincia de Texas desde su conquista 6 reduction haxta 
 lafecha por el teniente de infunteria D. Antonio Bonilla. Mexico, 10 de Nori<-m- 
 bre de 1772. Extractados de reales cedulas y ordenes que he visto en la secre.taria 
 de cste Vireynato, y de los cumulosos cuadernos de autos que existen en el oficio 
 de f/obierno de D. Joseph Gorraez que tambien he recorrido prolijamento, MS., 
 42 folios. Bonilla's work was somewhat unfavorable to the friars, and in sev 
 eral parts is sharply criticised by Morfi. This document and many others of 
 this collection are copied in the collection cited by me as Mayer MSS. 
 
 35 .Lopez, Condition de las Misiones de Texas, 1185, MS. In Pinart, Col. 
 Doc. Mex. Misiones, 409-54. This is a certified copy of 1789, and is accom- 
 
 Restimen, 1767 1 
 MS. ; Revilla, Giyedo, Carta 1793. 
 
 San Antonio Bejar, presidio, founded 1718; and San Fernando, villa, 
 founded about 1730; the two forming one settlement on the S. Antonio River 
 at the site of the modern S. Antonio. Capital and residence of governor; 
 garrisoned by 60 men; about 140 houses, nearly half of stone, of one story 
 and generally of only one room. Public buildings of stone, in a ruinous con 
 dition; cost $80,000, and would not sell for $80 according to Morfi. Has a 
 curate who is also chaplain. No statistics of population. 
 
 Santa Cruz, stockade fort on the Arroyo del Cibolo, with 20 men from 
 Bejar. Founded 1772 for protection of ranch os. The ranches in 1782 were 
 six in number with a population of 85. Some 25 ranches had been abandoned. 
 
 San Antonio de Valero, mission, on the river opposite Be"jar; later called 
 the Alamo: founded 1718. One thousand nine hundred and seventy-two bap 
 tisms down to 1762, when the population was 275, with 1,200 cattle, 300 
 horses, 1,300 sheep. In 1785 the population was 52, of mixed blood; build 
 ings including half-built church and other church property valued at 
 $28,000. In 1793 the population was only 43. 
 
 Purisima Concepcion de Acuila, on the S. Antonio about a league from 
 Bejar. Originally founded in the s. E. among the Asinais in 1716; abandoned 
 from 1719 to 1721 during the French invasion; and in 1731 transferred to the 
 south. Population in 1762, 207; the number of baptisms having been 792; 
 600 cattle, 300 horses, 2,200 sheep. Population in 1785 only 71; best church 
 in the province valued, with other property, at $35,000. Population 51 in 
 1793. 
 
 San Jos6 y San Miguel de Aguayo, near the river, about a league below 
 Concepcion. Founded in 1720. Long considered the most flourishing mis 
 sion in the province. One thousand and fifty-four baptisms down to 1762; 
 350 Indians in that year; 1,500 yoke of oxen; 106 Indians in 1785. Church 
 property worth $40,000. Population 114 in 1793. P. Pedro Ramirez de 
 Arrellano had been the most noted missionary of S. Jose". 
 
 San Juan Capistrano, 1.51. below S. Jose. Founded in the N. E. among 
 
LOCAL ITEMS. G33 
 
 mentary statistics presented it appears that Texas 
 had a population of about 460 mission Indians in 
 eight establishments; and according to Morfi's state 
 ment the gente de razon, that is the families of 
 soldiers and settlers, numbered in 1782 about 2, GOO, 
 though this would seem an exaggeration. The whole 
 
 the Xazones under the name of San Jos<5 in 1716; abandoned 1719-21; and 
 in 1731 transferred to the south and its name changed to San Juan. Popula 
 tion in 1762, 203; baptisms to date, 847; 1,000 cattle, 500 horses, 3,500 sheep. 
 Fifty-eight Indians in 1785; church property worth $4,500, church half built. 
 In 1793 only 34 Indians. 
 
 San Francisco de la Espada, 2.5 1. below Concepcion. Founded among 
 the Tejas in 1690; abandoned in 1693; reestablished in 1716 a few leagues 
 from the original site, near the modern Mound Prairie; abandoned 1719-21; 
 and transferred to the S. Antonio in 1731. Eight hundred and fifteen bap 
 tisms to 1762; population 207; 1,200 cattle, 4,000 sheep. Population 57 in 
 1785; church property worth $4,000. Only 46 in 1793. The Tejas Indians 
 where the mission was at first numbered in 1782 only about 80 men, living at 
 a rancheria and stream called S. Pedro. 
 
 La Bahia, presidio full name, Sta Maria de Loreto de la Bahia del Espi- 
 ritu Santo. Founded in 1722 on the site of La Salle's Fort St. Louis on La 
 Vaca River; transferred to the San Antonio River about 1724; and again 
 moved up the river to its final site the modern Goliad in 1749. Garrison 
 of 53 men after 1772; population 515 in 1782. 
 
 Espiritu Santo de Ziiiiiga, mission; founded near the presidio in 1722, and 
 transferred with the presidio as above (Solis puts the founding in 1717 and 
 Revilla Gigedo in 1720). Baptisms to 1762 were 623; population 300, 1,500 
 cattle, 100 horses. Is said once to have had 15,000 cattle. Population in 
 1785, 116; church property 12,000; cattle 3,000. In 1793 there were 33 
 Indians. 
 
 Rosario, about a league from S. Juan; founded in 1754. Two hundred 
 baptisms down to 1768, when there were 5,000 cattle. From 1781 to 1785 
 the mission was abandoned, the ornaments, etc., being removed to S. Juan; 
 but in 1793 Revilla Gigedo says there were 33 Indians. 
 
 Nacodoches. Mission of Guadalupe founded in 1716; abandoned tempo 
 rarily in 1719-21; and abandoned finally about 1773. Meanwhile the settle 
 ment of Bucareli was founded about 1776 on the Trinulud, and two or three 
 years later was transferred to Nacodoches. Here in 1785 were two friars 
 and a few Spanish settlers. There were two rancherias on opposite banks of 
 the Atoyac River, each of 300 Indians, Nacodochitos and Ahijitos (the ancient 
 Aijaos?). 
 
 Refugio, a mission founded in 1791, south of La Bahia and near the coast. 
 It had 67 Indians in 1793. 
 
 The abandoned establishments of Texas in addition to those transferred as 
 above were: Santa Maria, in the Neches district, founded 1690, abandoned 
 1693. Dolores, among the Acs, 1716; temporarily abandoned 1719-21; only 
 11 baptisms to 1768; abandoned in 1773. Tejas presidio, near Ooncepcion 
 mission, 1716; suppressed in 1729. Pilar presitlio, on the N. E. frontier, 
 founded 1721; suppressed 1772. San Miguel de Cuellar, Adaes, founded 
 1716; abandoned 1773; 103 baptisms to 1768. San Agustin de Ahumada 
 presidio, or Horcaquisac, on the Trinidad River, 1756-72. Missions of San 
 Javier, Candelaria, and San Ildefonso, on the San Javier River, 1744-58; 444 
 baptisms; and San Javier presidio, for the protection of the missions named, 
 1750-8. San Saba, Apache mission, 1757-8. San Luis de los Amarrillas 
 presidio, on the San Saba River, 1757-72. San Javier de Najera, mission 
 near Bujar, 1722; nothing more known of it. 
 
634 TEXAS, COAHUILA, AND NEW MEXICO. 
 
 number of natives baptized since 1690 was less than 
 10,000; and at no time had the neophytes exceeded 
 2,000. The few still under the padres' care were 
 vicious, lazy, tainted with syphilitic diseases, and were 
 with great difficulty induced to gain a precarious liv 
 ing by cultivating their maize-patches and tending 
 their reduced herds. Nowhere in America had mis 
 sionary work been so complete a failure. Stone build 
 ings and church decorations, provided in the early 
 years of each establishment, mainly with funds from 
 abroad, were the only indications of apparent pros 
 perity in the past. The settlers were hardly more 
 energetic than the neophytes, supplementing their 
 limited agricultural operations by hunting wild stock 
 still very abundant, or by the easier method of steal 
 ing from the missions. The soldiers lived on the sup 
 plies furnished by the government with the slightest 
 possible exertion, meanwhile protecting villa, ranchos, 
 and missions from destruction at the hands of Apaches 
 and Comanches whose raids never entirely ceased. 
 The north-eastern district about Nacodoches was held 
 meanwhile by a system of treaties with friendly tribes, 
 French traders living at many of the rancherias and 
 reporting to the comandante at Natchitoches. 
 
 There is little to be recorded of Texas during the 
 last two decades of the century. General Croix in 
 1781 recommended the consolidation of all the estab 
 lishments in one at San Antonio; and Governor 
 Cabello favored the project, except that he would 
 maintain and strengthen Nacodoches. These two 
 
 o 
 
 officers were, however, soon promoted to positions in 
 Peru and Cuba; and there w T as no action on their 
 propositions. Rafael Martinez Pacheco is mentioned 
 as governor in 1789-90, and I find no record of a 
 change in rulers before 1800. The military authority, 
 however, after 1786 was in the hands of Colonel Juan 
 de Ugalde as comandante de annas; and he is ac 
 credited with a great victory over the Apaches and 
 Comanches in 1790. At the same time the old projects 
 
END OF THE CENTURY. 635 
 
 were again brought up by royal orders concerning the 
 proposition of the governor of Louisiana to extend 
 that province to the Rio Sabinas, and other propo 
 sitions to open trade between the two provinces, and 
 to favor commerce with Habana and Vera Cruz by 
 opening some Texan port. Viceroy Revilla Gigedo 
 deemed it necessary in order to treat these matters 
 intelligently to send a competent officer to make a 
 complete investigation; some years passed before 
 complicated routine preliminaries could be completed; 
 and in 1793 came an order from the king that no 
 immediate changes should be made. Then the viceroy 
 turned over the matter to the commander of the Pro- 
 vincias Internas, of whose measures we only know 
 that he is said to have secularized the Texas missions 
 in 1794, except San Antonio, which had been given 
 up by the Franciscans in the preceding year. 36 The 
 subject of American aggressions beginning with No 
 lan's expedition in 1800, and also that of diplomatic 
 controversies respecting Louisiana, and indirectly af 
 fecting Texas, may be more conveniently noticed in 
 the history of a later period. 37 
 
 36 Revilla Gigedo , Carta de 27 Die. 1793, v. 447-51; also MS.; Revista Mex. , 
 no. 5, 534-8; Mexico, Inf. Com. Pesq., 121; Yoakum's Hist. Tex., i. 108-9; 
 nicfa y Ontiveros, Col. Man., 86. 
 37< See Hist. North Alex. St., ii., this series. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYA, PROVINCIAS INTERNAS, INTENDENCIA 
 OF DURANGO. 
 
 1768-1800. 
 
 GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION OF PROVINCIAS INTERN AS CABALLERO DE 
 CROIX NEVE, RENGEL, AND UGARTE IN COMMAND VICEREGAL JURIS 
 DICTION DIVISION OF THE PROVINCIAS THE EAST AND WEST GENERAL 
 PEDRO DE NAVA REUNION AND INDEPENDENCE GOVERNORS OF NUEVA 
 VIZCAYA INTENDENCIA OF DURANGO RULE OF INTENDENTES AND SUB- 
 DELEGADOS INDIAN AFFAIRS REGLAMENTO DE PRESIDIOS CHANGES IN 
 SITES INSTRUCTIONS OF GALVEZ A NEW POLICY RESULTS SEE OF 
 DURANGO LIST OF BISHOPS DIVISION OF THE DIOCESE CONTROVER 
 SIES BISHOP VERSUS GENERAL MISSIONS UNDER FRANCISCANS AND 
 SECULAR CLERGY CONDITION OF THE ESTABLISHMENTS LOCAL ITEMS 
 REPORTS OF GUARDIAN, PROVINCIAL, AND VICEROY ANNALS OF CHI 
 HUAHUA ANNALS OF DURANGO PESTILENCE WAR ON THE SCORPIONS. 
 
 NUEVA VIZCAYA was ruled as before by a governor 
 and captain-general under the viceroy of Mexico and 
 audiencia of Guadalajara down to 1777. Meanwhile 
 the visitador general, Jose de Galvez, in accord with 
 Viceroy Croix, had prepared plans for a reorganiza 
 tion of the government, including a separation of the 
 northern provinces from the viceregal jurisdiction. 
 The change was effected by a royal order of August 
 22, 1776, 1 which formed into a new government the 
 northern provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Coahuila, Texas, 
 New Mexico, Sinaloa and Sonora, and the Californias. 
 It had long been a somewhat prevalent usage to speak 
 and write of these countries as the Provincias In- 
 ternas, or interior provinces, because they were in 
 the interior as regarded from the city of Mexico ; 2 and 
 
 l elena, fiecop., i. pt. iii. 290-1. 
 
 2 The name was used in official documents as early as 1712-13. N. Mexico^ 
 Cedulas, MS., 322-4. 
 
 (636) 
 
CABALLERO DE CBOIX. 637 
 
 now the name was officially bestowed on the new gov 
 ernment, which was put under the authority of a 
 governor and commandant-general entirely independ 
 ent of the viceroy and responsible directly to the 
 king, the audiencia of Guadalajara retaining its judi 
 cial authority as before. Practically the change was 
 the setting-off of a new viceroyalty. The man chosen 
 to fill the new and responsible position was General 
 Teodoro de Croix, .generally known as the Caballero 
 de Croix, 3 who arrived from Spain in December 1776, 4 
 and started for Nueva Vizcaya in August 1777. He 
 was required later to take the oath of office before 
 the audiencia, 5 but did not visit Guadalajara in this 
 journey, arriving on September 22d at Durango, 
 where he was received by the bishop with all the 
 ceremony due to so exalted a personage. The capital 
 of the Provincias Internas was not fixed at Arizpe in 
 Sonora for several years. 6 Croix continued his journey 
 as a tour of inspection by way of Mapimi to Coahuila 
 and Texas; and returning crossed the line between 
 Coahuila and Nueva Vizcaya on February 24, 1778. 
 Here terminates abruptly the published fragment of 
 the diary kept by the chaplain, Padre Morfi, which 
 however deals chiefly with local descriptions, and con 
 tains very little of the general's official acts. It is 
 stated that he refused all offers of local authorities to 
 give him formal receptions. 7 
 
 While the comandante general was made independ 
 ent of the viceroy, with authority over the political 
 governors, judicial authorities, and treasury officials, 
 and invested with the prerogatives of the royal patro- 
 
 3 He signs a decree: 'Teodoro de Croix, caballero de Croix, del orden 
 Teut6nico, Brigadier de los Reales Ej^rcitos, Gobernador y Comandante 
 Militar de las Provincias Internas de Nueva Espafia, Superintendente Gen 
 eral de Real Hacienda, etc.' Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 13; iv. 55. 
 He was a native of Flanders, nephew of the late viceroy Marque's de Croix, 
 and senior lieutenant of the Flemish coiripany of royal guards. 
 
 4 Zamacois, Hist. Mej. , v. 022. 
 
 6 Oct. 15, 1778. Cedulario, MS., iii. 9-10. 
 
 6 Arizpe selected in 1780. Confirmed by royal order of Feb. 12, 1782 (or 
 1783). Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 89; iii. 182. 
 , Diario, passim. 
 
633 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 nato in the appointment of curates; yet his command 
 was to be preeminently a military one. His chief 
 duty was to systematize the frontier defences, and to 
 wage war on savage foes. That there might be no 
 obstacles or controversies to interfere with his military 
 power he was invested with authority in the other 
 branches; but with the recommendation to adopt a 
 conciliatory policy with non-military officials, by freely 
 delegating his powers in civil matters, by friendly con 
 sultations with bishop and governors, and by accept 
 ing all appeals to the audiencia. 8 During his rule 
 there was no clashing of authority; but his successors 
 had some difficulty with both bishop and governors in 
 the matters of ceremonial honors due to the command 
 ant-general and of the patronato. Don Pedro Ga- 
 lindo Navarro came from Spain in 1777 to take the 
 place of auditor de guerra and asesor, that is military 
 judge and legal adviser in the Provincias Internas. 9 
 
 The immense extent of the northern provinces, ren 
 dering it impossible for them to be wisely governed 
 by a viceroy residing so far away, and burdened with 
 the complicated duties of a broad realm in the south, 
 had been the motive for the division of New Spain. 
 Croix soon learned that the north alone was too broad 
 for the jurisdiction of one man. At first he advised 
 the appointment of a comandante inspector; but in a 
 communication to Don Jose de Galvez, dated at Chi 
 huahua June 29, 1778, he urged the division of the 
 Provincias Internas into two distinct and independent 
 governments, the eastern division, including Coahuila, 
 Texas, and the districts of Parras and Saltillo, to be 
 augmented by the addition of Nuevo Leon and San- 
 tander, and to be put under the command of Colonel 
 Bernardo de Galvez. It was represented to be nearly 
 as impracticable to direct the affairs of Texas from 
 Sonora as from Mexico; and it was believed that each 
 of the subdivisions proposed would afford ample scope 
 
 8 Croix's letters, in Ugalde, Documentos, MS., 15-16. 
 9 Morfi, Diario, 311. 
 
PROVIXCIAS INTERNAS. 639 
 
 for the talents and efforts of the ablest commander. 
 The general, having now surveyed the field, was con 
 fident as to the future, but affirmed that the complete 
 establishment of the government on a basis affording 
 adequate protection to a country so vast and so criti 
 cally situated must be a work of time, involving many 
 radical reforms. 10 
 
 Croix's recommendation, so far as the division of 
 the provinces was concerned, was not followed; .and 
 in 1782 Felipe de Neve, governor of the Californias, 
 came from Monterey to Sonora to become coman- 
 dante inspector of the Provincias Internas. 11 The 
 next year Croix was promoted to be viceroy of Peru; 12 
 and General Neve succeeded to the command, but 
 died in November 1784. 13 His successor ad interim 
 was Jose Rengel, who exercised the command until 
 1785, under instructions from the audiencia of Gua 
 dalajara. 14 
 
 In 1785 Brigadier-general Jacobo Ugarte y Loy 
 ola, governor of Puebla, was named as comandante 
 general ad interim, being regularly commissioned en 
 propiedad a few years later. This same year the 
 conde de Galvez became viceroy, and by reason of his 
 supposed intimate acquaintance with northern affairs 
 his authority over the Provincias Internas was re 
 stored, and Ugarte was made, to a certain limited 
 extent not very clearly explained, subordinate to the 
 viceroy. At the same time the provinces were 
 divided into three separate military commands. The 
 first included Texas, Coahuila with the Parras and 
 Saltillo districts added Nuevo Leon, and Nuevo 
 
 10 Croix to Galvez, June 29, 1778, in Ugalde, Doc., MS., 3-9. 
 
 11 Appointed July 12, 1782. Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., i. 179; ii. 48; 
 Hist. CaL, i. 383, this series. 
 
 12 Croix arrived in Mexico Sept. 26, 1783, and started for Peru by way of 
 Acapulco on Dec. 3d. Gomez, Dlario, vii. 167, 172. 
 
 13 Appointed by royal order of Feb. 15, 1783. Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., i. 
 166, 188; iii. 182; Prov. St. Pap., iv. 62-4; St. Pap., Sac., xv. 18; Instruc. 
 Virreyes, 124; Flores, Instruc., MS., 18-19. His salary was $8,000. On 
 Neve's life and death, see Hist. CaL, i. 447, this series. 
 
 "Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 154-5; v. 63-4; Prov. Rec., i. 201; 
 Arch. Sta. B., MS., xi. 382-4; Flores, Instruc., MS., 19. 
 
640 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Santander, under Colonel Juan de Ugalde as coman- 
 dante de armas; the second, Nueva Vizcaya and New 
 Mexico, under General Jose Rengel, the comandante 
 inspector; and the third, Sinaloa, Sonora, and the 
 Californias, under Ugarte as comandante general, 
 with a limited authority over Ugalde and Rengel. 
 The somewhat complicated relations between the 
 three officials named and the viceroy were fully ex 
 plained in the latter's elaborate instructions of August 
 1786, in which were also given minute directions for 
 the prosecution of warfare against the savages. 15 
 
 The death of Viceroy Galvez late in 1786 gave to 
 Ugarte for a brief period the independence that had 
 been enjoyed by Croix and Neve; but presently a 
 royal order of March 1787 gave to Viceroy Flores 
 the same authority that Galvez had possessed. Mean 
 while there had been some slight difficulty between 
 Ugarte and Ugalde; the system was found to be too 
 complicated for practical success; and by decree of 
 December 3, 1787, Flores adopted the original plan 
 of the Caballero de Croix, consolidating the three 
 commands into two. The eastern division remained 
 as before in respect of territory, was called Provincias 
 Internas del Oriente, and was still under the com 
 mand of Ugalde, who now became comandante gen 
 eral. The other two divisions were united to form the 
 Provincias Internas del Poniente, or Occidente, the 
 command being still held by General Ugarte. The 
 two generals were independent of each other, and 
 both to a limited degree subordinate to the viceroy. 
 Moreover, by a cedula of March 11, 1788, the limited 
 authority of the viceroy was made absolute; and 
 
 15 Instruction Formada en virlud de Real Orden de S. M., que se diriye al 
 Senor Comandante General de Provincias Internas Don Jacobo Ugarte y Loy 
 ola para gobiemo y puntual observancia de este Superior Gefe y de sits inmedi- 
 atos Subalternos (Mexico, 26 de Agosto de 1786). fol., 56 pages; also MS. In 
 216 articles. See also on Ugarte 's appointment dated Oct. 6, 1785 and 
 matters connected therewith : Duranfjo, Doc. Hist., MS., 255; Flores, Instruc., 
 MS., 19-20; InsL Virreyes, 124-5; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., v. 39; Arch. 
 CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 1-2; vi. 106, 120-1; vii. 66; Arch. Sta B., MS., 
 xii. 29. 
 
PROTINCIAS INTERNAS. 641 
 
 thereafter the northern generals carried on their cam 
 paigns under viceregal orders, their positions being 
 substantially like those of the captain-generals of 
 earlier times. The capitals, or head-quarters, were 
 to be wherever circumstances might require; and 
 the office of comandante inspector was abolished. It 
 seems, however, that before the end of 1788 there was 
 a cedula granting independent authority in certain 
 matters to the generals. 16 ' 
 
 In 1790 Ugarte was made intendente of Guada 
 lajara, and his place as comandante general of the 
 Provincias del Poniente was taken by Brigadier- 
 general Pedro de Nava, whose appointment was dated 
 the 7th of March. At the same time Ugalde, weighed 
 down with vears and hard service, was ordered to 
 
 ^/ 
 
 Spain, as was also Rengel the comandante inspector. 
 It appears that no regular successor to Ugalde was 
 ever appointed by the king, but that Nava assumed 
 the command ad interim of the eastern provinces. 17 
 The final change of the century was made by the 
 king's order of November 234, 1792, and carried into 
 effect in 1793. This was the reuniting of the eastern 
 and western provinces in one new command inde 
 pendent again of the viceroyalty. The Californias, 
 Nuevo Leon, and Nuevo Santander were detached 
 and left subject to the viceroy; and the Provincias 
 Internas now included Nueva Vizcaya, Texas, Coa- 
 huila, New Mexico, and Sonora and Sinaloa. There 
 was no modification of the system until 1804, though 
 Viceroy Re villa Gigedo made a strong opposition to 
 
 lG Belena, Recop., i. pt. iii. 370-1; Flores, Instruc., MS., 20-2; Instruc. 
 rirreye*, 175, 187-9, 201; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, 108-9; Ordenes de la 
 Corona, MS., vi., 62-3; Mayer MSS. , no. 1; San Miyuel, Rep. Mex., 13; 
 Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 45-6; Arch. Cal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 31, 44; 
 viii. 5-6, 40-1; St. Pap., Miss, and Col, i. 64-5; Mayer MSS., no. 1, 2. 
 
 17 Royal order of Mar. 7, 1790, in Mayer MSS., no. 2. Nov. 28, 1790, 
 Nava to Romeu, has taken possession of the command of 'all the provincias 
 internas, in the valley of Saltillo.' Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 415. In 1794, 
 Ugalde was trying to effect an adjustment of his salary preparatory to sailing 
 for Spain. N. Espana, Acuerdos, MS., 21. See also on Ugarte's appoint 
 ment to Guadalajara. Soc. Mex. Geog., BoL, 2da ep. iii. 307-14. Nava's 
 salary was 10,000. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 41 
 
642 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 the now system ; and Nava remained in command 
 until after'1800. 18 
 
 It has been stated on vague authority that Jos6 
 Carlos de Agiiero was governor and captain-general 
 of Nueva Vizcaya until 1768, and it is implied in later 
 missionary reports that Lope de Cuellar as governor 
 had charge of the Jesuit expulsion in 1767; but I 
 have found no record of successors for fifteen years. 
 The ruler lost his military power on the formation of 
 the Provincias Interims in 1777, but his civil juris 
 diction was unchanged, though he became subject to 
 the comandante general instead of the viceroy. In 
 1783, and probably earlier, perhaps from 1774, Felipe 
 de Barri, formerly ruler of the Californias, was gov 
 ernor at Durango, but died in 1784, and was succeeded 
 by Juan Velasquez. 19 
 
 In 1786 another measure recommended since 1768 
 by Jose de Galvez and Viceroy Croix was carried into 
 effect, and the whole country was divided into inten- 
 dencias. This measure and the system involved are 
 explained in another volume of this work, being of 
 uniform operation in all parts of New Spain. 20 Each 
 intendency was under a gobernador intendente who 
 united in himself the civil, military, judicial, and 
 financial authority under viceroy, comandante general, 
 or audiencia. His position did not differ materially 
 from that of the former governors and captain-gen 
 erals. He appointed subdelegados to rule over the 
 districts and take the place of the former alcaldes 
 mayores, there being also ayuntamientos in the chief 
 towns. The Intendencia of Durango corresponded to 
 
 Rcvilla Gigedo, Instruc., MS., 542-52; Id., Bandos, no. 63; Durango Doc., 
 MS., 255; Instruc. Virreyes, 201; Mayer MS8., no. 3; Soc.,Mex. Gcog.,Bol, 
 ii. 5. Feb. 23, 1790, Jose Menendez Vald6s appointed asesor and auditor de 
 guerra in place of Galindo Navarre promoted to the asesoria general of 
 Mexico. Arch. CaL, MS., Prov. St. Pap., ix. 350. Nov. 24, 1791, Nava 
 issues a series of regulations for presidio service. Pinart, Doc. Hist. Chih., 
 MS., No. 10. 
 
 19 Durango, Doc. Hist., MS., 255-6; Subsidio Ecksidstico, MS., 165; N. 
 Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iv. 91. 
 
 20 See Hist. Mex., iii. this series. 
 
MAP OF DUBANGO AND CHIHUAHUA. 
 
 643 
 
 NUEVA VlZCAYA, 1800. 
 
644 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 Nueva Vizcaya, including the modern Durango and 
 Chihuahua. The first governor-intendent, appointed 
 May 21, 1785, and succeeding Velazquez in 1786, 
 was Felipe Diaz de Ortega, a knight of the order of 
 San Cdrlos who had been lieutenant-colonel of militia 
 at Burgos. Ortega indulged in controversies with 
 General Ugarte respecting the patronato ; and in 1792 
 or a little earlier was succeeded by Francisco Javier 
 (or Antonio) Potau de Portugal. In 1796 Bernardo 
 Bonavia y Zapata, knight of Alcantara and corregidor 
 of Mexico, took the office which he still held in 1798, 
 and apparently until after 1800. 21 
 
 Respecting the practical working of this system of 
 intendentes and subdelegados, so far as Nueva Yicaya 
 is particularly concerned, we have but little informa 
 tion. Throughout the whole country the system was 
 generally regarded as an improvement; but in the 
 north there is little or nothing to show that the con 
 dition of the people was either better or worse under 
 the subdelegados than it had been under the alcaldes 
 mayores. Escudero and Garcia Conde, referring to 
 the whole period down to the war of independence, 
 and particularly to the province of Chihuahua, have 
 nothing to say in favor of the system. According to 
 these authors the offices were given to Spaniards with- 
 
 21 Expediente on the controversy between Ortega and Ugarte, in Durango, 
 Doc. Hist., MS., 110-11, 255-6; Cedulario, MS., iii. 33-4, 136; Gaceta de 
 Mex., viii. 77; Gomez, Diario, vii. 431, 446. In Zunigct y Ontiveros, Calen- 
 dario Manual y Guia de Forasteros de Mexico, 1789, p. 111-13, is given a full 
 list of officials for that year, which, as showing the division into districts, 
 etc., is worth preserving, as follows: Durango, capital of N. Vizcaya, gober- 
 nador intendente, Felipe Diaz de Ortega; teniente letrado y asesor ordinario, 
 Lie. Francisco Urrutia. Treasury officials: real caja principal, Contador Pedro 
 Pio y Alduan; treasurer, Ramiro Bagues y Marco; real caja of Chihuahua, 
 treasurer, Domingo Beregana, contador, - . Subdelgados; Batopilas, 
 Jos6 Gutierrez de la Riva; Sta Barbara, Jos6 Moreno; Cuencame", Capt. Fran 
 cisco Jose" Boninfant de Perea; S. Bartolome", Capt. Pedro Manuel Aceve de 
 Armendariz; Guanacevi, Francisco Martinez Escudero; Guarizame, Juan Zam- 
 brano; Chihuahua, Francisco Javier del Campo, corregidor; S. Juan del Rio, 
 Jose Sanchez; Mapimi, Mariano de Medina; Cosiguriachi, Capt. Juan Ser- 
 vando Ramirez; Nombre de Dios, Francisco Javier de Escobar; Real del Oro, 
 Juan Sanchez Ruiz de Leon; Papasquiaro, Capt. Juan de la Vega y Canseco; 
 Parral, Manuel Rodriguez; Cerro Gordo, Juan de Soto; Sianori, Juan Fer 
 nandez Rodriguez. Escudero, Not. Chih. , 23, says that there were subdele- 
 fados at S. Andre's de la Sierra, Ci^negas de los Olivos, Boboroya, Sta Isabel, 
 ulimes, Conchos, and Sta Catalina, not mentioned in the list of 1789. 
 
INTENDENCIA. 645 
 
 out qualifications or experience, whose only aim was to 
 better their own condition. In the different branches 
 of their authority they were but the blind tools of 
 their superiors, the intendente, comandante general, 
 or audiencia. Friends of the rich and strong who 
 alone could bring their causes before the superior 
 authorities, they were oppressors of the poor and weak, 
 neglecting official duties, and attending to their own 
 private interests. The ayuntamientos exerted a ben 
 eficial influence, but they were few and of limited 
 powers. These strictures, however, arise largely from 
 republican opposition to the Spanish monarchical rule 
 as a whole, and are not specially applicable to the later 
 as compared with the earlier period of Spanish dom 
 ination. 22 
 
 In the southern part of Nueva Vizcaya the savages 
 seem not to have committed any serious depredations ; 
 but in Chihuahua, as all along the northern frontier 
 from Sonora to Texas, the Apaches were increasingly 
 hostile. Here, as elsewhere, in this as in every other 
 period, these savages lived mainly by their raids on the 
 Spanish establishments, their chief aim being to obtain 
 live-stock; but opportunities for murder, torture, and 
 destruction of all property were always sought rather 
 than avoided. Their methods of warfare have been 
 sufficiently described; and their special depredations 
 for the most part have left no record; but they kept 
 the frontier in constant terror, not only barring all 
 progress northward, but at times threatening absolute 
 ruin and abandonment of all that had been gained. 
 Missionary influence, so potent a factor in the advance 
 up to this point, was utterly powerless against these 
 brutal rovers ; treaties were of no avail, for they were 
 never kept by the Indians except so long as it seemed 
 for their interests to keep them, as a means of putting 
 the Spaniards off their guard in preparation for re- 
 
 ^Escudero, Not. Chili., 20-3; Garcia Conde, in Soc. Hex. Geog., Bol, v. 
 182-3, 267-9; Dice. Univ., ii. 686-7. 
 
646 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 newed hostilities ; extermination was the only remedy, 
 a slow operation not yet fully carried out after more 
 than a century of effort. 
 
 In 1773 the presidial system was reorganized in 
 accordance with the recommendations of the Marques 
 de Rubi, and under the superintendence of Hugo 
 Oconor as comandante inspector. In most respects 
 the reglamento of 1772 remained in force to the end 
 of the Spanish domination, and was even closely fol 
 lowed in later times. 23 This reglamento provided for 
 six presidios in Nueva Vizcaya, in the line of fifteen 
 extending from Sonora to Texas, each garrisoned by 
 forty-three soldiers, with captain, lieutenant, alferez, 
 chaplain, and ten native scouts, at an annual cost of 
 $18,998 for each establishment. The presidios were 
 placed along the northern frontier at intervals of about 
 forty leagues. Janos was left on its former site. San 
 Buenaventura was moved to the Valle de Ruiz, near 
 the Laguna de Guzman. Paso del Norte was moved 
 from the town of that name in the borders of New 
 Mexico to the pueblo of Carrizal. Huajuquilla was 
 moved to the Valle de San Elceario; Julimes restored 
 to its former position at the Junta de los Rios; and 
 Cerro Gordo was to be placed on the Rio Grande, 
 about forty leagues below the junction. Five ' flying 
 companies ' were also organized a little later, one of 
 which in later years became a presidial garrison at El 
 Principe. 24 
 
 23 Presidios, Reglamento 6 Instruction para los Presidios que se han deformar 
 en la linea de front-era de la Nueva Espana. Remelto por d rey N. S. en c6dula 
 de 10 de Septiembre de!772. Madrid, 1772; other editions; also in Arrillaqa, 
 Recop., 1834, 142-89. 
 
 24 It will be remembered that there was no presidio at S. Buenaventura in 
 1763, only a guard of 30 men from Huajuquilla; and it does not appear at 
 what date the presidio had been established. Neither was there any presidio 
 of Cerro Gordo for years before 1767; but perhaps the garrison of Pasage, not 
 mentioned in the reglamento, had been recently transferred to the old site of 
 Cerro Gordo. In 1814 Simon Elias, in a report on the presidios, Pinart, Doc. 
 Hist. Chih., MS., 15-23, states that S. Buenaventura was restored from 
 Velarde probably the site in Ruiz Valley to the S. Buenaventura Valley 
 25 or 30 1. from Janos. Huajuquilla was moved from S. Elceario to Tilnacio 
 .(Tiburcio?), farther up the Rio del Norte and about 40 1. from Carrizal. 
 Julimes and Janos remained as located by the reglamento. Cerro Gordo, 
 from the site called San Carlos, was moved first to Chorreras, and then to S. 
 
MILITARY MEASURES. 647 
 
 The Caballero de Croix on taking command of the 
 Provincias Internas in 1777 sent back to Mexico the 
 most urgent appeals for reeriforcements, regarding the 
 condition of the country as most critical. He an 
 nexed to his appeal a table showing that in Nueva 
 Vizcaya from 1771 to 1776 the number killed by 
 Indians, not including soldiers or travellers, had been 
 1,674, with 154 captives, while 116 haciendas and 
 ranches had been plundered and 66,155 head of cattle 
 stolen. 25 By royal order of March 10, 1782, a corps 
 of provincial dragoons was organized to aid in the 
 defence of the frontier; 26 but nothing appears respect 
 ing the, actual service of these troops. In 1784 it 
 was estimated that property to the value of 16,000,- 
 000 of pesos had been destroyed within twenty years 
 in Chihuahua; arid General Neve went to the villa 
 to protect the inhabitants and investigate charges of 
 a conspiracy between the Christian Indians and 
 Apaches. In two months twenty-four of the accused 
 were hanged and quartered, and a general rising was 
 prevented. 27 But it would seem that while under 
 Croix, Neve, and Rengel much was accomplished in 
 the improvement of system and discipline; and by 
 the constant campaigning along the line a degree of 
 temporary security was afforded the surviving estab 
 lishments; yet no real progress was made in the 
 work of permanently subjecting or exterminating the 
 savages. 
 
 Geronimo, 7 1. from Chihuahua and 55 1. from the Junta. One of the flying 
 companies was located between S. Elceario and Las Juntas at Pilares, but 
 moved to El Principe, 30 1. from S. Geronimo and 25 1. from Las Juntas. 
 
 Garcia Conde, in Album Alex., i. 223-4, tells us that the Apaches about 
 1772 attacked a party of 40, killing all but three or four, who were captured. 
 One was the son of Capt. Peru, of Janos, who became a violent hater of all 
 Indians, and by a treacherous plot caused the massacre and torture of about 
 60 Apaches. For this he was suspended by the comandante general, but 
 reinstated by the king. See also on the changes of 1772: Rcvilla Giyedo, Inf., 
 13 Abril 1793, 116; Id., Carta, 27 Die. 1793, 467-8; Velasco, Sonora, 245-6; 
 Escudero, Not. Son., 63-8; Panes, Virreyes, MS., 121; Bmtamante, in Cam, 
 Trcs Siglos, iii. 26; Zamora, Bib. Legis. Ult., 284; Soc. Mex. Geon., Bol., v. 
 269-70. 
 
 25 N. Vizcaya, Doc. Hist., iv. 89-91. The table is signed by Felipe de 
 Barri, perhaps governor at the time. 
 
 26 Colon, Juzgados Militares, ii. 525-8; Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., v. 664. 
 
 27 Gaceta de Mex., i. 115-17, 147. 
 
648 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 When Viceroy Galvez assumed control over the 
 Provincias Internas, he introduced some important 
 changes of policy, as fully set forth in his elaborate 
 instructions of August 26, 1786, to General Ugarte 
 y Loyola. 23 Warfare alone, in the opinion of Galvez, 
 must fail in the future as it had failed in the past. 
 The Apaches were skilful warriors and horsemen, they 
 had no homes or towns to be defended, and no large 
 armies to be defeated; if driven entirely from their 
 present line of mountain strongholds they would 
 simply retire to another similar line farther north, 
 increasing their force by the addition of northern 
 bands. Yet war must be waged without cessation on 
 all hostile tribes, and minute instructions were given 
 as to methods of making it effective. Each tribe must 
 be forced to sue for peace, when a treaty was to be 
 made and strictly kept, slight faults being overlooked 
 but grave infractions severely punished. No reliance 
 was to be placed in the good faith of the savages, but 
 it was to be made their interest to keep the peace. 
 It was declared that "a bad peace was better than a 
 good war." Warfare was the Apaches' business, to 
 gether with hunting; and only . by war could they 
 hitherto obtain the live-stock and other things they 
 desired. Hunting was in comparison hard and un 
 profitable work. But now with tribes at peace trade 
 was to be encouraged, and even gifts were to be made 
 at cost of the government. Thus old wants and 
 weaknesses, such as the fondness for personal adorn 
 ment, would be increased, and new needs created for 
 
 28 Instruction formada en virtue! de real tfrden, passim. The author had had 
 much personal experience as an Indian-fighter in Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora, 
 and he consulted many other officers. He had nothing but praise for what 
 had been done in the recent past; but believed that difficulties in the way of 
 success were now greater than ever, and that it was absolutely necessary to 
 experiment with a new policy. The document of 216 articles goes very 
 minutely into details and shows that the viceroy fully understood his subject. 
 He declared that only in Alta California was any progress being made; else 
 where 'hemos perdido mucha parte de imestros antiguos establecimientos. ' 
 On the lack of good faith among the Apaches he says: 'Nadie ignora las 
 veleidades de todos los Indios y su mala fe, pero no siempre la han encontrado 
 buena en miestros procedimientos: hay mil exemplares antiguos ymuy mo- 
 dernos de esta verdad que jamas debeii refirirse.' 
 
A NEW POLICY. 649 
 
 articles of which the supply would cease on the re 
 sumption of hostilities. Intoxicating liquors should 
 be freely dealt out in particular, if the Apaches could 
 be induced to form an appetite for them. Moreover 
 fire-arms and powder, always of inferior quality, should 
 be sold without fear; for it was an error to suppose 
 a gun in the hands of an Indian to be a more deadly 
 weapon than the bow and arrows. The change in 
 weapons if widely effected would be an advantage to 
 the Spaniards in actual battle, and it would force the 
 foe to make peace for repairs to arms and new supplies 
 of powder. Meanwhile the different tribes were to be 
 incited in every possible way to a warfare of extermi 
 nation between themselves; and extermination alone 
 was the policy to be favored. After a long time God 
 might miraculously show some way to conversion and 
 civilization; but at present it was folly to think of 
 such things. 29 
 
 As to the practical workings of this new policy in 
 Nueva Vizcaya, the records contain no detailed infor 
 mation. As early as 1788 Viceroy Flores in a report 
 to the king expressed strong opposition to Galvez' 
 plan of making treaties with any Apache tribes, at 
 the same time declaring trade with the savages to be 
 impracticable; 30 but it does not appear that the policy 
 was materially modified, but rather that to a large 
 extent it was successful during the last decade of the 
 century. That is, the frontier w r as efficiently pro 
 tected by the skilful management and constant pre 
 cautions of the presidio commanders; and most of the 
 Apaches were kept nominally at peace by a system of 
 gifts and free rations, many rancherias being sup 
 ported in idleness at government expense. We hear 
 of no serious depredations in these years or in the 
 beginning of the next century. Neither does it ap- 
 
 29 See also on the new policy Escudero, Not. CJtih., 236-49; Id., Observa- 
 clones, 15-17. 
 
 30 Flores' report of 1788 in Bustamante, Svplemento, iii. 77-81. In Id., 83, 
 Flores is said to have stationed a regiment of dragoons in Durango in 1788 
 with excellent effects. 
 
650 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 pear, however, that the Apaches were making very 
 rapid progress in the great work of being extermi 
 nated, of becoming drunkards, or in forming an in 
 eradicable taste for Spanish luxuries. They were 
 rather biding their time and awaiting the accumula 
 tion of plunder. Meanwhile the expense of the royal 
 treasury was heavy, being about one million dollars 
 per year for the military establishment of about four 
 thousand men in the Provincias Internas, twelve hun 
 dred and sixty-eight being the force in Nueva Vizcaya, 
 besides the amount expended in gifts and rations for 
 the savages. 31 
 
 Jose Vicente Diaz Bravo, a native of Tudela, Na 
 varre, who had been a professor in the University of 
 Huesca, a counsellor of the inquisition, and a bare 
 footed Carmelite, being the author also of several 
 published works, was presented to the diocese of Du- 
 rango, succeeding Bishop Tamaron, in 1769. He was 
 consecrated at Puebla in 1770; but it is not clear that 
 he ever took possession of his office, since he is said 
 to have died in 1771 or 1772 at sea on his way to 
 Spain. The next bishop was Antonio Macarulla 
 Minguilla de Aguilanin, from Aragon, who was pro 
 moted from the see of Comayagua, Honduras. He 
 ruled from February 16, 1774, to June 12, 1781, at 
 which date he died at Laguna near Durango. He 
 spent his income freely for the completion and endow 
 ment of the collegiate seminary begun by the Jesuits 
 and since 1767 in charge of the governor. He was 
 succeeded by Estevan Lorenzo de Tristan, a native of 
 Jaen, Toledo, educated at the university of Granada, 
 and bishop of Leon, Nicaragua, since 1776. He was 
 
 31 July 2, 1790, police regulations issued by the comandante general for 
 Indian residents, 12 articles. Pinart, Doc. Hist. Chih., i. 2-5. Nov. 24, 1791, 
 code of regulations, in 17 articles for presidio officers. Id., i. 10-13. In Du- 
 rancjOy Doc. Hist., MS., 207-25, I have a valuable descriptive report on the 
 
 Apaches, their haunts, and their methods of warfare, written by Lieut. Col. 
 Antonio Cordero in 1796 for the comandante general. Cordero, Noticias rela- 
 tivas d la Nation Apache, 1796, MS. 
 
BISHOPS OF DURANGO. 651 
 
 promoted to Durango in 1782, but did not assume the 
 office until 1786. In 1794 he was made bishop of 
 Guadalajara, but died on the way thither at Lagos. 
 In the same year Jose Joaquin Granados, a Francis 
 can of Queretaro, bishop of Sonora, author of the 
 Tardes Americanos and other works in defence of the 
 native races, was appointed to this see. He arrived 
 in May; but in the absence of certain documents the 
 cabildo objected to his taking possession; and the 
 bishop died the day after the papers came, on the 
 20th of August. Gabriel de Olivares y Benito was 
 the next incumbent of the episcopal office, taking pos 
 session on May 29, 1796. He was a native of Xaloira 
 Spain; had been dean of Durango down to 1788, when 
 he was made bishop of Ciudad Real, Chiapas; from 
 which see he was promoted to that of Durango. He 
 ruled until the date of his death, February 26, 1812; 
 and distinguished himself by completing the fine 
 church of Santa Ana at the cost of a devout lady who 
 gave all her estate for the purpose. 32 
 
 By .a royal order of February 4, 1781, the bishop 
 ric of Guadiana, or Durango, was divided. The coast 
 provinces of Sonora, Sinaloa, and the Californias were 
 formed into the new bishopric of Sonora, with capital 
 at Arizpe, under Fray Antonio de los Reyes as first 
 bishop. This left in the diocese of Durango the prov 
 inces of Nueva Vizcaya and New Mexico. Two 
 years earlier the new bishopric of Nuevo Leon had 
 been created, but this took nothing from that of Du 
 rango, the districts of Parras and Saltillo, though 
 parts of Nueva Vizcaya down to 1785, having be 
 longed to the bishopric of Guadalajara. 33 
 
 There were several controversies to vary the mo- 
 
 82 On the succession of bishops see: Ifjlesias y Conventos, Relation, 318-19; 
 Escudero, Not. Dur., 22-3; fiamirez, Not. Dur., 23-4, 51; Gaceta de Mcx. y 
 hi. 305-6 ; vi. 377, 533-4; vii. 29 ; viii. 101 ; Dice. Univ., iii. 144-5; Alcedo, 
 Dice., ii. 56; Gomez, Diario, vii. 243-4, 389. 
 
 Tithes of the diocese 1770-9, $943,280; 1780-9, $1,080,313. Soc. Mex. Geoff., 
 Sol., ii. 19; Hnmboldt, EssaiPol, 474. Tithes of 1777, $20,483. Morf, Dia- 
 rio, 344-51. Royal decree respecting tithes, 1796. GaceladeAIex., xi. 78-80. 
 Recopilation, i. pt. ii. 291. 
 
652 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 notony of ecclesiastical routine during this period, 
 none being fully recorded, and none apparently of 
 vital importance. Curates were in the habit of mar 
 rying their parishioners without attending to the for 
 mality of application to the bishop, on the plea of 
 long distances and the prevalent poverty. The latter 
 in alarm appealed to the archbishop, and the matter 
 was referred to the king and by him to the ecclesias 
 tical court. The decision in 1768 was in favor of the 
 curates. 34 
 
 The principal controversies, however, were between 
 the bishop and the comandante general of Provincias 
 Interims. The latter as we have seen was at times 
 independent of the viceroy, and invested with the real 
 patronato in the matter of appointing curates. So 
 great were the difficulties of obtaining clergymen or 
 friars for the parishes that formalities were often dis 
 regarded on both sides; and it is not strange that as 
 these vexations multiplied misunderstandings arose. 
 The correspondence though somewhat bulky is far 
 from complete, and the details are not worth record 
 ing. The ceremonial reception due to General Nava 
 at the cathedral was another topic added to the quar 
 rel in 1791; Galindo Navarro, the asesor, engaged 
 ardently in the war on paper, being accused by Bishop 
 Tristan of maliciously and needlessly provoking dis 
 sension on questions long since decided; and some very 
 severe and sarcastic expressions were drawn out on 
 both sides. The bishop argued that the general's 
 plenary powers were merely honorary and not in 
 tended to be practically exercised; and declared that 
 by his arbitrary intervention the old missions would 
 soon be entirely ruined, " because the religion that is 
 now being planted is not the ancient faith of Jesus 
 Christ, but the modern one with an ugly and bad odor 
 of independence. God grant it may not come to be 
 French!" He could. see no other way to secure peace 
 
 3i Diiraii(jo, Sobre oposicion del Dean, etc., MS. A collection of original 
 papers on the subject. 257 pages, from the archives of the bishopric. 
 
MISSION REPORTS. 653 
 
 and an end of the asesor's intermeddling but that " all 
 the missions should be formed into one simple bene 
 fice, or caballerato, to which His Majesty should ap 
 point the Licentiate Pedro Galindo y Navarro ! " In 
 the matter of ceremonials the royal decision was favor 
 able in certain respects to the bishop; on the other 
 topics trouble ceased perhaps with the departure of 
 Galindo; for we hear nothing of the controversy in 
 the last years. 35 
 
 There is extant a series of reports made by provin 
 cial, guardian, bishop, and viceroy, from which a sat 
 isfactory idea may be formed respecting the condition 
 of the old missions of the country during the last 
 quarter of the century, of which establishments there 
 were forty-two, receiving sinodos from the royal treas 
 ury, all being still called missions though many were 
 nominally under the care of secular clergymen. 36 
 
 The Jesuits left twenty-seven missions, if we add 
 those of the Chinipas district as was done in the 
 official reports, and is most convenient for present 
 
 85 Correspondence in Pinart, Doc. Hist. Son., MS., 6-14. In 1796 the 
 ecclesiastical authorities under a royal order attempted to collect tithes from 
 soldiers and others at the military posts ; but after some trouble and a pro 
 test from the comandante general, such citizens were declared exempt from 
 tithes in 1800. Gaceta de Mex., xi. 78-80. 
 
 36 Description Topoyrdfica de las Misiones de Propaganda Fide de Nuestra, 
 Senora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas en la Sierra Madre. In Doc. Hist. Mex. , 
 4th ser. torn. iv. 91-131. The author was a Franciscan friar not named, and 
 the report was written at the request of Gen. Croix about 1780. It contains 
 
 Appc- de Nra Sra de Guadalupe de Zacatecas; hecho por parle de dicho 
 Colcgo. d 3 de Marzo del afio de 1786, de 6rden del Ex- Sr. Virrey Conde de 
 Galvez, y conforme d el que el Rey nro. Sor., Dios le qfi-e, se sirvio expedir en 
 el Pardo, d 31 de En de 1784, que sirve de instruction, y es como se siyue, MS. 
 This is an original in Pinart, Col. Doc. Hex., 171-98, with original corre 
 spondence about the report in Id., 165-9, 285-9, 519-20. The author, Fr 
 Ignacio Maria Laba, was guardian of the Guadalupe college. 
 
 Tristan, Informe del Obispo de Durango sobre las Misiones de su Didcesis 
 ano de 1789. Original MS. in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 89-100. Martinez, 
 Estado Actual de las Misiones que tiene d su cargo esta Provincia de N. P. 8. 
 Francisco de los Zacatecas, 1789. Original MS. in Id., 357. The author, 
 Antonio Fernando Martinez, was provincial. And finally Revilla Gigedo, 
 Carta de 27 de Diciembre de 1793, v. 436-41. He follows Laba and the oth 
 ers in most respects. 
 
654 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 purposes, though the district has formerly been in 
 cluded in Sonora to the fifteen of Tarahumara proper. 
 At the expulsion of 1767 the comandante, Lope de 
 Cuellar, took possession of and removed so far as pos 
 sible the property of the establishments. By the 
 viceroy's orders fifteen friars were sent from the 
 Franciscan college of Guadalupe in Zacatecas to be 
 put in charge by the bishop of that number of mis 
 sions; though by a later order the distribution was 
 made by the comandante of Chihuahua. The next 
 year a new mission was added. The Franciscans had 
 at first nothing to do with the temporalities, though 
 entitled to a limited amount of personal service from 
 the neophytes; but in 1770-1, by the order of Visi 
 tor-general Galvez, the missionaries were obliged, 
 against their wishes as they state, to resume control 
 of the mission estates, and the property removed was 
 restored. That is, the padres were allowed to send 
 to Chihuahua for herds of cattle, which being native 
 to the plains soon died in the mountains, and left the 
 missions as before with a very small supply of live 
 stock. So says the padre guardian; but the viceroy 
 tells us that the confiscated property was not ordered 
 to be restored until 1789, when it was valued at 
 $61,417. But there was generally a small surplus 
 of grain ; a little sugar-cane was raised at the Chini- 
 pas establishments; and the friars had their annual 
 stipend of $300 or $350. In twenty years they built 
 several new churches, repairing and decorating many 
 others at a cost of about $90,000, besides supporting 
 themselves and their communities. In 1763 the neo 
 phyte population of these missions had been 15,000; 
 in 1767, by a census taken by the Franciscans, it was 
 12,800; according to the provincial's report it had 
 increased to 13,300 in 1786, though the total of items 
 given is only 12,200; and in 1793 the number is given 
 by Bevilla Gigedo as 12,800/~ 
 
 37 
 
 37 In the alcaldia de Cuziguariachic, or Cosiguriachi: Tomochic and Arisi- 
 achic, P. Angel Patron; 772 Indians in 1763, 499 in 1786. Cajurichic, or 
 
CONDITION OF THE MISSIONS. 655 
 
 Respecting the condition of the mission Indians 
 many particulars are given. Though addicted to 
 drunkenness, licentiousness, and superstition, they 
 were harmless, peaceable, jovial, and fond of the 
 padres, submitting to be "paternally flogged" for 
 various offences. Very few actually resided in the 
 communities, but most wandered in the mountains 
 free from all control. Native officials ten or fifteen 
 in number were formally appointed for each establish 
 ment, but they had no real power; police regulations 
 of the government respecting passports arid licenses 
 were not enforced; and the friars could not prevent 
 grave abuses in the employment of native laborers. 
 The harvest was great but the laborers few. " The 
 great Shepherd," writes one of the friars, "can per 
 haps leave his ninety-nine sheep to search for one 
 that is lost; but we cannot do it, else we should lose 
 both." Yet the Indians were induced to cultivate 
 
 Capirichi, and Paqueachi, formerly visitas of Tomochic, made a mission in 
 1791; 508 Indians in 1763, 515 in 1786. Tutuaca and Tepachi, or Tepeacbi, 
 P. Miguel Santa Maria; 611 Indians in 1763, 606 in 1786. Moris and Mai- 
 coba, P. Miguel Rada; 646 Indians in 1763, 325 in 1786. Batopilillas, Bar- 
 baroco or Baboroc, and Jicamorachi or Xicamorac, P. Juan Lanuza, 599 
 Indians in 1763, 700 in 1786. Santa Ana and Loreto, with Real de S. Agus- 
 tin, P. Mateo Amador; 879 Indians in 1763, 819 in 1786, 919 (?) in 1793. 
 
 In the alcaldia of Batopilas: Chinipas and Guadalupe, with reales Topago 
 and Sta Gertrudis, P. Antonio Soldrzano; 32? Indians in 1763, 125 in 1786. 
 Guazapares, Temoris, and Tepochic, P. Joaquin Gallardo; 580 Indians in 
 1763, 365 in 1786, 705 in 1793. Serocahui, or Serrocoachi, with Cuiteco, or 
 Guitex, and Churo, or Churuc, or Rechurro, P. Antonio Urbina; 781 Indians 
 in 1763, 453 in 1786, 653 (?) in 1793. Hueguachi, or Gueguachic, with Same- 
 chi, Pamachi, and Guagusivo, or Guagueigo, orCuajuibo, P. RafaelJimenez; 
 1,518 Indians in 1763, 1,115 in 1786. Tubares (Concepcion), with S. Ignacio, 
 P. Jos< Amillano; 437 Indians in 1763, 189 in 1786. Tubares (S. Miguel), 
 with Sta Ana and S. Andres, P. Jose" Francisco Moreno; 451 Indians in 1763, 
 351 in 1786, 364 in 1793. Baborigame, Cinco Llagas, Basanopa, or Banuapa, 
 Toahahayana, or Tobollana, Tenoriba, Sta Rosa, or Sta Ana, and Sonoriba, 
 Suerachi, or Hueachi, Guerachi, P. Juan B. Larrondo; 1,431 Indians in 1763, 
 1,243 in 1786, 1,395 in 1793. Nabogame, with Dolores and Chinatu, P. Luis 
 Aldrete; 793 Indians in 1763, 925 in 1786, 227 in 1793. 
 
 In the alcaldia of Cie"nega de los Olivos: Norogachic, with Papaichic, or 
 Papaguichi, and Tetaguichic, P. Juan de Dios Larrondo; 3,864 Indians in 
 1763, 2171 in 1786. Tonachic, with Oboriachi, Sta Ana, Guacochi and Teca- 
 borachi, P. Francisco Rouset; 678 Indians in 1763, 1,119 in 1786, 1,200 in 
 1793. Baquiachic, with Pahuichic, or Panchi, Navarachic, and Teguerichic, 
 P. Jose" Justo Gomez; apparently the new mission founded in 1768; 744 Ind 
 ians in 1786, 914 in 1793. Guaicabo, with Guizarari; founded in 1791; pop 
 ulation included in the 914 of the preceding. Chinarras, a Jesuit mission in 
 1763, is not mentioned. It was probably merged in San Ger6nimo. 
 
656 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 little patches of maize and beans, to attend religious 
 exercises on many feast days, and to receive the sacra 
 ment annually. This was the sum and substance of 
 their Christianity and civilization. At each establish 
 ment a few had a smattering of Spanish; but most 
 spoke their native dialects, or a prevalent jargon 
 called Guarigfa. The padres preached in the vernacu 
 lar and used it for the sacraments. Children, every 
 day at the cabeceras and often at the visitas, attended 
 the doctrina; and an effort was made in compliance 
 with government orders, to teach them Spanish; but 
 on growing up they adopted the habits of their parents 
 and forgot for the most part what they had learned. 
 Yet the Franciscans flattered themselves they could 
 see a slight improvement in all respects under their 
 management. In their comparisons, however, they 
 were disposed to consider the state of the missions 
 during the confusion immediately and inevitably re 
 sulting from the loss of the former missionaries rather 
 than that before the Jesuits were disturbed. 
 
 Eleven of the ex-Jesuit establishments with a regis 
 tered population of ten or eleven thousand souls were 
 nominally turned over to the bishop in 1767. The 
 property taken away at the expulsion was never re 
 turned, or at least not until after 1790; ministers 
 could be found for but few of the communities; and 
 their progress toward destruction was rapid. Says 
 Viceroy Eevilla Gigedo in 1793: "Pitiable is the 
 stat'e of those which were put in charge of secular 
 priests, since most of them are without ministers, and 
 those serving are doing so ad interim against their 
 will, repeatedly offering their resignations, which are 
 not accepted because there is nobody to take their 
 places. The reverend bishop of Durango intrusted 
 these missions to the curate of the real de minas of 
 Cosiguriachi ; but great as may be his efforts they can 
 not suffice for the accomplishment of the commission, 
 because it is prevented by distances, the roughness 
 of the roads in the Sierra Madre, and the condition 
 
STATISTICS. 657 
 
 of the Indians abandoned since the departure of the 
 extinguished regulars." And this is confirmed by the 
 bishop's own statements. 33 Nine establishments still 
 remained in charge of the Franciscans of the Provin- 
 cia of Zacatecas, by whom they had been founded. 
 They had a population of 1,525 in 1789 and of 2,024 
 in 1793. Here the padres had nothing to do with 
 the temporalities. Their stipends were from $225 to 
 300 each; but we have no record of their names nor 
 of details respecting the condition of the missions. 
 Doubtless the change was very slight during this 
 period. 39 Of the missions at the Junta de los Bios 
 nothing is recorded. They had probably been aban 
 doned by the friars, and the Indians intrusted to the 
 care of the presidio chaplain. There were, however, 
 five missions in the region of El Paso, but within the 
 limits of Nueva Vizcaya, in charge of Franciscans of 
 the Provincia del Santo Evangelio in Mexico, as 
 were the missions of New Mexico. 40 * These had been 
 secularized in 1756, but restored to the friars in 1771, 
 being unable to support curates. 
 
 The population of the intendencia of Durango dur 
 ing the last decade of the century, including all 
 classes except gentile Indians, was estimated at about 
 120, 000. 41 Of Chihuahua annals beyond the topics 
 of government, Indian and military affairs, and mis 
 sions, already treated, there is nothing to be recorded, 
 
 38 These secularized missions, with the population in 1763 and 1793 the 
 latter, I suppose, being from registers much earlier than the date of the 
 viceroy's report were as follows: Coyachic, 783, 462; San Borja, 1280, 860; 
 Temeichic, 992, 588; Papigochic, 642, 569; Nonoava, 1,170, 1,001; Carichic, 
 1,794, 1,312; Sto Tomtis, 1,770, 405; Sisoguichic, 1,091, 2,808; Matachic, 343, 
 458; Temosachic, 721, 500; Satevo (secularized before 1767 and added to 
 curacy of Batopilas, but again separated and given a stipend), 548, 1,052. 
 
 39 Martinez, Estado. The missions were: San Cristobal de Noinbre de 
 Dios, 194 Ind. in 1789, 262 in 1793; San Ger6nimo, 189; Natividad de Bachi- 
 niva, 166, 200; San Andres, 118, 170; Sta Isabel, 425, 657; Santiago de 
 Babonoyaba, 142, 192; San Antonio de Julimes, 76, 112; Sta Cruz de Tepa- 
 culmes, 76, 100; San Buenaventura de Atotonilco, 227, 331. 
 
 40 These were El Paso, San Lorenzo, Senecu, Isleta, and Socorro. Tristan, 
 Liforme. See also Soc. Mex. Geoy., Bol, 2da ep., i. 572. 
 
 "Revilla Gi'/edo, Carta de 27 'Die. 1793, p. 437; Humboldt, Tobias Estad. , 
 MS., 17, 25; Escudero, Not. Dnr., 28; Soc. Mex. Geocj., BoL, ix. 207. 
 HIST. N. MEX. SIAIES. VOL. I. 42 
 
C58 NUEVA VIZCAYA. 
 
 even in the form of local items or statistics. It may 
 be presumed that, as military protection was some 
 what effective and the mines were productive, towns 
 and haciendas were fairly prosperous; but there is no 
 reason to suppose that the Indian communities under 
 curates from the beginning of the period were more 
 fortunate than those that have been mentioned as ex- 
 missions. 42 
 
 Durango annals outside of the general topics al 
 luded to ecclesiastical affairs being substituted for 
 that of missions are as meagre as in the north. The 
 capital city of Durango had about 1780 a population 
 of about 6,000, or 13,000 including the pueblos and 
 ranchos of its jurisdiction, numbers which were doubt 
 less increased slowly during the following twenty 
 years. 43 Commercially the town is described by 
 Morfi as stagnant and without enterprise. The lands, 
 though fertile, had fallen into the hands of a few 
 owners too poor* to cultivate them properly. There 
 were many churches and convents, and ecclesiastical 
 revenues were in a flourishing condition, producing 
 
 ),000 in 1774. 
 
 42 In 1784-5 a terrible epidemic is noted as having raged in Chihuahua, 
 900 persons dying in three months in the city alone, and 1,200 in the El Paso 
 region. It extended to animals and birds as well as men. In 1787 there was 
 a serious drought. The members of the city ayuntamiento for several years 
 are named. Gaceta de Mex., i. 233, 276, 284; ii. 225-6, 437-8; iii, 65-6; vii. 
 30. According to Conde in Soc. Max. Geoy., Bol, v. 282, the assays at Chi 
 huahua and Parral from 1777 to 1793 show a silver production of $82,000 per 
 year, or a total of $1,400,000. A document quoted in Sta Eulalia Mines, 
 Statement, 9, represents the yield in 1738-90 as $45,219,821; and the total 
 yield 1703-90 as $100,000,000. According to Payno in Soc. Mex. Geoff., Bol, 
 2da ep. i. 415-18, the excise revenue of Chihuahua was $32,000 in 1791, and 
 $28,600 in 1792. In 1791 the vecinos and workmen of the town contributed 
 $9,081 for the war against France. Gaceta de Mex., vi. 238-40. Mascara 
 (Manuel), Dlario del Ingeniero desde la villa de Chihuahua al pueblo de 
 Arizpe en la Pimeria Alta, 1779, MS., is sufficiently described by the title. 
 It contains some slight local descriptions. 
 
 43 6,590 and 12,774 are the figures given in Morfi, D'tario, 344-51, for 
 1777; while an undated table (probably of 1790) in Durango, Doc. Ifi^t., MS., 
 254; Ilustracion Mex., i. 38-9, makes the numbers 5,952 and 13,169 respec 
 tively. Of the total population 4,511 were women and 3,917 men, the latter 
 divided as follows: Treasury employe's 42, judiciary id. 18, ' ministerios de 
 pluma' 13, commerce 80, owners of mines 2, mining 18, hacendados and 
 administrators 31, farmers 2,011, liberal arts 74, mechanics 859, servants 
 308, no occupation 455. In Viagero Universal, xxvii. 122, the population 
 is given as 5,000 families in 1790, probably an exaggeration. 
 
ANNALS OF DURANGO. 659 
 
 In 1784 there was a drought followed in 1785-6 by 
 a terrible epidemic which killed two thirds of the live 
 stock, by excessively high prices, and by a famine 
 among the poor, affording to the rich and to the 
 churches a fine field for charity, prayers, religious 
 ceremonials, and resort to sacred relics. 44 In 17857 
 a war was waged on the scorpions which infested the 
 town. A bounty of half a real for eight alacranes 
 was paid by the government or by a tax on the peo 
 ple, and the boys engaged with much zeal in the good 
 work, killing 56,644 of the venomous insects. 45 In 
 1798 there was a pestilence of small-pox, as we learn 
 from a sermon preached on the subject. 46 
 
 Of other Durango districts with few and slight ex 
 ceptions nothing is known ; but there is no reason to 
 suppose that there was any important change in the 
 different settlements from the condition in 1763-6 as 
 recorded in a preceding chapter. 47 
 
 "Dnranrjo, Doc. Hist., MS., 167; Gaceta de Mex., i. 314, 356. In 1784 
 the project of a woollen factory was agitated, a citizen giving $50,000 for the 
 purpose, and a company being organized. Id., i. 146. Grand celebration Dec. 
 29, 1789, of accession of Carlos IV. Id., iv. 41-3. Similar ceremonies on suc 
 cess of Spanish arms Aug. 21, 1793. Id., v. 525-6. 
 
 ^Alzate, Gaccta*, iii. 147-57; Gaceta de Mex., i. 282; ii. 445. 
 
 46 Esquivel, Sermon Eucaristico. Of 478 cases of natural small-pox 63 died; 
 of 3,824 inoculated cases 39 died. Don Diego Borica, governor of California, 
 was buried with military honors in 1800. Gaceta de Mex., x. 177. Births 
 1796-1800, 2201; deaths, 1233; marriages, 449. Id., viii. 254; ix. 17, 201; x. 
 73, 242. 
 
 47 In Dice. Univ., viii. 767, is a list of curacies, of which there were 19 or 
 20 in Durango, and 46 in the whole intendencia. In Duranyo, Doc. Hist., 
 MS., 105-13 is a description of Papasquiaro by Antonio de Antoneli. It was 
 made a villa in 1787, but suffered from savage raids as late as 1794. About 
 2,300 fanegas of maize were harvested each year; 2,725 pack animals were 
 employed, earning $40,875. At the mines of El Oro a severe earthquake was 
 felt March 26, 1787. Gaceta de Mex., ii. 349. Morfi, Diarlo, 357-8, 365-6, 
 371-6, 406-10, gives a brief notice of Mapimi and Avinito mining towns, and 
 also of the ex -presidio of Gallo with 800 inhabitants, and the villa and Tlas- 
 caltec town of Saltillo in 1777. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 1768-1800. 
 
 ELIZONDO'S MILITARY EXPEDITION NUEVA ANDALUCIA NOTICIA BREVE 
 ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE UNSUCCESSFUL MOVEMENTS ON THE CERRO 
 PRIETO DEPREDATIONS OF THE SAVAGES ARRIVAL OF GALVEZ PAR 
 DON OFFERED REVOLT ON THE Rio FUERTE NEW ADVANCE ON THE 
 REBEL SERIS CHANGE OF POLICY FINAL SUCCESS OF NEGOTIATIONS 
 THE COUNTRY AT PEACE DISCOVERY OF GOLD MINES NEW PRESIDIO 
 REGULATIONS MISSION ANNALS SECULARIZATION FRANCISCANS' OF 
 QUERETARO AND JALISCO FATE OF THE ESTABLISHMENTS GARCES ON 
 THE GILA MURDER OF PRESIDENT GIL REYES' REPORT OF 1772 LIST 
 OF GOVERNORS PROVINCIAS INTERNAS ARIZPE THE CAPITAL BISHOP 
 RIC LIST OF BISHOPS APACHE WARFARE PEACE AT LAST MORE 
 REVOLT DESTRUCTION OF MAGDALENA ANZA'S EXPEDITIONS TO CALI 
 FORNIA THE COLORADO RIVER MISSIONS TRANSFER OF SONORA MIS 
 SIONS CUSTODIA DE SAN CARLOS ARRICIVITA'S CHRONICLE LOCAL 
 ITEMS, LIST OF PADRES, AND STATISTICS. 
 
 WE left the Sonora provinces at the end of 1767 in 
 a state of suspense, all classes anxiously awaiting the 
 coming of the grand military expedition that was to 
 save them from destruction at the hands of savages, 
 the chief fear being of the coast tribes known as 
 Seris, Piatos, and Sibubapas, whose strongholds were 
 in the Cerro Prieto, north of Guaymas. In 1764 the 
 king had ordered relief to be sent to the afflicted 
 northern provinces, but for several years, complaints 
 multiplying in the mean time, lack of funds in the 
 treasury prevented execution of the royal orders. 
 Finally in 1767, the visitador general Jose de Galvez 
 introducing new zeal into the administration of affairs, 
 a company of one hundred Catalan volunteers being 
 sent from Spain, and contributions of about $200,000 
 
 (G60J 
 
ELIZONDO'S EXPEDITION. 661 
 
 being obtained from the Spanish merchants at the 
 Jala-pa fair and from the Real Consulado of Mexico, 
 an expedition was fitted out, consisting of about three 
 hundred men. Colonel Domingo Elizondo was put 
 in command, and the enterprise was under the general 
 supervision of Galvez himself. The latter crossed 
 over to California to carry out measures fully recorded 
 in other chapters of this volume; while Elizondo and 
 his troops proceeded to Sonora^ at the beginning of 
 1768. The campaign lasted until 1771, when the 
 army returned to Mexico, and the government pub 
 lished a brief and summary account of the expedition, 
 which was represented as having been entirely suc 
 cessful not only in reducing the savages to submission, 
 but in discovering rich gold mines, and putting the 
 country generally on the road to great prosperity. 
 The province was called Nueva Andalucia in this 
 document. 1 No details of military operations are 
 given; and the same may be said of Galvez's report 
 of 1771, and of other printed works treating of the 
 subject. By the latter a six years' war is recorded, 
 ending in 1771, and resulting in victory over the 
 savage foe. 2 Fortunately, however, there is enough 
 of the original correspondence in these years extant to 
 furnish a generally satisfactory record. Captain Can- 
 cio continued his letters so often cited in an earlier 
 chapter; and we have important official reports to 
 Governor Bineda from Colonel Elizondo and the pre- 
 sidial captains. 
 
 Elizondo with one hundred and eighty men reached 
 Sinaloa in February 1768, and marched to Alamos 
 and Guaymas, being attacked somewhere on the way 
 
 1 Noticia Breve de la Expedicion Militar de Sonora y Cinaloa, su exitofeliz, 
 y ventajoso estado en que por consecuencia de ella se hanpuesto ambas Provincial. 
 Mexico, 17 de Junio de 1771, folio, 12 p. It is announced that full reports 
 will be printed later, but I have found no such reports. 
 
 2 Galvez, Informe General del Marques de Sonora, 31 Die. 1771, p. 138-52; 
 Alcedo, Dice., iv. 57; Escudero, Not. Son., 59; Hernandez, Geog.Son., 22-3; 
 Museo Mex., iii. 28-31; Velasco, Sonora, 252. In Sonora Resumen de Not., 
 223-4, it is said that Elizondo after a vigorous warfare failed to reduce the sav 
 ages ; but finally a policy of negotiation and gifts was more successful, and 
 the Seris lived for many years at expense of the treasury. 
 
662 SONORA AND SIXALOA. 
 
 by the Seris, who captured thirty of his horses on 
 the 1st of May. Before the middle of May three 
 vessels arrived with the remaining forces, and a plan 
 of action had been agreed upon by the governor and 
 colonel. Elizondo, though willing to take advice 
 from the captains experienced in Indian warfare, was 
 impatient to begin operations; the more so as Kubi 
 in Mexico had declared the scheme to be impracti 
 cable. In the last days of May, when all was ready, 
 the army marched toward the Cerro Prieto in three 
 divisions, under Elizondo, Captain Bernardo Urrea, 
 and Captain Cancio, from Guaymas, Pitic, and Buena- 
 vista, respectively. By this movement the Indians 
 were to have been forced to concentrate at one point 
 for subsequent annihilation; but each division simply 
 marched out into the desert until the horses were worn 
 out and then returned; and on June 6th the com 
 mander frankly admitted that the reconnoissance had 
 been a complete failure, and that largely through his 
 own ignorance, though he hoped he had gained expe 
 rience that would be useful in the future. After con 
 sultation further operations were postponed until 
 autumn. 3 In November after preparations that were 
 deemed sufficient Elizondo resumed hostilities. At 
 first he met with some slight success; but in the 
 grand attack on the Canon de la Palma on the 25th 
 a party of soldiers fired by mistake on their com 
 panions, a hail-storm came most inopportunely upon 
 them, and a new failure had to be reported. 4 
 
 3 Elizondo's letters of Feb. 2, May 11, June 6, 1768, in Doc. Hist. Hex., 
 4th ser. ii. 143-9. 'He hecho lo de Cauca,' he writes, 'hizo lo que pudo y no 
 hizo nada.' Cancio's letters May 20, June 11, July 6, 18, in Cancio, Cartels, 
 255-78, including a full account of the author's part in the campaign. He 
 thought one Indian was killed, but the horses were too tired to go after the 
 body. Two native women from the Cerro Prieto testified at Belen that the 
 foe, about 400 strong, were in four intercommunicating caj ones accessible only 
 by ladders; and that they were well armed and supplied, knowing that 
 troops had arrived from abroad. 
 
 4 Viceroy Croix's letters of Jan. Feb. 1769, in reply to reports from 
 Elizondo and Pineda. Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser. ii. 8-13. Croix acquits Eli 
 zondo of all blame, and thinks it must have been God's will that the 
 Indians should not be exterminated at that time. Pineda had reported a raid 
 of the Sibubapas in Ostimuri resulting in the death of 2 Spaniards and 7 Ind- 
 
REBELS OF CERRO PRIETO. 6G3 
 
 Correspondence of the time is naturally filled with 
 routine details of no special importance or interest; 
 but it also contains proof that in 1768-9, notwith 
 standing the presence of the army and the efforts 
 made to strike a crushing blow, the province was still 
 a prey to the marauders, who attacked exposed points 
 with alarming frequency and deadly results. 5 The 
 military could do nothing to resist these raids by de 
 tached parties, but the, preparations of Elizondo were 
 much hindered by them. There" were also some tri 
 fling misunderstandings between the different officers, 
 requiring frequent explanations and apologies. During 
 the spring of 1769 there were several minor expedi 
 tions by different officers, made with a view to con 
 centrate the enemy, and to reconnoitre his position; 
 and apparently one or two movements in force were 
 
 ians, with 15 wounded and 2 captives. The alfdrez of Tubac had also been 
 repulsed by the Apaches. 
 
 5 Feb. 18, 17(58, Capt. Antonio E. Esparza from Trinidad reports an attack 
 by 34 rebel Pimas commanded by a Spaniard with a Tarahumara guide, who 
 penetrated to Yecora, killing 13-20 persons at different places, and robbing as 
 usual. Great efforts made by Capt. E., who could catch none of the foe. 
 Another hostile party of 46 reported. Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser. ii. 128-34. 
 March 8th, complaints of dissatisfaction on the Rio Mayo. Id., ii. 251-3. 
 June 23d, Capt. Esparza from Arivechi, alludes vaguely to Apache hostilities 
 of the month. Id., ii. 139-41. Sept. 29th, P. Reyes apprehends trouble at 
 Cucurpe. Id., ii. 357-8. Oct. 26th, P. Reyes at Tuape writes of 7 lives lost 
 since he came. Id., ii. 359-60. Nov. 19th, Apaches attacked Suamca, burn 
 ing the houses. Padre and families went to Cocospera. Five men were 
 wounded. Id., ii. 10-11, 393-8. Dec. 1st, cattle of Cucurpe carried off. Id., 
 ii. 361-2. Capt. Gallo to patrol Ostimuri; needs more men. Id., ii. 288-90. 
 Hostilities reported by Gov. Pineda, as per acknowledgments of viceroy. 
 Dec. 1768, 20 Indians attacked Nuri, 5 or 6 killed on both sides. Jan., 
 Apaches on Sonora River killed 10. Attacked Tumacacori at midday. Feb. , 
 Indians of Charay revolted and burned the stocks. March, curate of Bayo- 
 reca killed. April, Bac attacked and cattle driven off; Suamca burned (as 
 above). Indian governor of Sobia resisted arrest of 3 rebels by Alf. Padilla. 
 Hacienda of Tobaca sacked, 3 killed; also attack on Mochicagui. Croix, 
 Cartas, 1-27. Twenty-eight persons killed from Oct. 21st to June 30th. 
 Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser. ii. 298-301. Troubles at Bac. Id., ii. 370-7. Some 
 details of murder of curate of Bayoreca. Id., ii. 301-4, 307-9. List of 
 38 killed from Oct. 19th to March 23d. Id., ii. 316-17. March 25th, 
 a long account of a raid by hostile Pimas in the Alamos district, and of the 
 steps taken to punish them, reported by Beleiia. Nothing was effected; but 
 every petty detail is described at great length as, if a great victory had been 
 won. Id., ii. 96-103. April 4th, hostilities in a dozen places in Ostimuri with 
 details of protective measures. Id., ii. 309-13. April 9th, particulars of the 
 trouble at Sobia, by Beleua. Id., ii. 105-8. May 5, 1769, Capt. Vildosola 
 learns from a captive that the Apaches are preparing for a great raid on the 
 northern presidio horses. Id., ii. 339-40. 
 
664 SONORA AND SIXALOA. 
 
 made by Pineda and Elizondo on the Cerro Prieto 
 strongholds; but the records are very vague, and only 
 show that the main force of the Indians could not be 
 reached, much less defeated. 6 Yet there were indi 
 cations that some portions of the hostile Indians were 
 becoming alarmed at the preparations being made, 
 and were disposed to parley. So little had been ac 
 complished by force of arms that the Spaniards also 
 began to think favorably of negotiations. Therefore, 
 when Galvez arrived in person from California in May 
 he at once forwarded a bando to be published at 
 Guaymas, and ordered all hostilities to be suspended 
 until the result could be known. The bando contained 
 an offer of pardon for all past offences, with kind 
 treatment and material aid in the future, on condition 
 that the Indians would come immediately with their 
 families to the Spanish ports and surrender; but also 
 a threat of terrible vengeance and utter annihilation 
 if the offered terms were not accepted. 7 
 
 The rebels when made acquainted with the terms 
 offered seem to have shown a willingness to accept, 
 mingled with want of confidence in the good faith of 
 the Spaniards. No sooner were they satisfied on one 
 point than some rumor caused new difficulties respect 
 ing another. Each band on the point of surrender 
 managed to hear a report that they were not to be 
 included in the pardon extended to their brothers, 
 but were all to be killed or enslaved. It is probable 
 
 6 Croix, Cartels, 1-27; Galvez's letters, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser. ii. 
 29-31. In Jan. Pineda reported that the enemy had abandoned Cerro Prieto. 
 but that seems to have been an error. After a fruitless campaign another was 
 planned for Feb. 25th; and in May Anza made an entrada, capturing a few 
 boys. 
 
 7 'Al disembarcarme a principios de Mayo de 1769, se hallava en todo su 
 calor la gucrra contra los Indios reveldes Seris, Pimas, y Sibubapas. Por las 
 insuperables dificultades de que las tropas llegasen a una accion decisiva, y 
 como repetidas vezes habian dado esperanzas de rendirse luego que yo pasara 
 de Californias y les asegurara el perdon, publique" un Edicto concediendolo 
 a los sublevados si se entregavan en el te"rmino de quarenta dias, y que de lo 
 contrario serian tratados con el tiltimo rigor de las armas. ' Galvez, Informe 
 General, 148. May 8th. Galvez to Pineda and Elizondo, announces his arri 
 val at Sta Cruz de Mayo, and incloses the bando. Doc. Hist. Mex. , 4th ser. ii. 
 
 ,32-4. 
 
GALVEZ IX SONORA. 6G5 
 
 that a few leading spirits were mainly responsible for 
 these obstacles. The original period of forty days 
 from May 8th was extended at the pretended in 
 tercession of a friar, expiring June 27th. Before this 
 date the Sibubapas surrendered, and as they repre 
 sented the Seris and Pirnas to be willing to yield as 
 soon as they knew that the others had been well 
 treated, a new extension of the truce for twenty-five 
 days was granted. 8 , 
 
 Another reason for extending the time was that the 
 forces were required in another direction to quell a 
 revolt of the towns on the Rio Fuerte. This trouble 
 began among the Charayes, and soon spread to many 
 other pueblos, being aggravated by Beleiia's policy in 
 certain matters not specified. The rebels pretended 
 to have acted under promise of support from the Ya- 
 quis and Mayos, though this claim proved to be 
 unfounded; and they repulsed the first forces sent 
 against them. By the middle of July, however, this 
 revolt was quelled, largely through the efforts of Gov 
 ernor Armona from California. Now the visitador 
 fell ill at Alamos from overwork and a severe cold; 
 and meanwhile the term of the truce with the gulf 
 coast foes expired on the 22d of July. Not only had 
 the Seris and Pimas failed to surrender, but the Sibu 
 bapas had changed their minds and again joined the 
 enemy. Orders were given to resume the war, and 
 several minor raids were made by Captain Anza and 
 others. Early in September Galvez was able to visit 
 Pitic and superintend the planning of a general attack, 
 in which a large force of militia was to aid the regular 
 troops; but he was soon obliged to retire to Ures, 
 where he was confined with fever for several months. 
 In the last half of October the general campaign was 
 undertaken, the advance on the Cerro Prieto being 
 in three divisions under Elizondo, Cancio, and Anza. 
 As before nothing important was accomplished, though 
 
 8 Galvez, CartasGrdenes, 1769, 36-49; Cancio, Cartas, 317-20. 
 
668 SONORA AND SIXALOA. 
 
 Anza captured a band of horses, and Elizondo killed 
 a few Indians. The mountain strongholds could not 
 be reached; yet there were reports that the rebels 
 were again repentant, believing the Spaniards to be 
 muy enojados. At a junta of November 9th Captain 
 Vildosola declared it useless to attack the Cerro 
 Prieto, favoring a policy of guarding the frontiers and 
 confining the foe within their sterile defences, where 
 they could not long hold out against hunger. Neither 
 the views of the other officers nor the decision are re 
 corded; but it would appear that there were no more 
 general attacks. In May 1770 negotiations similar to 
 those of the preceding year were in progress with 
 prospects of success. 9 
 
 The record furnished by the documents cited in the 
 preceding pages ends in May 1770, about which time 
 Galvez recovered his health sufficiently to depart for 
 Nueva Viscaya. Arricivita tells us that in May the 
 rebels of the Cerro Prieto came to Pitic and surren 
 dered. 10 Yet Elizondo and his troops remained in the 
 country another year; and it is implied in the official 
 reports, which contain no particulars, that military- 
 operations were continued until the last of the rebels 
 were forced to submit. 11 It is probable that these 
 
 9 On the revolt of the Fuertenos, see Galvez, Cartas, 49-62; Id., Informs 
 General, 150. On the visitador's illness, and preparations for the campaign, 
 Id., Cartas, 65-9. Oct. 29, 1769, Elizondo's report of his expedition of Oct. 
 12-28. Doc. Hist. J\fax., 4th ser. ii. 151-3. Oct. 31st, Cancio sends diary 
 of his campaign of Oct. 25-31. Cancio, Cartas, 320-8. Nov. 10th, Anza's 
 report of his branch of the campaign. Doc. Hist. Hex., 4th ser. ii. 110-17. 
 Nov. 9th, Junta at Pitic and Vildosola's advice. Id., 341-3. Nov. 25th, Ar- 
 mona on the health of Galvez, and the intention to remove him as soon as 
 possible. Id,, 154-5. May 9, 10, 1770, letters of Br. Francisco Joaquin Val- 
 de"s on his efforts to induce the rebels to go to Guaymas and give themselves 
 up. Id., 343-8. The officers named in connection with the military move 
 ments are Lieut. Col. Padilla; captains Cancio, Vildosola, Esparza, Urrea, 
 Gallo, Peyran, Bergosa, and Armona; lieutenants Azuela and Oliva. 
 
 10 Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 415. The party consisted of 41 men and 142 
 women and children all of the surviving rebel Seris except 1 1 under a mu 
 latto. 
 
 11 * Some of the Seris and Sibubapas surrendered, including two chiefs of 
 both nations, but against the rest it was necessary to prosecute the war, until, 
 convinced that neither the inaccessible ruggedness of the Cerro Prieto and 
 other siei-ras, nor their continual flight could protect them against the 
 superior force and constancy of our troops, they went 011 submitting and 
 
DISCOVERY OF GOLD. 667 
 
 operations were chiefly confined to protective measures, 
 and to petty expeditions in pursuit of detached parties 
 of the rebels, who were induced one by one, by the 
 representations of their friends, to surrender. At any 
 rate all agree that by May 1771 all had submitted and 
 been settled in different pueblos. Then Elizondo's 
 force returned to Mexico except the Catalan volun 
 teers, part of whom had gone to California under 
 Lieutenant Fages in 1769, and the rest remained to 
 aid the presidial troops. 12 
 
 A detachment of Elizondo's army in 1771, while in 
 pursuit of a band of Piato rebels in the region of Altar, 
 discovered the rich gold placers of Cieneguilla. Over 
 a large extent of country gold was found in nuggets 
 and coarse grains near the surface. One of the nug 
 gets weighed four pounds and a half. Within a few 
 months over two thousand men were at work with 
 much success. More than a thousand marks of gold 
 were obtained before May; and the coming of the 
 rains was confidently expected to vastly increase the 
 golden harvest. 13 Not much is known in detail of the 
 results; but the Cieneguilla placers yielded richly for 
 eight or ten years; and others in the same region 
 throughout the century, and later. 14 
 
 giving themselves up successively in the last months of last year (1770) and 
 the first of this (1771); so that finally we succeeded in reestablishing com 
 pletely the tranquillity of those rich provinces by the submission of domestic 
 foes, who kept them for many years desolated, and threatened with total 
 extermination.' Galvez, Informe General, 178. 
 
 12 ' Three years the expedition has lasted, for the foe in view of the irre 
 sistible force of our arms depended for defence on flight, favored by the vast 
 extent and extraordinary ruggedness of the country in which they were pur 
 sued. But as constancy and time conquer the greatest difficulties, and nothing 
 can resist the valor of troops well commanded, they penetrated even to the 
 farthest strongholds which the rebels had deemed inaccessible, and the latter 
 finally knew that their only hope was to surrender, taking advantage of the 
 pardon offered in the august name of his Majesty. . .Many of them have given 
 repeated proofs of their good faith in the last campaigns, going with our detach 
 ments to pursue their own relations, still fugitives and doubtful; so that all 
 having surrendered who had not perished in war, and being settled in formal 
 pueblos, the calamities of Nueva Andalucia are fortunately at an end.' Noti- 
 cia Breve, 4-5. 
 
 13 Noticia Breve, 6-9, on reports to May 1st. Robertson's Hist. Amer., ii. 
 328-9; Viagero, Univ., xxvii. 134-5; Alc.edo, Dice., iv. 575. 
 
 14 Weekly yield in 1776, 60 to 65 marks ($8,000). Anza, Diario, MS., 228-9. 
 Yield Jan. 1,1773, to Nov. 17, 1774, 4,832 marks. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 614; 
 
CG8 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 The revolting tribes having been reduced to sub 
 mission the presidial troops were free to defend the 
 frontier against the never ending Apache raids. In 
 the reglamento of 1772 four presidios, of the fifteen 
 which were to form a line of defence across the conti 
 nent, were assigned to Sonora; Altar, Tubac, Terre- 
 nate, and Fronteras ; each with a force of forty-seven- 
 men, including captain, lieutenant, alferez, chaplain, 
 sergeant, and two corporals; and in addition ten 
 Indian scouts; all at an annual cost to the treasury 
 of $18,998.75. Each of the four was to be changed 
 in site so as to leave as nearly as possible a distance 
 of forty leagues from one to another, and the better 
 to protect exposed points. There is no record to show 
 exactly how or when these changes were carried out; 
 but it would appear that some of the sites were 
 changed more than once in the following years. By 
 the same regulations military discipline and Indian 
 policy were established on a more satisfactory basis 
 than before; and service against the Apaches was 
 rendered much more effective. 15 Meanwhile the gar 
 risons at San Carlos de Buenavista and San Miguel 
 de Horcasitas appear to have been kept up to preserve 
 order in the south and prevent the outbreak of a 
 new rebellion. 
 
 Having thus chronicled the military expedition and 
 
 Mayer's Hex. Aztec., i. 278-9. Velasco, Sonora, 194etseq., puts the discovery 
 in 1779, and says the mines yielded rich results for 8 years, to 1787, the 
 Yaquis obtaining much gold down to 1803. The largest nugget weighed 27 
 marks, and one man got over $100,000. In 1800 only very slight yield, and 
 few men employed at S. Teodoro, Sta Gertrudis, Carmen, and JDolores in this 
 district. Pinart, Doc. Hist. Son., i. 16. 
 
 13 Presidios, Reglamento e Instruction. Also in Arrillaga, Eecop. , 1834, 139 
 et seq. Altar was to be moved nearer the gulf coast; but the change seems 
 not to have been made. Tubac was to be moved to a convenient site in the 
 same region, but farther west if possible. It was moved to the vicinity of 
 Tucson. Terrenate to one of the valleys of S. Pedro, Nutrias, Guachuca, 
 Terrenate, etc. , and nearer to Fronteras. It was first located at Sta Cruz, 
 40 1. from Tucson; then at Nutrias; and finally before 1814 at the abandoned 
 mission of Sta Maria. Fronteras was transferred, as ordered, to the valley 
 of San Bernardino, nearer Janos; but was later restored to the former site, 
 35 1. from Terrennte. The changes, before 1814, are from a report by Elias, in 
 Pinart, Doc. Hist. Chih., 17-19. 
 
MAP OF SONORA. 
 
 SONORA IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 
 
G70 SONORA AND SES T ALOA. 
 
 its results down to the year 1772, it is necessary to 
 trace the mission annals of Sonora for the same 
 period from the expulsion of the Jesuits. As in 
 Nueva Yizcaya the mission property was confiscated, 
 being regarded by the government as belonging to the 
 Jesuits rather than to the Indians. Royal comisarios 
 were put in charge of the property at each of the fifty 
 establishments in 1767 by Captain Cancio, the officer 
 charged with the expulsion. No definite accounts 
 have come to light to show exactly how the comisa 
 rios fulfilled their trust, but " there is no reason to 
 doubt," wrote the viceroy in 1793, "that they either 
 wasted or embezzled the rich temporalities of all or 
 most of the missions, and that these funds being lost, 
 decadence or ruin could not be prevented. 16 
 
 Meanwhile the plan was to secularize half of the 
 missions, including all those of Sinaloa and Ostimuri 
 up to the Yaqui River, and to put those of Sonora 
 and Pimeria farther north in charge of Franciscan 
 friars. To this end the college of Santa Cruz de 
 Queretaro and the provincia of San Francisco de 
 Jalisco were called upon to furnish some twenty-five 
 missionaries; and Bishop Tamaron was instructed to 
 furnish secular curates to complete the whole number 
 of spiritual guardians required. Fragments of the 
 bishop's correspondence in 1767-8, and of the visita- 
 dor general's in 1769 throw some light on the progress 
 of secularization. Tamaron seems to have been dis 
 appointed at first because he was not to have all the 
 missions, though it is not very clear where he could 
 have obtained a sufficient number of clergymen. He 
 urged the governor, however, to give his clerigos the 
 best establishments, repeating frequently his determi 
 nation to appoint no friars as vicars; and he expressed 
 great disgust and anxiety at the prospect that the 
 curates were not to have charge of the ex-mission 
 property, declaring his fears that they would soon 
 invent excuses to leave so undesirable a field of labor. 
 
 16 Revllla Gigedo, Carta, Z7 Die. 1793, v. 435. 
 
MISSION ANNALS. 671 
 
 In the spring of 1768 he came in person to Sinaloaon 
 a tour of confirmation ; and here, though repeating his 
 arguments against the unjust disposition of the ex- 
 mission property, he devoted himself with much zeal 
 to the work of providing and distributing curates, 
 until his task was ended by death at Bamoa on the 
 21st of December. 17 Galvez on his arrival in May 
 1769 also gave much attention to the work of secular 
 ization, but his letters are devoted mainly to calls for 
 reports and inventories to aid him in his task of pro 
 viding for the Indians, and they show nothing of 
 results. 18 The visitador also seems to have taken the 
 ground that the mission property had not belonged to 
 the Jesuits, and could not be legally confiscated; but 
 it is not clear that the curates or pueblos ever received 
 any considerable amount besides the church effects 
 proper. Indeed it is not likely that the comisarios 
 had left much for distribution. Bishop Tamaron's 
 fears were fully realized. It was impossible to keep 
 the parishes supplied with curates; those serving were 
 discontented; the ex-neophytes were neglected and 
 soon scattered; and in a few years the secularized 
 missions became mere skeleton communities. Only 
 the Yaqui pueblos remained to some extent pros 
 perous. 19 Minute instructions were issued in 1769-71 
 
 17 Tamaron, Cartas del Obispo de Durango, 1767-8, 72-89. The letters are 
 addressed to Gov. Pineda. Cancio, Cartas, 242-3, orders church property to 
 be turned over to curates. Belena, Cartas, 94-5, announces on Dec. 30th the 
 death of Tamaron on Dec. 21 st. In his letterof Aug. 26, 1768, Tamaron includes 
 a list of 19 curacies, and the clergymen provided for them. This distribution 
 will be given in a later note of this chapter, with other local items. 
 
 18 Galvez, Cartas, 34-6, 41-3; Cancio, Cartas, 329-32. Nov. 25, 1769, Ar- 
 mona sends to governor 5 packages of documents relating to the temporalities. 
 Doc. Hizt. Hex., 4th ser. ii. 155-6. 
 
 19 ' Los curas doctrineros no tenian fondos de caudales, ni arbitrios para 
 alimentar a los indios y sus familias; no podian obligarlos a trabajar sin 
 remuneracion, ni impedirlos que buscasen de cualquier modo el remedio de 
 sus necesidades; y de todoesto ban sido consecuencias lastimosas elabandono 
 de los mismos indios, que olvidados de los principios admirables de su educa- 
 cion cristiana y civil, se entregaron prontamente a la ociosidad y vicios, vivi- 
 endo en la mayor miseria. La fuga de familias enteras, 6 sus traslacioncs 
 voluntarias, irremediables y sensibles, a los montes y a distintos domicilios, 
 dejaron los pueblos casi sin gentes, sin gobierno y sin. policia, las iglesiaa 
 desiertas, la religion sin culto, y los campos sin brazos para su labranza, conser- 
 vacion y fomento de sus ganados, convertiendose en esqueletos, si no todas, la 
 
672 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 for the distribution of lands and formal organization 
 of the new pueblos of Indians; and perhaps their 
 regulations were laxly followed in a few instances. 20 
 
 The Queretaro college, in response to the call of the 
 government, furnished fourteen friars under the presi 
 dency of Padre Mariano Antonio de Buena y Alcalde. 
 They went to Tepic in August 1767, and after long 
 detention sailed from San Bias on January 20, 1768, 
 on the San Carlos and Lauretana. One of the vessels 
 was driven back to San Bias, and the other to Maza- 
 tlan, whence six of the party proceeded by land ; and 
 all reached their destination in Sonora in May, and 
 were distributed to their fourteen missions in the Pime- 
 rias before the end of June. The distribution will be 
 given later. 21 
 
 The missions were found by the Franciscans in a sad 
 state. Some of the establishments had been plundered 
 by the Apaches, and were again plundered, as at Su- 
 amca and Bac, during the first year of Franciscan 
 occupation. In some cases the comisarios had grossly 
 neglected their duties. Everywhere the neophytes had 
 been for a year free from all control, and had not been 
 improved by their freedom. Not only had they relapsed 
 to a great extent into their roving and improvident 
 habits, but they had imbibed new ideas of independence, 
 fostered largely by settlers and soldiers. They regarded 
 themselves as entirely free from all control by the 
 missionaries, whose whole duty in these later times 
 
 mayor parte de las misiones de Sinaloa y Ostimuri.' Revilla Gigedo, Carta, 27 
 Die. 1793, p. 435. 
 
 20 Galvez, Instrucciones que deben observar mis comisionados para la asigna- 
 cion y repartimiento de tierras en los pueblos de indios de estas provincias y los 
 de Espafloles que hubiere en el distrito de sus comisiones, etc. In Doc. Hist. 
 Nex., 3d ser. iv. 708-12, dated at Alamos, June 23, 1769. Id., Segunda In- 
 struccion prdctica. In Id., 713-17. Dated Jan. 25, 1771. 
 
 21 Arricivita, Cr6n. Serctf., 394-6; Palou, Noticias, i. 14-21; Velasco, 
 Sonora, 140-2; Soc. Hex. Geog., Bel., viii. 659-60. The missions were, in 
 the lower district: Cumuripa, Tecoripa, Ures, Opodepe, Cucurpe, and Ona- 
 vas; and in Pimeria Alta: S. Ignacio, Suamca, Guevavi, Bac, Tubutama, 
 Saric, Ati, and Caborca. In Pinart, Col. Pimeria Alta, are many entries in 
 the mission books, showing the names of padres and dates of arrival. In Doc. 
 Hist. Mex. } 4th ser. ii. passim, there are some letters from the padres after 
 arrival. 
 
FRANCISCANS IN THE FIELD. 673 
 
 was to attend to religious matters. The padres might 
 not, so these independent aborgines thought, give 
 orders, but must prefer requests to native officials; if 
 they required work done for them they must pay for 
 it. The friars at first had nothing to do with the 
 temporalities; but Galvez in 1770 ordered the prop 
 erty returned to their control, and the slight remnants 
 were thus restored. They received a stipend of $300 
 each from the royal treasury, and spent it all on their 
 churches and neophytes. They worked faithfully, 
 though often discouraged; and presently the state of 
 affairs became in all essential respects similar to that 
 already described in Chihuahua, the padres keeping 
 together the skeleton communities, instructing the 
 children, caring for the sick, and by gifts and persua 
 sion exercising slight and varying control over the 
 masses of the Indians, who were Christians only in 
 name. 22 
 
 Officers intrusted with the expulsion of the Jesuits 
 in order to reconcile the Indians to the change and 
 prevent disturbances had taken pains to make them 
 regard the measure as a release from bondage. This 
 had much to do with the independent spirit that 
 proved so troublesome to the new missionaries. Yet 
 it is to be noted that the Franciscans joined more 
 readily than was warranted by justice or good taste- 
 in the prevalent habit of decrying the Jesuits and 
 their- system, as is shown in the correspondence cited, 
 where it is often implied that the difficulties encoun 
 tered were largely due to the oppression and neglect 
 of missionaries in former years. Naturally the friars 
 were disposed to magnify their troubles and throw the 
 blame on others; but the only charge that was to- 
 some extent well founded was that the natives had 
 not been taught to speak Spanish; the systems fol 
 lowed by the two orders did not differ in any impor- 
 
 22 Reyes, Noticia; Pevilla Gigedo, Carta, 27 Die. 1793; Arricivita, Cr6n. 
 Sertif., 396-405; Cancio, Cartas, 220, 266,278-80, 284. Letters of P. Buena, 
 Doc. Hist. Hex., 4th ser. ii. 378-84; of P. Reyes, Id., 349-59; of P. Garc6s,, 
 Id., 365-70; of P. Roche, Id., 390-2. 
 
 UIST. N. MX. STATES, VOL. I. 43 
 
674 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 tant respect, and the Jesuits were by no means 
 responsible for the evils that now beset the missions. 
 The Franciscans not only set themselves to work in 
 the old missions, but made some efforts to extend their 
 field of labor. Father Garces in August 1768 made 
 a tour through the Papago country to the Gila, and 
 was well received by the gentiles; but an apoplectic 
 attack prostrated him at Guevavi, and meanwhile the 
 Apaches plundered his own missions at Bac; so that 
 his projects could not be carried out. 23 The friars, 
 having arrived at the same time as Elizondo's military 
 expedition, took an active part in attempts to pacify 
 the rebellious tribes, especially after the arrival of 
 Galvez. Padre Juan Sarobe of Tecoripa greatly distin 
 guished himself by going toward the Cerro Prieto and 
 risking his life in this service. President Buena made 
 similar tours, and was very intimate with the visita- 
 dor general, caring for him during his illness at Ures, 
 and finally accompanying him as far as Chihuahua on 
 his way to Mexico. Buena retired in 1770 or 1771, 
 and was succeeded in the presidency by Juan Cris6s- 
 tomo Gil de Bernave. At about the same time 
 Padre Jose del Rio returned from a visit to Mexico 
 with five supernumerary friars. Meanwhile San Jose 
 de Pimas, a visita of Tecoripa, had been erected into 
 a mission; and in 1771 the indefatigable Garces from 
 Bac had made a new and extended entrada from Au 
 gust to October to the Gila and the regions about the 
 lower Colorado. He journeyed without escort, as was 
 his custom, and was everywhere welcome ; but it is 
 not possible to trace the route of his wanderings, 
 though many details are given. There are some 
 vague allusions here and in later narratives indi- 
 cating that he may have crossed the Colorado into 
 California, President Gil, like his predecessor, de 
 voted himself with much zeal to the spiritual interests 
 -of the former rebels now gathered at or near Pitic, 
 
 **Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf., 403-4, The padre made another tour as chap- 
 Jain the next year, and still another to the Gila in 1770. Id., 416-17- 
 
REPORT OF FATHER REYES. 675 
 
 where Matias Gallo settled as missionary, and he 
 also, against his own judgment and at the request 
 of the governor and of the natives, went in person 
 to establish a mission at Carrizal on the coast for 
 the benefit of some Seris who still insisted on living 
 on the island of Tiburon. The mission was founded 
 on November 26, 1772, but was destroyed by a 
 treacherous faction of the natives the following March ; 
 and Padre Gil was murdered. 2 * 
 
 In 1772 one of the Sonora friars, Padre Antonio 
 de los Reyes, being in Mexico, presented a compre 
 hensive report on the condition of the country, a doc 
 ument which I have used in describing the state of 
 the missions and troubles of the missionaries in these 
 early years of Franciscan rule, and which I shall fur 
 ther utilize to some extent in a note on local progress. 
 The author gives a description of the routine system 
 introduced by his order; and also describes the sys 
 tem of secular government as applied to local affairs. 
 By no means all existing troubles arose from the 
 natives' new-born independence of missionary control. 
 Each establishment had a large number of native offi 
 cials who quarrelled among themselves; and the few 
 settlers of Spanish or mixed blood had their separate 
 jueces reales, who were not slow to interfere in matters 
 that did not concern them. There was likewise con 
 fusion in ecclesiastical affairs; for the friars were 
 forbidden to exercise control over any but Indians. 
 The whole northern country, so far as the so-called 
 gente de razon were concerned, was under two curates 
 at Horcasitas and Tonibavi respectively, who could do 
 nothing but send out comisarios for the collection of 
 church taxes, leaving the mulattoes and all who claimed 
 an admixture of Spanish blood practically free from all 
 moral restraints, much to the disgust of the good friars. 25 
 
 z *Arricivita, Cr6n. Seraf., 405-31, 521, with extracts from Garc^s' diary and 
 from other correspondence. Letter of P. Buena on P. Sarobe's efforts in Doc. 
 Hint. Mex., 4th ser. ii. 385-7. Escudero, Not. Son., 44, gives the date of 
 founding Carrizal incorrectly as 1779. 
 
 25 Reyes, Noticia del Estado actual de las Misiones que en la gobernacion d* 
 
676 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 Besides the missions secularized and those delivered 
 to the Queretaro friars there were others, as already 
 stated, which were put in 'charge of the Franciscan 
 Observantes of the Jalisco province. Eleven of these 
 friars were sent to Tepic in 1767 ; but while they were 
 awaiting transportation an order came to them to be 
 sent to California instead of the Fernandinos. A rev 
 ocation of this order was obtained by Padre Palou, 
 but not before the Jaliscans had departed for the pen 
 insula, where they arrived at the end of the year or 
 early in 1768, and presently crossed over to Sonora, 
 arriving a little before the Queretaranos. 26 The mis 
 sions assigned to them were those in the province of 
 Sonora; but I find ruo record of the distribution, nor 
 even of the padres' names; 27 neither is anything known 
 definitely about their early experience in the new field. 
 It is to be presumed that they encountered the same 
 obstacles and struggled to overcome them in the same 
 mariner as their associates of the Santa Cruz college. 
 Yet in his report of 1793 Revilla Gigedo asserts that 
 the establishments of Sonora proper, notwithstanding 
 the excellent character of the Opata converts, were 
 like those of Pimeria Baja less prosperous under the 
 new regime than those of the upper Pimeria; and to 
 justify this statement they must have been in a sad 
 state indeed. 23 
 
 Governor Juan de Pineda ruled Sonora and Sinaloa 
 from 1763 to 1769. His relations with Colonel Eli- 
 zondo in command of the military expedition were 
 
 Sonora administran los padres del Colegio de Propaganda Fide de la Santa 
 Cruz de Queretaro. In Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser. pt. iv. 724-65. Dated 
 Mexico, July 6, 1772. 
 
 26 Palou, Noticias, i. 14-21. April 18th, Cancio, Cartas, 253-5, an 
 nounces the arrival of the Conception with five padres on board, probably a 
 part of the Observantes. 
 
 27 Sept. 28, 1768, Capt. Esparza announces the delivery of Tecora to P. 
 Fernando Ponce de Leon, Arivechi to P. Jose 1 Maria Cabrera, and Sahuaripa 
 to P. Joaquin Ramirez. Doc. Hist. Mex., 4th ser. ii. 134-5. Other missions 
 given to the Jaliscans seem to have been Guazavas, Nacori, Baseraca, Bacoa- 
 chi, and Cuquiarachi. Some years later, as we shall see, they received also 
 the missions of Pimeria Baja. 
 
 28 Revilla Gigedo, Carta, 27 Die. 1793, 435. 
 
GOVERNORS. 677 
 
 always harmonious; and he seems to have had re 
 markable success in maintaining harmony between 
 the captains and other subordinate officers, all of 
 whom came to him frequently with their petty griev 
 ances. General Galvez of course held the supreme 
 authority in 17G9-70, and there were few phases of 
 government, provincial or local, military or civil, finan 
 cial or judicial, ecclesiastic or missionary, in which he 
 did not interfere for purposes of reform, but always 
 without exciting opposition. The licenciado Eusebio 
 Ventura Belena was sent by Galvez to Sonora before 
 his own arrival as a visitador subdelegado to attend 
 to treasury affairs; and this official took a prominent 
 part in all matters for several years, sometimes with 
 more zeal than prudence, as was thought by some. 
 Pineda was prostrated by apoplectic fits in August 
 1769, and at the end of that year, or early the next, 
 Galvez appointed Pedro de Corbalan as governor ad 
 interim. Corbalan had been alcalde mayor of Osti- 
 muri and had rendered good service in pacifying the 
 rebel Seris. He was succeeded in 1772 by Mateo 
 Sastre, and the latter by Francisco Crespo in 1774. 
 The office -was again given to Corbalan in 1777 on the 
 organization of the Provincias Internas. 29 
 
 Enough has been said of the Provincias Internas 
 and their military government in the preceding chap 
 ter. The Caballero de Croix as comandante general 
 assumed the authority formerly exercised by the vice 
 roy; and the governor, retaining substantially his old 
 powers, became subordinate to him. 30 Croix came to 
 Sonora from Chihuahua in 1779, and selected Arizpe 
 as the capital of his jurisdiction in 1780, which choice 
 was approved by a royal order of 1782. 31 Before this 
 
 29 Sonera, Restimen de Notidas, 224-5; Belena, Cartas, 90-108; Croix, Car 
 los, 20; Galvez, Informe Gen., 151; Sonora, Libros de Hacienda, 1770, MS., 84. 
 
 30 Escuclero, Noticias de Sonora, 51-2, 68-9, speaks of Croix as governor 
 and praises his administration in the highest terms. 
 
 31 J I award, Diario del Ingenicro. . .desde Chihuahua a Arizpe, 1779, MS. 
 This is a diary of the comandante-general's trip. Jan. 12, 1780, Croix to 
 governor of Cal., has chosen Arizpe as capital. Arch. Col., Prov. St. Pop., 
 MS., ii. 89. Feb. 12, 1782, Koyal order of confirmation. Id., iv. 55. 
 
678 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 time Horcasitas had been regarded as the capital of 
 Sonora, Alamos being, however, much of the time 
 the residence of the governor. Felipe cle Neve be 
 came comandante general in 1.783, Jose Rengel in 
 1784, Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola in 1785, and Pedro 
 de Nava in 1790. The successive changes in the 
 provinces and in the relations of the rulers to the 
 viceroy have been recorded elsewhere. Governor 
 Corbalan was still in office in 1782, and probably for 
 four years later. 32 Under the organization of the in- 
 tendencias in 1786, Sonora and Sinaloa constituted 
 the intendencia of Arizpe, and Agustin de las Cuen- 
 tas Zayas was intendente gobernador until 1789. His 
 successors were Enrique Grimarest until I792 r and 
 Alonso Tresierra y Cano from 1793. 33 
 
 The formation of a new bishopric was one of the 
 measures projected by Galvez and approved by the 
 viceroy as early as 1770, and it was carried out by a 
 royal order of Febuary 4, 1781, creating the bishop 
 ric of Sonora, including the territory of Sonora, Sin 
 aloa, and the Californias, taken from the old jurisdiction 
 of Durango. The capital was fixed at Arizpe. 34 The 
 first bishop was Antonio de los Reyes, one of the 
 Queretaro Franciscans who had served in Sonora and 
 returned to Mexico. He was consecrated at Tacubaya 
 
 32 Corbalan named as governor in 1782. Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
 iii. 202; Prov. Rec., ii. 48-9. He received the order of Carlos III. from the 
 king on recommendation of the general. Arricivita, Cr6n. Serdf. , 493, names 
 Pedro Fuerros as 'gobernador de armas' in 1779, Corbalan being political 
 governor. In Velasco, Not. Sonora, 262, Juan B. Anza is named as governor 
 in 1783, probably an error. 
 
 z *ZunigayOntiveros, Calendario, 1789, 113; Gaceta de Mex., v. 149; Arch. 
 Cal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 166; Pinart, Doc. Hist. Son., MS.,i. 15. The 
 first work named speaks of Sinaloa and Sonora as two distinct intendenciasin 
 1789, formed by orders subsequent to the original one of 1786, Zayas being 
 ruler of the former and Grimarest of the second. But I find no other evidence 
 of such a change; and Humboldt, Essai Pol., 145, represents the two provinces 
 as forming one intendencia in 1804. Zuniga is the only authority for the 
 name of Zayas; though in Sonora, Resumen, 225, a campaign of Governor 
 Don Agustin is mentioned in the time of Viceroy Horcasitas, 1789 or later. 
 
 34 Galvez, Informe General, 150-1; Selena, Recopilacion, i. pt. ii. 291. The 
 pope's action in the matter seems to have been in 1779. Cortes de Espana, 
 1812, xii. 348; Budna, Compendia, 57 ; Escudero, Not. 8on. t 4Q; GacetadeMex., 
 i. 265. 
 
A NEW BISHOPRIC, 679 
 
 September 15, 1782, and took possession at Arizpe on 
 May 1, 1783. He formed the missions into a custody, 
 as will be more fully noticed in mission annals ; visited 
 all parts of his diocese except the Californias for pur 
 poses of inspection and confirmation ; and died at Ala 
 mos on March 6, 1 787. 35 Fray Jose Joaquin Granados 
 next ruled the diocese from 1787 to 1794, when he 
 was transferred to the see of Durango, but died before 
 taking his new episcopal seat, as recorded already in 
 the annals of Nueva Vizcaya. "" He also made a tour 
 of confirmation, but the most prominent occurrence 
 of his rule was the ordaining of two natives at Alamos 
 as pr;ests, an event celebrated by the native popula 
 tion with dancing and other festivities as a notable 
 step in the annals of their race. 36 The next bishop 
 was Fray Damian Martinez de Galinzoga, also a Fran 
 ciscan, who ruled in 1794-5, until transferred to the 
 see of Tarragona in Spain. 37 The fourth prelate, and 
 last of the century, was Fray Francisco de Jesus 
 Rouset, of the Zacatecas convent, who governed the 
 bishopric from 1796, though he was not consecrated 
 until 1799. He died in 1814. 38 
 
 Having thus recorded the great military expedition 
 of 1768-71, resulting in the final subjection of the 
 southern rebels and the reorganization of the pre- 
 sidial forces for more effective service against the 
 Apaches of the northern frontier; having placed be 
 fore the reader the transfer of missions following the 
 expulsion of the Jesuits, with their condition in the 
 
 33 Gomez, Diario, vii. 145; Palou, Noticias, ii. 394; Gaceta de Afex., i. 
 265; ii. 80, 341; Escudero, Not. Son., 41; Museo Hex., iv. 93; Ighsias y Con- 
 rcutos, ReL, 342. His vicar-general, Miguel Antonio Cuevas, ruled en sede 
 vacante after his death. 
 
 Gaceta de Alex., v. 18, 149; vi. 533; Escudero, Not. Son., 41; Id., Not. 
 Z>wr.,23; Buelna, Comp., 57. 
 
 37 Gomez, Diario, vi. 401, 423. News of appointment in January; departure 
 from Mexico in December 1794. Dates of rule Sept. 7, 1794, to June 7, 1795. 
 See preceding authorities' 
 
 3ti See reference of preceding notes. In the mission books of Alta Pimerla 
 the visit of one Moreno as representative of the bishop in 1797 is mentioned. 
 Pinart, Col. Pimeria Alta, MS., 13-14, 69. 
 
680 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 early years of Franciscan occupation; and having 
 noted the succession of rulers both secular and eccle 
 siastic down to the end of the century, I have but 
 little to add to Sonora annals for this period; that 
 is, but little in proportion to the number of years. 
 The danger of attack from savages having been averted 
 from most parts of the country, the people entered 
 upon an indolent uneventful career that has left but 
 meagre records. The general course of affairs was 
 the same throughout the Provincias Internas; and 
 much that has been said in the preceding chapter of 
 Nueva Vizcaya, particularly of military and mission 
 affairs, might be ' repeated almost literally here for 
 Sonora. I proceed, however, to notice briefly the few 
 topics which present slight variations from the ordi 
 nary routine. 
 
 Naturally a subject of the greatest moment was the 
 warfare against the Apaches ; but beyond the general 
 complaint of their never ending depredations on the 
 northern frontier, and the many indirect indications 
 of more zealous and effective precautions under the 
 reglamento of 1772-3, little is known of actual opera 
 tions. During the rule of Governor Crespo in 1774-7, 
 Hugo Oconor came as inspector to see that the pre- 
 sidial service was duly organized in accordance with 
 the new regulations; and during his visit a campaign 
 is said to have been made against the Apaches with 
 out much success. 89 General Croix, assuming the 
 command personally in 1779, is credited with having 
 effected great reforms in the military as in other 
 branches of government. His correspondence as pre 
 served in the archives contains much information on 
 the methods of Apache warfare, and on minor changes 
 needed and effected in the system of presidio defences, 
 but very little respecting events from month to 
 
 39 'No se saco ventaja como de ninguna de ellas; porque el enemigo se re- 
 tira d lo mas fragoso y distante dejando que paseri libremente en nuestros 
 campos y despues a la venganza vieneii & enseiiar como lian de hacer campaiia 
 con gravisimo dano de los cristianos.' Sonora, fiesumen, 224. 
 
APACHE WARFARE. 681 
 
 month. 40 Before 1780 the garrison of each presidio 
 had been increased to seventy-five men; and in 1784 
 an Opata company was organized with head-quarters 
 at Bacoachi. It was officered in part by Spaniards, 
 consisted of eighty-five men, and rendered excellent 
 service for many years. 41 The viceroy's instructions 
 to General Ugarte in 1786, with the new Indian 
 policy introduced, have been already noticed. Recom 
 mendations affecting Sonora particularly were that 
 campaigns against the Apaches should be continued 
 without cessation with the aid of friendly Opatas 
 and Pimas; that a strict watch should be kept over 
 the bands that had rebelled in former years, trouble 
 some Seris being gradually forced to concentrate on 
 Tiburon Island for future chastisement; and that 
 Spaniards and friendly Indians should be encouraged 
 to make settlements on the frontier. 42 During the 
 decade from 1787 to 1797, no particulars being known, 
 the Apaches seem to have gradually yielded to the 
 new policy and to have formed treaties which for many 
 years it was made for their interest to keep. 43 
 
 Although the rebel Seris and Piatos had been 
 nominally subjected, and most of them were living 
 quietly at or near Pitic, there were some fugitives 
 still at large in the coast regions and on Tiburon Isl 
 and, with confederates doubtless among their subrnis- 
 
 40 See particularly Croix's report of April 3, 1780, in Arch. Gal, Prov. St. 
 Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iv. 1-9, and his letters of Sept. 22, 1780, to the governor 
 of California, Id., iv. 12-14. In the Pueblo de Sonora, Feb. 4, 1868, is a gen 
 eral account of Apache wars. 
 
 ^Pinart, Doc. Hist. Son., i. 1-5; Velasco, Not. Son., 152; Soc. Mex. Geog., 
 Bol., x. 704-5. Zufiiga, Rapida Ojcada, 4, describes an 6pata annual fiesta 
 in commemoration of the day when they became allies of the Spaniards. 
 
 ^ Galvez, Instrucciones a Ugarte., 17S6; Escudero Not. Son., 69-70. 
 
 43 Condc, Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., v. 312-13, says good effects began to appear 
 in 1787, and in 1790 the Apaches made peace. Revilla Gigedo, Carta, 27 
 Die. 1797, p. 436, tells us that all was peace when Gen. Nava took command 
 (1790) with good prospects of its continuance. Velasco, Not. Son., 240-1, and 
 Monteros, Lxposicion de Son. y Sin., 23, mention a peace concluded in 1796, 
 when the Apaches formed settlements near the northern presidios and were 
 maintained at the cost of the government, $18,000 or $30,000 per year. In 
 printed correspondence of 1835 in the Pinart collection I find mentioned the 
 coming of Apaches to Arizpe in 1795 to treat for peace. Being lodged in the 
 barracks they rose in the night, killed the sentry, and fled to the mountains, 
 killing all they found on the way. 
 
682 SONO&A AND SINALOA. 
 
 sive relatives. In 1776 the Papagos were invited to 
 join in a revolt and alliance with the Apaches, and 
 though they revealed the plot no attention was paid 
 to the matter; and in November forty Seris, Piatos, 
 and Apaches fell upon the mission of Magdalena, 
 burning the buildings, driving off the stock, plunder 
 ing the church, and killing a woman. Next they at 
 tacked Saric, killing eleven neophytes, burning and 
 destroying as before, though the church was saved; 
 and on their retreat the savages took some cattle from 
 San Ignacio. Soldiers were now sent in pursuit, but 
 could not overtake the foe. A captive escaped with 
 reports of an impending raid to destroy the missions ; 
 and the friars assembled for a time at Imuris to peti 
 tion for guards that were not furnished. In 1778 
 Padre Guillen was killed by the rebels on his way from 
 Tubutama to Ati. In Galvez' instructions of 1786 it 
 is implied that the Seris were still hostile in their old 
 haunts; and a formidable plot of Pimas and Pdpagos 
 is mentioned in 1796, discovered in time to prevent 
 serious consequences. 4 * 
 
 The extension of Spanish occupation northward to 
 the regions of the Gila and Colorado was an important 
 topic of consideration during this period. The wan 
 derings of Padre Garces, a worthy successor of Kino, 
 in 1771 and earlier, have been noticed. Garces found 
 the natives very well disposed, and both he and his 
 associates of Alta Pimeria were eager to found new 
 missions; but the government was slow to make the 
 necessary explorations and furnish military support; 
 indeed it was regarded as imprudent to found new mis 
 sions until the old ones could be better protected, the 
 padres maintaining meanwhile that a northern presidio 
 would be the best means of restraining the Apaches, 
 and affording the desired protection. In 1774, how 
 ever, Captain Juan Bautista Anza was sent to open 
 
 "Arricivita, Crdn. Serdf., 457, 485-8, 524-9; Galvez, Tnstrucciones; Mon- 
 teros, Espos. Son. y Sin., 21; Soc. Mex. Geog., J3oL, xi. 89; Ilustracion Mex. t 
 iv. 418; Gaceta de Mex., i. 85. 
 
GILA AND COLORADO. 683 
 
 a route by land to Alta California, and thus the de 
 sired exploration was effected. 
 
 Anza left Tubac in January with -thirty-four men, 
 padres Garces and Juan Diaz serving as chaplains. 
 They proceeded by way of Sonoita to the Gila, and 
 thence to San Gabriel., returning by the same route to 
 Tubac in May. 45 On the reception of Anza's report, 
 made by him in person at Mexico, a new expedition 
 was devised to accomplish two objects, the found 
 ing of San Francisco in California and of missions 
 in the Colorado region. Anza was made lieutenant- 
 colonel, recruited in Sonora and Sinaloa a force of 
 soldier-colonists for California, over two hundred per 
 sons in all, and marched from Tubac in October 1775 
 for the north. There were twenty-five men, including 
 the chaplain Padre Pedro Font, to return ; and besides, 
 fathers Garces and Tomas Eixarch with six servants 
 and interpreters, who were to remain on the Colorado 
 during Anza's absence in the- north-west. Padre 
 Eixarch stationed himself on the California side of 
 the river, near the Gila mouth, and labored among 
 the natives to prepare them for mission life from De 
 cember to May, when he returned with Anza to Hor- 
 casitas. Meanwhile the indefatigable Garces had 
 wandered off on his endless explorations, and was not 
 to be found on the return of the expedition. He went 
 down to the Colorado mouth, and then up to the 
 Mojave region. From this point he made a trip 
 westward to San Gabriel, and another eastward to the 
 Moqui towns. Returning to the Mojaves in July he 
 slowly descended the Colorado and found his way to 
 San Javier del Bac in September 1776. 46 
 
 The friars had selected sites for the proposed mis 
 sions on the west bank of the Colorado; and Palma, 
 a native chieftain, had accompanied Anza to Mexico 
 
 45 Anza, Discubrimiento de Sonora a California, 1774, MS.; Arricivita, 
 Crdn. Sertif., 450 et seq. 
 
 46 Anza, Diario, MS.; Font's Journal, MS.; Garces, Diario y Derrotero; 
 Arricivita, Crdn. Scrcif., 461-90. 
 
684 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 to beg for missionaries. The viceroy favored the pro 
 ject, as did General Croix a little later; and after long 
 delays two new establishments, Concepcion and San 
 Pedro y San Pablo, were founded in 1780 under 
 padres Garces, Juan Antonio Barreneche, Juan Diaz, 
 and Matias Moreno, with twenty soldiers and a like 
 number of settlers. In July 1781 the missions were 
 destroyed by the revolting Yumas; all the friars 
 were killed; and only three or four men saved their 
 lives. At the same time Captain Rivera y Moncada 
 encamped on the eastern bank with cattle and horses 
 for California was killed with sixteen men. This dis 
 aster created the greatest excitement both in Sonora 
 and California; and a large military force was sent 
 against the Yumas. A few of the latter were killed, 
 but there was no attempt to reestablish the missions 
 or to guard the route. 
 
 Anza's expeditions with the founding and destruc 
 tion of the Colorado pueblo-missions form an in 
 teresting topic, respecting which the records are 
 comparatively complete; but the topic belongs prop 
 erly to another part of my work to which I refer the 
 reader for full particulars of occurrences presented 
 here only in outline. 47 The viceroy's instructions of 
 1786 required that the Yumas should be let alone 
 until the Apaches were conquered, no attempt being 
 made meanwhile to open the California route. 48 In 
 1794 Lieutenant-colonel JoseZuniga explored a route 
 of land communication from Sonora to New Mexico 
 by way of Zufri; 49 and in 1797 the project of a route 
 to the peninsula protected by a presidio was again 
 discussed without other results than postponement. 50 
 
 Padre Jos6 de Caja succeeded Padre Gil as pres 
 ident at the death of the latter in 1772, 51 and I find 
 
 47 See for Anza's first expedition, Hist. CaL, i. 220-4, this series; second 
 expedition,/^., i. 257-78; pueblo-missions on the Colorado, Id., i. 353-71. 
 
 48 Galvez, Instruction. 
 i9 Zuniga, Rdpida Ojeada, 16. 
 
 50 Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 136-40. See also chap. xxvi. of 
 this volume. 
 
 51 Arricivita, 430. Efforts to obtain additional guards for the missions.,. 
 
CUSTODIA OF SAN CARLOS. G85 
 
 no record of subsequent changes down to 1783. As 
 early as 1772 the Queretaro College desired to give 
 up the missions of Pimeria Baja in order to work the 
 more effectually in the north; but the viceroy would 
 not consent. Later, however, the proposition was 
 accepted; and in 1774, after the bishop had declined 
 to receive the establishments, they were turned over, 
 eight in number, to the Jalisco Franciscans. 52 In 1780 
 the two missions of' Guaymas. and Tamazula were 
 ceded to the Dominicans in Baja California; 53 but 
 nothing is known of these establishments after the 
 change. 
 
 Bishop Reyes, coming to take possession of his 
 office in 1783, was authorized by a royal order of May 
 20, 1782, to form the Sonora missions into a custody 
 of San Cdrlos; and he brought with him fourteen 
 new friars not named. The change removed the mis 
 sions from the control of college and province to put 
 them under a custodian, who was subject to the Fran 
 ciscan comisario general. Details of the modified 
 system are not clearly explained; but it is implied that 
 the stipends of the friars were in some way diminished. 
 There was strong opposition from the colleges, which 
 was successful in preventing the erection of a custody 
 in the Californias, but not in Sonora. The two pres 
 idents met at Ures on October 23d; the custodia was 
 formally organized by the bishop; and Padre Sebastian 
 Flores, of the Queretaro college, was made custodian. 
 Nine of the missions were made hospicios with the 
 casa principal at Banamichi. Custodian Flores died 
 in January 1784, and was succeeded by Padre Fran 
 cisco Barbastro as vice-custodio. In 1787, when the 
 guardian and provincial were called upon for reports 
 of the missions, they replied that for j^ears they had 
 had nothing to do with the Sonora establishments, 
 
 Id. , 456-9. Boundaries of the mission field as specified by the viceroy in 1773. 
 Mayer MS S., no. 18. 
 
 b * Arridrita, 437-8, 460-1; Soc. Mex. Geog.yjBol^da.ep. i. 572-3; JSevilla 
 Giycdo, Carta, 27 Die. 1797. 
 
 Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 107. 
 
686 SOXORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 referring the viceroy to the custodian for the desired 
 information; but if the reports were rendered I have 
 not found them. At last in 1790 Barbostro, supported 
 by college and province, appealed to the king, showing 
 the evils of the system, and obtaining a cedula of 
 August 17, 1791, which abolished the custody, and 
 restored the missions to their former management. 54 
 Finally it may be noted that Viceroy Revilla Gigedo's 
 report of 1793, so often cited in this and other chap 
 ters, was founded largely on Bishop Reyes' report of 
 1784. Also that Father Arrici vita's 55 standard chron 
 icle of the mission work of Santa Cruz college, bring 
 ing the record down to 1791, was published in 1792. 
 
 It is but a meagre array of local items that I have 
 to give in the appended note, which also includes an 
 alphabetical list of the Franciscans who served in this 
 field from 1768 to 1800, tolerably complete so far as 
 
 ** Arririvita, 564-71; Palou, Noticias, ii. 353; Gaceta de Mex., i. 100; 
 Pinart, Col Doc. Mex., MS., 235-6, 283; Escudero, Not. Son., 44; Revilla 
 Gigedo, Carta, 27 Die. 1793, v. 435 et seq. 
 
 55 Crdnica Serafica y Apost6lica del Colegio de Propaganda Fide de la Santa 
 Cruz de Queretaro en la Nueva Espana, Dedicada al Santisimo Patriarca el 
 Senor San Joseph. Escrita por el P. Fr. Juan Domingo Arricivita, Predica- 
 dor Apostdlico, ex-Pre/ecto, y Comisario habitual de las misiones, Escritor 
 Titular del Seminario, y su mas afecto Hijo. Segunda parte. Mexico, 1 792. 
 4to, 9 1. 6C5 p. 4 1. The first book of 157 pages is occupied with the life of 
 P. Antonio Margil de Jesus, including some historical material for the northern 
 regions. The second book, p. 158-320, gives the early mission annals of 
 Nueva Leon, Coahuila, and Texas in the form of biographical sketches of half 
 a dozen leading friars of the college. Twelve chapters of book iii. p. 321-93, 
 are devoted to the Texas missions; and the remainder of the work is occupied 
 almost exclusively with the Franciscan annals of Sonora, on which subject it 
 is beyond comparison the best authority. 
 
 As indicated in the title-page above this work was a second part. The 
 first part was: Chrdnica Apostdlica y Serdphica de todos los Colegios de Pro- 
 2iaganda Fide de esta Nueva Espana, de Missioneros Franciscanos Observantes: 
 erigidos con autoridad pontificia, y regia, para la reformacion de los Fieles, y 
 conversion de los Gentiles. Consagrada a la milagrosa cruz de piedra, que como 
 titular se venera en su primer colegio. . .de Queretaro. Escrita por el R. P. 
 Fr. Isidro de Espinosa, predicador, etc. etc. Mexico, 1746. 4to. Padre 
 Espinosa's work covers a wider range of territory than that of Arricivita, 
 which* was intended as a supplement, but it is only for Coahuila and Texas 
 history that I have cited it in this work. The two works together form one 
 of the best of the old missionary chronicles. Both authors had a weakness 
 for recording the saintly virtues of their associates, to the occasional exclusion 
 of historical facts; and Espinosa was somewhat addicted to miracles and mys 
 ticism; but even in these respects they compare favorably with other chronicles 
 of their kind. The works are very rare as well as valuable. 
 
LOCAL ITEMS. 687 
 
 the Queretaro friars are concerned, but including only 
 a few Jaliscans. 56 Neither is it possible to form sat 
 isfactory statistics for the period in the absence of the 
 missionary and ecclesiastical reports which have fur 
 nished statistical matter for earlier chapters. Even 
 
 56 In these years as in earlier times very little is known of the southern 
 provinces from Chametla up to Sinaloa. There is some information extant 
 respecting the geography of these regions, adding nothing to earlier descrip 
 tions, but of events and statistics of progress and decline we are left for the 
 most part in ignorance. I refer the reader to~the tables of earlier chapters 
 on Sinaloa, there being no need to repeat all the pueblo names here. 
 
 Rosario was now the most prosperous town in the north-west after Guada 
 lajara. It had about 5,000 inhabitants in 1772, and 7,000 before 1800. There 
 were many rich mines in the region, of which Rosario as the centre monop 
 olized the trade. The product of the mines for a month in 1785 was 32,^54 
 marks of silver, and 702 marks of gold. In June 1786 the product is given 
 as 30,992 silver and 711 gold. For a month in 1790 the duties on bullion 
 were collected on 58,945 marks of silver and 1,197 of gold. Gaceta de Mex., 
 i. 301; ii. 1GG; iv. 119. A cajareal seems to have been established soon after 
 1772. The principal mine was the Tajo. The reales of Pdnuco and Copala 
 produced some 40,000 marks of silver per year. About the surrounding pro 
 vinces and mines there are no definite items of value. Cosala gave 408 for 
 the war with Spain in 1796. Festivities are described at San Miguel de Cu- 
 liacan in 1795 and 1800 in celebration of events in Spain. From 1765 to 1792 
 there were 720 births, 132 marriages, and 574 deaths in the parish of Culiacan. 
 The population in 1803 is given by Humboldt as 13,800. The amount of ex 
 cise taxes in 1792 was $5,202. San Felipe de Sinaloa had lost much of its 
 former prominence, though Humboldt gives the population as 12,000 in 1803. 
 A flood in 1770 destroyed a portion of the town, which was rebuilt in a new 
 location. 
 
 The curates assigned by the bishop in 1768 were as follows: Mocorito and 
 Bacubirito there were famous gold placers near the latter curate of San Be- 
 nito; Sinaloa, Br. Manuel Rivera; Chicorato, Br. Salvadorlbarguen; Bamoa 
 where Bishop Tamaron died in 1768 and Ocoroni, Br. Domingo Gutierrez; 
 Guazavcand Tamazula ceded to California in 1780 Br. J. J. Aviles; The Rio 
 Fuerte pueblos, Brs,. J. F. Soto, Francisco Maria Suarez, Vicente Diaz, Man 
 uel Alvaro Lavandera Mochicagui was attacked by Apaches in 1769, and at 
 Charay a great revolt of the Fuertefio Indians was started in the same year; 
 the Mayo pueblos, Brs. Miguel Lucenilla, Ignacio Fernando Valde's, Luis 
 Padilla, Jos6 Joaquin Elias a new pueblo at Curimpo was being formed in 
 August 1769; Yaqui pueblos, -Brs. Francisco Joaquin Valde's, Francisco Felix 
 Romero, and Juan Francisco Arce Rosales Belen was somewhat prominent 
 during the military operations of 1768-71 as a place where the rebels came to 
 surrender. In 1789 all the Yaqui towns were under Br. Valde's, and were still 
 prosperous. Only 5 of all the ex-missions had a clergyman in 1784, according 
 to the bishop's report. These were Bamoa, Vaca, Toro, Navajoa, and Sta 
 Cruz. 
 
 Alamos, real de minas, and centre of extensive mining operations. The 
 principal mines in this region were the Quintera, Europita, Aldeana, Cerro 
 Colorado, Tarazan, Sutac, Bacaiopa, and Zapote; and many of them had been 
 abandoned before 1774. Receipts for salt,revenue 1770,83,478; for 1775-6, 
 $11,865. Excise taxes, in 1792, 9,297. Alamos, though not apparently the 
 capital, was often the head-quarters of high officials, as is shown by corre 
 spondence. The town is credited with a population of 9,000 in 1803. 
 
 Horcasitas (San Miguel), villa and presidio. Capital until 1783, and its 
 
688 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 the viceroy, having before him the bishop^s report of 
 1784, did not attempt in his elaborate report of 1793 
 to give the population of the Sonora establishments as 
 was done for other provinces. According to a regis 
 ter made by order of Yisitador General Galvez in 1769 
 there were in Pimeria Baja, with its eight missions and 
 
 curate had charge of all the northern gente de razon. The presidio was not 
 one of those of the line provided by the reglaraento of 1772, and was intended 
 to remain only temporarily until all danger from the Seris should be past; 
 but, though its removal to the Gila was proposed just before 1780, I find no 
 evidence that it was removed before 1800. In 1778 it had a church and 38 
 houses of adobes. Excise tax in 1792, $1,758. 
 
 Montesclaros, villa, also called El Fuerte and.Cadereita. Population in 
 1803, according to Humboldt, 10,100. 
 
 San Carlos cle Buenavista, on the Yaqui River, presidio; not apparently 
 deprived of a garrison until after 1800. Fop. in 1772, 327; attached to Cu- 
 muripa for religious service. 
 
 Arizpe, town; capital after 1783 of bishopric, Provincias Internas, and 
 intendencist. It had 118 adobe houses in 1778. The population in that year 
 was 1,534, of which 1,020 were Indians. Excise tax in 1792, $2,192. There 
 were many productive mines of gold and silver in the district, besides about 
 40 abandoned mines. 
 
 The missions of Sonora given to the Jalisco Franciscans in 17G8 were: 
 Yecora, with Zaraichi and Onapa, P. Fernando Ponce de Leon; attacked by 
 rebel Pimas in 1768, and the visitas abandoned or occupied bymulattpes, etc., 
 before 1784; Arivechi, with Bacanora, P. Jos6 Maria Cabrera; Sahuaripa, with 
 Teopari, P. Joaquin Ramirez; Guazabas, with Oputo and Cumpas; Boca de 
 Gandu, with Nacori and Mochapa; Baseraca, with Guachimera and Babispe; 
 Bacoachi; and Cuquiarachi. 
 
 The missions of the south given at first to the Quere"taro friars, and trans 
 ferred to the Jaliscans in 1774, were: Onabas, with Toiiichi and Soyopa, pop 
 ulation in 1772, 1,141; formed into a curacy before 1784; Cumuripa, popula 
 tion, 130 in 1772; Tecoripa, with Suaqui, P. Juan Sarobe in 1768, pop. 197 
 in 1772, some Spanish families in 1784; San Jos6 de Pimas, a visita of Te 
 coripa until about 1769, formed into a mission for the repentant rebel Piatos, 
 276 Indians in 1772; Ures with Sta Rosalia, P. Buena y Alcalde in 1768, 416 
 Ind. in 1772; Opodepe, with Nacameri, 291 Ind. in 1772; and Cucurpe, 
 with Tuape (Dolores and Sarachi having been abandoned). This last mis 
 sion was properly in Pimeria Alta, and was at first given to P. Antonio Reyes, 
 several ot whose letters of 1768 on petty matters of mission progress are extant. 
 
 Guaymaswas the centre of extensive military operations in 1767-71. Soto 
 Ponce de Leon was appointed royal comisario to distribute lands among set 
 tlers; but it does not appear that any settlement remained. There was also 
 a kind of mission nominally ceded to the Dominicans of California in 1780. 
 The port was called also San Jos6 and Pajaros. Pitic was a pueblo where 
 many of the repentant Seris assembled in 1770-1, being for a time under P. 
 Matfas Gallo. It later passed into the hands of the Jaliscan friars. In 
 1789 elaborate instructions were issued for the foundation of a villa, which 
 were to serve also as models for the organization of other towns in Sonora, or 
 in the Provincias Internas. I find no record of progress before 1800; but the 
 villa was founded and became known in later times as Hermosillo. The gold 
 placers of Aigame, 18 1. soutli of Pitic, yielded richly in 1790-8. Carrizal 
 was a new mission established in 1772, and destroyed the next year by the 
 rebel Seris, who killed P. Gil, as elsewhere related in this chapter. 
 
 The following are mentioned in the report of 1784-93 as for the most part 
 deserted by Indians and without clergymen: Conicari, with Tepaqui and 
 
MISSION STATISTICS. 689 
 
 fifteen pueblos, 3,011 Indians and 792 gentede razon; 
 while in the eight missions and sixteen pueblos of 
 Pimeria Alta there were 2,018 Indians and 178 gente 
 de razon, besides the soldiers and their families. In 
 1772, according to the summary of Padre Reyes, there 
 were in both upper and lower Pimeria 6,909 Indians 
 in 15 missions or 34 pueblos. Ten of the pueblos had 
 
 Macoyaqui; Batacosa, only 7 families; Mobas, with Nuri attacked by Ind 
 ians in 1709 under curate of Rio Chico; Matafte, with Nacori, secularized; 
 Aconchi, with Babiacora, secularized, some Spanish families; Banamichi, with 
 Guepac and Sinoquipe, curate, casa principal of the custodia 1783-90; Batuco, 
 with Tepuspe, under a clergy man paid by Spanish residents; Oposura, with 
 Taropa and Tepache, secularized, suffered from an Apache raid in 1769; Bay- 
 oreca, in the region of Alamos, had rich mines discovered in 1792, and the 
 curate was killed by Indians in 1709. Touibari is mentioned as the ecclesi 
 astical head town of the southern districts as Horcasitas was of the northern 
 in 1772. 
 
 Missions of Pimerfa Alta: San Javier del Bac, in charge of P. Francisco 
 Garee's from June 1708. The neophytes were scattered and had forgotten their 
 doctrina; but consented to return on a promise that they would not have to 
 work. Before the end of 1708 the Apaches destroyed the mission, killing the 
 Indian governor and capturing two soldiers; but most of the neophytes were 
 absent. There were several later attacks, in which all the mission cattle were 
 stolen. In 1772 there were 270 Indians on the registers. ' The church is 
 moderately capacious,' but poorly supplied with ornaments, says P. Reyes. 
 If the grand structure now standing in ruins was built before 1800 I have 
 found no definite record of the fact, but more of this elsewhere. San Jose" de 
 Tucson, o or G leagues north, and a kind of visita of Bac, was a collection of 
 nearly 1,000 Indians, Christian and gentile, who tilled the soil, and were 
 occasionally visited by the padres. There was no church nor other prominent 
 building; and there were no Spanish settlers before 1780, probably not before 
 1800. 
 
 Santos Angeles de Guevavi, with three visitas, San Jos6 de Tumacacori, 
 San Cayetano de Calabazas, and San Ignacio de Sonoitac; put in charge of 
 P. Gil in 1708. There was no church at Calabazas, and the others are de 
 scribed as poor. The four pueblos had 337 Indians in 1772. Tumacacori was 
 one league from the presidio of Tubac; and it had adobe houses for the Indians 
 and some walls for defence. It was in 1709 attacked by the Apaches at mid 
 day. Before 1784 the padre had changed his residence to Tumacacori, and 
 both Guevavi and Sonoitac had been deserted. 
 
 Santa Maria de Suamca, with visita Santiago de Cocospera, put in charge 
 of P. Francisco Roche in June 1708. In November of the same year the mis 
 sion was destroyed by the Apaches after a hard fight with the Pima neophytes; 
 and the padre transferred his flock to Cocospera, which also suffered from the 
 savages in 1709. In 1772 there were 1 10 Indians; and a church was being built, 
 but the location was bad; and it was hoped to restore the mission on a good 
 site nearer Terrenate. In 1784, however, Suamca had not been reoccupied, 
 and was probably never rebuilt. 
 
 San Ignacio, with visita San Jose" Imuris and Sta Maria Magdalena. Pop 
 ulation in 1772, 273. A brick church built by the Franciscans at S. Ignacio. 
 Magdalena was attacked and nearly destroyed by the rebels and Apaches in 
 1770. I have fragments of the mission registers of both San Ignacio and 
 Magdalena, which show the padres in charge to have been as follows: Garcia 
 1708-72, Zuiiiga 1712-80, Carrasco 1774-G (died May 9, 177G, aged 33), Arri- 
 HIST. N. HEX. STA-ES, VOL. I. 44 
 
690 SONORA AND SINALOA. 
 
 churches in good condition, eight were small and with 
 out ornaments, eight in ruins, four in process of con 
 struction, while in four there were no churches. In 
 1778 Corbalan reports 39 churches, and 5 stone houses; 
 also 780 droves of mares, G68 yoke of oxen, 20,647 
 cows, 15,947 sheep, 3,978 goats, 1,573 horses, and 
 2,152 rnules. In 1770, according to the original rec 
 ords of the hacienda, the excess of revenues over ex 
 penses was $77,277; and in 1776 the total of revenue 
 
 quibar 1780-94, Tobas 1796-9, Perez 1799 ct seq. There were also others 
 whose names appear occasionally, doubtless visitors from other missions. The 
 Real de Sta Ana, 5 1. S. E. from S. Ignacio, had a few Spanish stock-raisers. 
 
 Dolores de Saric, with S. Jose" Aquimuri as visita. There were formerly 
 two other visitas of Arizona and Busani deserted in 1766 on account of savage 
 raids. Two hundred and twenty-eight Indians in 1772; no church at Aqui 
 muri. Saric was plundered by the savages in 1776; but the church was saved. 
 P. Florencio Ibanez was missionary in 1783-90. The visita was abandoned 
 before 1784. 
 
 San Pedro y San Pablo de Tubutama, with Sta Teresa as visita. President 
 Buena took charge in 1768, and several of his letters are extant; but he was 
 soon succeeded by P. Jos6 del Rio 1768-9. Other padres serving here as 
 shown by the mission books were: Salazar 1769-72, Espinosa 1773-4, Guillen 
 1774-8 (he was murdered in April 1778 by the Indians on his way to Ati), 
 Carrasco (who died at Magdalena in 1776), Barbastro 1778-83, Itiirraldc 1784, 
 Moyano 1788-96, Socies 1791, and Gomez 1800. There were 228 Indians in 1772. 
 In 1784 there were a few families of gente de razon. Tubutama had a brick 
 church. 
 
 San Francisco Ati, with San Antonio Oquitoa as visita. Two hundred 
 and forty-three Indians in 1772, a very small, poor church, and none at Oqui 
 toa. P. Jose" Soler was the first Franciscan in charge, 1768-74; and his suc 
 cessors on the registers which' I have for both mission and visita were: 
 Guillen 1773, Espinosa 1773-5, Gorgoll 1773-87, Ramos 1774-5, Eixarch 
 1776-81, Gamarra 1777-9 (died at Tubutama 1779), Moreno 1789, Llorenes 
 1787-90, Barbastro 1789, Moyano 1790-1817, Amoros 1796, Lopez 1797-8, and 
 Gomez 1797-8 many of the names being of course those of visitors. There 
 were a few Spanish settlers. 
 
 Purisima Concepcion de Caborca, with San Antonio Pitiqui and Nra Sra del 
 P6pulo (or San Juan) Bisanic asvisitas. 1,265 Ind. in 1782; no church or house 
 at Pitiqui. The padres, as shown on the mission books, many being visitors, 
 were: Juan Diaz 1768-73, Calzada 1773-82 (died Dec. 20, 1782), Soler 1773, 
 Moreno 1775-81, Espinosa 1776, Gorgol 1772-86, Garces 1779, Mora 1790-3, 
 Ramos 1781-92, Collazo 1792-4, Sim6 1794-5, Prado 1796-7, Sanchez 1796- 
 1803, Mota 1797-8, Lopez 1799-1800, Font 1780-1, Moyano 1785-90, Iturralde 
 1778, Barbastro 1786, Bordoy 1796, Ibanez 1796. 
 
 Of the line of frontier presidios in Pimcria Alta, Altar, Tubac, Terrenate, 
 and Fronteras enough has been said elsewhere in this chapter. There is no 
 record of local events at any one of them. San Ildefonso de Cieneguilla was 
 a rich placer mining district near Altar, discovered 1771. Los Llanos and San 
 Francisco were gold placers in the same district. San Antonio de la Huerta, 
 or Arenas, was another famous and rich district of gold placers discovered 
 before 1772 near the Yaqui River. Not much is known of the place; but from 
 1772 to 1776 it was the most flourishing place in Sonora, supporting the 
 province, as Capt. Anza wrote, with the aid of Cieneguilla. Excise tax at 
 Cieneguilla 1792, $686; at La Huerta, $4,186. The Arizona mines, or Plan- 
 
LIST OF FRANCISCANS. 
 
 691 
 
 was 183,767, the largest items being silver duties 
 $33,849, gold 24,812, quicksilver 23,502, salt 11,- 
 865, tobacco, powder, and cards 56,414. The expense 
 of the presidios was 128,893, and the balance sent to 
 Mexico was 156,924. In 1799-1800 Sonora citizens 
 contributed about 2,500 for the war with France. 
 For 1793 Humboldt J s statement of population, resting 
 apparently on a census taken by viceregal order, was 
 93,396. 
 
 chos de Plata, are by several writers said to have been worked late in the 
 century, but this seems to have been an error, for they had been long aban 
 doned. 
 
 List of Franciscans serving in Sonora 
 A dan, Manuel. 
 Ahumada, Antonio. 
 Amoros, Pedro. 
 Arriquibar, Pedro. 
 Barbastro, Francisco Antonio. 
 Barreneche, Juan Antonio. 
 Beltran, Francisco. 
 Bordoy, Mariano. 
 Buena y Alcalde, Mariano. 
 Cabrera, Jose" Maria. 
 Caja, Jose". 
 Calzada, Ainbrosio. 
 Carrasco, Manuel. 
 Carrillo, Baltazar. 
 Collazo, Angel. 
 Diaz, Antonio. 
 Diaz, Juan. 
 Eixarch, Tomas. 
 Espinosa, Jose" Maria. 
 Felix, Ildefonso. 
 Flores, Sebastian. 
 Font, Pedro. 
 Gallo, Matias. 
 Gamarra, Felix. 
 Garce"s, Francisco. 
 Garcia, Diego Martin. 
 Gil de Bernave, J uan C. 
 Gomez, Jose". 
 Gonzalez, Faustino. 
 Gorgol, Juan. 
 Guillen, Felipe. 
 
 from 1768 to 1800: 
 Guttierrez, Narciso. 
 Ibauez, Florencio. 
 Iturralde, Francisco. 
 Jurado, Francisco. 
 Llorenes, Juan B. 
 Lopez, Ramon. 
 Madueno y Cobo, Fernan. 
 Monares, Roque. 
 Mora, Jose". 
 Moreno, Jos Matias. 
 Mota, Pablo. 
 Moyano, Francisco. 
 Ocala, Antonio G. 
 Perez, Jose". 
 
 Ponce de Leon, Fernando, 
 Prado, Alonso. 
 Ramirez, Joaquin. 
 Ramos, Antonio. 
 Rio, Josd del. 
 Roche, Francisco. 
 Romero, Francisco. 
 Salaza, Este"van. 
 Sanchez, Andre's. 
 Sarobe, Juan. 
 Sim6, Lorenzo. 
 Socies, Bartolome". 
 Soler, Jose". 
 Tobas, Francisco. 
 Velarde, Joaquin. 
 Villaseca, Francisco. 
 Zuuiga, Francisco S. 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 1769-1774. 
 
 THE VISITADOR'S PLANS FOE, LORETO DEPARTURE AND REPORT or GALVEZ 
 CHAPPE D'AUTEROCHE GOVERNOR ARMONA GONZALEZ AND TOLEDO- 
 EPIDEMICS DISSATISFACTION RAMOS SENT TO SONORA NEWS FROM 
 MONTEREY MORENO IN COMMAND BASTERRA'S MEMORIAL NE^^Y 
 FRIARS GOVERNOR BARRI A BITTER FEUD PALOU APPEALS TO GUAR 
 DIAN AND VICEROY THE DOMINICAN CLAIM IRIARTE'S EFFORTS 
 ROYAL ORDERS GUARDIAN AND VICAR-GENERAL AMICABLE AGREE 
 MENT FRANCISCANS SURRENDER THE PENINSULA MOTIVES OF THE 
 Two ORDERS MORE TROUBLE WITH BARRI ARRIVAL OF THE DOMIN 
 ICANS DEPARTURE OF THE FERNANDINOS PALOU'S FINAL PREPARA 
 TIONS TROUBLES WITH PRESIDENT MORA REGLAMENTO OF PRESIDIOS 
 BARRI SUCCEEDED BY FELIPE DE NEVE INSTRUCTIONS ARRIVAL. 
 
 AFTER concluding his labors in connection with the 
 expeditions to San Diego and Monterey, as narrated 
 in an earlier chapter, ]3on Jose de Galvez came to 
 Loreto in the middle of April 1769, accompanied by 
 two friars newly arrived from Mexico, padres Juan 
 Escudero and Juan Benito Sierra, and was received 
 with much respect by Father Palou, acting as pres 
 ident since Serra's departure for the north. Loreto, 
 though the nominal capital, was now in a reduced 
 condition from its poor soil and lack of water, being 
 abandoned by its original inhabitants except a few 
 families. Yet on account of the presidio and ware 
 houses there, and the tolerable harbor, Galvez re 
 gretted the decadence of this oldest of the peninsula 
 establishments, and resolved to restore its population 
 and prosperity. He therefore decreed that one hun 
 dred families should be brought from the other mis- 
 
 (692) 
 
PLANS FOR LORETO. 693 
 
 sions as soon as Loreto could be prepared for their 
 reception. Neat whitewashed dwellings of uniform 
 plan were to be built on regular tree-decorated streets 
 about the ever essential plaza, each house having an 
 enclosure for live-stock and poultry. About four 
 acres of fertile land, with a well for irrigation, were 
 to be assigned to each family, and each was to receive 
 a small allowance of maize for one year from the royal 
 stores. But not all were to be farmers ; for boys were 
 to be trained to the arts of fishing, pearl-diving, and 
 navigation in a school established for that purpose, 
 under the padres, but supported for a time by the 
 government. After the native pueblo had been at 
 tended to, a Spanish settlement for officers, soldiers, 
 mechanics, and others was to be laid out according to 
 a plan prepared by the zealous visitador. 1 Truly the 
 Californian capital was to be a model town. 
 
 Besides projecting these schemes for the future 
 never to be carried out Galvez studied the existing 
 state of affairs, and made changes more or less impor 
 tant in several details. He corrected laxities in the 
 keeping of the royal accounts. He reduced the sol 
 diers' pay to four, five, and six reals per day for those 
 serving in the south, north, and in expeditions re 
 spectively; but at the same time he lowered the price 
 of supplies at the almacen, and obliged the missions 
 to sell at proportionately lower rates to the govern 
 ment. 2 Thus the missions and not the king had the 
 burden to bear. Leaving in writing his orders on all 
 these points, and many more for the guidance of gov 
 ernor, president, and. the royal comisionado Juan Gu 
 tierrez, the visitador sailed on the San Jose the first of 
 May for Sonora. 3 After his departure Palou went to 
 San Javier, putting Pedro Escudero in charge there, 
 
 1 -Galvez's decrees of April 29, 30, 1769. Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
 i. 47-58. 
 
 2 Palou, Noticias, i. 65. Maize reduced from $4 to 83.50; lard, $6 to $3; 
 figs, $6 to $4; fresh meat, 75 cents to 25; dried meat, 12 to 6; wine, 75 to 50 
 per cuartilla; aguardiente, $1.25 to. 87, etc., etc. 
 
 3 His general report of Dec. 31, 1771, Galvez, Informe General que en virtnd 
 de real tirden instruyti y cntreyd el Excmo Sr Marques de Sonora, skttdo 
 
694 FRANCISCANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 and obtaining twenty-five native families for the pro 
 jected pueblo at Loreto. Not much more was ever 
 done to carry out the plans of Galvez in this matter. 
 Padre Sierra was sent to Mulege, and Padre Gaston 
 took charge of Purisima. 
 
 On May 19th there anchored near the cape one of 
 the California transports from San Bias, having on 
 board a party of French and Spanish scientists under 
 M. Chappe d' Auteroche of the Royal Academy, whose 
 purpose was to observe the transit of Venus. The 
 visitors were entertained at San Josd del Cabo by 
 Padre Moran and Captain Morales, who rendered 
 every assistance free of charge. The scientific obser 
 vations were very successful; but immediately after 
 their completion the party was attacked by a pestilen 
 tial fever which carried off several members, including 
 Monsieur Chappe himself. Three years later the re 
 sults of the observation were published at Paris, with 
 a narrative of the journey, which, however, contains 
 no information of value respecting California. 4 
 
 Matias de Armona had been the governor appointed 
 to fill Portola's place, when it was decided that the 
 latter should lead the northern expeditions. He ar 
 rived June 12, 1769, at Loreto, where he found a letter 
 from Galvez, requesting a conference at Alamos. Ar 
 mona at once prepared to obey the summons, intending 
 to take formal possession of his office upon his return ; 
 but having learned from the acting governor Gonzalez 
 that the peninsula was in the future to pay its own 
 soldiers, and be otherwise self-supporting, he declared 
 his resolution not to come back at all unless Galvez 
 would modify his regulations. Palou, deeming Don 
 
 visitador general de este reyno al Excmo Sr Virrey Frey D. Antonio Bucardy 
 y Ursua, 140-8, contains a general account of his proceedings in California. 
 4 Voyage en Calif ornie pour V observation du passage de Venus sur le disque 
 du Soleil, le 3 Juin 1769; Contenant les observations de ce phenomene, & la, 
 description historique de la route de I'auteur a travers le Mexique. Par feu M. 
 Chappe d'A uteroche, de VA cadcmie, etc. Redige & publie par M. de Oassini, Jils, 
 dela Mcme Academie, etc. Paris, 1772. 4to. Two Spanish astronomers, Doz 
 . and Medina, assisted in the observations at San Jose", while a Mexican, Ve 
 lazquez de Leon, was very successful at Santa Ana. See also Soc. Mex. Geoy,, 
 oL, 2dep. iv. 100-4; United States Coast Survey, Rept., 1874, 131-3. 
 
PESTILENCE. 695 
 
 Matias a good man for the place, regretted this de 
 termination, but hoped by the combined influence of 
 the two the visitador might be induced to repeal some 
 of the innovations, notably that reducing the price 
 of mission products. The governor sailed for the main 
 on the 24th of June. 5 
 
 About this time a deadly epidemic broke out in the 
 south, particularly at San Jose and Santiago. Padre 
 Murguia was attacked and had to be removed to Todos 
 Santos. Padre Moran died too" suddenly to receive 
 the sacraments. No sooner had this pestilence sub 
 sided than another broke out, followed by a third still 
 more fatal, causing dreadful ravages in all the missions. 
 Over three hundred persons died at Todos Santos, 
 while many perished in the mountains, whither they 
 had vainly lied for safety. Rendered desperate by 
 the mortality which the vaunted religion seemed 
 powerless to check, the Guaicuris about Todos Santos 
 rose in revolt, and Governor Gonzalez had to go in 
 person to restrain them; but much to the disgust of 
 that potentate the Indians stole his dinner on the day 
 of his arrival and the supplies provided for his depart 
 ure. In August a vessel brought to Loreto cloth to 
 the value of eight thousand dollars, sent by Galvez' 
 order to the Indians as a compensation for mission 
 effects taken for the north. Palou gratefully distrib 
 uted the cloth, but announced that the missions could 
 no longer bear the expense of clothing the neophytes 
 unless the prices of products were raised. 
 
 Gonzalez was now permitted to retire from the com 
 mand whether from disgust at the purloining of his 
 dinner in the south, or for more weighty reasons, does 
 not appear and a new comisario, Antonio Lopez de 
 Toledo, was sent as lieutenant-governor to rule in his 
 stead until Armona should return. He arrived and 
 assumed command on October 3d, bringing instructions 
 intended, so wrote Galvez, to remove all difficulties in 
 
 5 Palou, Noticias de la Antigua California, i. 66 et seq., is the standard 
 authority for all events on the peninsula in these years. 
 
696 FRANCISCANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 peninsula affairs. These instructions were to furnish 
 from the almacen all utensils needed at Loreto; but 
 they required that the native laborers at the salt 
 works of Carmen Island should work for their rations 
 without other pay, and that these salinas should be 
 regularly settled with mission Indians. Palou ob 
 jected to the clauses relating to the salt-works, and 
 declined to obey them, asserting that there must be 
 some error. He wrote to his guardian on the sub 
 ject, but that dignitary declared it impolitic to consult 
 the viceroy, and left the president to settle the matter 
 with Galvez. Palou accordingly wrote to the visita- 
 dor, and then determined to cross the gulf for a per 
 sonal interview. Meanwhile all the friars were con 
 sulted, and unanimously agreed that the only course 
 left was to resign all care of the temporalities. Palou 
 finally decided to send Father Ramos to Sonora instead 
 of going in person, and the latter sailed in December, 
 carrying the offer of resignation respecting the entire 
 sincerity of which under the circumstances there is 
 much room for doubt signed by all the missionaries 
 and explained by a letter from the president. The 
 late lieutenant-governor Gonzalez sailed on the same 
 vessel. 
 
 Ramos was not successful in his mission, for he 
 found that Galvez in bad health had gone to Chihua 
 hua on his way to Mexico. Therefore, after sending 
 a letter to the retiring visitador he returned to Loreto, 
 arriving on March 14, 1770. It was now decided to 
 send a full report to the guardian of San Fernando, 
 and leave the college to settle the matter with Galvez 
 and the viceroy. This report was sent to Mexico by 
 Padre Dionisio Basterra, who was retiring on account 
 of ill-health, and who sailed the 1 9th of March. Padre 
 Ramos then started for Todos Santos, with instruc 
 tions to send Murguia in his place to Loreto. 
 
 In the mean time Governor Armona, having served 
 with distinction in the Sonora wars, had sent in his 
 resignation, which the viceroy refused to accept, per- 
 
ARMONA AND MORENO. 697 
 
 I 
 
 emptorily ordering the recalcitrant ruler to go without 
 delay to his post in California, at the same time prom 
 ising to remove the difficulties of which complaint 
 had been made. Arniona had no excuse for disobe 
 dience, and arrived in the south on the 13th of June, 
 writing to Palou from Santa Ana, and calling for 
 a report on mission affairs. The president having, as 
 we have noticed, a fondness for personal conferences, 
 sailed for the south on the 4th of July, and prepared 
 the report at Todos Santos with the aid of Padre 
 Ramos, in whom he seems to have placed great con 
 fidence. 6 Then he went on to meet the governor, and 
 the two returned to Todos Santos, where the 2d of 
 August they first heard of the occupation of Monterey, 
 joyful tidings celebrated by a solemn mass the fol 
 lowing day. Soon the viceroy changed his mind and 
 permitted Arrnona to retire; and after waiting for the 
 stormy season to pass he sailed for San Bias on the 
 9th of November, leaving Bernardino Moreno in 
 command as lieutenant-governor. Armona carried 
 to Mexico various petitions from Palou, promising to 
 use all his influence in favor of the reforms de 
 manded; and in some respects he seems to have been 
 successful. 7 
 
 6 This report, hastily prepared and probably preliminary to a more com 
 plete one, is not extant. It appears that Palou called upon each padre for a 
 statement respecting his own mission ; but these local reports are also missing 
 with one exception, that of Padre Lasuen at Borja, dated Aug. 31, 1771. 
 Full local details of the mission with its 115 neophytes, besides those living 
 in six rancherias. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., i. 24-33. Lasuen makes an elo 
 quent appeal for two padres at each mission, less perhaps because he needed 
 help than because he longed for company. We can in some degree imagine 
 the desolate loneliness of a padre's life at a frontier mission; but the reality 
 must have been far worse than anything our fancy can picture. These friars 
 were mostly educated, in many cases learned, men; not used to nor needing 
 the bustle of city life, but wanting as they did their daily food, intelligent 
 companionship. They were not alone in the strictest sense of the word, for 
 there were enough people around them. But what were these people ? igno 
 rant, lazy, dirty, sulky, treacherous, half-tamed savages, with whom no 
 decent man could have anything in common. Even the almost hopeless task 
 of saving their miserable souls must have required a martyr for its per 
 formance. Father Baegert, Nachrichten , 218-20, presents in a humorously 
 vivid light the exceeding dulness of existence 011 the peninsula even under 
 the most favorable circumstances. He declares that Portold, could not have 
 been more severely punished than by his exile to this country if he had been 
 a traitor. 
 
 7 Palou, Notlcias, i. 82-3, mentions the following of his requests as having 
 
698 FRANCISCANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 Meanwhile Padre Basterra had reached Mexico with 
 the president's remonstrances and the offer to resign 
 the temporalities. Galvez was then in better health 
 and willing to listen; but in order to avoid confusion 
 the padre was requested to present all his demands in 
 writing in one memorial. This Basterra was glad to 
 do, and on July 10, 1770, the visitador was confronted 
 with a petition in which were embodied all of Palou's 
 ideas. It was a petty sweeping reform bill, but 
 promises are cheap at all times, and were particularly 
 so in that time and country. So Galvez had no hes 
 itation in giving a verbal promise to adjust everything 
 to the satisfaction of everybody. He kept the paper, 
 but not his word, for so far as he was concerned not a 
 point in the petition was ever acted upon. 8 
 
 been subsequently granted: That the comisario should settle his mission ac 
 counts; that prices of mission products should be better regulated; that 
 Loreto should receive the balance clue at the expulsion, and what had been 
 taken from the rancho since; that the solteros at Sta Ana should return to 
 their missions, the plan of giving them instruction not having been carried 
 out; that the mission Indians should not work on the San Bias transports. 
 8 The items of the memorial, with important explanations by Palou not 
 appearing in the original, were as follows: The Indians to receive $1 per day 
 for work for the king as ordered by Galvez (through the influence of Gov. 
 Gutierrez Gonzalez ? this pay had been refused). The prices of meat to be 
 raised, for at present prices there was a loss. (The cattle were wild, and six 
 or seven vaqueros had to be hired and fed. ) The household utensils to be 
 delivered to Palou, and the old balance due the mission under the Jesuits to 
 be paid (the utensils had formerly belonged to the missions. The balance had 
 been ordered to be paid except at Loreto). Don Francisco Trillo to pay for 
 10 tinajas of brandy (lost by his carelessness). Mission accounts to be ad- 
 j usted (there were many errors against the missions). Missions to be permitted 
 to buy cloth, tobacco, etc., at Guadalajara and Mexico instead of from the 
 royal storehouse (several hundreds of dollars could be thus saved every year). 
 The order for $10,000 $8,000 ? of cloth for the Indians to be repeated. (The 
 missions could not bear the expense of clothing the Indians. ) Only such cat 
 tle to be delivered to the almacen as bore its brand. (By Trillo's erroneous 
 reports the almacen had received more cattle than belonged to it.) The 
 missions to sell surplus products when, where, and how they please, and to 
 receive cash from the almacen. (The comisario claimed all the profits, which 
 Palou thought should go to the Indians.) The governor and comisario to 
 be forbidden to meddle with the temporalities; for at present they seemed to 
 regard the padres as their subalterns. The Lore to padre to be relieved of the 
 necessity of delivering to the governor and comisario the product of a garden. 
 (The comisario claimed not only a supply of fruit and vegetables, as originally 
 ordered, but the whole product of the garden. ) The governor and comisario to 
 live outside of the college, so that the doors might be closed earlier. (It was 
 not fitting so closely to unite religion and trade.) The Indians to be relieved 
 of the tribute imposed on them, they being barely able to provide for them 
 selves. (The tribute was the harvest of one fanega of maize at each mission 
 in the south.) The governor and comisario not to interfere with the mission 
 
GOVERNOR BARRI. 699 
 
 In August of this year, 1770, the viceroy had heard 
 of the success at Monterey, and so hopeful of future 
 conquests did the news make him that he resolved to 
 found not only five new missions in the upper country 
 but five others between Velicata* and San Diego. 
 Galvez called upon the guardian of San Fernando for 
 forty-four friars, lately arrived from Europe. The 
 guardian refused to spare so many; but finally it was 
 agreed to furnish thirty by secularizing the Sierra 
 Gorda missions. They left the capital in October and 
 awaited at Tepic an opportunity to cross the gulf. 
 Felipe Barri had now been appointed governor of 
 California, and with Padre Juan Antonio Rioboo he 
 sailed from Tepic in January 1771, not arriving at 
 Santa Ana until March. Thence he wrote to Palou, 
 and obtained permission for Kioboo to take charge of 
 the cape towns, not meddling with the temporalities. 
 Barri also sent the viceroy's orders respecting the new 
 missions to be founded as soon as possible. They were 
 to be named San Joaquin, Santa Ana, San Pascual 
 Bailon, San Felipe Cantalicio, and San Juan Capis- 
 trano; each endowed with one thousand dollars, and 
 to be administered by two friars with a stipend of two 
 hundred and seventy-five dollars. 
 
 Governor Barri came with his family to Loreto in 
 April, and was disposed at first to act in harmony 
 with the president, taking deep interest in the mis 
 sions. But such a state of things could not be ex 
 pected to last long in California, and soon the spiritual 
 and temporal authorities were once more set by the 
 ears. In June the Lauretana brought bad news of 
 the friars at Tepic. 9 They had sailed in February on 
 
 boats and their crews, except in emergencies. (They had used them for their 
 own private convenience. ) San Jos6 del Cabo and Santiago to be continued 
 as curacies, and not turned over to the friars; for the galleon touched there, 
 and the padres might be accused of trading. (Palou had heard that the curate 
 had gone to Mexico to work for the change.) [In 1771 P. Rioboo took charge 
 of San Jose for want of a curate. Palou, Noticias, i. 138-9.] The memorial 
 in Id,, i. 80-97. 
 
 9 Their names, so far as can be determined from Palou 's somewhat confused 
 narrative, were as follows: Juan Prestamero, Ramon Usson, Marcelino Senra, 
 
700 FRANCISCANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 the San Carlos, but had been driven down past Aca- 
 pulco,the vessel having subsequently grounded at Man- 
 zanillo, and the padres being landed in boats. Finally 
 padres Senra and Figuer reembarked on the San Car 
 los and reached Loreto in August. The others pro 
 ceeded northward by land, one of them dying on the 
 way, and finally were brought over to the peninsula 
 on the Conception, arriving on the 24th of November. 
 Meanwhile Palou, while in the north making prep 
 arations for the new establishments, had been recalled 
 by a letter from Barri, announcing a revolt at Todos 
 Santos. He disregarded this summons, asserting that 
 the revolt could amount to nothing. On his return 
 in September the new friars Senra and Figuer were 
 sent to Borja and Todos Santos. The Conception 
 had made one unsuccessful trip to bring the other 
 friars, but now started again. 10 The revolt was not 
 serious in itself, but it led to some unpleasant conse 
 quences. The Indians had complained of the cruelty 
 of a majordomo. Such complaints from the Guaicuris 
 were frequent and almost always unfounded, so 
 the padre refused to act in the matter. Then the 
 neophytes, instigated by certain shrewd malecon- 
 tents, appealed to the governor, including in their 
 complaint other charges against the padre, notably 
 one to the effect that he denied the governor's right 
 to interfere in the mission management. Barri was a 
 stubborn, hot-headed man, and was very angry. Noth 
 ing that Palou or others could say had any effect to 
 mollify his wrath; and thus began a feud which in 
 creased in bitterness, until the governor openly ordered 
 the padres to confine themselves to preaching, teaching, 
 
 Tomas cle la Pena, Vicente Imas, Francisco Echasco, Martin Palacios, Manuel 
 Lago, Pedro Arriguiebar, Jose" Leguna, Gregorio Amurrio, Juan Figuer, Vi 
 cente Fuster, Antonio Linares, Vicente Santa Maria, Francisco Javier Te- 
 jada 16 of what Palou calls a list of 'these 20,' 10 having gone to Alta 
 California. The other four were apparently Jos6 Herrera (who died before 
 
 reaching CaJ, ), Jos6 Legomera, Miguel Sanchez, and Villuendas. Palou, 
 
 Noticia8,i.' 98-101, 130-4; ii. 156. 
 
 10 There is some confusion about these trips, but the matter is not impor 
 tant. 
 
PALOU'S TROUBLES. 701 
 
 and saying mass; not meddling with the temporalities 
 nor with punishment of Indians. It was a great 
 triumph for the latter, who flocked to Barri with com 
 plaints on all occasions. They became saucy and in 
 dependent, wasting the property, until it seemed 
 that the evil days of the comisionados had returned. 
 Palou, filled with grief and indignation, wrote a pas 
 sionate letter to his guardian, entreating him to appeal 
 to the viceroy. The letter was sent by Padre Eseu- 
 dero, who sailed in October and reached Mexico in 
 December. On learning the padre's errand the guar 
 dian prepared a long memorial for Viceroy Bucareli. 
 A notable clause was the request that some of the 
 missions might be transferred to the care of some 
 other order. This memorial, though answered in a 
 favorable strain by the viceroy the following March, 
 produced no direct or immediate results. 11 
 
 On the arrival of the new padres in November, 
 Palou, writing from Comondu, notified Barri that he 
 was ready to found the new missions; but the gov 
 ernor replied that there were no soldiers to spare, and 
 he had in vain demanded a reenforcement from Gov 
 ernor Corbalan of Sonora. The president therefore 
 gave up all hope for the time, and distributed the mis 
 sionaries among the old establishments. 12 Then he 
 
 11 The clauses of the guardian's memorial relating to the peninsula were as 
 follows; More soldiers and more church paraphernalia needed for the frontier 
 missions. Temporalities should remain in charge of the padres, who should 
 have power to appoint and remove all servants and soldiers. The old missions 
 should have returned to them the animals, etc., furnished for the new ones. 
 The royal warehouse should pay its debts to the missions in goods or drafts. 
 The warehouse should not receive mission products except for cash or useful 
 goods. Indians should receive just wages. The transport should sail from 
 Sail Bias in June. A proper limosna should be allowed to padres going or 
 coming from the new missions. $1,000 should be granted to S. Fernando. 
 The Dominicans, or some other order, should take care of S. Javier, S. Jose" 
 del Cabo, Santiago, Todos Santos, Purisima, Guadalupe, and Mulege". Tke 
 soldiers should have adequate rations for escort duty. This memorial was 
 presented Dec. 23, 1771, and was answered March 18, 1772. The reply was 
 a vague assurance that the viceroy had instructed Gov. Barri to do all he could 
 to aid the padres, had sent him the necessary papers, and had ordered him to 
 report. This reply did not reach Palou till Dec. 1772; too late to do any good 
 even if it had been satisfactory. Palou, Not., i. 112-26. 
 
 12 The distribution was: S. Fernando. Fuster and Linares with Campa; 
 Sta Gertrudis, Amurrio with Sancho; S. Ignacio, Legomera with Veytia; Sta 
 Rosalia, Arreguibar with Sierra; Guadalupe, -Lago with Villaumbrales; Pu- 
 
702 FRANCISCANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 sent to Barri a formal renunciation of Todos Santos, 
 recommending that the few and incorrigibly bad Ind 
 ians should be distributed in other missions, and sug 
 gesting a transfer of Spanish settlers from Santa Ana 
 to Todos Santos. The governor positively refused to 
 accept the renunciation until he could consult the 
 viceroy. This refusal served to widen the existing 
 breach between the friars and the captious ruler, it 
 being evident that the latter would oppose the fathers 
 at every point. 13 As the Franciscans were now exas 
 perated beyond measure at being thus crossed and 
 thwarted, all attempts at reconciliation soon came to 
 an end. The natives were not slow to take advantage 
 of this state of affairs ; they became more insolent and 
 refractory everyday; and more than once open rebel 
 lion was barely averted. 
 
 At his wits' end for a remedy, Palou at last had 
 recourse to the means of redress so often and ineffec 
 tually adopted before, and sent Padre Ramos to 
 Mexico that the whole matter might be laid before the 
 viceroy. Ramos sailed in January 1772, reaching the 
 capital in March. At this time the question of ceding 
 a part of the missions to the Dominican order was 
 being discussed, and the arrival of the envoy with his 
 long string of grievances contributed materially to the 
 final surrender of the entire peninsula by the Francis 
 cans. After Ramos' departure Palou received instruc 
 tions to prepare a full report on the condition of the 
 missions, which he did under date of February 12, 
 
 risima, Echasco, and Palacios with Gaston; Comondii, Prestamero and Pefia; 
 S. Javier, Usson with Parron; Loreto, Sta Maria with Mnrguia; Todos 
 Santos, Sanchez with Senra; Santiago and San Jose", Villuendas with Hioboo. 
 Palou, Not., i. 131-2. Figuer is not named though he had arrived; Tejada 
 had been left sick at Tepic, and did not arrive till April 1772; while Leguna 
 was perhaps the one who died on the land journey. 
 
 13 In his report of Feb. 12, 1772, Palou, Noticias, i. 173-4, says in answer 
 to an inquiry if Annona's orders for the good of the Indians were being car 
 ried out, ' Armona's name cannot even be mentioned in the presence of Gov. 
 Barri, who openly says that he came to ruin the peninsula. In the presence 
 of P. Escudero he declared that he did not wish to be in harmony with me.' 
 Something should be done to prevent his interference with missionary efforts 
 in behalf of the Indians. 
 
CESSION OF THE MISSIONS. 703 
 
 1772. 14 But long before this document reached its 
 destination the surrender of all the missions had been 
 settled. 
 
 The Dominican occupation of the peninsula had 
 its origin as early as 1768. In that year Father 
 Juan Pedro Iriarte y Laurnaga, procurador at Ma 
 drid of Dominican missions in New Spain, con 
 ceived the idea of extending the labors of his order 
 into California; and with encouragement from men 
 of influence at court he petitioned the king for 
 license to establish missions on the west coast be 
 tween latitudes 25 and 28, representing that region 
 as a rich and unworked missionary field. Iriarte 
 may have credited fabulous rumors respecting the 
 natural advantages of the country in question; but 
 it must be remembered that his petition preceded 
 the fitting -out of the expedition to San Diego 
 and Monterey; and it is quite possible that, with 
 a hint of what was to be done, he simply wished 
 to put his order in a position to occupy the northern 
 regions if such occupation should prove to be desirable. 
 By a cedula of November 8, 1768, the king referred 
 the proposition to the viceroy for his opinion. 15 The 
 viceroy, probably influenced to some extent by the 
 Franciscan authorities in Mexico, reported unfavor- 
 
 li Palou, Informe sdbre el Estado Actual de las Afisiones de la Peninsula, 
 1772. In Id., Not., i. 138-79. This report contains a sketch of the history, 
 location, and condition of each establishment; with also a resume" of the past 
 grievances and necessary reforms. Historical items have been utilized else 
 where, and locations are shown on the map. The registered population, a 
 large part wandering in the mountains, was 5,074 in 13 establishments (Gal- 
 vez, in his Informe, 143, gave the total population in 1769 as 7,888, including 
 gente de razon). Borja with 1,479 was the largest; San Jose" del Cabo with 
 50 the smallest. Most of the mission cattle were running wild. Palou de 
 mands at least 100 soldiers for escort duty; and their pay should be increased 
 from 5 reals a day, which sum left nothing for the support of a family; and 
 the men were always in debt to the almacen. Barri brought $22,000, but of 
 this he left $8,000 or 10,000 for the Sta Ana mission, and with the rest reg 
 ularly paid his own salary, 4,000 a year, so that he soon had no money left 
 for the soldiers. 
 
 15 Palou, Noticing, i. 181, represents the king as granting the desired per 
 mission in the cedula, which is an error; and he also says that Iriarte at once 
 sent some missionaries to Mexico and soon followed them, the obstacles en 
 countered being after his arrival. I think this also must be incorrect. 
 
704 FRANCISCANS IX THE PENINSULA. 
 
 ably on April 22, 1769, believing that the proposed 
 division would result in contentions between the two 
 orders. He had referred the subject, however, to 
 Galvez, who in a report of June 10th also disapproved 
 the project, declaring that it rested on an erroneous 
 belief in the existence of fertile lands, good ports, and 
 a large population in the north-western peninsula. As 
 a matter of fact the desirable spots were all occupied, 
 the Franciscan force was amply sufficient for the 
 work, and the introduction of new missionaries in the 
 narrow peninsula would cause only trouble ; moreover 
 there was no lack of territory on the frontiers for the 
 Dominicans to utilize all their zeal in founding new 
 missions. Iriarte was not, however, a man to be 
 crushed by one defeat. He still urged his cause at 
 court, obtained favorable reports from the archbishop 
 of Mexico and others, found favor in the council of 
 Indies, and finally obtained from the king, under date 
 of April 8, 1770, a new cedula ordering a division of 
 the missions, on the ground that it was not to the 
 interest of the crown that one order, much less one 
 college, should have sole control of so vast a province. 18 
 The Dominicans desired the northern districts, in 
 cluding San Ignacio, Guadalupe, and Mulege; and 
 also that of Belen in Sonora. Their purpose was 
 clearly to obtain an open way to the north. But the 
 royal order cited left the details of the division to the 
 viceroy, who after consulting the bishop of Guadala 
 jara was to make such a division as might seem best 
 for all concerned, leaving to each order a field for ex 
 pansion toward the north, with limits so fixed as to 
 avoid future contentions. Then were circulated among 
 all the Dominicans of Spain circulars signed by Juan 
 Tomas de Boxadors, general of the order, and by Iri 
 arte himself, calling for volunteers for the new crusade 
 
 16 King's order of April 8, 1770, with reference to former ce"dula of Nov. 
 4, 1768, and to reports of viceroy and Galvez, in California, Noticias, carta 
 iii. 8-19. Galvez' report of June 10, 1770, in Palou, Noticias, i. 182-4. 
 There are some explanatory notes in both works. The royal order of April 
 8th, also in Mayer 3ISS. t no. 14. 
 
TETRMS OF THE DIVISION. 705 
 
 against heathenism. 17 Two hundred friars offered 
 their services; and twenty-five were chosen from the 
 provinces of Castile, Aragon, and Andalucia. With 
 these followers Iriarte sailed from Ccldiz and landed 
 at Vera Cruz on August 19, 1771, after a voyage of 
 sixty-one days. At this time the new Franciscan 
 friars were on their way to California, and it will be 
 remembered that before the end of the year, and per 
 haps before the new order was known to him, the 
 guardian of San Fernando had~voluntarily suggested 
 a cession of part of the missions. Thus there was no 
 further reason for delay, or ground for controversy 
 except in arranging the details of division, 18 and this 
 matter by a junta of March 21, 1772, was referred for 
 amicable settlement to the Franciscan guardian Padre 
 Rafael Verger, and the Dominican vicar-general 
 Iriarte. 19 
 
 Verger and Iriarte signed a concordato, or agree 
 ment, on April 7, 1772. In general terms it gave to 
 the Dominicans the entire peninsula, with all the old 
 missions up to a point just below San Diego, 23 and the 
 right to extend their settlements eastward and north 
 eastward to and past the head of the gulf; while the 
 Franciscans were to retain the missions above San 
 Diego, and to extend their establishments without 
 limit to the north and north-west. 21 The arguments 
 between the two friars and their advisers, if there were 
 any such, are not recorded. At first thought it would 
 seem that the surrender of all the old establishments 
 must have been regarded as a great sacrifice on the 
 
 17 Dated June 10, 13, 1770, and given in full in California) Noticias, carta 
 iii. 19-45. 
 
 18 Padre Sales, CaL , Noticias, carta iii. 48, says the viceroy suspended the 
 order and interposed new obstacles; but this would seem to be an error. 
 
 19 Palou, Not,, i. 186, 190. It appears that the junta also ordered as a 
 base of the division that the Franciscans should occupy the mission of Veli- 
 cata, and the Dominicans the site of San Juan de Dios, a little farther east. 
 
 * Their northernmost mission was to be on the arroyo of San Juan Bau- 
 tista, and its lands were to extend 5 leagues farther to a point formed by a 
 spur of the Sierra near the beach. 
 
 21 The concordato of April 7, 1772, is given literally in Palou, Not., i. 
 187-9; also in Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 13-18; Arch. Sta Bar 
 bara, MS., ix. 360-70. 
 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 45 / 
 
706 FRANCISCANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 part of the Fernandinos; but probably they did not so 
 regard it, and we may suppose that the negotiations 
 were harmonious and the result satisfactory to both par 
 ties. Iriarte had doubtless desired the northern coast 
 region for his order, but he could hardly insist on this 
 claim now that the Franciscans were in actual posses 
 sion ; moreover the north-eastern region was regarded 
 as a land of wonderful and mysterious possibilities, 
 more desirable in several respects as a missionary field 
 than the coast; and it was obviously preferable that 
 the two orders should follow distinct lines of spiritual 
 conquest rather than mingle their establishments. 
 We may suppose the Franciscans at first wished to 
 retain some of the southern missions; but doing so 
 they could hardly refuse to give up some of the nor 
 thern also; clearly a division of the peninsula estab 
 lishments would present many inconveniences; they 
 were disgusted with current difficulties in the south; 
 and they were better acquainted than their rivals 
 with the attractions of the north. It is doubtful, how 
 ever, if the Fernandinos fully realized at the time how 
 excellent a bargain they had struck. 
 
 Though the agreement was somewhat different from 
 what had been expected, there was no reason for op 
 position on the part of the viceregal government; in 
 deed Bucareli was only too glad to escape so easily 
 from what had threatened to be ?. very tedious contro 
 versy. The concordato was approved in a junta of 
 April 30, 1772, which also arranged the formalities 
 and minor details of the surrender. 22 The Dominicans 
 were to receive a stipend of $350 from the pious fund, 
 one year's pay in advance, and travelling expenses. 
 $1,000 was to be given for each new mission, besides 
 the necessary ornamentos. The Franciscans were to 
 deliver the missions by formal inventory. In a letter 
 of June 10th the guardian announced the result to 
 
 22 Junta of April 30, 1772, in Fonseca and Urrutia, Hist. Hacienda, vi. 
 306-10; Palou, Not., i. 190-5; Arch. Sla B., MS., ix. 370-G; Mayer MSS., 
 no. 18J. The viceroy's decree of approval was dated May 12th. 
 
. 
 
 FEUD WITH BARRI. 707 
 
 Palou, directing him to surrender the property and to 
 send the Franciscans to the college, except four des 
 tined for the Monterey establishments. 
 
 We return to California with the guardian's letter 
 arriving at Loreto late in August. The news was 
 welcomed with demonstrations of joy. Palou in 
 structed the friars to prepare their accounts and be 
 ready for the surrender when their ' brothers arid suc 
 cessors' should arrive, one remaining at each mission, 
 and the rest coming to Loreto. On October 14th ten 
 Dominicans arrived on the Lauretana, and were hos 
 pitably entertained, declining to accept a transfer of 
 the missions until President Iriarte should arrive. 
 Eight Franciscans, however, departed before the end 
 of the year. 23 
 
 In December the feud with Governor Barri received 
 a new impulse. The viceroy's reply to the memorial 
 of December 1771 in an evil hour now came to hand, 
 and was made known to the friars in a circular letter. 
 It would have been much more prudent for Palou to 
 regard the document as a thing of the past with the 
 issues of which it treated ; but he could not resist the 
 temptation to let his partial victory be known to his 
 associates and to the governor. Barri heard of the 
 circular and was perhaps misinformed as to its con 
 tents. At any rate he sent to Palou an exhorto, in 
 which he charged him with having announced the re 
 ceipt of orders conferring absolute authority upon the 
 president, and called upon him to show his orders or 
 retract what he had said, as the circular had caused 
 much insubordination. Palou quietly denied that he 
 had received, or pretended to receive, any such in 
 structions. Soon he learned, however, through the 
 Dominicans that Barri had secretly planned to have 
 the Indians of San Javier go on a certain day to Lo 
 reto to protest against the intolerable cruelty of the 
 Franciscans, who, as they were to declare, had lately 
 
 23 PP. Martinez, Echasco, Somera, Palacios, Imas, Arreguibar, Parron, and 
 Lago. Palou, Not., i. 208. 
 
708 DOMINICANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 received orders from Mexico by virtue of which the 
 natives would soon be all destroyed. Palou at ones 
 summoned padres Murgiiia and Santa Maria to 
 Loreto; and the Dominicans persuaded the Indians 
 not only to confess that they acted under Barri's insti 
 gation but to forego their purpose, since, the mission 
 being now transferred to another order, the appeal 
 could do no good. Thus was the shabby scheme frus 
 trated to the great vexation of the governor, who is 
 said to have indulged in very violent written and 
 verbal abuse of the president, and to have tried 
 without success at the time to stir up enmity be 
 tween the two orders. 
 
 Meanwhile the rest of the Dominicans sailing from 
 San Bias on the San Carlos had been wrecked, suf 
 fering terribly both by sea and land. Four of the 
 number died, including President Iriarte, who thus 
 perished before tasting the first fruits of his great 
 enterprise. 24 The news came to Loreto in April 1773. 
 Padre Vicente Mora, then in California, became act 
 ing president on the death of Iriarte; but declined to 
 formally accept the missions until confirmed in his 
 office. He consented, however, to take the property 
 belonging to the proposed new establishments, and to 
 begin work on the inventories. Loreto at once be 
 came a scene of unusual industry. The Franciscans 
 insisted on the greatest care in every item of the 
 accounts, because the vindictive Barri had accused 
 them of having plundered the missions. The result 
 proved so says Palou, and there is no reason to 
 doubt it that all was in perfect order, mission funds 
 and dues having increased from $8,960 to $10,046 
 since the expulsion of the Jesuits; and President 
 Mora was satisfied that he had not been cheated. 
 
 The rest of the Dominicans arrived on the Con- 
 cepcion and Lauretana the 12th of May, and after 
 ceremonies of thanksgiving and welcome they were 
 
 24 A full account of the journey by Padre Sales, one of the sufferers, in 
 CaL , Noticias, carta iii. 49-54. 
 
MISSION PROPERTY. 709 
 
 sent at once to their respective missions, which in 
 the south, as everything was ready, were promptly 
 transferred to their care. At Loreto there were 
 special ceremonies, including speeches of congratula 
 tion and farewell by members of both orders. It now 
 only remained for Padre Palou to attend to a few 
 matters preparatory to his departure for Alta Cali 
 fornia, whither he had resolved to go with seven of 
 his associates, instead of four^as at first intended. 25 
 First there was the collecting of some cattle which 
 by the viceroy's order were to be furnished for the 
 north. Barri had prevented the carrying-out of the 
 order, and now Mora seemed disposed also to inter 
 pose obstacles. Palou decided to leave the matter 
 in charge of Padre Campa with instructions to urge 
 the demand but not insist to the extent of making 
 trouble. 26 There was also authority to take twenty- 
 five Indian families for Monterey, and these he hoped 
 to obtain on the way northward. He started with 
 ten Dominicans on May 4, 1773, in a sloop and two 
 boats for Mulege, subsequently visiting and delivering 
 successively Guadalupe, San Ignacio, Santa Gertrudis, 
 Borja, Santa Maria, and San Fernando. He obtained 
 a few families at Santa Gertrudis, not without trouble, 
 for the Dominicans declared that President Mora 
 had forbidden it; and at Borja they showed a writ 
 ten order forbidding it. Nevertheless he took seven 
 families. Soon Palou and six companions started 
 from San Fernando, where supplies had been col 
 lected for San Diego, arriving at the end of August. 
 Padre Cambon was left behind in charge of certain 
 
 O 
 
 church property. 
 
 This property was a portion of the ornaments and 
 utensils which by order of Galvez had been taken 
 
 25 See Hist. CaL, i., this series, for particulars about the padres who went 
 to the north. 
 
 26 Mora and Barri promised Campa in October 1773, to attend to the 
 matter ; but he could not get the cattle. Excuses followed excuses, and at 
 last hearing that the governor had written to Mexico to break up the whole 
 arrangement he reported to Palou in April 1774, and sailed for Mexico to 
 consult with the guardian. Palou, Not., ii. 156. 
 
710 DOMINICANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 from the old for the new missions. The visitador had 
 no doubt full powers to appropriate the property, and 
 he had also paid for it more or less fully in cloth for 
 the natives and in other ways. Palou sent a mule 
 train from San Diego for supplies and for a part of 
 the 'church effects in question. Governor Barri saw 
 here a last opportunity to annoy the Franciscans, and, 
 insisting that the property had been stolen, ordered 
 Lieutenant Velazquez in command at Velicatd, not to 
 permit its removal. Cambon could do nothing but 
 report this fresh annoyance. In some way Barri had 
 induced President Mora to act in concert with him, 
 either persuading him that he had really been cheated, 
 or forcing him to vindicate himself from charges of 
 complicity, or because the Dominican wished to prove 
 by investigation that the Franciscans had been wrong 
 fully accused. Whatever his motive the president 
 joined the governor in a demand to be allowed to 
 search for stolen property. Cambon refused on the 
 ground that complete inventories and receipts satis 
 factory to both parties had already been signed. 
 Thus the matter remained until Junipero Serra re 
 turned from Mexico to Monterey with an order from 
 the viceroy that the property should be forwarded 
 without delay. This order reached Velicata in July 
 1774, but it was nearly a year before the last of the 
 goods were delivered, President Mora having been 
 more active in interposing petty obstacles than even 
 the stubborn governor. 27 The Franciscans had now 
 no further claims of importance upon the peninsula 
 missions; the surplus friars had departed for Mexico; 28 
 and the Dominicans were in full possession. 
 
 By the reglamento of presidios in 1772 the Cali 
 fornia establishments were continued on the same 
 
 27 Full details of the controversy in Palou, Not., ii. 158-205. 
 
 28 PP. Gaston, Sancho, Santa Maria, Kloboo, Linares, and Tejada had 
 sailed on the Conception May 27, 1773. PP. Villaumbrales and Sierra with 
 the sindico Manuel Garcia Morales sailed on another vessel June 15, to touch 
 at Cerralvo for the southern padres. PP. Veytia and Villaumbrales died 
 before reaching the college. 
 
GOVERNOR NEVE. 711 
 
 basis as before with an annual allowance of 33,000. 29 
 Echeveste's reglamento, to take effect from the begin 
 ning of 1774, and resulting indirectly from the efforts 
 of Padre Serra in his visit to Mexico, introduced 
 some slight changes in the military administration. 
 This regulation applied to both Californias and 'the 
 San Bias department, containing very little affecting 
 the peninsula alone. For details therefore the reader 
 is referred to another volume of this work. Thirty- 
 seven men was the garrison allowed to the fort at 
 Loreto, or Presidio de Californias as it was often 
 called, at an annual cost of $12,450, besides the gov 
 ernor's salary. 30 
 
 Governor Barri's constant quarrels with the padres 
 could have but one result. The friars had much 
 influence at the capital, and rarely appealed in vain 
 when it would cost nothing to satisfy them. How 
 Barri agreed with the followers of St Dominic is not 
 recorded; but in any case it was now too late to mend; 
 his doom was sealed. At his own request 31 he was 
 removed, to be given soon a better position as gov 
 ernor of Nueva Viscaya; and Felipe de Neve was 
 appointed on October 28, 1774, governor of the 
 Californias, his instructions being dated still earlier, 
 the 30th of September. According to this doc 
 ument the change was made in order that the 
 country might be under a ruler of wisdom, zeal, and 
 administrative ability, not disposed to create scandal 
 by quarrelling with the friars, it being thus implied 
 that Barri was not such a man. Neve was to follow 
 
 Presidios, Recjlam. 6 Tnstruc., 114-20. 
 
 s SeeJJist. Cal. i., this series; Reylamento de 2 4 de Mayo 1773; Arch. Cal., 
 Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxxvii. 3-4; St. Pap. Ben., MS., i. 3-4. The 
 force was to be : a governor at a salary of $4,000; a lieutenant in command of 
 troops, $500; a sergeant, $400; 3 corporals at $350; 30 soldiers at $300; and 
 a comisario at Loreto, $1,500. The governor and comisario might collect 
 their pay whenever "they pleased; but the rest were to be paid in goods at 
 100 per cent discount, which reduced the actual cost to $10,965. There are 
 some errors in Palou's version, partially corrected by Doyle in his reprint, 
 iii. 89. 
 
 31 Viceroy to Rivera, Oct. 28, 1774. Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 
 191. 
 
712 DOMINICANS IN THE PENINSULA. 
 
 Galvez' instructions when not conflicting with the 
 reglamento or later orders; and he was to maintain 
 harmony with the missionaries, superintending and 
 reporting on their work, but not interfering in their 
 legitimate duties, the care, instruction, and punish 
 ment of neophytes. Neither must the father president 
 in any way impede the legal acts of the governor 
 or his subordinates. The Indians were to be pro 
 tected and well treated, but by no means allowed to 
 lose their respect for the secular authorities. The 
 governor had no direct authority over the comman 
 dant in Alta California, though nominally his political 
 superior and entitled to respect and full reports. 
 Every possible precaution was to be taken to prevent 
 the entrance of foreign vessels, and also all trade with 
 Spanish vessels, not excepting the Manila galleon. 
 Owners of cattle must be compelled to brand them, 
 in order that the herds of wild cattle might be appro 
 priated to the use of the troops, the navy, and the 
 Indians. Accounts must be strictly investigated and 
 regulated; and especially was attention to be given 
 to the Santa Ana mines, which though worked on 
 his majesty's account at great expense had yielded 
 not an ounce of silver for the treasury. 32 Owners of 
 private mines were also to be compelled to pay the 
 royal fifths as they had not regularly done. Finally 
 the governor was enjoined to preserve peaceful rela 
 tions with the comisario and other royal officials as 
 his predecessor, always in a quarrel with Toledo, had 
 failed to do. 33 
 
 Such being the special instructions received directly 
 from the viceroy, Neve left the capital on October 9th, 
 the day after his formal appointment, and the 4th of 
 March 1775 he arrived at Loreto. He took imme- 
 
 32 The viceroy says that 1,318 Ibs. of quicksilver had been used, which 
 ought to have given as many marks of silver. In Arch. Cal.,P.rov. Itec., MS., 
 i. 151-2, however, it is recorded that in 1770 1,408 marks of silver were 
 shipped from Sta Ana to Guadalajara on royal account. 
 
 * 3 Bucareli, Instruction, 30 de Sept. 1774, MS., in Arch. Cal., St. Pap., M. 
 and a, MS., L 309-20. 
 
DEPARTURE OF BARRI. 713 
 
 diate possession of the office, and ex-governor Barri 
 set sail for San Bias on the 26th, doubtless greatly 
 to the relief of his old adversaries the friars. 34 Neve 
 was a very able man, but his acts and character will 
 be much more fully shown in the History of Alta 
 California than in this volume. 
 
 **Arch. Cal.,Prov.Itec. t MS., i. 1; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 187-9. 
 
CHAPTEE XXVI. 
 
 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 1775-1800. 
 
 NEVE'S RULE REFORMS TROUBLES WITH PADRES ROSARIO AND SANTO 
 DOMINGO RIVERA Y MONCADA IN COMMAND INDIAN TROUBLES 
 DOMINICAN RECORDS SAN VICENTE SMALL-POX HIDALGO PRESIDENT 
 NEVE'S REGLAMENTO RIVERA'S DEATH CUSTODIAS THREATENED 
 FAGES GOVERNOR HARD TIMES ARRILLAGA IN COMMAND EXPLO 
 RATIONS SAN MIGUEL MISSION REPORTS PADRE SALES' NOTICIAS 
 GOVERNOR ROMEU PRESIDENT GOMEZ SANTO TOM AS NEW FRIARS 
 SAN PEDRO MARTYR BORICA OFFICIAL CHANGES ARRILLAGA'S TOUR 
 SANTA CATALINA WAR WITH ENGLAND PRESIDENT BELDA A BRIT 
 ISH FLEET GOVERNOR ARRILLAGA FINANCIAL ITEMS LIST OF DO 
 MINICANSLOCAL AFFAIRS. 
 
 THOUGH a man of marked ability, and of the best 
 intentions, Governor Neve soon discovered the diffi 
 culties of his position. A few days after his arrival 
 we find him complaining to the viceroy that the 
 country is destitute of everything necessary. Ships, 
 horses, clothing, and especially arms are needed. 1 
 Next he finds the thirty-four soldiers of the Loreto 
 garrison an inadequate force and asks that it be in 
 creased. 2 At the end of the year, visiting the south 
 ern missions he reports it impossible to support them 
 as the lands are barren and there is no one competent 
 to till them. He is disappointed that Galvez' pro 
 jected renovation of Loreto has not been put into 
 effect. The visitador had left elaborate rules for the 
 management of the royal revenues from tobacco, 
 
 1 March 30, 1775, Neve to viceroy. Arch. CaL, Prov. Rc.c., MS., i. 2. May 
 24, 200 mules and 100 horses to be purchased in Souora, says viceroy to 
 Eivera. Id, Prov. St. Pap., i. 174. 
 
 'July 24, 1775. /<., Prov. Eec. t MS., i. 153. 
 
 (714) 
 
NEW MISSIONS. 715 
 
 quicksilver, salt, the king's fifths of bullion, pearl- 
 fisheries, and other sources, in all estimated at $34,000. 
 But how can these rules be carried out, laments the 
 poor ruler, when there is no revenue except some 
 $200 from pearls and salt? 3 
 
 At the same time Neve betrays signs of having 
 met the fate of his predecessors. Despite the vice 
 regal injunctions it is evident that he was already on 
 bad terms with the friars, at whose door he lays many 
 of the existing evils. It had been Galvez' aim to 
 make the Indians self-dependent; but this does not 
 suit the ideas of the padres, who would thus be de 
 prived of their absolute control of mission products. 
 Therefore, he claims, the natives will never be freed 
 until the viceroy takes decisive steps toward seculari 
 zation, and especially until a president is appointed 
 who is free from the spirit of faction and lust of gain. 4 
 
 The governor by no means gave all his time to 
 grumbling, however, but took a deep interest in the 
 missions' welfare. With much satisfaction he informed 
 the viceroy of satisfactory progress at the new mis 
 sion of Rosario founded in 1774; 5 and also that an 
 other new mission of Santo Domingo had been estab 
 lished north of Rosario by padres Manuel Garcia and 
 Miguel Hidalgo. 6 Neve w T as also active in carrying 
 out other special instructions. One Carpio was ar 
 rested for sailing from a California port without per 
 mission; and intercourse with the galleon was strictly 
 
 3 Nothing could be done to secure the royal fifth of pearls from the few 
 poor armadores. It had become the custom to accept a fixed sum, say $50 by 
 contract. Formerly the fifths were paid on the good faith of the armadores, 
 and yielded 27 Ibs in 1744, 54 Ibs in 1745, and 55 Ibs in 1747. Neve to vice 
 roy, Dec. 30, 1775, in Id., Prov. Rec., i. 150-1. 
 
 *Id., i. 149-50. The southern missions badly administered. Id., i. 147. 
 
 5 March 23, 1775. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 5-6. P. Francisco Galistis was 
 the minister, and the site is called Vinaraco. In Col. Noticias, carta iv. 60, 
 it is called Vinatacot, and in a table its position is given as 173 1. N. w. of 
 Lorcto, in lat. 29 30', long. 255 (from Ferrol?). Aug. 8, 1775, 528 baptisms 
 here and at S. Fernando. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 154. Date given as 1782 in 
 LeesSs Hist. Outline, 10. 
 
 6 Nov. 29, 1775. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 157. The founding was on or about 
 Aug. 30. Sto Domingo 20 1. beyond Rosario, 194 1. N. w. Loreto, lat. 30 30', 
 long 254. Cat. Noticias, carta iii. 64, and table. 
 
716 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 forbidden. 7 Inspection proved that the Santa Ana 
 mines had been abandoned for three years, but this 
 did not prevent Neve from estimating their value to 
 the treasury to the fraction of a real as over one 
 thousand pesos. 8 Two more small vessels were added 
 to the mission flotilla. The plan for appropriating 
 unbranded cattle seems to have proved impracticable. 
 Fifty head were slaughtered, but the expense was 
 greater than the beef would have cost at the mis 
 sions. This was a staggering blow to the theory that 
 the padres demanded exorbitant prices. 9 Complaints 
 were heeded to some extent by the viceroy. He 
 ordered the drawing-up of a formulario with the aid 
 of Padre Mora for the better government of the mis 
 sions ; and he directed the president to carry out the 
 orders of Galvez respecting the transfer of native 
 families from the north; though Mora evaded com 
 pliance on the plea that it was not conducive to the 
 liberty and health of the Indians. 10 
 
 In the latter part of 1776 Governor Neve received 
 orders to take up his permanent residence at Monterey, 
 while Rivera y Moncada was to come to Loreto and 
 rule the peninsula as lieutenant-governor. A leading 
 motive of this change, besides the growing importance 
 of the northern domain, was the controversy of Ri 
 vera with the Franciscans, by one of whom he had 
 been excommunicated, and with Colonel Anza, whom 
 he had refused to assist in carrying out the viceroy's 
 instructions. In the minds of many Rivera's conduct 
 called for removal from the service rather than a new 
 command of such responsibility; but his past services 
 
 ''Arch. Col., Prov. Rec., MS., i. 4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 9-10. 
 
 8 Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., i. 152. In 1776 orders not to hinder the 
 shipping of bullion from Sta Ana, so work may have been resumed, Id., i. 
 50; but all is vague about these mines. 
 
 9 On May 12, 1776, Neve suggested that as an experiment the administra 
 tion of one mission should be put unreservedly in his hands. Arch. CaL, Prov. 
 Rec., MS., i. 52-3. There is no reply, but probably such summary seculari 
 zation met with no favor. 
 
 10 Feb., April, 1776. Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., i. 51, 58-9; Prov. St. 
 Pap., MS., i. 283-5. 
 
PENINSULA MISSIONS. 
 
 717 
 
 BAJA CALIFORNIA IN 1800. 
 
718 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 and undoubted abilities Saved him at this juncture. 11 
 In November Neve put Lieutenant Caiiete in tempo 
 rary command, and started for Monterey, where he 
 arrived in February 1777; and a little later Rivera 
 started for the south and soon relieved Canete. Neve 
 did not, however, lose sight of peninsular affairs. He 
 soon- found cause of complaint against the comisario, 
 Francisco Alvarez y Osorio, and recommended the 
 appointment of Alferez Jose Maria Estrada in his 
 place as guarda almacen at a reduced salary. 12 
 
 Rivera also showed commendable diligence in his 
 new position; but it was not long before disputes 
 began to arise with the Dominicans. In May 1777 
 President Mora asked for more soldiers on the fron 
 tier, where some fugitive neophytes had joined the 
 pagans. Rivera declined to increase the guards with 
 out consulting Neve, and this drew from the presi 
 dent a very sharp letter. He claimed authority to 
 obtain such military aid as he needed, declared con 
 sultation with the governor an unnecessary farce, in 
 sisted that the government had done all in its power 
 to humiliate the padres, and threatened to abandon 
 th*e frontier missions if the guard were not sent. The 
 captain, however, was quite unmoved by this outburst 
 of ecclesiastical wrath, and retorted that the padres 
 might retire from the frontier whenever they pleased; 
 but they did not carry out their threat. 13 Yet it was 
 not from mere caprice that Mora demanded more 
 soldiers; for just now the Indians were particularly 
 troublesome, and not altogether by their own fault. 
 The Dominicans, with less experience as missionaries, 
 were harder masters than either Jesuits or Francis 
 cans had been, exacting comparatively excessive labor 
 
 11 See Hist. CaL, i., this series, for a full account of Rivera's troubles in 
 the north. 
 
 12 Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 78. The change was made in 1780. 
 Galleon at S. Jos6 Dec. 24, 1776. Prov. Rec., i. 58. 
 
 13 Correspondence inAreh. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 265-82. Another 
 cause of controversy was Rivera's refusal to arrest one Secena who had failed 
 to keep his contract to pay the California tithes of $60 a year. He put an em 
 bargo on his property, but refused to arrest a man on whom a family depended. 
 
VAGUE RECORDS. 719 
 
 and administering severe punishments. At Santa 
 Gertrudis and San Borja, the Indians confessed their 
 intention to plunder and burn the missions, boldly 
 declaring that they were weary of being beaten and 
 imprisoned by the padres and would endure it no 
 longer. It was necessary to make an example of such 
 hardened offenders, and a number of them after being 
 tried at Loreto and found guilty of rebellion, were 
 severely flogged, the . leaders being also banished to 
 the south. 14 
 
 We have now reached the beginning of a period 
 extending over many years of which it is impossible 
 to write a coherent chronological history, so scanty 
 are the records. Salvatierra, Venegas, and the rest 
 have furnished a copious account of the Jesuit period; 
 Palou and his associates have left satisfactory material 
 for the Franciscan occupation; but the Dominicans 
 have left no account of their labors. 15 This is the 
 more strange when we consider that the members of 
 this order were in a general way men who surpassed 
 the Franciscans in education, learning, and culture. 
 It would appear that they accomplished nothing in 
 California worth recording even in their own estima 
 tion. To make the matter worse the secular archives, 
 elsewhere so invaluable for filling gaps in the sys 
 tematic chronicles, are here singularly barren of in 
 formation. They are bulky enough it is true, but 
 treat of such trivial matters in^ so disconnected a way 
 that they can hardly be called historical material. In 
 fact there was little to be recorded. The reader is 
 acquainted with the monotony of provincial annals in 
 other Hispano- American regions after the era of con 
 quest had once passed; but nowhere was life more 
 monotonously uneventful than in Baja California. 
 From the scattered items of routine military, finan- 
 
 li Arch. Cal., Prov. Sec., MS., ii. 98; Prov. St. Pap., ii. 10-12. 
 15 The Noticias de Calif ornias of Padre Sales will be noticed later. It is 
 for the most part not historical but descriptive. 
 
720 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 cial, and missionary reports I shall be able later in 
 this chapter to present some statistics of considerable 
 interest. Occasionally from the ocean of fragmentary 
 data on the number of muskets and lances at Loreto 
 or other similar topic looms up as an island a royal 
 cddula, a viceregal inetruccion, the founding of a mis 
 sion, an epidemic or revolt, the arrival of a vessel, 
 an ecclesiastical scandal, or a petty quarrel between, 
 officials. These are the piers on which the historian 
 has to build a frail bridge to carry the reader over 
 the gulf of years that have no record. 
 
 In 1779 Governor Neve renewed his efforts to 
 transfer natives from north to south, and with them 
 to form pueblos as Galvez had planned and as the 
 viceroy desired. The president objected to this policy 
 as a covert attempt at secularization, and the Indian 
 families were for the most part sent back. 16 About 
 this time Mora sent Padre Nicolas Nunez to Arizpe 
 to solicit aid for a new mission and to ask from Gen 
 eral Croix certain privileges for the friars, some of 
 which were granted. 17 The new mission, named San 
 Vicente Ferrer, was founded in 1780 by padres Hi 
 dalgo and Joaquin Valero at a spot some twenty 
 leagues north of Santo Domingo. 18 The year 1781 
 was made memorable by a terrible plague of small 
 pox. The Indians fled affrighted from the missions, 
 many of which were entirely deserted. The mountain 
 caves and canons were filled with the dying and dead, 
 who had thought to elude their foe by concealment, 
 
 16 Neve to Croix, June 4, 1779. Arch. Cal, Prov. JRec., MS., i. 129-31. In 
 Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, app. 16-17, are some geographical data on the penin 
 sula dated 1779. 
 
 17 These were non-interference with mission servants and the crews of 
 mission vessels except in cases of urgent necessity ; the mission vessels to be 
 allowed to carry goods for others on payment of duties; Guaymas and Tama- 
 zula missions in Sonora to be ceded to California, one friar being sent to each; 
 missions to be paid for supplies furnished ; Indians to be excused so far as 
 possible from courier service. Other matters to be considered later. Arch 
 Cat., Prov. St. Pap., MS., ii. 104-8. 
 
 18 0ct. 24, 1780, Neve to Com. Gen. Arch. Cal, Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 29-30. 
 San Vicente, 214 1. N. w. Loreto, in lat. 31 25', long. 254. CaL, Noticias, 
 carta iii. 105. 
 
THE SMALL-POX. 721 
 
 as many dying of starvation as of the pestilence. 
 Each person attacked was at once abandoned -by his 
 friends, and left to battle with the disease according 
 to his own methods, burning the pustules with torches 
 and bathing in cold water being favorite remedies. 
 The padres and soldiers did what they could by 
 searching for deserted or orphan children; and Padre 
 Crisostomo Gomez is said to have saved many of the 
 Indians at San Ignacio by inoculation. The disease 
 was supposed to have been brought by some families 
 from Sonora, and it raged for nearly a year. 19 It was 
 in this year or the next that Father Mora was suc 
 ceeded in the presidency by Miguel Hidalgo. 20 
 
 In August 1781 Lieutenant Diego Gonzalez was 
 appointed to succeed Velazquez in command of the 
 northern frontier with head-quarters and half a dozen 
 picked soldiers at Rosario, subject to the orders of 
 Captain Rivera. The soldiers were not to be em 
 ployed in bringing back runaway neophytes, and 
 receipts were to be given for all supplies furnished by 
 the missions. 21 Two months later the king deigned 
 to turn his attention to the peninsula, issuing on the 
 24th of October a new reglamento for the military 
 establishment which had been prepared two or three 
 years before by Governor Neve. 22 It increased the 
 
 19 Arch. Col., Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 87, 91; Cal, Noticias, carta iii. 67-96. 
 Father Sales claims that the friars were not allowed to visit the mountains as 
 often as they wished ; else more lives would have been saved. 
 
 Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., i. 127, 180; ii. 66-7. Mora retired on account 
 of illness. He left no account of the tithes collected in the south for the last 
 five years. Mora's final departure seems to have been in Sept. or Oct. 1783. 
 Id., iii. 181. 
 
 21 Aug. 15, 1781, Neve's instructions. Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 
 309-17. 
 
 2 *Neve, Renlamcnto 6 Instruction 1779, MS., 75 pages. Some of the lead 
 ing features of this regulation, for more details of which see Hist. Cal., i., 
 this series, were in substance as follows : Lists of supplies needed to be sent 
 annually by the captain to viceroy direct. Troops to pay for supplies, in 
 cluding arms and horses, at cost prices. The comisario to attend to payment 
 of troops and distribution of supplies, subject to intervention of the captain. 
 The presidio to have 24 mules at cost of treasury, to be maintained at expense 
 of fondo de gratification. Force to consist of captain, $1,500; lieutenant, 
 $550; alfdrez, 8400; 2 sergeants at $262.50; 3 corporals at $225; 31) privates at 
 $217.50; total, with fondo de gratificacion,$W for each soldier, $12,522.50. A 
 sergeant and 6 men to be stationed at Sta Ana; lieutenant, 2 corporals, and 
 HIST. N. HEX. STATES, VOL. I. 46 
 
722 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 military force to forty-six men, including officers, to 
 cost $14,518 per year, including the expense of the 
 naval establishment. The regulation also embraced 
 an order for the immediate establishment of the new 
 missions to connect the peninsula settlements with 
 those of Alta California. One padre only was allowed 
 for each mission, except at Loreto, where one of the 
 two served as chaplain, and in the two frontier mis 
 sions. The prelates could not move friars from one 
 mission to another; and the royal patronato must be 
 strictly observed. 
 
 The Dominicans seem to have taken but little in 
 terest in the extension of their missions to the far 
 north-east; at least we hear of no protest from them 
 when the Queretaro Franciscans founded two estab 
 lishments on the Colorado directly in the line of what 
 should have been Dominican advance. These mis 
 sions were destroyed by the savages in 1781; and at 
 the time Captain Rivera was killed while on his way 
 with colonists for Alta California. Full particulars 
 of this disaster are given elsewhere. 23 Alferez Jose 
 Maria Estrada assumed the command at Loreto after 
 Rivera's death, until in 1782 the place was given by 
 the comandante general of Provincias Internas to 
 Manuel de Azuela, lieutenant of the Santa Fe com 
 pany and brevet captain. Azuela perhaps did not 
 come to Loreto; for soon Lieutenant Joaquin Cafiete, 
 who shortly before had succeeded Velazquez, was 
 made captain that he might retire with that rank, as 
 he did at the end of 1783, when Captain Jose Joaquin 
 de Arrillaga was promoted from the Texas presidios 
 to the command of Loreto. Meanwhile Felipe de 
 
 23 men at the northern missions. Naval department to consist of carpenter 
 at $132; smith, $120; caulker, $120; for the sloop Pilar master, $120; keeper, 
 $84; 8 sailors at $72; expense supplies repairs, 1 sloop and 2 lighters, etc., 
 400. Total, $1,996 per year, the crew of the lighter S. Juan Nepomuceno 
 being suppressed, and the craft kept ready for any emergency. The habili- 
 tado was to continue collecting a fixed sum from pearl-fishers in place of the 
 royal fifths. Details of military system and routine were substantially the 
 same as in Alta California. 
 
 23 See Hist. CaL, i. ch. xvii., this series. The same volume contains all 
 that is known of Ivivera's life and character. 
 
CUSTODIAS THREATENED. 723 
 
 Goycoechea took Caiiete's place as lieutenant in 1783, 
 and was succeeded the next year by Jose Francisco 
 Ortega. This left Arrillaga, Ortega, and Estrada as 
 the commissioned officers. 2 * 
 
 The Dominicans were seriously disturbed in 1783 
 by a report that the missions were to be taken from 
 them and given to the Franciscans, not Fernandinos, 
 however, but Observantes. Bishop Reyes had brought 
 some friars from Spain, and was- bent on establishing 
 two custodids, one in Sonora and the other in the 
 peninsula. There was violent opposition from San 
 Fernando and the other Franciscan colleges, as well 
 as from the Dominicans. President Hidalgo went 
 over to Sonora for a personal interview with the 
 bishop, who finally abandoned his project. And so 
 pleased was Reyes with the Dominican administration, 
 that he not only advised their continuance in the 
 peninsula but also their substitution for the Fernan 
 dinos in the north, on account of the latter's opposition 
 to Neve's reglamento. 25 
 
 Neve had now been made comandante general of 
 the Provincias Internas, and Pedro Fages had become 
 governor of the Californias. Fages visited Loreto in 
 1783, and busied himself in arranging a variety of 
 military details, and in regulating the relations be 
 tween soldiers and Indians, especially in the north. 
 The force of twenty-one men on the frontier 26 seems 
 absurdly small, yet it was almost always sufficient to 
 maintain order, which shows either great efficiency on 
 the part of the troopers, or singular apathy and cow 
 ardice on that of the natives. It was a hard life for 
 the friars, much less zealous missionaries than their 
 predecessors and much more particular in their ideas 
 of bodily comfort; and in this year their position was 
 
 zl Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 10, 25, 32, 36, 221; Id., Ben. MiL, 
 xxii. 9. 
 
 2 'Palou, Noticias, ii. 394-5, being the last item recorded in Palou's stand 
 ard work; CaL, Noticias, carta iv. 71-5, including a letter of the bishop to 
 Gen. Neve, dated Dec. 13, 1783. 
 
 26 Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 228-30. There are 2 men at S. Fer 
 nando, 5 at Rosario, 6 at Sto Domingo, and 10 at San Vicente. 
 
724 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 more unbearable than ever. One vessel was lost, and 
 only one small lancJia must suffice for the supply ser 
 vice, so that all classes were reduced to destitution. 27 
 Though there was but one friar at most of the mis 
 sions, many of the number wished to retire, but were 
 not permitted to do so by the governor and general. 
 Nevertheless some of them managed on one pretext 
 or another to pass over to the main, including the ex- 
 president, Mora; and one, Padre Naranjo, was expelled 
 for misconduct. 28 Governor Fages did what he could to 
 remedy the deplorable condition of affairs, as is shown 
 by his many instructions from Monterey. 29 But he 
 was far away, and the natural poverty of the country 
 with the disaffection of the padres made reforms well 
 nigh impossible. Orders were given to strictly enforce 
 the revenue laws, but there was no revenue. And in 
 vain the Indians were shifted from one part of the 
 peninsula to another to equalize population and re 
 sources. No more progress was made in ecclesiastical 
 than in civil affairs. 
 
 Such was the country's condition when at the end 
 of November Captain Arrillaga arrived as lieutenant- 
 governor. Being a man of considerable ability and 
 energy he at once set himself to mending matters. 
 He procured another small vessel for transportation, 
 and in 1784 obtained $8,000 worth of supplies from 
 across the gulf. 30 Early in 1785 he made a tour of 
 inspection, finding the people everywhere struggling 
 to live. A drought had ruined all crops. There was 
 nothing but meat to eat; not a shop or a dealer in the 
 country; mining entirely suspended. The best lands 
 
 zl Arch. Cal, Prov. Pec., MS., iii. 180, 205; Prov. St. Pap., iv. 47-8; xxi. 
 83. Arrillaga in 1783 found the soldiers wearing any clothes they could get; 
 many families unable to go to church by reason of nakedness; and only 40 
 fanegas of maize in the royal storehouse. No money or supplies in 1781, very 
 little in 1782, none in 1783. 
 
 Arch. Cal., Prov. fiec., MS., iii. 181, 183, 207; Prov. St. Pap., v. 75-6. 
 
 Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 214-24. Particularly in June and July, 1783. 
 
 sop rov Pap., MS., v. 71, 91-2; xxi. 83. A new tariff for native prod 
 ucts. Id., v. 79. The San Francisco de Paula, or Hercules, touched at S. Jos6 
 in November, 1784, and grounded, "but was got off. Id., v. 134-5; vi. 126. 
 She was a privateer from Macao, under Count San Donas. 
 
FOUNDING OF SAN MIGUEL. 725 
 
 were monopolized by the missions, though Arrillaga 
 now ventured to make some grants to settlers pro 
 visionally. The Indians were sadly neglected, espe 
 cially in the south. The prices fixed by the tariff 
 were so high that the officer intrusted with the sale 
 of the wild cattle had not done a stroke of business 
 for eight years. 31 
 
 Despite the miserable condition of existing estab 
 lishments, the founding of new missions was now 
 contemplated, in order to close" up the gap between 
 those of baja and alta California. Early in 1785 
 Fages made some explorations, and chose a place called 
 Ericino as the best mission site near the boundary and 
 the west coast. 32 Padre Luis Sales of Sari Vicente 
 was instructed to find an intermediate site between 
 his mission and the Encino, and started with a party 
 of soldiers under Lieutenant Ortega in April 1785, 
 discovering the future site of Santo Tom as de Aquino 
 in the Grulla and San Solano mountains. 33 Early in 
 1786 by the general's orders to found the new mis 
 sions as soon as possible, Fages sent another expedi 
 tion to Encino, but the Indians kept the frontier in 
 such a state of turmoil 34 that nothing was accomplished 
 till March 1784, when the mission of San Miguel was 
 founded by Padre Sales at or near Encino, the site 
 being several times changed in later years. 35 The 
 new mission was put in the military jurisdiction of 
 San Diego, from which presidio was sent a guard 
 
 31 Arrillaga's report of Feb. 15, 1785, in Arch. CaL, St. Pap.. Miss, and 
 Col.,L 1-4. 
 
 32 Velazquez, Diario y Mapa 1783, MS.; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 107-8, 191. 
 
 33 Ortega to Fages April 15, 1785. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 236-9; Cal, 
 Noticiax, carta iii. 77-86. 
 
 34 On Indian troubles see Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 37, 109-11, 
 164-0, 174-6. 
 
 **Pron. St. Pap., MS., vii. 40. Moved to S. Juan Bautista Canada in 
 1788. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 211. Negrete, Soc. Hex. Georj., Bol, vii. 354, tells 
 us it was later restored to the original site. Padre Sales, Cal., Notlcias, 
 carta iii. 81 et seq., who gives some details, says, however, that the original 
 site was San Juan, not mentioning any change ; and he implies that his ex 
 ploration for Sto Tonics was subsequent to the founding of S. Miguel. Ac 
 cording to Arch. CaL, St. Pap. Sac., MS., viii. 45, and Lassepas, Baja CaL, 
 106, San Miguel was founded at least 10 years before 1787. 
 
726 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 of six men under Sergeant Ignacio Alvarado. Five 
 men were also furnished by the comanclante of the 
 frontier. Hough fortifications were erected, and 
 though the surrounding Indians were hostile the 
 lieutenant succeeded by chastisements and bribes in 
 reducing them to comparative order. In May 1787 
 Ortega, being appointed to a command in the north, 
 was succeeded by Lieutenant Diego Gonzalez. 36 
 
 In 1786 two important reports were made on the 
 condition of the missions by order of the viceroy, one 
 by President Hidalgo and the other by Governor 
 Fages. 37 They agree substantially on the miserable 
 condition of the country, though they give but few 
 statistics. The natives, noted for their stupidity and 
 indolence, generally understood Spanish, especially in 
 the south; and preaching was in that language. Their 
 numbers had been greatly reduced by pestilence, and 
 nearly all the survivors, according to Fages, were 
 suffering from syphilitic diseases. Deaths outnum 
 bered births more than three to one. In the north, 
 where the neophytes were still somewhat numerous, 
 most of them lived in the mountains, only nominally 
 attached to the communities. There were few cattle 
 except at two or three missions. Fertile lands were 
 of very limited extent. For two or three years there 
 would be no rain; and then would come a flood de 
 stroying the crops. No new friars had come for 
 fifteen years; many had died, and some lost their 
 reason, and now there were twenty-one in charge of 
 sixteen missions. There w r as no revenue except the 
 products of the little patches of maize, wheat, figs, 
 dates, and a few vines, added to the padres' stipends. 
 
 Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 17, 260-4; Prov. St. Pap., vii. 78-85, 
 17(M). 
 
 *' Hidalgo, Informe sobre la condition actual de las Misiones de Bfija Cali 
 fornia, 1786, MS., in Pinart, Doc. Hist. Mex., 243-52, dated in Mexico, 
 March 20, and including some preliminary correspondence. 
 
 Pages, Informe del Estado de las Misiones que estaban al cargo de los regu- 
 larcs ^extinguidos, 1786, MS., in Arch. CaL, St. Pap. Miss., i. 9-17. Dated 
 Monterey, Oct. 20. 
 
PADRE SALES' WORK. 727 
 
 Yet some improvements had been made at several 
 places at a cost of 24,000. Church decorations and 
 furniture were generally in good condition. In justice 
 to the Dominicans, as Fages urged, the large contri 
 butions to the Jesuits in former times should be taken 
 into account. The policy of transferring Indians from 
 north to south was a bad one; yet certain changes 
 were favored by both president and governor. Some 
 local items will be given later. To his report Hi 
 dalgo added an elaborate set of regulations in one 
 
 O O 
 
 hundred articles which he had prepared for the routine 
 duties of padres and of neophytes. 33 
 
 Among the padres who left the country in 1788 or 
 the next year was Father Luis Sales, author of the 
 only work on California published by the Dominicans. 
 The book is largely descriptive and does not purport to 
 present a connected historical narration even of the 
 Dominican period; yet it affords much useful infor 
 mation and has been often cited in these chapters. 39 
 
 38 Hidalgo, Ordenes y Ynstrucciones generates qne en consequencia de la 
 vislta hecha par el 11. P. Fr. Miguel Hidalgo, etc., MS., in Pinart, Doc. Hist. 
 Mex., 253-61. 
 
 Pages closes his report as follows : ' Y para decirlo todo, las misiones de 
 San Jose", Santiago, Toclos Santos, San Javier, Loreto, Comondii, Cadegomo, 
 Guadalupe, y Mulege" van a- pasos gigantes d sn total extincion. La razon es 
 de tal evidencia que no deja duda. El mal galico domina d ambos secsos y 
 en tal grado qne ya las madres no conciben, y si conciben sale el feto con poca 
 esperanza de la vida. Hay mision de las citadas, que ha mas de mi ano y 
 meses que en ella no se ha bautizado criatura alguna, y la que mas no llega it 
 cinco bautizados, siendo cosa digna de admirar que esceden los muertos en el 
 ano pasado de los de edad de 14 anos para abajo a los nacidos. Con todos 
 los adultos, son triples los muertos que los iiacidos. ' The prices in 1788 were: 
 wheat, 3; maize, $1.50; horse, $7; mule, $15; bull, $5; cow, $6; sheep, 2; 
 goat, $1; ass, 4. Cal., Noticias, carta iii. 104. 
 
 S9 Noticias de la Provincia de Californias en tres cartas de un sacerdote reli- 
 c/ioso, hijo del real convento de predicadores de Valencia d un amigo suyo. 
 Valencia, 1794, IGmo, 104, 96, 104 pp. and sheet. The letters are signed 
 ' F. L. S.' and the archives contain ample material to identify him with Fray 
 Luis Sales, though this identity is now announced for the first time. The 
 first letter treats of geography and the Indians ; the second includes historical 
 material on the Jesuit and Franciscan periods, with a report on Nootka 
 affairs; and the third treats largely of the Dominican occupation and the 
 author's own experience. The letters bear no dates; the first and second 
 were written from San Miguel mission, California, and the third from San 
 Miguel, Azores Islands, whither the author had come as chaplain on a man- 
 of-war from Vera Cruz. In carta i. 92-3, he speaks of a pestilence and revolt 
 in 1788-9, the dates being doubtless misprints. To about this date belongs 
 a good account of California from Vencgas, and Cal. } Noticias, etc., in Viayero 
 Univ., xxvi. 
 
728 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Nothing happened worthy of mention for several 
 years. In the spring of 1791 Jose Antonio Romeu 
 arrived at Loreto and assumed command of the Cali- 
 fornias as governor, succeeding Fages, and soon pro 
 ceeded to Monterey by land. About this time Lieu 
 tenant Gonzalez, dissatisfied with his position on the 
 frontier and involved in quarrels with the padre at 
 San Vicente, was retired and replaced apparently by 
 Jose Francisco Ortega. Alferez Estrada died in 
 1791, and was soon succeeded by Ildefonso Bernal. 40 
 The padres were still restless and many of them were 
 kept in the country against their will; and a reen- 
 forcement of four, not named, arrived this year, with 
 two scientific men sent by the king to make observa 
 tions. About this time or perhaps some years earlier, 
 since Hidalgo's report of 1786 was written in Mexico 
 Padre Juan Crjsostomo Gomez became president of 
 the missions. 41 
 
 On the 24th of April 1791, after some controversy 
 between the governor and president about the site, in 
 which the latter had his way, the mission of Santo 
 Tomds de Aquino was founded at San Solano, between 
 San Vicente and San Miguel, being put in charge of 
 Padre Jose Llorente. Gomez proposed to establish 
 three more missions in the north, but it was forbidden 
 by the viceroy until a presidio could be founded in 
 that region. 42 In April 1792, on the death of Gov 
 ernor Romeu, Arrillaga became acting governor, and 
 Ortega lieutenant-governor, the former being ordered 
 to Monterey the next year. Eighteen more friars 
 arrived in 1792, twelve in August and six in Sep 
 tember. The latter had a narrow escape from drown- 
 
 40 Arch. Crl., Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 30, 38, 52, 57, 95, 124, 128, 172-3; 
 xi. 42-7, 164; St. Pap. Sac., v. 86-7; Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 414-15. 
 
 -Arch. Cal, St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 28-9, 104; iv. 3; v. 93-4; Prov. St. 
 Pap., 28, 33. The scientists were Jaime Sensebe and Jose" Longinos Mar 
 tinez. As Gomez is called sometimes Juan Antonio, and as Juan Cris6stomo 
 had tried to retire, it is possible that there were two of the name, the presi 
 dent being Antonio. 
 
 ^Arch. Cal., -St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 89-90; i. 27-8; Prov. St. Pap., x. 
 124-5; xxi. 79. Negrete inSoc. Mex. Geofj., Bol., viii. 352, says that Sto To- 
 mas was moved a league westward in 1794, being thus 10 1. from S. Vicente. 
 
SAN PEDRO AND SANTO TOMAS. 729 
 
 ing when their vessel was wrecked and most of the 
 cargo lost some twenty miles from Loreto. As the 
 missionary force was now larger than was needed, 
 some thirteen got leave to retire. Padre Gomez was 
 one of the number, and Padre Cayetano Pallas became 
 president. 43 
 
 Viceroy Revilla Gigedo in his mission report of 
 1793 furnished for the king a general view of the 
 California establishments, their" past history and pres 
 ent condition, containing, hovever, no special informa 
 tion which requires notice here. 44 In this year also 
 explorations were made by the viceroy's order result 
 ing in the finding of a site between Santo Domingo 
 and Rosario, where the new mission of San Pedro 
 Martyr de Verona was established on April 27, 1794, 
 by President Pallas, the site, being called Casilipe by 
 the natives. The pagans gave much trouble to Ser 
 geant Jose Manuel Ruiz, commandant of the guard, 
 stealing the cattle, threatening an attack, and extend 
 ing their hostilities to Santo Tomas and San Miguel. 
 Before the end of the year San Pedro was moved a 
 short distance to a place where the natural defences 
 were stronger and the soil more fertile, Santo Toma*s 
 being also moved somewhat higher up the Canada 
 of San Solano. 45 
 
 The newly appointed governor, Don Diego de 
 Borica, arrived at Loreto on the 12th of May, 1794, 
 took possession of his office two days later, and in 
 July started for Monterey, Arrillaga returning pres 
 ently to his former position at Loreto, and being pro 
 moted to be lieutenant-colonel in 1795. Ortega was 
 
 43 Arch. Cal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 76; xxi. 72,74, 76, 160; Id.,Ben., ii. 1. 
 
 "Revilla, Gifjedo, Carta sobre Misiones, 27 de Die., 1793, v. 427-30. Also 
 in MS. in Arch. Cal. , St. Pap. , Miss, and- Col. , MS. , i. 1-28; Mayer MSS. , no. 1 1 . 
 
 *Arch. Cal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 49, 87, 143-4; xii. 107, 117; xxi. 
 79-80, 111, 130-1, 192; Id., Ben. Mil, xx. 4; Prov. Rec., i. 211-12; vi. 138-9; 
 St. Pap. Miss., ii. 36-8; St. Pap. Sac., ix. 80; Arch. Arzob., MS., i. 37; Oaceta 
 de Me.x., vi. 544. Taylor, Cal. Farmer, March 21, 1862, erroneously gives 
 the date of founding S. Pedro as April 20. The locality is generally given as 
 12 to 14 1. east of Sto Domingo. 
 
730 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 retired at this time and his place as lieutenant taken 
 by Francisco de Koa, who came with Borica. But 
 Roa proved to be "effeminate, more fond of amuse 
 ments than of attending to his duties, and ruled by 
 his wife, who disgusted everybody;" and at his own 
 request he was transferred to the mainland in 1795. 46 
 A much more efficient officer was Alferez Bernal, 
 who early in 1795 was sent to make a tour of inspec 
 tion in the south, visiting every establishment. After 
 Bernal's return Sergeant Luis Lopez was put in com 
 mand of the southern district, being furnished with 
 elaborate instructions. Among the latter was a clause 
 ordering him to " observe good conduct, or at least 
 pretend to." 47 
 
 For several years it had been contemplated, with 
 the consent of the friars, to suppress some of the 
 poorer missions; and this measure was finally carried 
 out in April 1795 with respect to Santiago and Gua- 
 dalupe. 48 Meanwhile the country east of San Miguel 
 and Santo Tomas was being explored with a view of 
 
 46 Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 141-2, 152; xii. 14, 71, 75-8, 88, 
 152; xiii. 93; xxi. 199, 201-5, 213-14; Id., Ben. Mil., xxi. 7; Prov. Rec., i. 
 212; vi. 23, 27, 32-3, 36, 134; Arch. Arzob., MS., i. 40. Gov. Borica was 
 pleased with the condition of affairs on his way north. He found at Loreto 
 good bread and meat, home-made wine, olives, and oil, fruits, vegetables, and 
 tish. He sent a barrel of brandy and another of olives to a friend in Mexico; 
 also some octagonal wine-colored stones which proved of no value. Fr. 
 Mariano Fernandez is named as vice-president of the missions in 1794. Arch. 
 Arzob., MS., v. 88. Roa seems not to have gone to the frontier but became 
 habilitado at Loreto during his stay. 
 
 *'' Bernal's diary of his tour, Arch. Cal, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 132-8. 
 Arrillaga's instructions to Lopez, Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 110-15. Some infor 
 mation about Bernal in St. Pap. Sac., MS., i. 55; v. 789. He was 33 years 
 old in 1795, and had been in seven campaigns against the Apaches. Report 
 by Arrillaga on condition of missions. St. Pap. Miss., MS., ii. 33-6. On re 
 sources of the country, timber, etc., Castro, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 1. 1795-6, 
 correspondence on a Baja California contribution of $1,486 for the war against 
 France. Prov. Rec., v. 318, 340; Prov. St. Pap., xiii. 93-4. In the same years 
 there was considerable correspondence on the subject of education, caused 
 by a royal order, and resulting apparently in the founding of a primary school 
 at Loreto. Prov. Rec., v. 339-40; vi. 79; viii. 194-5,207; Prov. St. Pap., xvi. 
 127; Jd., Ben. Mil., xxvii. 3. 
 
 Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 110-11, 141; xiii. 84; Id., Ben., i. 
 43-4; Id., Ben. Mil, xxii. 6; Prov. Rec., viii. 195; xi. 48; St. Pap. Miss., 
 ii. 80-1; Arch. Arzob., MS., i. 39. The neophytes of Santiago were added 
 to San Jose", and those of Guadalupe to Purisima. At Guadalupe the mission, 
 property was put in charge of Luis Aguilar and his heirs on joint account of 
 himself and the government. The mission was restored in 1833. 
 
AREILLAGA'S TOUR. 731 
 
 extending the occupation towards the Colorado as 
 soon as practicable. In October 1794 Sergeant Ruiz 
 and Padre Yaldellon examined a site called Santa 
 Catalina midway between Santo Tom as and the head 
 of the gulf, and another near it called Portezuelo. 
 Alferez Bernal continued the explorations in 1795 
 until the region was pretty well known; and there 
 are indications that some efforts were made to explore 
 the upper gulf coast by water. 49 The western coast 
 was also explored, but not in "a manner that pleased 
 the Spaniards, by John Locke, the captain of the 
 Resolution, an English whaler. This vessel well laden 
 with oil touched at San Miguel in the middle of 1795, 
 afterwards obtaining some supplies at Todos Santos, 
 and leaving San Jose in October. The visit drew 
 out from Governor Borica strict orders that foreign 
 craft should not be allowed to remain in Californian 
 ports longer than hospitality demanded, trade being 
 prohibited, and constant precautions urged, especially 
 against the English. 50 
 
 Lieutenant-governor Arrillaga started in June 1796 
 to explore in person the northern regions. Landing 
 at San Luis from the Saturnina, he visited San Fer 
 nando, Rosario, and Santo Domingo, arriving at San 
 Vicente on the 1 3th of July. Here he found much 
 excitement in consequence of troubles with the Ind 
 ians. Not only were the pagans hostile, but the neo 
 phytes of San Pedro had deserted in a body, refusing 
 to return unless a new padre were appointed. 51 From 
 San Vicente Arrillaga went on to the Santa Catalina 
 site with eleven men. Here some five hundred na 
 tives had been gathered in five rancherias awaiting 
 the promised mission. Returning he started again 
 
 49 Correspondence and BernaPs diary in A re h. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., 
 xii. 117; xiii. 128-32; 244-56; Prov. Rec., v. 307-10, 313-14; Arch. Arzob., 
 MS., i. 43; Castro, Doc. Hist. CaL, MS.,'i. 1. 
 
 Arch. Col., Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 108-9, 261-4; xiv. 111-12; Prov. 
 Rec., v. 334; viii. 202. 
 
 51 Bernal had been sent in May and June to investigate. There had been 
 some soldiers wounded and Indians killed in the troubles. Bernal's journal, 
 dated June 25, is in Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 9-12. 
 
732 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 for the east and south, visiting Santo Domingo, San 
 Pedro, and San Felipe on the gulf coast, and reached 
 San Vicente again the 31st of August. On Septem 
 ber 5th he started on a still more extended trip far to 
 the north-east, past Santa Catalina, and to the Colo 
 rado on October 18th. Here he had a fight with the 
 Indians. 52 Thence the explorer turned to the north 
 west and reached San Diego on the 27th of October. 
 Returning to the south he dated his diary at San 
 Vicente the 9th of December, 53 returning to Loreto 
 in January. Arrillaga's leading object had been to 
 learn if it were practicable to open communication by 
 land with Sonora. It had been his opinion before, 
 and it was confirmed by his tour, that it was useless 
 to open such a route unless it could be protected by a 
 strong garrison; and he did not now favor the meas 
 ure. Yet he suggested two plans; the first to found 
 a presidio at Santa Olaya, with detachments at So- 
 noita and San Felipe; and the second, which he 
 preferred, to place the presidio at the mouth of the 
 Colorado to secure a supply route and line of retreat 
 by water. 54 
 
 First, however and last as it proved it was nec 
 essary to found the new mission of Santa Catalina 
 Martyr, some twenty leagues north-eastward of San 
 Vicente, as a base of supplies for the proposed presi 
 dio. This was ordered by the viceroy and governor; 
 and after some delay, for it was regarded as a danger 
 ous post to be strongly fortified and garrisoned, the 
 founding was accomplished on November 12, 1797, 
 by padres Jose Llorente and Tomds Valdellon. Of 
 the mission's early annals in addition to the founding 
 
 52 Borica's letter of Nov. 17. Arch. Cal., Prov. Rec., MS., y. 352-3. The 
 fight is not mentioned in Arrillaga's journal. One soldier was killed and seven 
 were wounded. The Indians had seven killed. 
 
 ^Arrillafja, Journal deuna Exploration en lafrontera del Norte 1796, MS., 
 in Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., xiv. 93-9. He also appears to have written 
 another narrative, Id., xvi. 126-7, which lie called Sobre Aventuras del 
 Camino para Sonora y Nuevo Mexico, prepared at Loreto. 
 
 54 Oct. 26, 1797, Arrillaga to Borilla. Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 
 136-40. Nov. 7, Id. to Id., Prov. Eec., v. 352-3. 
 
WAR WITH ENGLAND. 733 
 
 nothing is known. 55 In 1796 also, and this was 
 another motive of Arrillaga's tour, was agitated the 
 scheme of separating the two Californias into distinct 
 governments. Governor Borica advocated the meas 
 ure, and no opposition from any quarter is recorded ; 
 yet nothing was accomplished until after the end of 
 the century. 56 
 
 It had been known to the Californians that Spain 
 was on the verge of a war with England, the effect 
 being much foolish excitement. All foreigners were 
 regarded as possible foes; harmless traders were 
 arrested and sent to Mexico; and couriers dashed to 
 and fro with orders and reports as if the country were 
 already invaded. The mere rumor of possible war 
 causing all this ado, the reader may imagine the ex 
 citement when it was known in 1797 that war had 
 actually been declared. The records overflow with 
 martial correspondence; nearly $2,000 was contributed 
 for defence; 57 muskets by the half-dozen were sent to 
 exposed points; the militia was organized; and elabo 
 rate instructions were issued to subordinate officials/ 8 
 There were only about fifty soldiers in the whole 
 peninsula; and the garrison at San Jose del Cabo, one 
 of the points regarded as most important and most 
 likely to be attacked, was five soldiers and two armed 
 citizens. But the people were not discouraged; and 
 the governor was confident that the invader would be 
 repulsed with ignominy. The drowsy spell ever 
 hanging over the peninsula was for a time exorcised; 
 and more paper was used for official correspondence 
 
 K Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., v. 365-6, 369-78; vi. 52-3,57,62-3, 199- 
 200; Prov. St. Pap., xv. 178, 202, 235-6; xvi. 97, 102-3, 145-6; xxi. 8-11; 
 St. Pap. Miss., ii. 114-17; Leese's Hist. Outline, 11; Lassepas, BajaCal., 104. 
 These two writers incorrectly date the founding in 1795. 
 
 50 Borica, Proyecto sobre division de Californias 1796, MS. Dated at Mon 
 terey Sept. llth. Approved of fiscal in Mexico Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., 
 MS., 140-2; also references in Prov. Rec., iii. 268; v. 343-4; viii. 159. Re 
 vival of the scheme in 1802. Arch. Sta. B., MS., xi. 429-32. 
 
 57 Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 181; v. 357. 
 
 bS Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 108-9, 117-18; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 
 129, being Arrillaga's instructions to Aguilar commanding in the south and 
 to Ruiz in the north. 
 
734 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 than for cigarettes. The shabby unpaid trooper 
 patched up his leathern armor in grim anticipation of 
 a brush with a foe worthy of his Spanish valor; the 
 vecino furbished up his rusty firelock, an heirloom 
 from the days of Otondo, more deadly to the patriot 
 at the butt than to the invader at the muzzle ; and 
 even that poor cowed creature, the neophyte, twanged 
 the bow of his savage sire and footed it in the war- 
 dance to show his anxiety to defend the country he 
 had lost in behalf of those who had robbed him of it. 
 Unhappily for those who hoped to earn glorious 
 laurels, but fortunately for the navies of Great Britain, 
 the conquest of California was not attempted. True 
 a fleet of sixteen sail was sighted off San Miguel, but 
 after $1,000 had been spent in publishing the alarm, 
 the disappointed and warlike watchers had to admit 
 that they had been threatened by nothing more for 
 midable than an armada of clouds. 53 
 
 In August 1797 eight new padres arrived at Lo- 
 reto; and the next year a number of the old friars were 
 permitted to retire. Among the latter was President 
 Pallas, who was succeeded by Padre Vicente Belda. 60 
 
 Meanwhile Santa Catalina, counted on as a base of 
 supplies for a new and important extension of Spanish 
 dominion, had not prospered as had been expected. 
 The mission was barely self-supporting, and the Do 
 minicans had no other direction in which to extend 
 their field. How r ever, the padres of Santo Tomas 
 were permitted to occupy the fertile valley of San 
 
 * 9 Arch. Cal, Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 71, 75, 213-14, 376; Prov. St. Pap., 
 MS., xvi. 256. Viceroy Branciforte Instruc., MS., 32-8 gives some 
 attention to California and its defenceless condition. See also Azanza, Instruc. 
 187. 
 
 60 The new-comers were: Codina, Lazaro, Rivas, Escala, Fontcuberta, Cau- 
 las, Surroca, and Saiiz. Arch. CaL, Prov. Rec., MS.,- viii. 212-13. Those ob 
 taining leave to retire aboiit this time were: Rafael and Antonio Caballero, 
 Concepcion, Salgado, Tejeir,o, Coello, and Llorente. Pallas did not leave the 
 country till 1800. Llorente is praised by the governor as a very able mission 
 ary, who has extended his travels as far as San Francisco in Alta California. 
 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 226; xvii. 87, 226; xxi. 45; Prov. Rec., v. 401, 405; 
 vi. 54, 91, 108, 190, 195-6, 220, 277; viii. 9; St. Pap. Miss., ii. 118; Arch. 
 Arzob., MS., i. 54, 56. 
 
i; 
 
 A NEW ALARM. 735 
 
 Rafael on condition of being always ready to furnish 
 supplies at fixed prices; and at the same time a num 
 ber of families were sent from other missions to Santa 
 Catalina. 61 
 
 The warlike excitement of 1797 had nearly subsided 
 into the normal calm, when in 1799 the country was 
 rudely awakened from its lethargy by an incident that 
 caused a speedy renewal of precautions against the 
 English. On the 9th of May four vessels, unmistak 
 ably British and not clouds this time, anchored near 
 Cape San Lucas. One captive and three deserters 
 fell into the hands of the Spaniards. Once six boats 
 ut off from the fleet towards the mission San Jose, 
 ut w r ere frightened back by hostile demonstrations 
 on shore; the ships sailed away on the 13th; and the 
 prisoners were sent to Loreto, and later to San Bias, 
 representing themselves as belonging to an English 
 whaler. 62 
 
 This event of course caused a repetition of former 
 defensive measures. Sergeant Aguilar in the south 
 was ordered not only to organize a militia company, 
 but to arm the natives; "for," said Arrillaga, "the 
 English have a great dread of the Indians, especially 
 in their war-paint and feathers;" and there was soon 
 an opportunity for the display of these aboriginal ter 
 rors. On June 10th two strangers appeared at Santa 
 Ana and told their story to Aguilar. The Mercedes, 
 a Spanish coasting sloop, Captain Bernardo Suarez 
 Infanzon, had been captured near the Tres Marias by 
 one of a fleet of four English privateers. Infanzon 
 had given exaggerated accounts of the defences of San 
 Bias, and had offered a ransom of 3,000 for himself 
 and vessel, hoping to warn the California transport to 
 
 ^Arch. Cal, Prov. Rec., MS., v. 381-5; vi. 97, 206, 211; Arch. Arzob., 
 MS., i. 40-50. 
 
 62 Their names are given as Edward Hanckton, James Idelsh (Welsh?), 
 Thomas Millar, and Win. Thompson. The vessel was the Bersey (Mersey ?), 
 owner Edward Bennett, master Obed Clark. The prisoners are said to have 
 been offered to an English captain, who refused to take them, advising that 
 they should be hanged. Arch. Cal., Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 16, 291-3; xxi. 
 17, 22-3; Id., Ben. Mil., xxvii. 5; Prov. Rec., viii. 20, 29, 124-5, 192-3. 
 
736 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 sail on June 6th. The privateers preferred supplies 
 to money, and came to California to obtain them, 
 sending a sailor and passenger ashore as messengers. 
 Infanzon also sent a letter asking the comandante to 
 pay the ransom, but with the greatest possible delay. 
 Aguilar went to the shore with a few cattle, and 
 promised to have the full amount ready by the 16th, 
 which w r as done, and the privateers set sail next clay, 
 no blood having been shed. The delay enabled the 
 transport Activo to escape, for she arrived at Loreto 
 the very day of the privateers' departure, when a 
 strange sail was also seen off Coronado Island. On 
 the 20th two foreign ships anchored near the cape, 
 landing some in en to obtain water. This party was 
 attacked next day and forced to reembark under cover 
 of the ships' guns, from which five rounds of grape 
 were fired. Then the strangers put to sea, doubtless 
 disgusted at so inhospitable a reception. 63 
 
 Naturally the panic increased. Strange vessels 
 were continually being sighted at one point or an 
 other, often the same craft seen over and over again, 
 until the Spaniards imagined themselves surrounded 
 by a great British fleet seeking an opportunity to 
 'seize the peninsula. These fears were doubtless for 
 the most part groundless. There were perhaps a dozen 
 English vessels, mostly whalers or fishermen, with 
 heavy armaments for defense, in these waters at the 
 time. 64 They w r ere ready enough for mischief should 
 a transport vessel come in their way; and occasion 
 ally approached the land for water or supplies. That 
 they had no intention of taking the peninsula is best 
 proved by the fact that they did not do it. Both 
 viceroy and governor came finally to this conclusion. 
 
 63 The vessels were recorded as the Bestor, Claar, master and commander 
 of the fleet; the Bet-salt, Captain Moos; the Vinas, Capt. Moore; and the Pa- 
 jaro (Bird?), Capt. Poull. All were armed with 12-pounders and swivel- 
 guns and had crews of 30 men. There were four others in the fleet, not named. 
 Arch. Cal.,Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 131; viii. 21-7, 124, 127, 221-4; Prov. St. 
 Pop., xvii. 293; xxi. 18-19, 21; Id, Ben. Mil., xiii. 10-19; xxvi. 9. 
 
 64 Aguilar puts the number at 19. Arch. Cal. } Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 
 230; and others as high as 24. 
 
END OF THE CENTURY. 737 
 
 Soon the mysterious vessels were seen no more in the 
 gulf; the militia was gradually disbanded; and the 
 country relapsed into its customary state of repose, 
 rendered doubly sweet to the people doubtless by the 
 proud consciousness that they had frightened off the 
 invader. 60 
 
 Early in 1800 Governor Borica left California, and 
 died at Durango in July of the same year. Thus 
 Arrillaga became governor ad interim, though ordered 
 to continue his residence at Loreto. The last year of 
 the century was a quiet and uneventful one on the 
 peninsula. 
 
 I append three notes, 66 compiled from material 
 furnished by the bulky but fragmentary records pre 
 served in the Spanish archives of Alta California, on 
 peninsular affairs for the last twenty years of the 
 
 65 Miscellaneous correspondence, showing the presence of a few vessels in 
 1800 and additional measures of precaution before quiet was completely re 
 stored: Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 237-8, 271, 277-8, 303-4; xxi. 
 20-1, 25, 27-31, 43: Id., Dm. Mil., xxvi. 17; xxviii. 1-2; Prov. Kec., v. 331, 
 407; vi. 129; viii. 32-3, 128, 222; Azanza, Instruc., 184-5. 
 
 66 Financial statistics : Pay-roll of presidial company per year, average for 
 12 years, $12,928; id. for marine department, $2,326; expenses of repairs, 
 etc., marine dept., 1790-4, $5,434. Inventories of effects in warehouse at 
 end of each year but apparently sometimes including only goods, or supplies, 
 and at others all property average for 11 years, $9,565; the extremes are, 
 $1,630 in 1785, and $20,97(5 in 1799. Memorias from Mexico, average for 15 
 years, $13,861; but this included drafts on the treasury and a small amount 
 of coin, less than half being goods sent from Mexico. Memorias of supplies 
 from San Bias, aveiage for 13 years, $4,762. Totals of habilitado's accounts, 
 1781-9, $144,527 and $145,348. Balance against the presidio, 1787-94, 
 $16,579. Royal revenues on an average, $4,611 per year; composed of 
 tobacco sales, $2,817; tithes, $275; salt, $211; post-omce, $91; sales of cattle, 
 $693; and alcabalas, pearls, land tribute, freights, etc., $598, the largest 
 item, that of alcabalas, or excise taxes, being doubtful. The tithes were 
 generally rented for a period of years. Pearl-fifths in 5 j r ears were $2-! Com 
 missions on tithes and mails were 10 per cent, on tobacco sales 8 per cent. 
 Sajaries, 1793: captain, $1,500; lieutenant, $550; alf^rez, $400; 2 sergeants 
 at $262.50; 3 corporals at $225; 47 soldiers at $217.50; retired captain 
 (Cafiete), $500; sergeant, $120; corporal, $96; soldier, $96. Total force, 59 
 men; cost, with gratification fund of $470, $15,154.50. Naval department: 
 carpenter, $240 ($132 in 1789); smith, $240 ($120); caulker, $240; patron, 
 $240 ($168); guardian, $192 ($84); arraez, $192 ($84); 14 sailors at $120 ($72 
 and $60). Prices: mule, $12-$16; horse, $9; calf, $2-$4; cow, $5-$6; ox, 
 $6-80.50; maize, $1.75 per fanega; tallow, $2; lard, $3. See a full account 
 by Habilitado Estrada for 1781-9, in Arch. CaL, Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 197- 
 209; also, Id., vi. xi.-xiii. xvi. xxi., passim; Id., Ben. Mil., iii.-xxvi., passim; 
 Id., Ben. Miscel, i. 2-3; Prov. Rec., vi. 36, 211; viii. 16, 42, 125-6, 160, 199, 
 235-6; St. Pap.,Prcs., i. 51; Id., Sac., iv. 19; v. 81; vi. 116; ix. 45. 
 HIST. N. MEX. STATES, VOL. I. 47 
 
738 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 century. The first is a collection of financial items 
 which are very voluminous, but at the same time 
 fragmentary. The reader may find much additional 
 information on some phases of the topic in the annals 
 of Alta California, where the routine was similar 
 
 Local items and statistics of Baj a California missions, 1768-1800, in nearly 
 geographical order from south to north: San Jose del Cabo, founded 1730. 
 In 1708-7*2 in charge of a curate and of the Franciscans Moran and Eioboo. 50 
 Lid. in 1772; 28 in 1782; 71 in 1785; 63 in 1790; 57 in 1791; 156-7 in 1793-4; 
 81 in 1798; 256 in 1800. Live-stock from 1782 to 1800, with great variations 
 in the intermediate years: horses, 163 to 546; cattle 535 to 388; sheep and 
 goats, 575 to 282; mules and asses, 68 to 1; hogs, none except 8 in 1788. 
 Grain from 180 tq 250 fanegas, records for only 4 years. Money and valu 
 ables in 1782, $300. Between 1768 and 1786 good buildings replaced misera 
 ble huts; but in 1793-4 the chapel had been destroyed by a flood; church 
 poorly furnished; adobe house of two rooms, thatched roof. Dominican 
 padres: Lafuente, 1788, Urreta to 1793; Zarate, 1794-8; Surroca, 1797-8. 
 
 Santa Ana, real de minas. founded in 1708. Mines regarded as exhausted 
 before 1772. A garrison- of 36 men in 1776. Br. Isidro Ibarzabal curate, 
 1768-76. Viceroy refused to pay for a church. In 1794 a few gente de 
 razon and free Indians tended by padre of Todos Santos 12 leagues distant. 
 P. Lafuente serving as curate in 1795, succeeded by Arbiua in 1796. He was 
 allowed 2 head of \vild cattle per month. Population given as varying from 
 700 to 500 in 1790-1800, of whom less than 200 were Indians. 
 
 Todos Santos, at first a visita of La Paz founded in 1720, but later made 
 the head town of the mission and transferred to the Pacific coast of the 
 peninsula. In 1768-72 it was in charge of the Franciscans Ramos, Murguia, 
 Figuer, Senra, and Sanchez. The Dominican in charge from 1790 to 1798 
 was Padre Fernandez with Hontiyuelo in 1797. This mission had a good 
 adobe church, and a chapel, perhaps of masonry, was built before 1786. The 
 padre's house had a stone corridor in 1793-4. There were also a sugar-mill 
 with 5 boilers, a forge, and a distillery. $4,000 due the mission in 1772, and 
 a debt .of $2,081 was paid in 1784. There were 170 Ind. in 1772; 135 in 1782; 
 80 in 1791, and 181 in 1800. There were 140 horses in 1772; from 462 to 751 
 in 1782-93, and 390, in 1800. Cattle: 400 in 1772; 888 in 1782, and in later 
 years about 720. Sheep and goats, 250-70 in 1772-82, not mentioned later. 
 Mules, from 75 to 125. 
 
 Santiago de los Coras, mission founded 1723. Franciscans, 1768-72, PP. 
 Murguia, Rioboo, and Villuendas; besides P. Baeza as curate. The Domin 
 ican Hontiyuelo in charge 1790-4. 70 Ind. in 1772, living by killing stray 
 cattle; 43 in 1782; 41 in 1790; 23 in 1791; 70 in 1793-4. Horses and mules, 
 90 to 250; cattle, 250 to 600; sheep and goats, 80. Crops, from 30 to 150 
 fan. Resources in 1784, $248. In 1795 the mission was suppressed by order 
 of Gov. Borica, the neophytes being sent to San Jose", and the estate turned 
 over to Salvador Castro. 
 
 San Francisco Javier, founded 1698, but transferred about 1720 to S. 
 Pablo, one of its visitas. Franciscan PP. 1768-72, Palou, Escudero, Usson, 
 and Parron, who baptized 83 and buried 115 Ind. Dominicans Soldevilla 
 1790-8, with Acebedo in 1794, and Marin in 1797. Some vines, fruit, and 
 corn, much troubled by drought and locusts. 212 Ind. 1772; from 169 to 111 
 in 1782-1800. Horses and mules varied 1782-1800 from 100 to 200; cattle, 
 from 200 to 300; sheep and goats from 500 to 600, though there had been 
 1,000 in 1772. Grain crops were from 200 to 350 fan. ; and there were some 
 years 50 or 60 tinajas of wine. In 1793 the mission had a stone house and 
 church, a library, and a forge. Resources, $565 in 1782-4. 
 
 Loreto, mission and presidio, founded 1697. Franciscans 1768-72, Serra, 
 Parrou, Sta Maria, Palou, and Murguia. Mission endowed by Galvez with 
 
LOCAL ITEMS. 739 
 
 and the record comparatively complete. Next is 
 given a series of local items for the peninsula missions 
 from .1768 to 1800. Reports on these establishments 
 were made by the president to the governor in Mon 
 terey, and therefore these reports after 1782 are found 
 in my Archive de California. They show a popula- 
 
 $250 per year in 1770. Dominicans 1790-8, Armestro, Pallas, Gallego, Ace- 
 bedo, Fernandez, Belda, and Sanz. 1GO Ind. in 1772; 70 in 1782; 152 in 
 1790; 37 in 1798. The total population of mission and presidio in 1790-1800 
 was from 450 to 600, more than half being of" Spanish or mixed blood. The 
 presidio had a few hundred head of horses and cattle, but statistics are very 
 meagre, and there are none at all for agriculture. The mission live-stock 
 was 100 to 250 horses and mules, and 120 to 350 cattle, but there were no 
 sheep. There are no reports of crops, which were very small. The church 
 in 1793-4 was chiefly of brick, 56 x 7 varas in size, and richly decorated. The 
 library contained 466 volumes. 
 
 Comondii (S. Jose"), founded 1708. Franciscans 1768-72, Martinez, Pres- 
 tamero, and Pefia. Dominicans 1794-9, Tejeiro, Coello, and Sanchez. 216 
 Ind, in 1772; 80-70 in 1782-90; 50 in 1793-4; 40 in 1798; 28 in 1800. This 
 mission had generally 1,200 or 1,300 sheep, but few or no cattle; horses and 
 mules were from 300 to 200, and there were 20 to 40 swine. Crops were from 
 300 to 400fanegas down to 1793, with 35 to 120 tinajas of wine and brandy; 
 but later the grain crop seems to have diminished to 100 fan. and less. Re 
 sources were estimated at over $2,000 in 1782-4. The church was built of 
 masonry with arched roof, 30 x 13 varas with 3 naves, and richly furnished. 
 The library had 126 volumes. 
 
 Purisima Concepcion de Cadegomo, founded 1718. Franciscans Crespf, 
 Gaston, Echasco, and Palacios, who baptized 39. The only Dominican 
 named is Sanchez in 1794-8. 168 Ind. in 1772; 81 in 1782, decreas 
 ing to 61 in 1800. Live-stock varied remarkably if the records are relia 
 ble: horses and mules, 164 in 1782; 80 in 1788; 263 in 1800; cattle, 60, 422, 
 51, 150; sheep, 400, 2,000, 896; hogs, 30 to 40. Grain crop, 100 to 400 fan., 
 besides 40 to 100 tiuajas of wine and bandy, and an abundance of figs. Some 
 cotton was raised in early years. There was often too much water. Adobe 
 church with thatched roof, 25 x 6.5 varas. Few ornaments. Library of 200 
 volumes. 
 
 Mulege" (Sta Rosalia), founded 1705; Franciscans 1768-72, Gaston, Sierra, 
 and Arreguibar, who baptized 48 and buried 113. Damaged by flood in 1770. 
 Dominicans who found it nearly deserted and spent $3,000 on irrigation 
 works before 1786 PP. Narango 1783, Herrera 1790, Gallego 1795-1800, 
 Timon 1800. 180 Ind. in 1772; 75 in 1782; 56 in 1793; 76 in 179.8; 90 in 1800. 
 Horses and mules, 113 in 1782; 84 in 1787; 190 in 1793; 148 in 1800; cattle, 
 75 to 100, sometimes none; sheep and goats, 1,100 to 412 in 1772-86; about 
 275, 1788-1800. Crops, 400 to 500 fan., besides a quantity of wine, brandy, 
 and cotton. 
 
 Guadalupe, founded 1720. Franciscans 1768-72, Sancho de la Torre, 
 Villaumbrales, and Lago, who baptized 53 and buried 130. The only Domini 
 can named is Arbinain 1794. 140 Ind. in 1772; 84 in 1790; 73-4 in 1791-5. 
 Fine pasturage. Horses and mules slowly decreased from 180 in 1772 to 108 
 in 1794; cattle increased from 200 to 500; sheep and goats decreased from 
 1,300 to 486. Crops, 200 to 75 fan. Adobe church 32 x 7 varas. Padre's 
 house with 5 rooms. This mission was suppressed in 1795, the neophytes be 
 ing sent to Purisima. 
 
 San Ignacio, founded 1728. Franciscans 1768-72, Campa y Cos, Veytia, 
 and Legoinera, who baptized 15 (?) and buried 293. Dominicans, Gomez to 
 1793, Calvo, 1794-5; Llorente, 1796; Timon, 1795-8. 558 Ind. in 1772; 241 in 
 
740 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 tion increasing from 1782 to 1800, chiefly by conver 
 sions at the new missions, from 3,000 to 4,500; and 
 of this number from 400 to 800 appear to have been of 
 Spanish and mixed race. Live-stock in 1782 included 
 in round numbers 1,700 horses, 600 mules, 200 asses, 
 
 1782; 216 in 1790; 169 in 1794; 133 in 1798; 130 in 1800. Horses and mules 
 increased from 100 to 340 in 1782-1800; cattle, 87 in 1772; afterwards 500, 
 300, 500; sheep and goats generally about 1,000. Crops, 750 to 1,000 fan. of 
 
 Cin, 90 to 400 tinajas of wine, and some cotton. This mission had good 
 d and raised much fruit, such as figs, dates, and pomegranates. The 
 church, completed by the Dominicans before 1786, was of stone with arched 
 roof 44 x 7.5 varas, the finest in the country, as were all the buildings. 
 
 Santa Gertrudis, founded 1752. Franciscans 1768-72, Basterra, Sancho, 
 and Amurrio, who baptized 254 and buried 403; marrying 102. Dominican, 
 Espin, 1794-8. There were 1138 Ind. in 1772; but in'] 782-1800 they dwin 
 dled from 317 to 203. Horses and mules varied from 100 to 200, generally 
 about 150; cattle decreased from 800 in 1772 to 212 in 1782, 329 in 1787, 80 
 in 1800; sheep and goats multiplied from 610 in 1772 to 2,770 in 1800. Crops, 
 278 to 126 fan. , with 100 to 19 tinajas wine before 1785. But little good land 
 or water. Resources, $62 in 1782, $351 in 1784. Poor adobe church. 
 
 San Francisco de Borja, founded 1759. Franciscans, 1768-72, Lasuen and 
 Senra, who baptized 401 and buried 499. Dominicans, Zavaleta, 1783; Sal- 
 gado, 1795-9; Pous, 1797-1800; Lazaro, 1797-9. 1,479 Ind. in 1772; 650 to 
 400 in 1782-1800. Horses and mules, 257 to 130; cattle, 500 in 1772, 366- 
 400 in 1782-8; 123-31 in 1793-1800; sheep and goats, 2, 600-3, 000 in 1772-88, 
 1,400-1,000 in 1793-1800. Crops generally about 350 fan., with 5-40 tin. 
 wine and brandy. Adobe church 32-7 varas. Stone house. 
 
 San Fernando de Velicata, founded 1769 by Franciscans (or rather trans 
 ferred from Santa Maria which had been founded in 1766). PP. Campa, 
 Fuster, Linares, and Cambon, who baptized 380 and buried 12. 296 Ind. in 
 1772, 642 in 1782, 479 in 1790, 525 in 1794, 363 in 1800. Dominicans, Coello, 
 1794-7, Arbiiia, 1797-9, Caulas, 1797. Horses and mules, 30-80; cattle, 
 49, 152, 38, 110; sheep, 84, 460, 153; hogs, 22, 32, 3, 13. Crops, about 1000 
 fan. in 1782-7, 99 fan. in 1788, 767-660 in 1793-1800. Some cotton. Adobe 
 church and house. 
 
 Rosario, founded 1774 by Dominicans. PP. Galisteo 1775, Gandiaga 
 1790, Fernandez to 1792, Belda 1794-7, Rivas 1798. 251 Ind. in 1782, 348 in 
 1790, 390 in 1793, 257 in 1800. Horses and mules, 93, 68, 112; cattle, 
 140-300; sheep and goats, 428, 1,133, 790; swine, 55, 94, 30. Crops, 624-2,554 
 fan., large and small alternate years. Resources in 1782-4, $224. Adobe 
 church and house. 
 
 Santo Domingo, founded 1775. PP. Garcia 1775-6, Hidalgo 1775, 
 Aivar 1790, Abad 1794-8, Codina 1797. 79 Ind. in 1782, 205 in 1790, 194 
 in 1791, 296 in 1793, 257 in 1SOO. Horses and mules, 90, 55, 166; cattle, 
 167, 39, 300, 500; sheep, 53, 49, 116, 200, 1,100; hogs, 29, 5, 12, 30; crops, 
 410, 692, 300, 1,620 fan. Adobe church and house. 
 
 San Vicente Ferrer, founded 1780. PP. Hidalgo, Valero, Gallego, Ruiz, 
 Pallas, Valdellon, Lopez, and Fontcuberta. 83 Ind. in 1782, 257 in 1785, 179 
 in 1793, 246 in 1800. Horses and mules, 46, 116, 93, 218, 161; cattle, 56, 242, 
 750; sheep, 141, 817, 600, 1,300. Crops, 347, 510, 904, 400, 760 fan. Adobe 
 church and house. 
 
 San Miguel, founded 1787. PP. Cruzado, Apolinario, Yoldi, Lopez, and 
 Escola. 171 Ind. in 1793, 206 in 1794, 224 in 1800. Horses and mules, 
 100-328; cattle, 152 ? 250, 1,350; sheep and goats, 644, 447, 1,651. Crop in 
 1788, 550 fan. Adobe church and house. 
 
 Santo Tomas, founded 1791; moved in 1794. PP. Llorente 1791-8, Lopez 
 
LIST OF DOMINICANS. 
 
 741 
 
 3,900 cattle, 8,400 sheep, and 100 swine; and these 
 numbers were nearly doubled at the end of the cen 
 tury; though they were considerably diminished down 
 to 1788. Grain crops varied from 3,500 to 13,000 
 fanegas per year, being 7,000 fanegas, or 10,500 
 bushels, on an average; and the country also produced 
 small quantities of wine, brandy, cotton, and fruits. 
 
 1797, Fontcuberta 1798. 96 Ind. in 1791, 151 in 1794, 262 in 1800. Horses 
 and mules, 172-187; cattle, 350-1,070; she*p and goats, 650-2,400. Crops, 
 652, 782, 1,550 fan. Adobe church and house. 
 
 San Pedro Martyr, founded 1794. PP. Pallas and Grijalva, 1794, Caba- 
 llero 1695, Rivas and Apolinario 1797-8, Caulas 1798. 60 Ind. in 1794, 92 in 
 1800. 140 horses and mules, 600 cattle, 700 sheep and goats, and 50 swine in 
 1800. Crop, 435 fan. in 1800. 
 
 Santa Cataliua Martyr, founded 1797. PP. Valdellon and Llorente. 133 
 Ind. in 1800, 145 horses and mules, 315 cattle; and 312 sheep and goats in 
 1800. Crop, 31 fan. 
 
 List of Dominican padres in Baja California, 1773-1800, the dates at 
 tached to each name being generally not those of arrival and departure, but 
 of first and last appearance on the records : 
 
 Abad, Miguel, 1791-8. 
 Acebedo, Pedro, to 1798. 
 Aivar, Jose, 1790. 
 Apolinario, Mariano, 1786-98. 
 Arbiiia, Rafael, 1795-8. 
 Armesto, Jose, 1790. 
 Belda, Vicente, 1794-1800. 
 Berraguero, Antonio, 1793. 
 Caballero, Antonio, to 1798. 
 Caballero, Rafael, to 1798. 
 Calvo, Joaquin, to 1795. 
 Caulas, Jose", 1797-8. 
 Codina, Jaime, 1797-8. 
 Coello, Jorge, 1789-99. 
 Coucepcion, Antonio, to 1798. 
 Conouse (?), Jos, 1796-8. 
 Cruzado, Antonio, 1777. 
 Escola, Raimundo, 1797-1800. 
 Espin, Jose, 1794-9. 
 Estevez, Jose, 1776-96. 
 Fernandez, Mariano, 1790-8. 
 Fernandez, Vicente, 1792. 
 Fontcuberta, Sigismundo, 1798-1800. 
 Galisteo, Francisco, 1775. 
 Gallego, Miguel, 1790-1880. 
 Gandara, Pedro (?). 
 Gandiaga, Pedro, 1790. 
 Garcia, Manuel, 1775. 
 Gomez. Juan Cris6stomo, 1781-92. 
 Grijalva, Juan Pablo, 1794. 
 Herrera, Jose, 1793-6. 
 Hidalgo, Miguel, 1780-6. 
 Hontiyuelo, Francisco, 1790-8. 
 
 Lafuente, Jose, 1774-96. 
 Ldzaro, Antonio, 1797-8. 
 Llorente, Jose, 1789-98. 
 Lopez, Miguel, 1795-8. 
 Lopez, Ramon, from 1796. 
 Luesma, Antonio. 
 Marin, Tomas, 1788-98. 
 
 Mesa, , 1793. 
 
 Mora, Vicente, from 1772-83. 
 Munoz, Nicolas, 1779. 
 Naranjo, Jos3, to 1783. 
 Pallas, Cayetano, 1788-1800. 
 Pens', Melchor, 1794-1800. 
 Rivas, Juan, 1797-8. 
 Ruiz, Jose, Manuel, 1790. 
 Soles, Luis, 1772-88. 
 Salgado, Juan Maria, 1798-9. 
 Sanchez, Antonio, 1794-8. 
 Santolarra, Jos6. 
 Sanz, Placido, 1797-8. 
 Solde villa, Ger6nimo. 1790-8. 
 Surroca, Eudaldo, 1797-8. 
 Tejeiro, Ricardo, 1794-7. 
 Timon, Domingo, 1795-8. 
 Urreta, Jos< Vida, to 1793. 
 Valdellon, Tomas, 1794-8. 
 Valero, Joaquin, 1779-96. 
 
 Verduzco, , 1783. 
 
 Villatoro, Jos6 Garcia, 1780-96. 
 Yoldi, Mariano, 1794-7. 
 Zarate, Pablo, 1794-8. 
 Zavaleta, Martin, 1783. 
 
742 ANNALS OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Finally is given an alphabetical list of sixty-five Do 
 minican friars who served in this field before 1800. 
 It is probable that a few names are missing for the 
 earlier years. Of the friars personally not much is 
 known beyond their names and in some cases the 
 missions where they served. The presidents have 
 been named in this chapter; and two or three black 
 sheep of the flock it is as well not to name, since their 
 shortcomings are but vaguely recorded. 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 OCCUPATION OF ALTA ^CALIFORNIA. 
 1769-1800. 
 
 DISCOVERY AND COAST EXPLORATION KNOWLEDGE OF CALIFORNIA IN 1769 
 MOTIVES FOR THE CONQUEST PORTOLA'S EXPEDITION AT SAN DIEGO 
 To MONTEREY AND SAN FRANCISCO BY LAND FOUNDING OF MISSIONS 
 JUXIPERO SERRA AS PRESIDENT RESULTS IN 1773 FAGES, RIVERA, AND 
 ANZA DISASTER AT SAN DIEGO SAN FRANCISCO MISSION AND PKE- 
 SIDIO GOVERNOR NEVE AT MONTEREY STATISTICS FOR THE FIRST DE 
 CADE TROUBLE ON THE COLORADO GOVERNOR FACES PUEBLOS 
 LASUEN AS PRESIDENT LA PEROUSE NEW FOUNDATIONS A DECADE 
 OF PROSPERITY ROMEU, ARRILLAGA, AND BORICA VANCOUVER 
 YANKEE CRAFT FEARS OF FOREIGN AGGRESSION END OF THE CENTURY 
 ELEMENTS OF PROGRESS. 
 
 As explained in the preface of this work, a History 
 of the North Mexican States must necessarily include 
 the annals of California, Arizona, and New Mexico, 
 which down to 1846 formed a part of the territory; 
 but only a brief resumd is required, because the prov 
 inces named are to be fully treated in separate vol 
 umes. This resume, so far as New Mexico and 
 Arizona are concerned, has been attached to chapters 
 on Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora; and it only remains 
 to devote a short chapter to Upper California. The 
 discovery and exploration of this country by sea, be 
 ginning in 1540,, were effected by voyages which have 
 been sufficiently recorded in this volume. The result 
 \vas a general knowledge of the coast-trend up past 
 Cape Mendocino; of the Santa Barbara channel and 
 islands; of the ports of San Diego, Monterey, and 
 old San Francisco under Point Reyes; and to some 
 extent of the country's peaceful people, salubrious cli- 
 
 (743) 
 
741 OCCUPATION OF ALTA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 mate, and fertile soil. This chapter will therefore be 
 confined to the Spanish occupation of the province 
 from 1769 to 1800, the same period and territory 
 being covered in all desirable detail by the first vol 
 ume of my History of California. 
 
 Besides the general and ever operative desire for 
 extension of Spanish dominion arid conversion of new 
 gentiles, leading motives for the occupation of Cali 
 fornia in 1769 were the need of a northern port for 
 galleons en route from Manila to Acapulco, and fear 
 of encroachments by foreigners from the north, either 
 by the English sailing through the strait of Anian, 
 or more probably by Russians crossing that strait. 
 The actual undertaking of the enterprise was favored 
 by the expulsion of the Jesuits and the fitting-out of 
 the Sonora expedition calling attention to the great 
 north-west; and success was assured by the superin 
 tendence assumed by the visitador general Jose de 
 Galvez. Under his direction, as we have seen, an ex 
 pedition was -despatched from the peninsula in the 
 spring of 1769 by sea and land under the command 
 of Governor Portola. 
 
 In July the four divisions were reunited at San 
 Diego, those who came by water having suffered ter 
 ribly from scurvy, which killed many of the number. 
 There were about eighty men of Spanish blood now 
 united at the southern extremity of the promised 
 land. Father Junipero Serra at once founded the 
 first mission at San Diego, though there were no con 
 verts for a long time and the missionaries were con 
 stantly annoyed by the thefts and petty hostilities of 
 the natives. Meanwhile Portola and Father Juan 
 Crespi with the main company marched northward in 
 quest of Monterey, which port they reached in Octo 
 ber, but did not recognize because of the exaggerated 
 notions respecting its excellence that had become cur 
 rent since the time of Vizcaino. Then they went on 
 until they caine in sight of Point Reyes and its port 
 of San Francisco, which they could not reach on ac- 
 
FOUNDING OF MONTEREY. 745 
 
 count of a grand intervening bay now seen by Euro- 
 
 Eeans for the first time, and to which a few years 
 iter the name of San Francisco was transferred. 
 Returning by the same route down the coast the ex 
 plorers arrived at San Diego in January 1770. There 
 was trouble here for w r ant of supplies, and a day was 
 fixed for the abandonment of California; but a ship 
 arrived most opportunely in March, and disaster was 
 averted. 
 
 A new start was made immediately for the north 
 by land and water, and early in June 1770 the mission 
 and presidio of San Carlos were founded at Monterey, 
 Lieutenant Pedro Fages succeeding to the chief com 
 mand, arid Portola retiring. For a long time the name 
 applied to the country was "the new establishments 
 of San Diego and Monterey." In 1771 the friars 
 were reenforced and two new missions were estab 
 lished, San Antonio in the north and San Gabriel in 
 the south; while the central mission of San Luis 
 Obispo w r as added the next }^ear. In 1772 Fages and 
 Crespi reached the mouth of the great river in an un 
 successful attempt to pass around the new bay and 
 reach old San Francisco; quarrels began between the 
 military and missionary authorities as represented by 
 Fages and Serra; and the latter went to Mexico not 
 only to unseat his enemy but to work for general 
 mission interests. 
 
 The Franciscans had now made a good beginning 
 in the north, and were pleased with the prospects. 
 Besides the presidio with its garrison of sixty soldiers 
 there were now five missions under nineteen friars 
 including those released by the cession of the penin 
 sula establishments to the Dominicans in 17723 
 who had baptized about five hundred natives. Live 
 stock numbered 200 cattle, 60 horses, 80 mules, 100 
 swine, and 160 sheep and goats. Serra toiled dili 
 gently in Mexico, inspiring- the government with a 
 degree of his own enthusiasm respecting the future of 
 the new California, and obtaining many concessions 
 
746 OCCUPATION OF ALTA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 in a reglamento which provided a military force of 
 eighty men to cost, with the San Bias supply depart 
 ment, about 73,000 pesos per year. President Serra 
 returned to his mission field in March, 1774; Captain 
 Rivera y Moncada, appointed to the command on 
 account of Padre Junipero's enmity to Fages, arrived 
 in May; and Captain Anza made an exploring expe 
 dition to open a route from Sonora by land. 
 
 In 1775 Perez and Bodega explored the northern 
 coast; while Ayala in the San Carlos and Heceta by 
 land made a new examination, as Rivera and Palou 
 had done the year before, of the new bay and penin 
 sula, where, instead o'f at the port originally so named, 
 it was decided to establish the mission of San Fran 
 cisco. But in the south this year was marked by a 
 great disaster, the destruction of San Diego mission, 
 moved the year before to a site some six miles from 
 the bay, and the murder of Padre Jaume by savages 
 in November. Meanwhile Anza with a company of 
 over two hundred souls and large numbers of cattle 
 and horses came from Sonora by the previously ex 
 plored route, arriving at San Gabriel in January 1776. 
 This company was intended mainly for the proposed 
 northern establishments; and after delays caused by 
 the disaster at San Diego and subsequent controversy 
 between Anza and Rivera, the mission arid presidio 
 of San Francisco were founded on the peninsula in 
 September and October, to be the northern frontier 
 of Spanish occupation throughout the century. 
 
 Besides the restoration of San Diego two new mis 
 sions were added to the number in 1776-7, San Juan 
 Capistrano in the south, and Santa Clara in the north. 
 Now Monterey was made the capital of both Califor- 
 nias, and Governor Felipe de Neve came here to re 
 side in February 1777. Before the end of the year 
 the first Californian pueblo, or town, was founded at 
 San Jose, the new ruler not regarding the conversion 
 of natives as the only desirable element in the building 
 of a new Spanish realm. In 1779 the Manila galleon 
 
THE FIRST DECADE. 747 
 
 touched for the first time at Monterey. In 1780 at 
 the end of the first decade of Californian annals, the 
 country was guarded by 80 soldiers in three presidios; 
 there was one pueblo with some 20 settlers; while 16 
 friars were serving 3,000 native converts in eight mis 
 sions. Agriculture and stock-raising had been intro 
 duced with flattering prospects; and there was a 
 population of Spanish and mixed race amounting to 
 nearly 500 souls. 
 
 A new reglamento prepared by Governor Neve 
 went into effect in 1781, increasing the military force 
 to about two hundred men, providing for new estab 
 lishments, and introducing desirable reforms in several 
 phases of provincial management, but at the same time 
 paving the way for trouble with the friars by certain 
 measures clearly intended eventually to interfere with 
 their exclusive control of the mission temporalities. 
 These innovations produced a controversy in Mexico 
 between guardian and viceroy; but they were practi 
 cally nullified in consequence of unfortunate occur 
 rences in south-eastern California on the Colorado 
 River. Here two missions were founded in 1780 by 
 the Queretaro Franciscans, without the protection of 
 a presidio, and without any other than purely spiritual 
 powers being conferred on the friars. In July 1781 
 these missions were destroyed by the savages, who 
 murdered the padres with some fifty settlers and sol 
 diers. This disaster was a strong argument for the 
 friars against any change in the system of spiritual 
 conquest; and affairs were allowed to go on practically 
 in the old way. Captain Rivera, on his way to Califor 
 nia with a portion of the reinforcements intended for 
 the proposed Santa Barbara Channel establishments, 
 was also killed with some of his men at the Colorado 
 River massacre; and this occurrence with its attend 
 ant circumstances seriously retarded progress on the 
 coast. 
 
 Governor Neve was succeeded in 1782 by Lieu- 
 
748 OCCUPATION OF ALTA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 tenant-colonel Fages, the former comanclante, who 
 ruled the province until 1790. Junipero Serra the 
 founder governed the missions as president until his 
 death in 1784; and after a brief rule ad interim by 
 Francisco Palou, Fermin Francisco de Lasuen became 
 president in 1785. There was much controversy on 
 paper between the political and Franciscan authorities 
 respecting various minor points of mission management; 
 but by reason of Lasuen's conciliatory spirit and Fages' 
 good sense the hostile feeling was less bitter than in 
 earlier and later times; and the period was one of 
 quiet progress uninterrupted by serious disasters. 
 During the decade five new establishments were 
 added to the fifteen before existing: Los Angeles 
 pueblo in 1781, San Buenaventura mission and Santa 
 Barbara presidio in 1782, Santa Barbara mission in 
 1786, and Purisima in 1787. There were in 1790 
 eleven missions with 7,500 converts in charge of 
 twenty-six Franciscans; four presidios garrisoned by 
 200 soldiers; and two pueblos with a population of 
 about 220. The total population of gente de razon 
 was 1,000. Cattle and horses had increased to 26,000, 
 and there were about the same number of sheep and 
 goats. Of commerce, however, there was as yet none, 
 save in the form of projects for the future. Maritime 
 intercourse with foreign nations began in 1786 with 
 the visit of the French navigator La Perouse, the 
 
 O 
 
 printed narrative of whose voyage gave the world an 
 excellent description of California and its institutions. 
 There were warnings in 1789 of prospective unfriendly 
 visits from General Washington's Yankee cruisers, 
 but they did not come. Father Palou published in 
 1787 a standard chronicle of mission annals for the 
 earliest period, and I copy his map of the Alta Cal 
 ifornia establishments. 
 
 The third decade and last of the century brought 
 but a continuance of prosperity, especially for the 
 missions, which were increased in number from eleven 
 
STATISTICS OF PROGRESS. 
 
 749 
 
 to eighteen by the founding of Santa Cruz and Sole- 
 dad in 1791; San Jose, San Juan Bautista, San Mi 
 guel, and San Fernando in 1797; and San Luis Hey 
 in 1798. The neophyte population was nearly doubled, 
 being 13,500 in the year 1800. Some padres died or 
 left the country, but others came from Mexico to take 
 their places, and their number increased from 26 to 
 40. Cattle and horses multiplied to about 70,000; 
 sheep and goats to nearly 90,000; and crops'varied 
 from 30,000 to 75,000 bushels per year. Mission 
 
 PALOU'S MAP OF CALIFORNIA MISSIONS. 
 
 buildings and chattels were estimated at about a mill 
 ion pesos. Notwithstanding this prosperity, there 
 were indications of later decadence, especially in the 
 excess of deaths over births among the converts, and 
 the increasing number of apostate fugitives; yet the 
 retrograde movement was not to begin for years, and 
 at the end of the century California was beyond all 
 comparison the most promising mission field in all the 
 North Mexican States. Controversies continued, and 
 charges by one of the friars led to a searching investi 
 gation of the missionary methods, the result of which 
 
750 OCCUPATION OF ALTA CALIFORNIA. 
 
 was 'creditable to the Franciscans. Father Lasuen 
 remained in charge throughout the period as presi 
 dent and vicar. 
 
 The pueblos were much less prosperous than the 
 missions, a new one of Branciforte, founded in 1797, 
 showing results even less satisfactory than the old 
 ones of San Jose and Los Angeles. The three reached 
 a population of about 550 souls. Earnest efforts were 
 made by the rulers to favor the growth of the towns 
 and to stimulate the settlement and industries of the 
 country; but with little success, for the settlers were 
 here as elsewhere inefficient men disposed to be con 
 tent with a bare existence; and the matter was made 
 worse by the mistaken policy of sending vagabonds 
 and even convicts to increase the population. The 
 gente de razon numbered about 1,800 at the end of 
 the decade. 
 
 Governor Jose' Antonio Romeu succeeded Fages in 
 1791, dying the next year; Jose Joaquin Arrillaga 
 ruled in 1792-3, ad interim; and Diego de Borica 
 from 1794 to 1800. All were able men and ruled 
 wisely. The period was for the most part uneventful, 
 but for occasional local excitements caused by revolt 
 ing neophytes and threatening gentiles. The Nootka 
 troubles between Spain and England awakened some 
 interest in California in 1788-95, and in connection 
 with^this affair several visits were received from 
 Spaniards and foreigners. Most notable among these 
 was the English navigator Vancouver who came three 
 times in 1792-4, and had much to say of the country 
 in the published narratives of his voyages. Several 
 vessels from the United States touched on the coast, 
 first among which was the Otter of Boston, commanded 
 by Captain Dorr, in 1796. The people and authori 
 ties were always in fear of encroachments from foreign 
 nations, particularly from England and France; and 
 the oft-repeated rumors of impending attack furnished 
 the chief topic of conversation and correspondence. 
 No foreign power, however, made the attempt to 
 
CONDITIONS OF PROSPERITY. 751 
 
 wrest this far-off province from Spain; and the only- 
 practical result of the excitement was a degree of en 
 forced activity in strengthening coast defences, weak 
 enough even at the last, and the obtaining of reenforce- 
 ments a company of Catalan volunteers and an artil 
 lery detachment which increased the military force 
 to about 380 men. 
 
 Alta California was- thus occupied for the most part 
 without resistance from the peaceful and docile na 
 tives, by the military and spiritual forces of Spain. 
 The docility, not to say stupidity of the Indians as 
 compared with those of most other North Mexican 
 provinces, greatly facilitated the success of the mis 
 sionaries; which was also favored by the wonderful 
 fertility of the soil, and by the isolation of the coun 
 try, and the absence of disturbing elements, such as 
 the influence of a vagabond mining population. The 
 settlers, not by any means models, were yet on an 
 average superior in many respects to those in other 
 regions. Officers were able and honest men who 
 worked faithfully, if not always with energy and suc 
 cess, for the provincial interests; and in the early 
 times there were no instances of corruption in high 
 places. Soon were to come ships from different lands 
 for Californian products, introducing a new element 
 of prosperity; but the good friars were to grow old 
 and somewhat too rich; foreigners were to foment 
 dissensions as well as ambition; and political strife 
 was to interrupt the happy farniente of the primitive 
 days. For this, as for all the other territories whose 
 annals we have followed in these pages, troubles were 
 in store, to be succeeded more speedily here than else 
 where by a new era of golden prosperity. 
 

 
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